evaluation of the role of security agencies in 2011
TRANSCRIPT
EVALUATION OF THE ROLE OF SECURITY AGENCIES IN 2011 GENERAL ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA
BY
JOEL TOPE EBENEZER
PG/MSC/10/52438
BEING A RESEARCH PROJECT PRESENTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF
MASTERS OF SCIENCE DEGREE IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT
DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA NSUKKA
MARCH, 2012.
i
EVALUATION OF THE ROLE OF SECURITY AGENCIES IN 2011 GENERAL ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA
A
RESEARCH PROJECT
BY
JOEL TOPE EBENEZER
PG/MSC/10/52438
DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA NSUKKA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF SCIENCE ( MSc) DEGREE IN PUBLIC
ADMINISTRATION WITH SPECIALIZATION ON HUMAN RESOURCES MANAGEMENT
MARCH, 2012
ii
APPROVAL PAGE
This research project has been approved for the Department of Public Administration and local government, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.
BY
………………………… …………………………..
DR M. O. IKEANYIBE PROF. FAB. O. ONAH
SUPERVISOR H.O.D
DATE………………… DATE……………………..
……………………… ……………………………
PROF. E.C EZEANI EXTERNAL EXAMINER
DEAN OF FACULTY
DATE………………….. DATE……………………
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CERTIFICATION
This is to certify that Joel Tope Ebenezer Pg/Msc/10/52438 has written this project under our guidance and supervision and to the best of our knowledge, his work is original and he did acknowledge all secondary information and materials contained therein.
I therefore approve the project report for and on behalf of the Department of Public Administration and Local Government, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.
…………………….. …………………………
DR M. O. IKEANYIBE DATE
SUPERVISOR
…………………… ………………………..
PROF FAB. O. ONAH DATE
H.O.D
iv
DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to my father, my helper, my defender, and friend, God
Almighty the three in one.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
My gratitude goes to God Almighty, who made the accomplishment of this
project a reality. I must also express my heartfelt gratitude to all my lecturers at
the department of Public Administration and Local Government. Their
commitment and selflessness is worthy of note and emulation.
I wholeheartedly appreciate the contributions of my supervisor Dr Okey
Marcellus Ikeanyibe, who, without his meticulous and rigorous perusal of the
project work, the present quality of research work would not have been
achieved.
Also the ceaseless supply of research materials from Mr Obinna, my
former roommate is also highly appreciated, may God bless him.
My sincere gratitude, goes to my wife Roselyn Iyehi Joel for her
unflinching support and untiring proofreading of my research work.
I also appreciate the moral support and prayers of my children, Martha
Olufemi, Barnabas Olutobi, James Jesutobi, Oluwayinka, and Comfort
Ifeoluwa. Thank you all and God bless you.
Joel T.E
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Abstract
The role of security agencies in the management of elections in Nigeria occupies a significant and strategic position in the election process, and, by implication, the consolidation of electoral democracy. Since such agencies play significant roles in organising democratic elections, their actions and inactions could make or mar elections. Owing to this glaring fact, this study was aimed at ascertaining the impact of the role of security agencies in Nigeria elections, using the 2011 general elections as a case study. However, the study also tried to investigate what brought about the inefficiency of the security agencies during the 2011 election in Nigeria and to discover what constitutes the unfavourable environment for the security agencies during the 2011 General elections. It was also aimed at discovering if there is any significant relationship between the role of the security agencies and the success of 2011 Nigeria General elections. The study started with the introduction where the researcher discussed the background of the study and it also embodied the statement of the problem and the objectives of the study, significance, scope and limitations of the study. It continued with the second chapter where the major focus was on reviewing the works of other scholars that has contributed to the subject of discussion. It progressed to the third chapter that constitutes the study area and the research methodology. Chapter four focused on the data presentation and analysis using statistical methods. It also encompassed the testing of the hypotheses formulated for the study and that paved way for chapter five which is the concluding chapter.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Approval Page ........................................................................................i Dedication ..............................................................................................ii Acknowledgment ...................................................................................iii Table of Contents ...................................................................................iv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background to the Study......................................................................1 1.2 Statement of the Problem.....................................................................5 1.3 Objectives of the Study .......................................................................7 1.4 Significance .........................................................................................8 1.5 Scope and Limitations of the Study ...................................................9 CHAPTER TWO 2.1 Literature Review ................................................................................11 2.1.0 Introduction ......................................................................................11 2.1.1 The Concept of Election ...................................................................11 2.1.2 Electoral Process as a Concept..........................................................14 2.1.3 Overview of Nigeria’s Electoral Process...........................................17 2.1.4 Role of Security Agencies in Nigeria Elections ................................27 2.1.5 Problems Encountered by Security Agencies in Nigeria Elections...........................................................................................30 2.1.6 Ways of Enhancing the Effectiveness of Security Agencies in Nigeria Elections...................................................................... 32 2.2 Theoretical Framework .......................................................................39 2.3 Hypotheses ..........................................................................................43 2.4 Operationalization of Key Concepts...................................................43 2.41 Methodology ....................................................................................45 2.4.2 Data gathering Instruments .............................................................45 2.4.3 Population of Study.........................................................................45 2.4.4 Sample of Study ..............................................................................46 2.4.5 Sampling Procedure ........................................................................46 2.4.6 Method of Data Analysis ................................................................47 CHAPTER THREE: BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON 2011 GENERAL ELECTIONS.................................................48 CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS 4.0 Introduction ........................................................................................55 4.1 Data Presentation ................................................................................55 4.1.1 Presentation and Analysis of Personal Data of Respondents ......55
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4.1.2 Age Distribution of Respondents.....................................................56 4.2 Presentation and Analysis of the Substantive Data..........................60 4.3Findings and Discussion of Findings ...................................................76 CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.1 Summary ............................................................................................79 5.2 Recommendations ..............................................................................80 5.3 Conclusion .........................................................................................82 BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................84 APPENDIX ............................................................................................88
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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study
An election is a contest for legitimate power that can be described as a
competition, fought within a political forum. It is important in this context to
recognise that elections do not avoid confrontation, but rather, focus on its
management and containment within accepted boundaries.
In practice, the assurance of equitable security during an electoral process
is essential to retaining the participants’ confidence and commitment to an
election. Consequently, security is both integral to the goal of an election and
an inseparable part of the electoral process.
There is no single model of elections or democracy that is universally
applicable to all countries. An election is unique and defined, not only by the
electoral rules, but also shaped by the social values, politics, religions, history
and culture of the people. In the same way, the security of an election is unique
to the circumstances in which it is conducted. The stakes of any given election
are different even if it is held periodically in the same country due to the
changing forces that shape the national interest and corresponding political
agenda (Adejumobi, 2007).
Similar to a sporting event, the rivalry between opposing teams entails
competition within an accepted set of rules, but does not allow for the use of
violence to seek victory. Extending on this comparison, if violence does occur,
it can lead to the disqualification of players (candidates), teams (political
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parties), an amendment of the results or the abandonment of the competition
altogether. As such, the emergence of electoral violence is not a result of the
process being followed, but signals a critical departure from the accepted rules
that govern the process (Ezeani, 2007).
At the beginning of this 21st century, the system of government chosen
by a great majority of countries on the planet is known as democracy. Whether
it is the direct form practised in the city-states of ancient Greece or its current
representative form, citizens have always resorted to elections to implement
democracy. Better still, since the third wave of democratization which began in
Southern Europe in the mid 70s, elections have become the major feature of
democracy to the extent that not only is it impossible to imagine a democratic
regime without elections, but also there is now a real risk of confusing the
holding of regular, reasonably competitive and transparent elections with
democracy.
However, election as a mode of electing people to control State Power,
does not bring only benefits and is not without risks for democracy, especially
when it is new. In fact, elections generally have their own characteristics which
make them a potential source of insecurity, conflict and instability for the
democratic system as a whole if they are not well managed. More specifically,
the issue of security during the electoral process is one of the major problems
which arises in the management of elections in new democracies especially
those of West Africa. The issue of security during the implementation of the
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electoral process poses major problems to new democracies. In fact, the issue of
security during elections can come up at all stages of the electoral process
meaning the pre-electoral, electoral and post-electoral phases. Its importance is
such that it involves almost all players in the electoral process ranging from
ordinary citizens to leaders of public institutions. Sometimes beyond the said
stakeholders, the issue of security during elections involves actors outside
(regional or non-regional) the country where elections are being held. It happens
sometimes that within the same country various group of citizens present
various degrees of vulnerability to insecurity during the electoral process.
In Nigeria, and probably elsewhere in the world, the legal framework for
the management of elections is potentially one of the major sources of
insecurity and instability. In fact, a misuse of this legal framework such as the
deliberate manipulation of these laws by those who are in charge of its
management10 and/or reckless use of this legislation is likely to lead to
insecurity, violence, instability and sometimes call into question the political
system itself. Thus, the legal framework can be diverted from its normal
objective for other purposes.
The legal framework can prevent certain categories of people from
enjoying fully the rights to participate in the management of their country’s
affairs through the electoral process. In fact, electoral laws can contribute to the
exclusion from the electoral process citizens who under normal circumstances
should have the right to participate.
4
The legal framework can also be exploited to change election results and
pave the way for the seizure of power. Most often, it is the president or the
contestant in the majority party who, using his majority in parliament,
manipulates the legal framework to maintain himself in power or strengthen his
majority in parliament. This involves, for instance, the revision of the
Constitution and part or the entire electoral code or texts regulating the electoral
process to create conditions conducive for the election or re-election of the
incumbent president. This can also involve exploiting the legal framework with
the view to reinforcing parliamentary majority.
Another problem encountered by security forces during elections is the
use of ammunitions by political thugs. Our experience in the recently
concluded elections indicate that there is an unbridled flagrancy in the
smuggling and use of arms and ammunition by political thugs and party
supporters. The result has been that political opponents are either intimidated or
outrightly killed or injured.
The implication of all this is that illegal arms get into the
hands of unauthorised persons who used them for criminal activities. Resources
which ordinarily would have been spent on developmental projects are spent
combating such crimes or repairing damages caused by these hoodlums. Worse
still the economic community are put on edge and many investors are scare
away by the apparent lack of security for their investment
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The 2011 election were characterized by electoral violence, however the
level of unbridled use of fire arms, were not as high as the previous elections,
that were mostly characterized by unmitigated violence and confusion
particularly in the Easter part of Nigeria.
