eurozone crisis in 10 points and one mystical vision

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    The European crises in 10 points (and one mystical vision)

    Agustn Jos Menndez

    PREMISE: It is wrong to talk of just one European crisis. There are at

    least five European crises (economic, financial, banking, sovereign debt

    and constitutional) which overlap and which reinforce each other. The

    European Union and its Member States have not only failed to solve the

    crises, but have made them even worse by not taking seriously the five-

    pronged character of the crisis. Measures which seem to promise solving

    one aspect of the crisis (for example, austerity in the form of internal

    deflation) only make things much worse on some or all the other four

    dimensions (undermining economic growth, putting into question theSocial and Democratic Rechtsstaat, worsening the banking crisis and

    devastating the solvency of the state). There is a need of specific answers

    to each crisis that are however harmonic and not antithetical.

    POINT ONE: Asymmetric Monetary Union (Maastricht Treaty, Stability

    and Growth Path)

    A) Hybrid and unprecedented combination of (a) federal and

    depoliticized (technocratic) monetary policy, and (b) formally political andnational fiscal and wage policies.

    B) This combination creates several risks and hazards (including

    irresponsible fiscal behavior by one state unavoidably affecting all states

    members of the currency union). This is why some form ofcoupling

    between national monetary policies, and of those with the federal

    monetary policy, was needed. There is a need of rendering the collection

    of autonomous fiscal and wage policies coherent, or what is the same, thefunctional equivalentof a single fiscal policy.

    How? The classical answer is political union and a federal state. But the

    lack of political agreement on how to shape that state, and when to create

    one, coupled with the political agreement to proceed with monetary

    union to anchor reunited Germany to Europe, resulted in an

    experimental solution, which was later relabeled as governance. With

    five main characteristics:

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    a) Full ownership of national fiscal policies, ruling out the acquisition of

    debt by the European Central Bank or national central banks, and

    discarding the collectivization or transfer of debt of any Member State

    b) Rigorous fiscal policy, as it has to be financed either through taxesor by means of issue of debt at market conditions (excluding privileged

    loans or forced loans, and placing the creation of money in the hands of

    the ECB, and in constitutional practice, in the hands of private banks, as

    the ECB will abandon even the pretense of controlling the growth of

    money)

    c) Free movement of capital not only ad intra but also ad extra, to ensure

    accountability of national fiscal policies vis vis financial marketsd) Political dialogue as a means to coordinate national monetary policies

    and targets focusing heavily on annual deficits (maximum 3%, objective

    balanced or close to balance budgets). Debt takes the back seat once

    entry conditions are softened in the case of Italy, Belgium and Greece,

    with public debts well over the target of 60% GDP.

    e) Excessive deficit mechanism, which left room for collective

    discretionary decision-making. Sanctions had a symbolic value, becauseapplying them in most cases will harm the interests of all Member States.

    This is why the Council of Ministers chose not to start the sanctioning

    procedure towards Germany and France in 2003.

    POINT TWO: PIGS become a success story, but how?

    Ireland, Greece and Spain seemed to be clear success stories, with a clear

    pattern of convergence with the core Eurozone country Germany from

    1999 to 2008. Even Portugal, which experienced a low growth, improvedits position vis--vis Germany.

    INSERT TABLE ONE (GDP GROWTH) HERE

    How was that possible? Basically because PIGS chose (or exacerbated

    their previous choosing) a model of growth through debt which was the

    path of least political resistance to make a (short-term) success of joining

    a currency union with Germany.

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    The model of growth was characterized by three main features which

    were common to all four PIGS, even if there were underlying differences

    among them: (1) Massive inflows of foreign capital reflected in massive

    current account deficits; (2) Growth of private consumption (and

    reduction of savings, characteristic of Greece and Portugal) and of

    unsustainable investment, such as on real estate (especially in the case of

    Ireland and Spain); (3) Clearly above average inflation within Euroland,

    which makes unit labour costs grow without an increase in the real

    purchasing power of wages (and consequently, of workers). In the case of

    Ireland, growth had been sustained by serving as tax haven for

    corporations within the Euro area.

    INSERT TABLE TWO (DISAGGREGATION OF GROWTHDRIVERS IN PIGS)

    The speed at which private debt grew is (partially) to be explained by

    financial liberalization imposed by the European Union, especially under

    the erga omnes conception of free movement of capital and the drive to

    create a deep and liquid single financial market.

