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Owen Phelps

European Politics

Testoni

11/9/14

9-N: The referendum for Independence in Catalonia.

What are its origins, its causes, and its ongoing consequences on Spanish politics and society?

The Western world, it seems, takes geographical and political boundaries for granted. Perhaps its

a residual element of its once imperial culture, as the entirety of the world map has been drawn and

shaped for almost three centuries by Western powers, and as such, think these boundaries as concrete and

unchanging. Maybe the culprit is the fact that since 1945, Western nations have moved away from geo-

graphical struggles, and nationalistic temperament, that it almost sees borders as a non-issue. Or maybe

it’s because of the optimism that followed the fall of the Berlin Wall 25 years ago, which saw the last seri-

ous challenger to West disintegrate? Perhaps both? Whatever the reason, border disputes and breakaway

territories are often seen through two lenses: that of surprise, and then proceeding that, one of fear, as bor-

der disputes and separatists regions often bring with them political instability and – at times – bloodshed.

Yet, while separatist movements are typically associated with other parts of the globe, the sudden interest

with gaining independence from larger states poses a new dilemma that the European must not ignore.

Failure to tend to separatist sentiment could lead to festering resentment that may manifest itself in more

explosive ways, as may be the case of Catalonia.

On the 19th of September, a nation that had been holding its breath could exhale: the votes were

counted, and the independence movement that wished to secede failed. Great Britain had just faced a seri-

ous contest as to whether or not the 307 year old union between the nations of Scotland and England

would be severed. By a comfortable 55% margin, the consensus from Scotland reassured the world that

the union between the two countries would hold.1 However, while the Britons were anxiously awaiting

the results, another nation of people were watching intently: the Catalonians. The people of Catalonia

– like the Scottish, the Basque, and other European ethnic minorities – have had their eye on carving

themselves out of their existing states, and building their own independent nations. Like Scotland, the

Catalonian people are characterized by a strong national current, and express a great amount of pride in

their identity as Catalans – not Spaniards – similarly to how the Scottish identity has become tied with an

undercurrent of un-English sentiment.2

1 “Scottish referendum: Scotland votes ‘No’ to independence,” The BBC News, accessed November 14th, 2014 http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-scotland-292704412“Scottish referendum: Scotland votes ‘No’ to independence,” The BBC News, accessed November 14th, 2014 http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-scotland-29270441

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Though the Scottish and the Catalonian aims are similar, their situation is not entirely alike.

While it is true that the Scottish and the Catalonians merged into larger states willingly through the mar-

riage of their royal houses, the history after their unions differed quite radically – which is reflected

within each nation’s desires for independence. The Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP) are convinced that

their country would be more profitable and equitable under the rule of Holyrood, rather than of Westmin-

ster – which is out of touch with the Scottish electorate. Ironically enough, history records that the Scot-

tish were initially compelled to form a union with England due to their failed attempts to build an empire

in Central America. This event, known as the “Darien Scheme” caused the Scottish nobility to go almost

bankrupt, and thus seek a union with England.3 Yet today, much has changed: the southern half of Eng-

land is regarded as economic parasite, which saps up wealth and resources that should rightfully go to

Scotland – a trend of thought quite common in the Northern parts of England as well.

Catalonia, however, has a much more complex history with that of Castile. The union between

Castile and Catalonia came into fruition in the 15th century, when Queen Isabella of Castile married King

Ferdinand II of Aragon, thus coalescing the two kingdoms as one.4 Initially, the union was beneficial;

Castile looked towards the New World, while Aragon tended to its various possessions in the Old.5 How-

ever, the harmonious period was not to last: during the War of Spanish Succession, the Catalonians

backed the Austrian monarch, while the remainder of Spain sided with the Bourbon family.6 After the war

was settled on September 11th – Catalonia’s national holiday – the Catalonia had martial law imposed

upon it, and the region was stripped of all its political institutions.7 Essentially, the power that the two

kingdoms once shared together, was now gravitating increasingly towards Spain. Yet, much worse was to

follow: the 19th and 20th centuries saw renewed interests in Catalan identity and autonomy, which culmi-

nated in the cultural and linguistic repression of the region by the Franco Fernando, who attempted to

stamp out all calls for autonomy in order to complete his highly centralized Fascist state.8 This unfair

treatment has resulted in violence inflicted by various pro-Catalonian independence groups, such as the

3 “The Darien Scheme,” Historic UK, accessed November 14th, 2014 http://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryUK/HistoryofScotland/The-Darien-Scheme/4 “History of Catalonia,” Princeton University, accessed November 14th, 2014, https://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/History_of_Catalonia.html5 “History of Catalonia,” Princeton University, accessed November 14th, 2014, https://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/History_of_Catalonia.html6 “History of Catalonia,” Princeton University, accessed November 14th, 2014, https://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/History_of_Catalonia.html7 “History of Catalonia,” Princeton University, accessed November 14th, 2014, https://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/History_of_Catalonia.html8 “History of Catalonia,” Princeton University, accessed November 14th, 2014, https://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/History_of_Catalonia.html

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“Terra Lliure” which have claimed responsibility for the numerous acts of violence in the name of Catalo-

nian independence.9

However, to erroneously think of Catalonia – like Scotland – as an oppressed nation of people

being ruthlessly exploited while being denied their culture is a grave misunderstanding of the situation.