The security agencies were more proactive in dealing with issues of
insecurity during the 2011 election in Nigeria.
However, in some cases there were evidences of inefficiency on the part
of security agencies that resulted in serious security challenges during the 2011
election in Nigeria.
The foregoing is tantamount to a threat to our national security. The
recent episode in Anambra State illustrates what damage unbridled political
gangsterism could cause.
1.2 Statement of Problem
The role of security agencies in the management of elections in Nigeria
occupies a significant and strategic position in the election process, and, by
implication, the consolidation of electoral democracy. Since such agencies play
significant roles in organising democratic elections, their actions and inactions
could make or mar elections. The primary goal of any elections management
body is to organise free, fair and credible elections with an outcome that is
considered acceptable by all stakeholders, but this motive may not be achieved
if the security agencies are inefficient in carrying out their duties. Most
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elections in Nigeria have witnessed several security lapses during elections and
this contributes to failure of Nigeria elections. Most times, these security
agencies are well funded and well equipped by the Nigeria government in order
to enhance their performances during elections but they still don’t achieve the
aim to which they were called. Security remains a concern, as more than 50
people already have died in election-related violence in the election year.
Nigeria shut its land borders, while police and soldiers stopped all vehicles
moving around in cities (Associated Press, 2011).
Also, the manner in which the electoral process is technically managed
poses the problem of insecurity, violence and instability. In fact, this can be the
case when officials of the security agencies involved in the elections
management do not perform their functions in quite a favourable environment.
Under such conditions which might include influence from the government
officials and political parties, god-fatherlism, corruption, political thugs, ethnic
influence, etc, it is possible that the management of elections are marred by
inadequacies which create a bias in the implementation of the electoral process
and the ensuing results and it is also likely that the organization of elections
would be affected by several inadequacies. This study is an investigation into
the factors that contributed to the ineffectiveness of security agencies during the
2011 general election.
It is in view of the above problem that the following research questions
are posed:
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(i) What brought about inefficiency of the security agencies during 2011
election in Nigeria?
(ii) What were the challenges that faced the security agencies during the
2011 general election?
(iii) Is there any significant relationship between the role of the security
agencies and the outcome of Nigeria 2011 General elections?
1.3 Objectives of the Study
Every good research work has its objectives clearly written out. This
constitute the purpose of the research work. Where there are no clearly stated
objectives, the researcher will likely deviate from the intended mission. It is
when the objectives are considered in relation with the findings and results of
the research that one can be able to effectively assess the research question.
The broad objective of this research is to ascertain the impact of the role
of security agencies in Nigeria elections, using the 2011 general elections as a
case study.
The specific objectives of the study are stated below;
(i) To investigate what brought about the inefficiency of the security
agencies during election in Nigeria.
(ii) To ascertain what constitutes the challenges for security agencies during
the 2011 General elections.
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(iii) To discover if there is any significant relationship between the role of the
security agencies and the success of 2011 Nigeria General elections.
1.4 Significance of the Study
Any reasonable research work must be designed to be of significance to
the society. Also, the significance of a study deals with the benefits that will be
derived from it after it has been concluded. This goes further to signify that any
research carried out without defining its significance may be regarded as a
waste of time and resources.
In view of this, this study will be of great significance to both
practitioners, scholars and students theoretically, practically and empirically.
Theoretically, this study will increase bank of knowledge by enriching
the available theories and suggesting ways of formulating new ones through its
results and findings.
Empirically, this study serves as a base for future researchers that might
want to delve into the field of election management.
Practically also, this study is very significant because it will help suggest
ways and improvise techniques of enhancing the performances of the security
agencies during elections.
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1.5 Scope and Limitations of the Study
Scope of the Study
It is very clear and obvious that there are many election periods in
Nigeria but it might be very difficult and rigorous for the researcher to cover all
of them. Owing to this, this study was made specific to a 2011 Nigeria General
elections.
Limitations of the Study
There are some factors, which have constituted hindrance to the success
of this research work, they include the following:
Time Constraint
The time within which this study is expected to be completed is relatively
short compared to the enormous work involved. This made it impossible for the
work to be as thorough as it ought to be.
Finance
Limited financial resources also constituted a hindrance to the success of
the study. A lot of money was required for transportation to various resource
centers where information will be generated.
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Lack of Co-Operation
Most of the individuals questioned were unwilling to give detailed
explanation on the issues raised. This limited the information available to the
researcher.
Data Inadequacy
This work had some limiting factors like inadequacy of data or near
absence of a reliable and up to date central data bank on the theme of the study.
Adequate and accurate records on the 2011 General Elections were not
maintained both at the commission headquarters in Enugu and its website.
However, despite these limitations, the study recorded a huge success
through perseverance.
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CHAPTER TWO
2.1 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1.0 Introduction
In order to evaluate and clarify the related works of other scholars in our
field of study, the related literatures will be reviewed under the following sub-
themes:
The concept of Election
Electoral process in Nigeria
Security issues in Nigeria Elections
Role of Security Agencies in Nigeria Elections
Problems encountered by Security Agencies in Nigeria Elections.
Ways of enhancing the effectiveness of Security Agencies in Nigeria
Elections
2.1.1 Concept of Election
The universal use of elections as a tool for selecting representatives in
modern democracies is in contrast with the practice in the democratic archetype,
ancient Athens. Elections were considered an oligarchic institution and most
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political offices were filled using sortation, also known as allotment, by which
officeholders were chosen by lot.
Electoral reform describes the process of introducing fair electoral
systems where they are not in place, or improving the fairness or effectiveness
of existing systems. Psephology is the study of results and other statistics
relating to elections (especially with a view to predicting future results).
To elect means "to choose or make a decision (Benoit, Jean-Pierre
Kornhauser, 1994) and so sometimes other forms of ballot such as referendums
are referred to as elections, especially in the United States.
History of Election
Elections were used as early in history as ancient Greece and ancient
Rome, and throughout the Medieval period to select rulers such as the Holy
Roman Emperor and the Pope (Arrow, 2003). Elections were also used to select
rajas by the gana in ancient India. Ancient Arabs also used election to choose
their caliph, Uthman and Ali, in the early medieval Rashidun Caliphate; and to
select the Pala king Gopala in early medieval Bengal (Robin, 1996). The
modern "election", which consists of public elections of government officials,
didn't emerge until the beginning of the 17th century when the idea of
representative government took hold in North America and Europe (Arrow,
2003)
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Questions of suffrage, especially suffrage for minority groups, have
dominated the history of elections. Males, the dominate cultural group in North
America and Europe, often dominated the electorate and continue to do so in
many countries (Muellar, 1996). Early elections in countries such as the United
Kingdom and the United States were dominated by landed or ruling class males.
However, by 1920 all Western European and North American democracies had
universal male suffrage (except Switzerland) and many countries began to
consider women's suffrage. Despite legally mandated universal suffrage for
males, political barriers were sometimes erected to prevent fair access to
elections.
Types of Election
In most democratic political systems, there are a range of different types
of election, corresponding to different layers of public governance or
geographical jurisdiction. Some common types of election are:
Presidential election
General election
Primary election
By-election
Local election
Co-option (Alan, 2007)
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A referendum (plural referenda or referendums) is a democratic tool
related to elections in which the electorate votes for or against a specific
proposal, law or policy, rather than for a general policy or a particular candidate
or party. Referenda may be added to an election ballot or held separately and
may be either binding or consultative, usually depending on the constitution.
Referenda are usually called by governments via the legislature, however many
democracies allow citizens to petition for referenda directly, called initiatives.
Referenda are particularly prevalent and important in direct democracies,
such as Switzerland. The basic Swiss system, however, still works with
representatives. In the most direct form of democracy, anyone can vote about
anything. This is closely related to referenda and may take the form of
consensus decision-making. Reminiscent of the ancient Greek system, anyone
may discuss a particular subject until a consensus is reached.
The consensus requirement means that discussions can go on for a very
long time. The result will be that only those who are genuinely interested will
participate in the discussion and therefore the vote. In this system there need not
be an age limit because children will usually become bored. This system is
however only feasible when implemented on a very small scale.
2.1.2 Election Process as a Concept
Within the context of a representative democracy, elections must be
perceived and managed as a process and not as a one off event that happens
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only on a given day or over a limited number of days. It is rather a process,
known as electoral process or electoral cycle which can evolve in a continuous
manner almost without interruption between two elections. The electoral cycle
can be divided into three phases, namely, pre-electoral phase, electoral phase
and post-electoral phase.
Pre-electoral phase
The pre-electoral phase is the period stretching from the start of actual
preparations for holding forthcoming elections to the end of the electoral
campaign. This phase is essentially devoted to preparatory activities and
execution of tasks directly linked to preparations for immediately due elections.
These include, for example, the amendment of the legal framework, training of
electoral agents, sensitization of citizens, compilation and updating of the
voters’ register, electoral campaign, etc.
Electoral phase (electoral period)
This is the polls which generally last for a day (or several days in some
countries). This phase includes all operations leading to the casting of votes by
voters and ends with the closure of polling stations.
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Post-electoral phase
The post-electoral phase is the period between the closing of polling
stations (meaning the end of the electoral period) and the declaration of final
election results (after all electoral disputes are settled). It includes, depending on
the specificities of each country, operations such as the collation of results,
declaration of provisional results, resolution of electoral disputes and
declaration of final results. The division of the electoral cycle into phases
always has some arbitrariness.
In fact, the demarcation line between the various phases stated above
could be shifted without compromising the relevance of the analyses made here.
Each phase can be extended depending on the activities and tasks one decides to
include and activities under one phase can be implemented in another phase
depending on the circumstances and specificities of each country. The
specificities of an electoral process go beyond what is indicated here. In fact,
elections present other characteristics.
Other characteristics of elections
Elections or to be more precise, an electoral process has a number of
specificities which make them a potential source of conflict. In fact, this
involves a number of arrangements necessary for the organization of elections
but their implementation may have political implications to which political
stakeholders and citizens are very sensitive. The said arrangements are mostly
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related to the necessary measures that need to be taken to improve the chances
of organising free, fair, transparent and sufficiently inclusive elections.