    INSERT TABLE THREE (CURRENT ACCOUNTS)

    The PIGS states started being shaped by the model of growth through

    debt and to maximize political benefits, shift taxes from sustainable flows

    of income and consumption to unsustainable flows of income and

    taxation. This is attractive in the short-term, as lessens the tax burden of

    citizens, but is highly problematic because it increases the vulnerability of

    the state capacity to brave the storm when a crisis eventually hits

    (compromising the capacity of the state to make use of fiscal policy to

    lessen the consequences of an economic downturn) and because it createsthe false impression that better public services can be provided with less

    taxes.

    At the same time, unsustainable economic activities silently increase the

    liabilities to the exchequer to the extent that (1) the state acts as ultimate

    guarantor of the financial system; creation of money is privatized for all

    purposes, but the state remains the insurer of last resort (and in the

    European case, the European Central Bank remains ready to interveneand become a substitute inter-bank market on its own) (2) the welfare

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    state acts as the insurer of last resort for those losing their jobs. Because

    the size of the sustainable parts of the economy shrinks, sustainable

    employment is small (indeed, real estate speculation crowded out in

    physical terms business activities in both Ireland and Spain).

    POINT THREE: Core Europe

    The growth through debt model of the PIGS was rendered possible by a

    savings glut in Germany, Netherlands, Finland, Austria and

    Luxembourg (although in the latter case most of the money uses the

    country merely as a conduit). See again TABLE 2.

    This pattern was aggravated by the passing of German Agenda 2000 and

    Harz IV, which heightened the competitive position of Germany bydepressing wages, and fostered the savings glut, heightening structural

    disimbalances within the Euro area. Germany, in its turn, became fully

    exposed to international trade, as close to 50% of its product was

    addressed to exportation, and as growth was not led by higher

    investment, but by lower wages.

    Erga omnes Free movement of capital accelerated the underlying

    pattern of growth of the financial sector. It encouraged the adaptation ofsome core Euroland countries to the model of growth through debt, in

    this case by becoming tax havens for all practical purposes. This is the

    case of Netherlands, Austria and Luxembourg (and the United Kingdom,

    quite obviously, outside the Euro area, plus the PIG Ireland). Consider

    as an example that 5000 million euro of profit transit the Netherlands

    every year to reduce or eliminate corporate tax liabilities (at an average

    33% corporate tax rate, the EU could fund every yearseveral times the

    Financial Stability Facility).

    POINT FOUR: Governance arrangements seem to work but they just

    hide economic problems from plain sight

    The savings glut and big current account deficits were considered

    evidence of the good working of financial markets, evidence that there

    were better investment opportunities in the PIGS states; so for example

    Spain was generally praised in the peer review exercises part of the

    governance structure of the Euro area. Ireland was mildly (and

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    ineffectively) reprimanded for procyclical policies. Portugal and Greece

    were placed under the excessive deficit procedure but praised for

    splendid structural changes that got them out of it.

    In brief, formal convergence was hiding growing real divergence.

    POINT FIVE: The crisis

    The underlying economic crisis since the 1970s pushes capital into

    finance. Several financial bubbles succeed one another. Banks capture the

    power to create money which only nominally remains in the hands of the

    central bank. In the late 1990s and 2000s, power to create money further

    shifts to money markets and the shadow banking sector, fuelled by the

    belief in the capacity of cybernetics (in the form of complex mathematicalmodels) to ensure the stability of financial markets.

    The grotesque amounts of accumulated ficticious capital are punctured

    by the unraveling of a banking crisis between Northern Rock in 2007 and

    Lehman Brothers in 2008. The interbank market comes to a halt in

    September 2008.

    Main implications for the European Union:

    A) On what concerns the PIGS, the structural tax deficit becomes visible,

    contingent liabilities resulting from the state as ultimate guarantor

    become real, and unemployment explodes. The economies of the PIGS

    become further dragged by debt servicing to foreign creditors (which in

    2007 represented 3.6% GPD in the Greek case and 2.3% GDP in the

    case of Portugal)

    B) On the core Euroland: Borrowing decisions taken by privatefinancial institutions in the core Euroland countries are revealed to

    have created a de facto fiscal union by stealth. There is a short-lived panic

    in September 2008. A collection of national decisions to underwrite the

    national banking systems postpones the day of reckoning by means of

    shifting the ficticious capital from private to public hands. The national

    character of the decisions hides in plain sight the fact that the power

    exerted by private banks when creating debt has created a unity of

    financial destiny within the Eurozone.

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    POINT SIX: European paralysis

    The economic constitutional framework of asymmetric monetary Union is

    revealed as having played a centralcausal role in the gathering of the

    crisis.