2.1.3 Overview of Nigeria’s Electoral Process
There are a lot of challenges with the conduct of elections in Nigeria from
the 1922 election to the 2007 election. It has been documented that elections in
Nigeria are constant tales of violence, fraud and bad blood (Igbuzor, 2010). The
challenges include among other things irregularities which put the credibility of
the entire electoral process in doubt; problems with the legislative framework
which puts constraints on the electoral process; several organisations are not
playing their roles to ensure credible, free and fair election; the electoral system
does not give room for inclusiveness; lack of independence of electoral
commissions; long process of election dispute resolution; irresponsible
behaviour by politicians and followers manifesting in thuggery and violence;
lack of effective democratic institutions and monetisation of politics (Igbuzor,
2010).
In order to address the challenges of election in Nigeria especially the
2007 election, the former President, Alhaji Umar Musa Yar’Adua set up a 22
member Electoral Reform committee in August, 2007 to “examine the entire
electoral process with a view to ensuring that we raise the quality and standard
of our general elections and thereby deepen our democracy.” The committee
had the following terms of reference:
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• Undertake a review of Nigeria’s history with general elections and identify
factors which affect the quality and credibility of the election and their impact
on the democratic process.
• Examine relevant provisions of the 1999 Constitution, the electoral Act and
other legislation that have bearing on the electoral process and assess their
impact on the quality and credibility of general elections.
• Examine the roles of institutions, agencies and stakeholders in shaping and
impacting on the quality and credibility of the electoral process. These should
include Government, Electoral Commission, Security Agencies, Political
Parties, Non Governmental Oragnisations (NGOs), Media, General Public and
the International Community.
• Examine electoral systems relevant to Nigeria’s experience and identify best
practices that would impact positively on the quality and credibility of the
nation’s electoral process.
• Make general and specific recommendations (including but not limited to
constitutional and legislative provisions and/or amendments) to ensure:
i. A truly independent Electoral Commission imbued with administrative and
financial autonomy;
ii. An electoral process that would enable the conduct of elections to meet
international standards; and
iii. Legal processes that would ensure election disputes are concluded before
inauguration of newly elected officials.
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• Mechanism to reduce post-election tensions including possibility of
introducing the concept of proportional representation in the constitution of
governments.
• Make any other recommendations deemed necessary by the committee.
The terms of reference of the committee is very elaborate covering many
of the challenges facing the conduct of credible, free and fair election in the
country. The Electoral Reform Committee Report submitted its report on 11th
December, 2008. The committee received 1,466 memoranda, held public
hearing in 12 states, two in each of the six geo-political zones and Abuja.
During the public hearing, 907 presentations were made. Experts were invited
from eleven countries and the committee made no foreign trips. The report of
the committee was presented in six volumes. Volume one is the main report
containing the executive summary and main recommendations. Volume two and
three contain memoranda received by the committee while volume four is the
verbatim report of the public hearings. Volume five and six contains report of
retreats held with foreign experts and the appendices to the main report.
The report concluded that the 2007 election is the worst in the 85 year
history of Nigeria’s elections which also showed a progressive degeneration of
outcomes. The report concluded that the Election Management Bodies (EMBs)
are overburdened with too many responsibilities which have affected their
performance. The report also pointed out that the legislative framework is
inadequate to guarantee the conduct of free and fair election especially with
20
regard to the appointment, membership, mandate and functioning of Election
Management Bodies. The report identified some factors that are responsible for
the poor electoral outcome in Nigeria including the mindset of Nigerians about
elections, poverty, corruption, lack of good governance, electoral system,
incumbency, military intervention etc.
The report made a number of recommendations to address the identified
problems including appointment of board of INEC by the National Judicial
Council after advertisement and selection process, unbundling of INEC,
independent candidacy, introduction of a mixed system of First-Past-The Post
and proportional representation and amendment of the 1999 Constitution and
the 2006 Electoral Act.
The report suggested the appointment of the Board of INEC by the
National Judicial Council (NJC) who should advertise all the positions spelling
out requisite qualifications, receive application/nominations from the general
public, shortlist three persons for each position and send the nomination to the
National Council of State to select one from the shortlist and forward to the
Senate for confirmation. The report recommended the unbundling of INEC and
the establishment of an Electoral Offences Commission (EOC), Political Parties
Registration and Regulatory Commission (PPRRC), Constituency Delimitation
Commission (DCD) and Centre for Democratic Studies. The report attached
three bills to amend the constitution, the electoral act and to create the Electoral
Offences Commission (EOC). The report recommended for the amendment of
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the constitution and electoral laws to allow for independent candidate. The
report prescribed that Nigeria should retain the First-Past-The-Post electoral
system but should also inject a dose of proportional representation based on
closed party lists, thus involving a mixed system. The report further
recommended that 30 percent of existing legislative seats at the council, state
houses of Assembly and the House of Representatives should be created and
filled through a proportional representative system based on list by the political
parties. The report recommended the open secret system of voting. It also
recommended that election dispute should be concluded before swearing in of
elected officials.
To be able to implement the recommendations, the report prescribed roles
for the National Assembly, Executive, judiciary, INEC, political parties,
security agencies, media, religious and traditional institutions, CSOs and
international organisations. While receiving the report from the Electoral
Reform Committee (ERC), the then President, Alhaji Umar Musa Yar’Adua
committed to implementing the recommendations. He stated clearly: “our focus
on the electoral reform is predicated on the belief that elections are the very
heart of democracy hence they must not only be fair but they must also be seen
to be so by our people and the rest of the world. We will carefully study and
implement with the support of the National Assembly those recommendations
that will guarantee popular participation, ensure fairness and justice, and bring
credibility to the electoral process in Nigeria. It is our abiding belief that failure
22
in instituting an acceptable process by which the representatives of the people
are chosen will definitely resort in failure in the long run. For us to proceed in
our effort, however, we need the buy in of all stakeholders: politicians, the
media, civil society and indeed all Nigerians. Nurturing and sustaining a
credible electoral regime indeed entail the co-operation and magnanimity of a
winner who can appreciate the burden of responsibility, and gallant losers who
will gracefully accept defeat in the certainty of the process if the process is fair.
From inception, this administration has considered it a sacred mandate to
institute deep and elaborate reforms that will lead to the restoration of the
integrity of the electoral system in this country, and to ensure that future
elections will meet minimum acceptable international standards.”
The Federal Government white paper on the Electoral Reform Committee
was released in March, 2009. The Federal Government accepted many of the
recommendations of the committee including unbundling of INEC, the open
secret ballot system, display of voters list, announcement of result at the polling
both, independent candidacy, abolition of State Independent Electoral
Commission, funding of INEC to be on first line charge on the consolidated
revenue fund, politicians convicted of violence and thuggery to be banned for
ten years.
But the Federal Government rejected the recommendation that
appointment of INEC Board and the three bodies to be created should be done
by the National Judicial Council. The Government also rejected the
23
recommendation that election petition should be disposed off before swearing
in. President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan has included electoral reform as one of
his top most priority. He sent the Justice Mohammed Uwais report unedited to
the National Assembly and nominated a new Chairman for INEC (Prof.
Attahiru Jega) along with national commissioners and Resident electoral
commissioners that have been commended by a cross section of Nigerians to be
people of integrity. The National Assembly has amended the constitution
through the First Amendment to the 1999 Constitution and enacted the 2010
electoral bill which has been signed into law by President Goodluck Jonathan.
While signing the Electoral Act 2010 into law, the President Goodluck Jonathan
reinterated his commitment to guaranteeing the sanctity of the ballot and
committed to doing all that is needed to guarantee free, fair and credible
elections.
ELECTION SECURITY THREATS AND ANALYSIS
The nature of an election makes it vulnerable to a range of security
threats against participants, infrastructure, information and materials. Effective
election security analysis must draw on information and expertise from multiple
arenas. A high-level of communication and coordination among the agencies
responsible for the administration and security of an election is a significant
advantage. Neither can security analysis and planning be effective when it
occurs only in a period shortly before the electoral process starts, nor depend
24
solely on reactive strategies. Anticipating and pre-empting security risks,
mitigating their impact or probability of occurrence, is a strategic endeavour of
both the electoral authorities and their security partners.
An electoral process is constituted from a complex series of
interdependent sub-processes, generically including: boundary delimitation,
civic education, voter education, voter registration, party registration, candidate
nomination, the campaign period, polling operations, tallying and counting,
dispute resolution and the official announcement of results. With the exception
of boundary delimitation (which often occurs following a decennial census
exercise) these sub-processes occur in some form during each election cycle.
Each of these sub-processes can be characterised by different types of threats,
influenced by: the particular approach adopted, cross-influence between sub-
processes and the individual circumstances of the election.
Further, the circumstantial conditions of an election can alter quickly,
requiring the rapid reprioritisation or invalidation of initial security
assumptions. Accordingly, the analysis of threats and risks is a continuous task
throughout the electoral process, and is not simply event driven. The types of
security threats likely to arise in a particular election are influenced by both
structural and circumstantial aspects of the election process. The structural
design of the electoral process such as the choice of electoral system may foster
or deter certain threats. For instance, an electoral system that uses a single
national district (the national borders form a single electoral constituency) and
25
allows voters to cast their vote at any polling station, will offer no direct
incentive to forcibly move voters within the territory – since irrespective of
where the vote is cast, it will be counted in the final tally. On the other hand,
this arrangement may promote efforts to forcibly migrate eligible voters across
national borders, so they cannot participate. In security terms, this scenario
reflects a heightened structural risk for border control operations during the
voter registration and polling phases of an election.
Circumstances will dictate in each election, and at each stage of the
electoral process, the level and priority of risk posed by different threats. For
example, when an election is a presidential run-off (the final two candidates
competing), the danger of political assassination represents a significantly
higher risk than an election of several hundred parliamentarians to an assembly.
Similarly, if an election is being conducted as part of a post-conflict peace
agreement, it has a very different risk profile to an election held in a country
with an unbroken history of democratic elections.
One methodology to map an election’s risk profile is by the identification
of mission critical assets (people, infrastructure, information and materials),
without which, the election cannot reasonably proceed. In combination, the
unique structural and circumstantial aspects of an election will dictate at what
phase of the process an asset is critical, and notably, if this may change between
sub-processes. Some electoral processes by their nature are better able to adapt
to certain types of attack. For instance, the destruction of ballot boxes at a
26
polling station after polling has been completed may or may not cripple the
ability of the electoral authorities to produce a result from the election.