    Instead of convergence, it has fostered long-term economic divergence, as

    suddenly revealed in 2008 and amplified in 2009, 2010 and 2011.

    Instead of good fiscal policy, it has made fiscal policy work pro-cyclically

    (making of good times exhuberant and of bad times miserable).

    Instead of rendering the Union stable, it has rendered it incapable of

    absorbing any major economic shock. So the Union was blocked whendebt spreads started to grow in early 2009, and critically when they

    spiraled out of control in late 2009 when the new Greek government

    revealed the truth about the state of public finances

    INSERT TABLE 3 HERE

    A) The Treaties seemed to preclude the ECB from acting as creditor of

    last resort to Member States

    B) Other Member States could not do that either, as the intentional

    decision was taken to eliminate both the possibility of adopting unilateral

    safeguard measures and of creating an equivalent institutional structure to

    the balance of payments aid foreseen in the old Treaty of Rome (and

    which was activated in 2008 and 2009 for Hungary, Latvia and Romania).

    C) The only small window left in the Treaties was article 122.2, which

    allowed for assistance being offered provided that one Member State was

    hit by exceptional occurrences beyond its control, akin to naturaldisasters.

    But that construction is problematic.If an economic disaster is to be

    regarded as akin to a natural disaster, other Member States should behave

    as they are expected to do when natural disasters hit, that is, in a

    solidaristic fashion. That was hardly the way in which the Greek, Irish

    and Portuguese bailouts have been designed. TheGerman government

    insisted on a specific interpretation of its constitutional law which wouldprevent any action that could undermine the stability culture of

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    Germany. Because solidaristic assistance to Greece could be regarded as

    imperiling stability, and because a Greek default was equally regarded as

    imperiling sound money, these two options were off the agenda.

    Media has reported the crisis by reference to two sets of actors, basicallyPIGS governments and core Euroland governments. That is deceiving. It

    fails to consider that financial markets (and more precisely, holders of

    debt, public and private) are not merely markers of financial health,

    but have become constitutional actors on their own right. This is very

    especially the case of financial institutions the size of which exceeds the

    capacity of their home country to effectively wind it up in case it

    collapses. Too big to fail makes a financial institution have a degree of

    political power that traditional legal and political analysis may have adifficult time coping with, but is however very real.

    THE MYSTICAL VISION ON THE LONG NIGHT OF MAY 7th,

    2010

    And still, Member States were guarantors of last resort of their financial

    institutions, and moreover such financial institutions had created a

    common fiscal destiny for Europe. It was indeed the mystical vision

    of the degree of interconnection of the European financial system that

    prompted the U turn of the European Council on May 7 th, 2011. FTs

    Barber has reported that the key moment was when the President of the

    European Central Bank, Jean Claude Trichet, showed members of the

    Council the graphic which on the basis of data provided by the Bank of

    International Settlements revealed the extent of the mutual affectation of

    the banks. The alternative graphical representation here presented reveals

    the extent to which tax havens are indeed key turning planks of European

    finance, as through them a good deal of Greek liabilities passed through.

    TABLES 4 AND 5 HERE

    POINT SEVEN: A constitutional mutation in vain

    European leaders pretended the Greek problem was one of liquidity, not

    of solvency (and have done the same with Ireland and Portugal)

    Provided Greece with bilateral loans (thus outside the Treaty framework)at quite obviously non-concessionary rates, and conditioned the whole

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    package on a drastic set of austerity measures, at the cost of taxpayers and

    public employees. Following the precedents in 2008 of aid to Hungary,

    Latvia and Romania, Europe renounced the idea of being self-supportive

    and involved financially and operationally the International Monetary

    Fund.

    And within hours had to skip the fiction of bilateral loans and

    institutionalize, even for only three years, the Greek solution corrected,

    enlarged and institutionalized both under Article 122.2 in the form of a

    European Financial Stability Mechanism reintroducing the old balance

    of payments facility and a peculiar private intergovernmental

    agreement creating a special purpose vehicle domiciled in Luxembourg to

    issue debt according to English law (the European Financial StabilityFacility). Again solidaristic support was interpreted as meaning loans at

    punitive rates under strict conditionality. At the same time that the ECB

    started to circumvent the prohibition of buying national debt by means of

    buying it in secondary markets (the securities markets programme,

    radically expanded in August 2011).

    This institutional solution was made use of in November 2010 (Ireland)

    and April 2011 (Portugal).

    The utter failure of the Greek and Irish bailouts resulted in July 2011 in

    the abandoning of punitive rates, but the full maintenance of all other

    features of the bailouts.