The impact of such an attack will vary significantly depending on a range
of both structural and circumstantial factors. Separating ‘mission critical’ from
‘recoverable’ threats is a key step in building the election risk profile and
determining priorities. Against the backdrop of these regular security
challenges, several new threat trends have emerged in the past few years. These
include international terrorism and organised crime:
International terrorism
As a well-recognised ritual of democracy, elections can attract threats
from diverse groups, whose motivations may have no connection to the national
stakes of an election. As recent events have demonstrated, international
terrorists have the capacity and motivation to conduct “spectacular attacks”
geared towards fulfilling their own propaganda agendas. The intensity of media
coverage during an election is a highly visible period, affording an attractive
opportunity for such attacks to occur.
Organised Crime
The political tensions that arise during an election offer organised crime
groups an appealing opportunity – at a time when the authorities’ ability to
differentiate between politically motivated violence and criminally motivated
27
violence can be extremely difficult. Paradoxically, a group committing
politically motivated offences may try to have their actions interpreted as purely
criminal, whereas criminally motivated groups may wish to obscure their
actions behind a political façade. Of further concern, these interests have
become convergent in some post-conflict settings, where organised criminal
groups have been known to kidnap individuals and sell the hostages to political
groups for propaganda value.
It is necessary in any section on electoral threats and analysis to highlight
a cautious approach in carrying out this function. As noted in the principles
above, non-partisanship and impartiality as well as transparency and
accountability are important guides for electoral security. The choice of
methods and subjects of information collection, during an election period, must
be sensitive to the possibility of interpretation as a political intent and possible
backlash. As such, extra emphasis on procedures that adopt checks and
balances, are an important safeguard of the analytical process during elections.
2.1.4 ROLES OF SECURITY AGENCIES IN NIGERIA ELECTION
A major goal of any civilized society is to ensure that law and order is
maintained thereby guaranteeing the general security of the citizenry and
ensuring public tranquility. Chapter II, Section 14 (2) of the Constitution of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 states inter alia
28
(a) the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of
government, and
(b) the participation by the people in their government shall be ensured in
accordance with provisions of this Constitution"
In accordance with this Constitutional provision, the governments of
Nigeria have the responsibility to cater for the security and welfare of
Nigerians, and also to ensure that Nigerians freely participate in their
governments. The basic form of such participation is the exercise of the right to
vote. Therefore any situation that obstructs any citizen from exercising his civic
and constitutional rights to vote and be voted for must be taken as a violation of
his civic and Constitutional right to freedom of expression.
The government is supported in the pursuance of these by the Nigeria
Police which owes its legal existence to Section 214 (1) of the 1999
Constitution which states:
" there shall be a Police Force for Nigeria which shall be styled the Nigeria Police Force and subject to the provision of this Section, no other Police Force shall be established in the Federation or any part thereof"
The statutory duties and functions of the Nigeria Police Force are clearly
defined under Section 4 of the Police Act CAP 359, Laws of the Federation of
Nigeria 1990. These duties are listed as:-
I. the protection of life and property;
ii. the prevention and detection of crime;
29
iii. the apprehension of offenders;
iv. The preservation of law and order and
v. the enforcement of all laws and regulations with which they are
directly charged, as well as performance of such military duties within and
without Nigeria as may be required of them.
Statutes on the Policing of Electoral Process by the Police:
The instrument of power and authority of the Police to discharge its
statutory functions including policing the electoral process are contained in the
various statutes, such as the Nigeria Constitution, Police Act, Criminal and
Penal Codes, Public Order Act, Electoral Act, Criminal Procedure Act or Code
etc.
As should be expected and like security problems relating to elections,
the role of SFs in the electoral process can have many facets. In other words, it
is a multiple and varied role. The intervention of SFs is necessary at all stages of
the electoral process and concerns all key stakeholders as well as the major
factors of the process.
That is why, to ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the security
forces are responsible, at every stage of the process, for the protection of
persons and property, election materials, officials and institutions involved in
the process. Security forces, besides ensuring the security of the electoral
process at all stages, can also be involved, if need be, in the resolution of certain
logistic problems.
30
In spite of their multiple and varied nature, tasks that may be entrusted to
the security forces to ensure the security of the electoral process can be grouped
into three categories. These are mainly static functions (for example, protection
of buildings), dynamic functions (for example, security of transportation of
election materials) and stand-by functions (i.e. stand-by forces that can be
mobilized at any time, if need be).
Objectives of electoral security
• Physical security of buildings and materials
• Personal security of voters, candidates, representatives of political parties and
that of the body responsible for the management of elections and the community
in general
• Security of information, computers, software and election communication
systems.
2.1.5 PROBLEMS ENCOUNTERED BY SECURITY AGENCIES IN
NIGERIA ELECTIONS.
Electoral violence disrupts the electoral process and creates dissent
among the stake holders. When these crises are properly managed, these dissent
are localised and do not adversely affect the stability of government. If therefore
not properly managed, electoral violence, could, in conjunction with other
prevailing factors lead to anarchy and ultimately to political instability. Our
31
experience in the recently concluded elections indicate that there is an unbridled
flagrancy in the smuggling and use of arms and ammunition by political thugs
and party supporters. The result has been that political opponents are either
intimidated or out rightly killed or injured.
The implication of all these are that illegal arms get into the hands of
unauthorised persons who used them for criminal activities. Resources which
ordinarily would have been spent on developmental projects are spent
combating such crimes or repairing damages caused by these hoodlums. Worse
still the economic community are put on edge and many investors are scare
away by the apparent lack of security for their investment The foregoing is
tantamount to a threat to our national security. The recent episode in Anambra
State illustrates what damage unbridled political gangsterism could cause.
Electoral Violence:
In general terms, all forms of violence that emanate, at any stage, from
differences in views, opinions and practices during the process of elections,
could be regarded as electoral violence. Electoral violence is the employment of
force by political parties or their supporters to intimidate opponents and threats
to a democratic regime, and has often accounted for seizures of political power
by the use of undemocratic means, such as force"
32
In some instances, the violence was used to intimidate opponents in order
to force them not to dare open and free expression of their choices of
candidates; whilst in others, violence was in reaction to rigging of elections.
2.1.6 Ways of enhancing the effectiveness of Security Agencies in Nigeria
Elections
Good security critical to a free, fair and competitive electoral process.
Electoral staff need a safe working environment. Candidates need to be able to
move about the country and to campaign freely, and voters need to be able to
attend rallies and to vote without fear or intimidation.
Having good physical security enables the Electoral Management Body
(EMB) to administer the elections according to their operational plans in a
logical and well-thought out manner, rather than reacting to events. Good
security enables the freedom of movement for EMB staff and candidates that is
so necessary for a free and credible electoral process. It also enables the safe
and timely movement of valuable electoral assets and sensitive electoral
materials to registration and polling sites.
Good security, and an electoral climate without fear, can increase the
participation of political parties, candidates and the voters. It also enables a
more objective coverage of events by the media and easier circulation of voter
education messages and materials. Good security also protects the integrity of
the process and the accuracy of the results. Systems and procedures designed
33
with integrity mechanisms, including monitoring and tracking systems, are
essential components.
In general, good security requires:
• Good planning;
• An integrated approach to security issues;
• Coordinated effort of all actors and participants;
• Good systems and procedures;
• Adequate staff and funding; and
• Appropriate equipment.
As with the other steps of the process, security benefits from good
planning. Strategic and comprehensive planning looks at the process as a whole,
as well as breaking it down in to its individual parts. This includes looking at all
levels of the process (national, regional, local), all aspects of the process
(starting with the legal and institutional frameworks) and all actors (EMB,
police, political parties, observers, etc).
Good security entails a clear understanding of the division of
responsibilities between the different actors and the development of a good
coordination mechanism between them and the different levels of election
administration (national, regional and local). It identifies vulnerable areas
within the process and the physical sites that need protection, and the
development of protective mechanisms that are then woven into a
comprehensive election security plan.
34
Good systems and procedures are an essential part of good security. This
includes management systems. One of the areas that can create problems for
many EMBs, which is not often thought of as a potential security problem, is
the payroll system. In some countries, issues over late pay have created serious
problems, where unhappy registrars or poll workers have taken election
materials hostage, rioted or actually worked to subvert the system. Knowing
who is on the payroll, how much they will be paid, and the how and when of
payment is a security imperative. Other management issues, such as not having
enough staff or funding can also affect the physical security of the process.
Essential steps may be dropped or staff spread to thin-all creating opportunities
for mistakes, corruption or fraud.
Problems can also arise with inadequate or inappropriate equipment and
materials. These issues go back to the planning phases when the
communications and systems were designed and the procurement plan was
developed. The system adopted must be appropriate to the conditions within the
country (i.e. if there are mountains, will the radio system reach to the other
side?) and reliable (can the radios be easily operated and maintained?). Ensuring
that the EMB and law enforcement have good communications with all EMB
offices and polling stations ensures that EMB instructions can reach all areas of
the country, and that a polling station facing problems can immediately report
them back to the EMB or police department.
35
The organisation and conduct of credible elections demand adherence to
principles and rights, which in practice, impose significant challenges for
ensuring effective security, including:
Transparency requires that the steps of an electoral process be well
advertised to the public;
Elections must be held in compliance with national laws that usually
create immutable timeframes;
Freedom of speech and association can create a politically-charged
atmosphere which may polarise communities;
The institutions responsible for the administration and security of an
election must fulfil their mandates impartially, and may be constrained by the
need to avoid perceptions that they are favouring a particular political
competitor;
Inclusiveness requires that an election be a highly decentralised
operation, with massive logistical requirements involving the recruitment of
tens of thousands of temporary staff, and the operation of polling places and
offices.
To operate effectively within these electoral requirements, security forces
need to be guided by their own principles, including:
36
Equitable and rights-based
Participants in an election must be treated in an equitable manner by both
security forces and electoral officials. Reasonable and proportionate responses
to actions must be consistent, which cannot be influenced by arbitrary factors,
such as, political affiliation. An election is a mechanism by which people are
able to exercise their political, civil and human rights. Security protocols must
consider and acknowledge these rights, as well as the heightened sensitivity and
scrutiny to the respect for these rights that occur during an election period.
National ownership
Elections are a sovereign process. However, in some circumstances such
as, post-conflict or transitional elections, national security forces may need to be
strengthened by international forces. To the degree permitted, the security of an
election should fall within the ownership and control of a national authority to
reflect sovereignty and avoid allegations of international interference.