    POINT EIGHT: The contradictory reform of the economic governance

    of the European Union

    Simultaneous attempts at amending the key features of the governancearrangements of the Union revealing the shortcomings of the multi-

    headed government of the Union (Commission, Van Rompuys Task

    Force, Juncker as Mister Euro):

    A) Fiscal policies to be coordinated by means of shifting from political

    discretion governed by legal principles to rule-based fiscal policy (which

    is an utter impossibility given the structural discretionary character of

    fiscal policies)

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    B) Substantively, fiscal and wage policies are expected to be sterilized as

    means of achieving autonomous socio-economic principles, unless such

    objectives can be achieved in compliance with monetary policy (unlikely).

    C) rescued countries and countries under the shadow of being rescuedhave for all purposes have their democratic politics rather suspended for

    a long period, the policy imposed through conditionality and hidden

    under the neospeak of ownership is underpinned by the assumption

    that rescued countries could rebalance by means of internal deflation,

    which given the circumstances in which they find themselves (with a clear

    incapacity of public authorities to foster investment) means a brutal

    lowering of wages and consequently an increase of the capital share in the

    economic pie.

    d) The more time passes, the more debt has been transferred from banks

    to common institutional structures, to the net advantage of core Euroland

    countries, which see their contingent liabilities as insurers of last resort

    diminish

    ADD TABLE SIX

    POINT NINE: Some troubling questions

    What is the chance of brutal internal deflation working given the lack of a

    single historical precedent pointing in that direction? As an IMF study

    has made clear, there are few instances of long deflation processes, and

    none of them resulted in the restarting of the economy. All of them

    ended in bankruptcy.

    What democracy is left if a Prime Minister (the Irish one) can decide in

    one wild night with six bankers to spend between 100% and 200% of thenational GDP?

    What is left of the Social and Democratic state left when to reduce one

    form of debt (financial debt) the state repudiates another form of (social)

    debt: what all citizens owe to each other in the form of socio-economic

    rights? (a pattern which is characteristic of all austerity programmes)?

    What is left of the idea of democratic constitutional law when

    constitutional reforms are introduced without any significative political

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    mandate and through procedures of urgency which are alien to the

    tempo ofboth representative and participative democracy?

    POINT TEN: A self-destroying European Union

    Fiscal Union must be, will be but cant be.

    Any attempt at achieving fiscal union through a brutal process of internal

    deflation and a later adherence to a draconian subordination of fiscal and

    wage policies to monetary policies is a recipe for disaster; it places the

    stability of the Union one big political accident away. This is so because,

    as has been stated, there is no precedent whatsoever of internal deflation

    being effective in reviving an economy.

    Putting in common debt can only work if it implies a) assuming the need

    of redistributing the costs of the issue of debt across borders; b) results in

    putting in common tax revenues to back the issued debt. European debt

    requires European taxes which presuppose a genuinely representative

    European Parliament. Not for tomorrow.

    While much emphasis has been placed on Treaty limits and German

    constitutional limits on the move to fiscal union, the real obstacle is

    political. The recent judgment of the German Constitutional Court

    proves again the extent to which it is more the politicians than the judges

    who are prey of constitutional fetishism.

    CONCLUSION

    Altiero Spinelli claimed after the Single European Act that the mountain

    had given birth to a dead mouse. We know now that the asymmetric

    monetary union was a very dead mouse indeed. Furthermore, we knowby now that internal deflation was never anything else but a dead mouse.

    How many more dead mouses can the European political project afford?

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    TABLE ONE

    Evolution of GDP (Nominal prices) (Base EU 27 1999=100) (Base

    Germany =100)