Advantageously, indigenous security forces are the most sensitive to their
cultural practices and may therefore be best positioned to interpret and respond
to emerging threats.
Strategic
Elections are normally planned 18 to 24 months before polling day and
occur as a widely dispersed exercise requiring significant planning and
37
preparatory activities. Security forces (police and/or military) rarely possess
sufficient standing resources to secure an election, and simultaneously carry-out
their regular duties. Integrated strategic planning by the electoral and security
institutions is essential to prioritise, allocate and coordinate necessary resources.
Non-partisan and impartial
To be effective, security forces must avoid allegations of partisan bias. If
security forces are found to behave in a partisan way, rather than defusing
tensions they may heighten them and undermine their own function in the
process. During the election period (especially during the campaign period)
normal security actions may become the subject of analysis which evokes
political dimensions. In politics in general, and in elections in particular,
perception is as important as reality. As such, senior security managers must
actively consider these political dimensions to preserve not only the reality, but
the perception of impartiality.
Flexible and efficient
Electoral processes can face late-stage amendments to accommodate
emerging legal, operational or political conditions that arise. In the first
instance, security planning should include a range of contingency plans and
resources to ensure flexibility. Alternatively, clearly defined constraints on
security capabilities and resources based on efficient planning should be
38
available to inform decision makers on the range of options that are feasible to
accommodate. The efficiency of these operations, both in delivering
substantive security services and adjusting to changes, is an important indicator
for the confidence of the electoral participants.
Transparent and accountable
In security operations there is always a tension between operational
security policies of ‘need to know’ and the public interest. In an election
period, disclosure policies are normally best weighted towards the public
interest, recognising the importance and value of transparency. In cases where
it is necessary to protect information, extra accountability measures may be
necessary to ensure post-event justifications. Transparency in this context also
refers to enhancing consultative mechanisms with political groups, civil society
and other organisations to ensure the role and functions of security forces are
well understood in the process.
A favourite saying of this author is: ‘The best operational solution is
rarely politically feasible’. In many cases, the political dimensions of an
election can create obstacles to otherwise seemingly simple security decisions.
This feature of the electoral process highlights the potential frustrations that can
arise between security and electoral officials.
Ultimately, an operational solution cannot be considered desirable if it
does not address the necessary political conditions. This discord emphasizes the
39
need for strong communication and coordination between security forces and
electoral institutions.
2.2 Theoretical Framework
In this work, the researcher shall used the systems approach to explain the
relationship between security and elections. Systems theory was originally
proposed by Hungarian Biologist Ludwiig von Bertalanffy in 1928. The system
approach was first developed in the biological and social engineering sciences
before it was adopted by social scientist in explaining social and organizational
phenomena.
David Easton (1965:121) utilized the approach in his System Analysis of
Political Life. Daniel Katz and Robert Khan (1966:9) also used the open system
approach in studying The Social Psychology of Organizations. G.O. Nwankwo
(1988:209) also adopted the systems approach in his book “Education and
Training for Public Management in Nigeria”(Quoted in Onah F.O. 2008:141).
The theory can also be traceable to other scholars such as Wendell French
(1978), Edastoad (1981) among others.
The central tenets of the systems theory can be summarized as follows;
1. A system can be perceived as a whole with its parts and their
interdependent relationships.
40
2. A system has its boundary and can be viewed in terms of its relationship
with other systems.
3. Systems have sub-systems and are also a part of a supra system.
4. A system can be regarded as either open or close. According to Koontz et
al (1980:111) a system is regarded as open if it exchanges information,
energy, or materials with its environment a happens with biological or
social system; it is regarded as closed if it does not have such interaction
with the environment.
5. A system interacts with its environment in terms of process that involves
input, conversion, output of energy, information and materials. A system
tends to re-energize or modify itself through the process of information
feedback from the environment.
6. As Katz and Khan (1966) further explain, “the entropy process is a
universal law of nature in which all forms of organization move towards
disorganization or death”. Onah (2008:141).
This framework perceives an organization as an open system consisting
of interdependent parts that are in continuous interaction with the environment.
From this interaction, organizations draw inputs in the form of people, raw
materials, money and information. These are transformed into outputs which are
exported back to the environment. This interaction with the environment is
therefore necessary for organizational survival.
41
The researcher adopted this approach because problems such as security
issues are considered not only in terms of securing lives and properties, but also
in terms of the objectives and goals of the total electoral system. This implies
that the researcher is also concerned with the objectives of the total system,
rather than objective of any component within the system.
The system theory emphasizes that an organization which functions as a
whole and thereby comprising other sub-systems which function jointly to
achieve the raison desire of the organization. It conceives an organization to be
functional when all the sub-systems are also effective and efficient. Its
justification is in the functional interrelatedness of parts that enthrone the
criterion of efficiency which is seen as an imperative for organizational survival
and goal achievement.
David Easton (1965) propounded this theory to justify his definition of
politics as the authoritative allocation of values. For him, the political system is
a set of human interaction through which values are allocated authoritatively.
Five concepts were introduced in the so called political system advocated by
Eastern or we may call it conversion process, they are environment, input,
conversion, output and feedback.
The theory’s primary aim is to show interdependence of a system in such
a way that any dysfunction in one of the parts affects the whole. The political
system was seen essentially as a system of converting inputs into authoritative
42
decision. To arrive at authoritative decision, the system takes input, demand and
support. Demands are claims on how values are allocated. Support according to
him exists when the environment backs up the system or is favorably disposed
to it.
Output emerges from the system in the form of authoritative decision and
there is a process of feedback. Feedback is a process through which the system
adopts its self to the environment by modifying its behavior and changing its
interest structure. All these interactions culminate the system maintaining itself
in equilibrium.
For the purpose of our study, therefore the major components of model
are environment, input, conversion, output and feedback. For the purpose of
this, election process as a political system which converts inputs from the
environment into authoritative decision. The demand input will mean the
demand for adequate security during elections periods. The input of support is
also taken to mean the dedication, devotion, commitment by the security
agencies.
The feedback mechanism will be taken to mean the method through
which the security agencies express their satisfaction or disenchantment with
output produced. All these interactions culminate in the system maintaining
itself in equilibrium.
43
2.3 Hypotheses
Many scholars have, in one way or the other, expressed the importance of
hypotheses in research studies. According to Osuala (1975; 73), a hypothesis is
in a very real sense the core of the study in which it is used. He went on to say
that it guides the researcher in planning the course of the inquiry, choosing the
kind of data needed, in deciding the proper statistical treatment and in
examining the result of the study.
It is in view of the above explanations that this research tends to examine
the following hypotheses;
(1) The Nigeria security agencies were inefficient in performing their duties
during the 2011 general election.
(2) The security agencies in Nigeria were handicapped by unfavourable
environment surrounding them during the 2011 general elections.
(3) There is no significant relationship between the role of the security
agencies and the success of 2011 Nigeria General elections.
2.4 Operationalization of Key Concepts
Election security: Election security is the process of protecting electoral
stakeholders, information, facilities or events. Security in this context means
paying attention to human security and not regime security. The people should
44
come first in all deliberations, in all planning, in all protective mechanisms. The
security agencies should focus on the wellbeing of the people because they are
the ‘customers’ and as thus the ‘bosses’.
Electoral Violence: Electoral Violence means any random or organized act or
threat to intimidate, physically harm, blackmail, or abuse a political stake holder
to determine, delay, or otherwise influence an election process. Accordingly,
the nature of election violence may include physical harm, intimidation,
blackmail, verbal abuse, violent demonstrations, psychological manipulation, or
other coercive tactics aimed at exploiting, disrupting, determining, hastening,
delaying, reversing, or otherwise influencing an electoral process and its
outcome.
Election: An election is a formal decision-making process by which a
population chooses an individual to hold public office. Elections have been the
usual mechanism by which modern representative democracy operates since the
17th century.
Electoral Process: It is also known as electoral cycle. It is a process of election
which can evolve in a continuous manner almost without any interruption. It is
divided into three phases, namely, pre-electoral phase, electoral phase and post-
electoral phase.
45
2.4.1 Methodology
Survey research design was used for this research work. However, library
information constitutes also reasonable percentage of the data used in the work.
2.4.2 Data Gathering Instruments
Questionnaire
The research instrument used for data collection for the study was a four
factor structured questionnaire. The questionnaires were issued to the literate
and learned with closed ended questions and open ended where necessary.
ii. Secondary data
There was a general review of relevant literatures such as textbooks,
journals and other printed documents, magazines and newspapers. Unpublished
works were also consulted.
2.4.3 Population of study
The population of study comprised of all the officers and members of the
security forces such as police, the civil defence corps army in Nigeria.
However, due to the difficulty of reaching these people, a sample will be chosen
from the population.
46
2.4.4 Sample of Study
The simple random sampling that is, sampling with replacement was used
to sample 350 staff out of the total population that formed the study population
2.4.5 Sampling Procedure
The questionnaires were administered personally on 350 officers.
i) 97 Police Officers
ii) 98 Military Officers
iii) 77 Civil Defence Corp Officers
iv) 77 Navy officers
The respondents were required to tick (√) against an option that best suited
their opinion (strongly agree, agree, disagree, strongly disagree). Some of the
administered questionnaires completed were retrieved at the spot while others
were collected at much a later date. Out of the 350 administered questionnaires,
277 were well completed. Hence, this number makes the sample of study.
47
2.4.6 Method of data analysis
The data collected in the course of this study will be presented both
descriptively and statically. The descriptive method deals with the presentation
of the variables of the study (in relation to the subject) such as the profiles of
respondents.
The descriptive method is employed to enable explain answers obtained
from interview process and questionnaires presented to respondents.
Statistically, data will be presented with the use of tables to show the frequency
of respondents and their responses to research questions presented in the
questionnaire.
The Simple Percentage (%) method for the presentation and analysis of
numerical data will be used to test the hypothesis posited for the study.
Whereby numerical data is converted to and presented in percentages using this
formula;
% F x 100 N 1 Where, F = Frequency or number of responses to questions
N = Total number of respondents and
% = Symbol for percentage
48
CHAPTER THREE: BACKROUND INFORMATION ON
2011 GENERAL ELECTION
3.1 INTRODUCTION
As Nigerian prepares for another election in April 2011, signs and trends
send signals of a repeat of electoral violence across Nigeria. If trends in 2003
and 2007 are to be relied upon in predicting the scale of electoral violence in the
2011 elections, then Nigeria might as well prepare for the worst. Although, the
appointment of the new Chairman was greeted with cheers and hope, the
political parties are showing no sign of changing from the trends of the previous
elections. The spirit of Nigerians and the enthusiasm around the country suggest
readiness on the part of the large majority of the electorate for free and credible
violent free election.
Consolidating democracy and ensuring credible elections in Nigeria requires
building the institutional capacity of the electoral commission, comprehensive
and broad based electoral framework as well as controlling the level of violence
through a framework that would give responsibility to all stakeholders with
radical reprimand for failure. The 2011 elections present an opportunity for
Nigeria commitment to credible and transparent elections. However, the vibes
from the political circle suggest that Nigeria might be in for large scale violence
as witnessed in 2003 and 2007. A recent report on electoral hot spot indicates
high propensity for violence across the zones. However, the countdown to 2011
party primaries, was characterised by contemptuous and disparaging language,
49
employed as a political weapon to intimidate and exclude political opponents
from putting forward any challenge to the PDP in the 2011 April polls.
President Obasanjo set the ball rolling in this regard when, in September 2010,
he enjoined members of the PDP to see the 2011 elections as that of “Operation
Totality”. Operation totality which was aptly described by Reuben Abati as
“verbal bomb”, was indeed re-awakening of the “do-or-die” politics of 2007.
It is important to note that the use of “Operation Totality” to associated
with the methods that would be used by the PDP to “recapture” all the states it
had lost and remain in power perpetually is to say the least disappointing.
Nonetheless, this method could be used at the same time to eliminate all sorts of
electoral malpractices, to carry out complete elimination of unpatriotic political
godfatherism which had remained a major problem in Nigerian electoral
practices. Moreover, it could also be used to install men and women of integrity
in the political system, remove all corrupt electoral officers and security
agencies, and ensure the principle of internal democracy, upon which a viable
democratic system would be built. It is important, too, to note that the principle
of internal democracy in Nigerian politics is either non-existent or weak. This is
evident from what obtained in the last party primaries conducted by all the
political parties across the country.
Using the DPD further as an illustration, the use of foul and caustic
language to intimidate political opponents into withdrawal from the competition
was evident in the campaigns of presidential primaries between Atiku Abubakar
50
and President Goodluck Jonathan. In the build-up to the January 13, 2011
primaries, both of them were locked up in the party zoning arrangement and
unpleasant advertorials of one another’s alleged weaknesses rather them
addressing critical issues of national importance. This type of campaign is
inimical to the development of democracy.
Lawan Kaita, a one-time governor of old Kaduna State, had on the 5
October, 2010, contributed his quota in the use of foul and caustic utterances to
make a cheap point. Contributing in the debate and controversy surrounding the
PDP zoning method for presidential ticket, he remarked that:
Anything short of a Northern presidency is
tantamount to stealing our Presidency. Jonathan
has to go and he will go. Even if he uses the
incumbency power to get his nomination on the
platform of the PDP, he would be frustrated out.
The North is determined, if that happens, to make
the country ungovernable for President Jonathan or
nay other Southerner who finds his way to the seat
of power on the platform of the PDP against the
principle of the party’s zoning policy.
This statement was really a landmine, which explored after the presidential
election of 16 April 2011, in the North in the form of violence in Kaduna and
Bauchi States, particularly, because President Jonathan was declared the winner.
The violence was unfortunate and condemnable. Kaita’s utterances were
sacrilegious and condemnable.
The language of political campaign, which caused much electoral
discomfort to some political opponents and a large segment of Nigerians was
51
President Jonathan’s use of the word “rascals” rather than “radicals” to describe
the leaderships of South-West states. According to him:
The South-West is of critical significance to the
economic and political advancement of the
country. The progress of the zone is the progress of
Nigeria. It makes perfect sense that such a critical
segment of Nigeria is governed by those who have
what it takes… The entire South-West it too
important, too sophisticated and too educated to be
in the hands of rascals.
This seemingly unguarded electioneering campaign language aimed at political
exclusion, denigration of the oppositional leadership of the southwest region and
discouraging leadership of the region by any political party other then the PDP,
received a barrage of acidic comments from scholars and politicians.
The leaders of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Asiwaju Bola
Tinubu, reacted swiftly to the President’s comment by calling the PDP, “Poverty
Development Party” for daring to describe the Southwest leaders as rascals. He
added:
I think the president is wrong because this is an
insult to our parents. It is a speech from a drunken
sailor fisherman whose boat is about to capsize.
That is an insult to our parents. You don’t come to
this land, seek our votes and then insult our parents
that they have raised rascals.
However, it is not surprising that President Jonathan called the Southwest
leaderships rascals considering the fact that earlier in December 201, Tinubu
had described the PDP as a “poverty party” and asked the party to stop
52
dreaming of winning elections in the Southwest states of Lagos, Oyo and Ogun.
He added that if:
We have done what we should do, we (the CAN)
will win, but if they (the PDP) won’t and people
are finding excuses, I am not ready to discuss that,
we’re getting ready to get power from PDP, it is a
party of falsehood and poverty.
Following Tinubu’s response, Wale Ojo Lanre, the media adviser to the former
governor of Ekiti State, Segun Oni, described Tinubu with all sorts of names
such as: “rascal calling himself uncouth” and the “sole proprietor of ACN”,
whose members are born propagandists and men of low integrity”. As Rueben
Abati further noted, the use of this foul language was not surprising as Ayo
Fayose, the former governor of Ekiti State and former President Obasanjo had
used similar language on themselves. Then Obasnajo called Fayose a “bastard”
while Fayose responded by calling Obasanjo “father of bastards”. Also, a closer
examination of the political parties especially the ruling People’s Democratic
Party (PDP) reveal high level intra-party strife, disintegration and violence.
Campbell (2010) argued that the party has little internal discipline, no political
platform or principles, and it generates little popular enthusiasm. With the
declaration of intent by the incumbent and with the reversion of PDP agreed
pattern of rotational presidency, the Nigerian political atmosphere look highly
charged and tensed. Some faction of the political elite mostly from the North are
very disgruntled with the current power equation in PDP and are not willing to
53
compromise for the incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan as the PDP flag
bearer. This formation persuaded the former Head of state General Babangida
(Rt) to step aside for former Vice President Alhaki Atiku Abubakar in order to
improve their chances of wrestling power out from the incumbent. The trend
means that there would be no elite consensus candidate from PDP. Hence the
current intra-party crisis is unavoidable and there are chances of anti party
activities in days and weeks to come. However, as Campbell noted; a divided
PDP poses problem to security and stability of Nigeria (Campbell, 2010, p. 2).
This pattern is not new in Nigeria and the outcomes in the past were not
very destabilising. The April 2011 election is by and large a potential time
bomb for further conflict in Nigeria. Aside the PDP, other parties including the
Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change CPC, All
Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and the Labour Party (LP) are showing no signs
of relenting and are all fired to challenging the ruling PDP at all levels. And
with the candidacy of former chairman of the anti graft commission (EFCC)
Mallam Nuhu Ribadu and the former Head of State General Buhari (Rt),
Nigeria seem set for a very decisive period in its electoral history.
The recent court decision against some PDP states also indicates that
candidates might opt to win clearly and clean rather than entangles themselves
in webs of intricacies and uncertainty. In honest assessment one cannot predict
for certain what the intents of a Nigerian politician. The only certain thing is
that there will be large scale violence and level of intolerance from rival parties
54
especially if there are attempt to thwart election outcome. Another worrisome
scenario is the attitude of the Nigerian electorates to voting. Having been denied
the dividends of democracy for many years and with hunger and unemployment
still pervasive materialism and monetary inducement would play a big role in
the forth coming elections. In a research carried out, it was discovered that
almost one out of five (1/5) Nigerian is personally exposed to vote buying and
that almost one in ten (1/10)experiences threats of electoral violence (Bratton,
2008). The implication is that violence reduces turnout; and vote buying
enhances partisan loyalty that in turn cause electoral violence. The research
further exposed that the politicians concentrate their effort on vote buying,
material inducement and other forms of electoral violence in rural poor
communities (Bratton, 2008). This means that to ensure credible and violent
free elections in the forth coming polls requires great attention both in urban
and rural areas and the role of security agencies is further brought to fore, in our
quest for credible election in Nigeria.
55
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.0 Introduction
This chapter focused mainly on data presentation and analysis of data
generated from the responses of our respondents. The questionnaires were
administered personally on 350 workers in the target groups as the respondents.
The respondents were required to tick (√) against an option that best suited their
opinion. Some of the administered questionnaires completed were retrieved at
the spot while others were collected at much a later date. Out of the 350
administered questionnaires, 277 were well completed and returned.
4.1 Data Presentation and Analysis
4.1.1 Presentation and Analysis of Personal Data of Respondents.
Data based on Gender Distribution.
Table 4.1: Gender Distribution.
Sex No of Respondents Percentage (%)
Male 148 53.4
Female 129 46.6
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
56
Analysis
Table 4.1 above indicates that 148 respondents with the percentage of
53.4 are males while 129 respondents with the percentage of 46.6 are females.
This shows that majority of the respondents are males.
Data from the Age Distribution of Respondents.
Table 4.1.2: Age Distribution of Respondents.
Age No of Respondents Percentage (%)
20-30 53 19.1
31-40 127 48.4
41-50 69 22.4
51-60 28 10.1
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table comprises the age distribution of our respondents. The
table signifies that 53 respondents with 19.1% were within the age bracket of
within 20-30 years and 127 respondents with 48.4% were within the age bracket
of 31-
40 years. It also shows that 69 of the respondents with 22.4% were within the
age range of 41-50 and 28 respondents with 10.1% were within the age range of
51-60. The table also shows that employees within the age bracket of 31-40 are
57
more in number which then means that most of the respondents are matured and
responsible.
Data based on educational qualification of respondents.
Table 4.1.3: Educational Qualification of Respondents.
Highest Educational
Qualification
No of Respondents Percentage (%)
WASCE/GCE, O/L 18 6.5
OND 21 7.6
HND 49 17.7
Bachelors Degree 128 43.7
Masters Degree 58 20.9
Others 10 3.6
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
Table 4.3 above shows that 18 respondents with 6.5% has WASCE/GCE
or O/L certificates, 21 of them with 7.6% possessed OND certificates and 49 of
them with 17.7% possessed HND certificates respectively. The Bachelors
Degree holders were 121 respondents with 43.7%, the Masters Degree holders
were 58 with 20.9% while 10 of the respondents with 3.6% possessed other
certificates.