    Country 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

    Germany 23200130.3100

    23800133.7100

    24500137.6100

    25100141100

    25700144.4100

    26000146.1100

    26200147.2100

    26800150.6100

    27200152.8100

    28200158.4100

    29600166.3100

    30200169.7100

    29300164.6100

    30600171.9100

    Netherlands

    2190012394.4

    22900128.696.2

    24400137.199.6

    26300147.7104.8

    27900156.7108.6

    28800161.8110.8

    29400165.2112.2

    30200169.7112.7

    31500177115.8

    33100185.9117.4

    34900196.1117.90

    36300203.9120.2

    34600194.3118.1

    35600200116.3

    Finland 21100118.590.9

    22500126.494.5

    23700133.596.7

    25500143.3101.6

    26800150.5104.3

    27600155.1106.1

    27900156.7106.4

    29100163.5108.5

    30000168.5110.3

    31500177111.7

    34000191114.8

    34900196.1115.5

    32500182.6110.9

    33600188.8109.8

    Austria 22900128.698.7

    23800133.7100

    24800139.3101.2

    25900145103.1

    26400148.3102.7

    27100152.2104.2

    27500154.4105

    28500160.1106.3

    29600166.2108.8

    31100174.7110.2

    32800184.2110.8

    34000191112.5

    32800184.2111.9

    33900190.4110.8

    France 21000

    117.890.5

    21900

    12392

    22700

    127.592.6

    23700

    133.194.4

    24500

    137.695.3

    25000

    140.496.1

    25600

    143.897.7

    26500

    148.898.8

    27300

    153.3100.3

    28400

    159.5100.7

    29600

    166.2100

    30100

    169.199.6

    29300

    164.6100

    29800167.497.3

    Italy 18500103.979.7

    19100107.380.2

    19800111.280.8

    20900117.483.2

    2190012385.2

    22700125.887.3

    23200130.388.5

    23900134.289.2

    24400137.189.7

    25200141.589.3

    26000146.187.8

    26200147.286.7

    125200141.886

    25600143.883.6

    Spain 1280071.9

    53.8

    1350075.8

    56.7

    1450081.5

    59.2

    1570088.262.5

    1670093.865

    1770099.468.1

    18600104.471

    19700110.673.5

    20900117.476.8

    22300125.379.1

    2350013279.3

    23900134.379.1

    22900128.678.1

    23100129.875.4

    Portugal 1010056.743.5

    1080060.745.4

    1160065.1647.3

    1240069.749.4

    1300073

    50.6

    1350075.8

    51.9

    1370077

    52.2

    1420080

    53

    1460082

    53.6

    1510084.3

    53.5

    1600090

    54

    1620091

    53.6

    1590089.3

    54.2

    162009152.9

    Greece 1100061.847.4

    1130063.447.8

    1210067.849.4

    1260070.8

    50.2

    1340075.3

    52.1

    1430080.3

    55

    1560087.6

    59.5

    1670093.862.3

    1750098.362

    19000106.767.4

    20300114.468.5

    21100118.569.9

    20800116.870.1

    20400114.666.6

    Ireland 19600

    110.184.5

    21200

    119.189.1

    24100

    135.498.4

    27600

    155110

    30300

    170.2117.9

    33200

    186.5127.7

    35000

    196.6133.6

    36700

    206.17136.9

    39000

    219.1143.4

    41600

    233.7147.5

    43400

    243.8146.6

    40500

    227.5134.1

    35700

    200.5121.8

    34400193.2112.4

    Latvia

    Euro-27 162009169.8

    1700095.571.4

    1780010072.6

    19100107.376.1

    19800111.277

    20500115.178.8

    20700116.379

    21700121.981

    22500126.482.7

    23700133.184

    25000140.484.4

    25000140.482.8

    2350013280

    24500137.680

    Euro-17

    TABLE TWO

    Current Account Deficits (millions of euro)

    Country 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

    Germany -8880 -14539 -25176 -35235 425 42972 40918 102832 112908 144999 181150 154833 133745 141442Holand 22172 11660 14664 7844 10911 11582 26153 36917 37275 50436 38427 26191 27803 42144Finland 5610 6035 6534 10280 11636 12149 7027 9439 5275 6998 7650 5271 4021 5575Austria -4254 -3121 -3325 -1530 -1754 5871 3776 4842 4916 7105 9619 13757 8529 7758France 34472 36295 35309 17702 25702 15353 7013 8940 -8325 -10345 -18913 -33718 -28402 -33657Italy 29674 17724 7694 -6345 -713 -10041 -17337 -13036 -23639 -38336 -37713 -46001 -31678 -50985Spain -448 -6342 -16965 -24948 -

    26823-23765 -27476 -44164 -66861 -88313 -105265 -104676 -54481 -48404

    Portugal -5876 -7590 -9665 -13167 -13879

    -11574 -9230 -12432 -15924 -17186 -17075 -21669 -18362 -17061

    Greece -4231 -3294 -4801 -10624 -10580

    -10201 -11266 -10718 -14744 -23748 -32577 -34798 -25814 -24057

    Euro-27

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    TABLE THREE

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    Source: Edgardo Favaro, Ying Li, Juan Pradelli and Ralph Van Doorn,

    Europes Crisis: Origins and Policy Options, Sovereign Debt and the

    Financial Crisis, World Bank, p.237.

    TABLE THREE

    Source: Deutsche Bundesbank, Monthly Bulletin, June 2011.

    TABLE FOUR

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    TABLE FIVE

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    TABLE SIX