58
Data from the Length of service of respondents.
Table 4.1.4: Length of Service of Respondents.
Length of Service No of Respondents Percentage (%)
1-10 58 20.9
11-20 87 31.4
21-30 82 29.6
31 & Above 50 18.1
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
Table 4.4 shows the length of service of respondents. 58 of the
respondents with 20.9% were within the length of service range of 1-10 years,
87 of them with 31.4% were within the length of service range of 11-20 years.
Also, 82 respondents with 29.6% were within the length of service range of 21-
30 and 50 of them with 18.0% were within the length of service range of 31 and
above. This then shows that respondents within the length of service range of
11-20 are more in number.
59
Data based on Category of Respondents.
Table 4.1.5: Category of Respondents
Category of Respondents No of Respondents Percentage (%)
Police Officers 77 25.0
Military Officers 78 25.4
Civil Defence Corp Officers 57 21.8
Navy officers 65 27.8
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
Table 4.5 shows that 77 respondents with 25.0% are Police officers, 78
respondents with 25.4% are Military officers, 57 respondents with 21.8%
comprises the Civil Defence corp officers while 65 respondents with 27.8% are
Navy officers.
60
4.2 Presentation and Analysis of the Substantive Data:
Question 7: Security forces in Nigeria plays important role in Nigeria
elections?
Table 4.2.1: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 88 31.8
Agree 107 36.2
Strongly Disagree 50 21.4
Disagree 23 8.3
No Idea 9 3.3
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table shows that out of 277 respondents, 88 of them with 31.8%
strongly agreed, 107 of them with 36.2% agreed, 50 of them with 21.4%
strongly disagreed, 23 respondents with 8.3% disagreed while 9 of them with
3.3% where indifferent on the question that Security forces in Nigeria plays
important role in Nigeria elections.
This clearly shows that majority of the respondents agreed that the
Security forces in Nigeria plays important role in Nigeria elections.
61
Question 8: These roles that they play enhance the creditability of Nigeria
general elections.
Table 4.2.2: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 101 36.4
Agree 74 26.7
Disagree 40 14.6
Strongly Disagree 45 16.2
Undecided 17 6.1
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
Table 4.2.2 constitutes the response of the respondents on the question;
these roles that they play enhance the creditability of Nigeria general elections.
The table clearly showed that 101 respondents with 36.4% strongly agreed, 74
of them agreed with 26.7%, 40 of the respondents with 14.6% disagreed, 45 of
them with 16.2% strongly disagreed while 17 of them with 6.1% where
undecided on the question.
At the conclusion of the analysis, it was discovered the majority of the
respondents agreed that these roles that the security agencies play enhance the
creditability of Nigeria general elections.
62
Question 9: Nigeria security forces undergo some form of training in
preparation for the general elections.
Table 4.2.3: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 87 31.4
Agree 98 35.7
Disagree 53 19.1
Strongly Disagree 12 4.3
Undecided 27 9.5
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
Table 4.2.3 The above table showed that 87 respondents with 31.4%
strongly agreed, 98 of them agreed with 35.7%, 53 of the respondents with
19.1% disagreed, 12 of them with 4.3 strongly disagreed while 27 of them with
9.5% where undecided on the question.
However, our findings signify that majority of the respondents strongly
believe that Nigeria security forces undergo some form of training in
preparation for the general elections.
63
Question 10: This orientation increases their effectiveness and efficiency
during the election.
Table 4.2.4: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 109 39.4
Agree 72 26.0
Disagree 41 14.8
Strongly Disagree 28 10.1
Undecided 27 9.7
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table depicts that the respondents have no doubts that
orientation increases their effectiveness and efficiency during the elections. This
was shown in the table where 109 respondents with 39.4% strongly agreed, 72
of them agreed with 26.0%, 41 of the respondents with 14.8% disagreed, 28 of
them with 10.1 strongly disagreed while 27 of them with 9.7% where undecided
on the question.
64
Question 11: Nigeria security forces are well equipped financially to enable
them effectively carry out their duties during the elections.
Table 4.2.5: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 36 13.1
Agree 65 23.4
Disagree 74 26.7
Strongly Disagree 81 29.2
Undecided 21 7.6
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table showed that 36 respondents with 13.1% strongly agreed,
65 of them agreed with 23.4%, 74 of the respondents with 26.7% disagreed, 81
of them with 29.2 strongly disagreed while 21 of them with 7.6% where
undecided on the question.
The result from the above table shows that the respondents believe that
Nigeria security forces are not well equipped financially to enable them
effectively carry out their duites during the elections
Question 12: Nigeria security forces do not perform their functions effectively
during elections.
65
Table 4.2.6: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 124 44.8
Agree 62 22.4
Disagree 26 9.6
Strongly Disagree 58 21.0
Undecided 7 2.5
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table constitutes the response of the respondents on the
question; Nigeria security forces do not perform their functions effectively
during elections. After the analysis, we discovered that 124 respondents with
44.8% strongly agreed, 62 of them agreed with 22.4%, 26 of the respondents
with 9.6% disagreed, 58 of them with 21.0% strongly disagreed while 7 of
them with 2.5% where undecided on the question.
The result shows that Nigeria security forces do not perform their
functions effectively during elections.
66
Question 13: Their low performance might be caused by ethnic influences, god-
fatherism and corruption.
Table 4.2.7: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 46 16.6
Agree 139 50.2
Disagree 62 22.4
Strongly Disagree 7 2.5
Undecided 23 8.3
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table shows that 46 respondents with 16.6% strongly agreed,
139 of them agreed with 50.2%, 62 of the respondents with 22.4% disagreed, 7
of them with 2.5 strongly disagreed while 23 of them with 8.3% where
undecided on the question.
The result from the above table shows that the respondents agreed that
security agencies’ low performance might be caused by ethnic influences, god-
fatherism and corruption.
67
Question 14: Lack of adequate fund and equipments also contribute to their low
performance.
Table 4.2.8: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 94 34.0
Agree 98 35.4
Disagree 23 8.3
Strongly Disagree 43 15.5
Undecided 19 6.8
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table shows the response of the respondents on the question;
lack of adequate fund and equipment also contribute to their low performance.
94 respondents with 34.0% strongly agreed, 98 of them agreed with 35.4%, 23
of the respondents with 8.3% disagreed, 43 of them with 15.5 strongly
disagreed while also 19 of them with 6.8% where undecided on the question.
The result from the above table shows that lack of adequate fund and
equipments also contribute to the security agencies’ low performance.
68
Question 15: Lack of trained personnel of the Nigeria security agencies
contribute to their inefficiency during the general elections.
Table 4.2.9: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 59 21.3
Agree 128 46.2
Disagree 23 8.3
Strongly Disagree 61 22.0
Undecided 6 2.2
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table shows the response of the respondents on the question;
lack of trained personnel by the Nigeria security agencies contribute to their
inefficiency during the general elections. 59 respondents with 21.3% strongly
agreed, 128 of them agreed with 46.2%, 23 of the respondents with 8.3%
disagreed, 61 of them with 22.0 strongly disagreed while also 6 of them with
2.2% where undecided on the question.
The result from the above table shows that lack of trained personnel by
the Nigeria security agencies contribute to their inefficiency during the general
elections.
69
Question 16: The lapses on the side of Nigeria security agencies contribute to
the failure of Nigeria general elections.
Table 4.2.10: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 83 30.1
Agree 90 32.5
Disagree 46 16.4
Strongly Disagree 39 14.1
Undecided 19 6.9
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table shows the response of the respondents on the question;
the lapses on the side of Nigeria security agencies contribute to the failure of
Nigeria general elections. 83 respondents with 30.1% strongly agreed, 90 of
them agreed with 32.5%, 46 of the respondents with 16.4% disagreed, 39 of
them with 14.1% strongly disagreed while 19 of them with 6.9% where
undecided on the question.
The result from the above table shows that the lapses on the side of
Nigeria security agencies contribute to the failure of Nigeria general elections.
70
TEST OF HYPOTHESIS USING SIMPLE PERCENTAGE METHOD
The three hypotheses posited for this research will be tested using the
simple percentage method, because of its relevance in the testing of hypothesis.
Besides, it furnishes more conclusively, whether a group of observed
frequencies, deviate significantly from a group of expected frequencies.
TEST OF HYPOTHESIS ONE
The Nigeria security agencies are inefficient in performing their duties
during the 2011 general election
The null and alternative hypotheses are stated below:
Null: The Nigeria security agencies are not inefficient in performing their duties
during the 2011 general election
Alternative: The Nigeria security agencies are inefficient in performing their
duties during the 2011 general election.
In order to test the above hypothesis, question 12 was posited in the
questionnaire which states thus; Nigeria security forces do not perform their
functions effectively during elections.
71
Table 4.2.11: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 124 44.8
Agree 62 22.4
Disagree 26 9.4
Strongly Disagree 58 21.0
Undecided 7 2.5
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table constitutes the response of the respondents on the
question; Nigeria security forces do not perform their functions effectively
during elections. After the analysis, we discovered that 124 respondents with
44.8% strongly agreed, 62 of them agreed with 22.4%, 26 of the respondents
with 9.4% disagreed, 58 of them with 21.0% strongly disagreed while 7 of
them with 2.5% where undecided on the question.
Conclusion:
The percentage of the respondents that agreed is 67.2 while the percentage of
the respondents that disagreed is 30.4. Therefore, Ho is rejected because % of
agreed responses is (greater than) disagreed responses.
72
Implication:
The implication of this result is that the alternative hypothesis (H1 ) was
upheld, which states thus; the Nigeria security agencies are inefficient in
performing their duties during the 2011 general election.
TEST OF HYPOTHESIS TWO
The security agencies in Nigeria were handicapped by unfavourable
environment surrounding them during the 2011 general elections.
The null and alternative hypotheses are stated below:
Null: The security agencies in Nigeria are not handicapped by unfavourable
environment surrounding them during the 2011 general elections.
Alternative: The security agencies in Nigeria are handicapped by unfavourable
environment surrounding them during the 2011 general elections.
In order to test the above hypothesis, question 13 was posited in the
questionnaire which states thus; their low performance might be caused by
ethnic influences, god-fatherlism and corruption.
73
Table 4.2.12: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 94 34.0
Agree 98 35.4
Disagree 23 8.3
Strongly Disagree 43 15.5
Undecided 19 6.8
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table shows the response of the respondents on the question;
lack of adequate fund and equipment also contribute to their low performance.
94 respondents with 34.0% strongly agreed, 98 of them agreed with 35.4%, 23
of the respondents with 8.3% disagreed, 43 of them with 15.5 strongly
disagreed while also 19 of them with 6.8% where undecided on the question.
The result from the above table shows that lack of adequate fund and
equipments also contribute to the security agencies’ low performance.
74
Conclusion
The percentage of the respondents that agreed is 69.4 while the percentage of
the respondents that disagreed is 23.8. Therefore, Ho is rejected because % of
agreed responses is (greater than) disagreed responses.
Implication:
The implication of this result is that the alternative hypothesis (H1 ) was
upheld, which states thus; the security agencies in Nigeria are handicapped by
unfavourable environment surrounding them during the 2011 general elections.
TEST OF HYPOTHESIS THREE
There is no significant relationship between the role of the security
agencies and the success of 2011 Nigeria General elections.
The null and alternative hypotheses are stated below:
Null: There is no significant relationship between the role of the security
agencies and the success of 2011 Nigeria General elections.
Alternative: There is significant relationship between the role of the security
agencies and the success of 2011 Nigeria General elections.
In order to test the above hypothesis, question 8 was posited in the
questionnaire which states thus; these roles that they play enhance the
creditability of Nigeria general elections.
75
Table 4.2.13: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 88 31.8
Agree 107 36.2
Strongly Disagree 50 18.1
Disagree 23 8.3
No Idea 9 3.3
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Analysis
The above table shows that out of 277 respondents, 88 of them with
31.8% strongly agreed, 107 of them with 36.2% agreed, 50 of them with 18.1%
strongly disagreed, 23 respondents with 8.3% disagreed while 9 of them with
3.3% where indifferent on the question that Security forces in Nigeria plays
important role in Nigeria elections.
Conclusion:
The percentage of the respondents that agreed is 68 while the percentage of the
respondents that disagreed is 26.4. Therefore, Ho is rejected because % of
agreed responses is ( greater than) disagreed responses.
76
Implication:
The implication of this result is that the alternative hypothesis (H1 ) was
upheld, which states thus; there is significant relationship between the role of
the security agencies and the success of 2011 Nigeria General elections
4.3 Findings and Discussion of Findings
At the conclusion of the analysis conducted in the course of this research, the
following findings were made and discussed below:
Security forces in Nigeria plays important role in Nigeria elections.
During the course of this research, we discovered that Nigeria security agencies
played some important roles during the 2011 general elections. These roles
includes helping to safeguard the election materials and officials, ensuring and
conducting peaceful behaviour of voters and maintaining peace and order prior,
during and after the 2011 general elections.
The roles that Nigeria security agencies play enhance the creditability of
Nigeria general elections. However, our findings signify that the roles played by
the security agencies so much contribute to the creditability of the 2011
elections. The security agencies were deployed to some strategic points where
there are fears of violence, like Jos and some of the northern states.
It was observed that Nigeria security forces undergo some form of
training in preparation for the general elections. This training takes the form of
orientation and seminars for the security officers that will be used for the
77
elections. The officers are further enlightened on the emerging issues and new
techniques employed by the election thugs. They are exposed on ways of
managing the electorates during the elections and methods of curbing post-
election violence.
We also observed that this orientation increases the security official’s
effectiveness and efficiency during the election. This is because the offcials are
being reminded of the objectives and aims of involving them in the elections.
They are also exposed to ways of managing election violence and they are
reminded to put away their self interest while on duty.
On the negative side, we discovered that Nigeria security forces are not
well equipped financially to enable them effectively carry out their duties
during the elections. The security forces lack adequate fund to fuel their trucks
and vehicles, buy some gadgets like bullet proof, etc. This limits their level of
performance because some areas where elections are held in the rural areas
cannot be assed by them.
Nigeria security forces do not perform their functions effectively during
elections. This is caused by so many reasons which include lack of adequate
fund and materials. Nigeria security forces also lack adequate trained personnel
and that makes them not to perform creditably.
Our findings also showed that security agencies’ low performance might
be caused by ethnic influences, god-fatherlism and corruption. These factors are
classified among the unfavourable environments that hinder the security
78
agencies from performing their functions effectively. Ethnic influences and
corruptions influence the security agencies to divert election materials and
influence the result of elections negatively.
Inadequate fund and equipment also contribute to the security agencies’
low performance. Our findings showed that the security agencies were poorly
funded and they lack materials to carry out their responsibilities. These lead to
their low level of performance during elections.
Lack of trained personnel by the Nigeria security agencies contribute to
their inefficiency during the general elections. We discovered that lack of
trained personnel affected the activities of security agencies during the 2011
general elections. Most of the officers deployed for the elections were not
adequately trained, as such leading to some loopholes in the duties of the
security agencies.
79
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSION
5.1 Summary
This study was aimed at ascertaining the impact of the role of security
agencies in Nigeria elections, using the 2011 general elections as a case study.
However, the study also tried to investigate what brought about the inefficiency
of the security agencies during the 2011 election in Nigeria and to discover
what constitutes the unfavourable environment for the security agencies during
the 2011 General elections. It was also aimed at discovering if there is any
significant relationship between the role of the security agencies and the success
of 2011 Nigeria General elections.
The study started with the introduction where the researcher discussed the
background of the study and it also embodied the statement of the problem and
the objectives of the study, significance, scope and limitations of the study. It
continued with the second chapter where the major focus was on reviewing the
works of other scholars that has contributed to the subject of discussion. It
progressed to the third chapter that constitutes the study area and the research
methodology. Chapter four focused on the data presentation and analysis using
statistical methods. It also encompassed the testing of the hypotheses
80
formulated for the study and that paved way for chapter five which is the
concluding chapter.
5.2 Recommendations
This study discovered so many facts at the conclusion of this research and
it is based on these findings that these recommendations are being posited:
One of the major problems that hinder the Nigeria security agencies from
functioning effectively is lack of fund. Nigeria security agencies should be
adequately funded to enable them function effectively. In the 2011 general
elections, the federal government did not make plans to adequately finance the
security agencies, rather, huge sum of money was used to finance campaign
rallies and sponsor political thugs. Police officers on other hand find themselves
in difficult situations
Whereas they would like to uphold the rule of law, disobeying an order
from a powerful individual with connections in the corridors of power can mean
a transfer to some remote village or worse still loss of the only means of
livelihood. However, the reason most police officers become incorrigibly
corrupt and violent is the life they live. Nigeria security agencies are poorly
paid, lack decent accommodation and in most cases badly lack the tools of
trade. Other than the gun which all of them must have, most police officers on
81
patrol actually walk because they don’t have enough vehicles to move fast on
the scenes of crime and where they have a vehicle at the police station, chances
of having no fuel in that vehicle are very high. Therefore, adequate plans should
be made to sponsor the security agencies physically and financially.
Nigeria security agencies should be properly trained prior to any general
election to enable them be in tune with emerging security threats. Security
problems during elections are complex and they liable to change with time. A
good example is using political thugs to snatch ballot boxes which has now
metamorphosed to sponsoring these thugs to wear police or military uniforms.
The security agencies to be properly trained to be able to curb these emerging
security problems during elections.
In order to help stop the influences from the god fathers and ethnic
groups, the security agencies should not be deployed to the state where they
were born or where they are indigenes. This will help stop ethnic influence on
the security agencies during elections.
Apart from personal benefits, the police and other security agencies must
be well equipped with motor vehicles in order to combat crime during elections.
They should have two sets of vehicles; the branded ones for traffic patrols and
dealing with mob riots and unbranded ones to track dangerous criminals. They
must be educated to work with civilians in order to track perpetrators of
violence not only during elections but off election seasons as well. Changing
82
public and police attitude about violence must be an on-going process. For any
meaningful transformation to take place in the way we conduct our politics,
stringent ethics and integrity laws both for the law enforcement officers and
political actors must be accompanied by massive public education aimed at
attitude change. It is this change of attitude that will dissuade political operators
from unleashing violence on their opponents. When we change public
perception of politics, they will see the benefits of conducting peaceful elections
devoid of violence. And the government should be prepared to make violence
more expensive and unattractive.
5.3 Conclusion
As was mentioned earlier, this study was aimed at ascertaining the impact
of the role of security agencies in Nigeria elections, using the 2011 general
elections as a case study. At the conclusion of this research, it was observed that
the inefficiency of the security agencies during the 2011 election in Nigeria was
necessitated by some factors which include inadequacy of fund and materials.
We also observed that influence from god fathers and ethnic influences are
among the factors that constituted unfavourable environment for the security
agencies during the 2011 General elections and that there was a significant
relationship between the role of the security agencies and the outcome of 2011
Nigeria General elections.
83
We strongly believe the findings and the recommendations made at the
conclusion of this study, if well put into consideration, will help improve the
creditability of Nigeria elections through enhanced election security.
84
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APPENDIX
Question: Security forces in Nigeria plays important role in Nigeria elections?
Table 4.2.1: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 88 31.8
Agree 107 36.2
Strongly Disagree 50 18.1
Disagree 23 8.3
No Idea 9 3.3
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Question: These roles that they play enhance the creditability of Nigeria
general elections.
Table 4.2.2: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 101 36.4
Agree 74 26.7
Disagree 40 14.6
Strongly Disagree 45 16.2
Undecided 17 6.1
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
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Question: Nigeria security forces undergo some form of training in preparation
for the general elections.
Table 4.2.3: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 87 31.4
Agree 98 35.4
Disagree 53 19.1
Strongly Disagree 12 4.3
Undecided 27 9.5
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
Question: This orientation increases their effectiveness and efficiency during
the election.
Table 4.2.4: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 109 39.4
Agree 72 26.0
Disagree 41 14.8
Strongly Disagree 28 10.1
Undecided 27 9.7
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.
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Question: Nigeria security forces are well equipped financially to enable them
effectively carry out their duties during the elections.
Table 4.2.5: Response
Response Frequency Percentage (%)
Strongly Agree 36 13.1
Agree 65 23.5
Disagree 74 26.7
Strongly Disagree 81 29.2
Undecided 21 7.6
Total 277 100
Source: Research, 2011.