Catalonia now has its own regional parliament and executive branch of government (The Generalitat) and

possesses strong regional autonomy to do what it pleases.10 So why the resurgence of this national sepa-

ratism if past historical grievances have been addressed? The primarily reason that encouraged this new

push for independence is due to the economic recession that is crippling the rest of a beleaguered Spain.

Catalonia – the most industrialised and wealthiest region of the Iberian peninsula – sees itself as being

held back, and constrained by the economic deadweight that it is burdened with.11 Catalonian Separatists

claim that the region could become a new Scandinavian paradise, or become rich like the Netherlands, or

the state of Massachusetts (states which have demonstrated that a country need not be bountiful in land,

nor of people to be successful).12 This is not too far removed from the pro-independence campaign led by

the SNP, which also claimed that a free Scotland would not only be able to chart its own destiny, but de-

velop into a more equal, just, rich, and environmentally conscious society.13 Undoubtedly, the Catalonians

are following the Scottish example. As the historical issues between Madrid and Barcelona have resulted

in political reparations, there is little that the nationalist movements can do to stir up further animosity be-

tween the people of Catalonia and Madrid. Due to this, the majority of the argument is now based upon

this promise of a brighter, better future for the people of Catalonia, so long as they shrug off the dead

weight that is holding them back from realizing their full potential.

Just as how London passed devolution powers to Scotland that included health and social work

policing, government housing, agricultural policies and the environment,14 Madrid granted Catalonia nu-

merous legislative powers such as the ability to oversee the public sector of the economy, civil law, com-

merce along with allowing the Generalitat to set financial and environmental regulations – all indepen-

9 “Catalan independence, and a tumultuous 2014 for Spain,” Geopolitical Monitor, accessed November 15th, 2014. http://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/catalan-independence-and-a-tumultuous-2014-for-spain-4910/10 “Catalonia Profile,” The BBC News: Europe, accessed November 14th, 2014 http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-2034507111 “The independence of Catalonia: jumping on a bandwagon,” The London School of Economics, accessed No-vember 14th, 2014 http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/eurocrisispress/2013/09/30/the-independence-of-catalonia-jumping-on-a-bandwagon/12 “The independence of Catalonia: jumping on a bandwagon,” The London School of Economics, accessed No-vember 14th, 2014 http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/eurocrisispress/2013/09/30/the-independence-of-catalonia-jumping-on-a-bandwagon/13 “Scottish Nationalist Party: Together we can make Scotland better,” The SNP, accessed November 15th, 2014 http://www.snp.org/progress14 “Devolution settlement: Scotland,” Her Majesty’s Government, accessed November 14th, 2014 https://www.gov.uk/devolution-settlement-scotland

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dent from Madrid.15 As such, since there is very little evidence that either state is unfairly exploiting, or

oppressing these smaller nations, the nationalist movements of both Catalonia and Scotland turn to this

promise of a brighter future safe from the parasitical capital cities. Nationalist and cultural sentiment may

be present within these movements – it would be surprising if it weren’t – but for the most part, both sep-

aratists movements are shying away from appearing outwardly hostile. Perhaps it’s a calculated measure

in order to not look xenophobic and close-minded in order to garner sympathy – or perhaps it’s a current

trend of modern European political thought to avoid nationalism due to its morbid legacy? That being

said, there are some elements of anti-Spanish prejudice alive in Catalonia: “Pro-Spanish businesses that

do not participate in the “human chains” or shows of force in favor of secession are many times attacked

and boycotted, and any showing of the Spanish flag is brutally suppressed.”16 However, this should not be

surprising – prejudicial elements are quite common in nationalist movements – especially against those

that have historical grievances.

However, despite what the Catalonians want, independence from Spain is illegal, as defined

within the Spanish constitution. As Xavier Carrera explains in the World Affairs Journal: “Article 8 of the

Spanish Constitution, which proclaims the “indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation” and grants power to

the nation’s armed forces to guarantee such unity.”17 Despite granting Catalonia considerable autonomy,

the Constitution states that full independence is completely out of the question. Unlike the Scottish case,

which was allowed by Westminster due to the fact that Great Britain has no formally written constitution,

the flexibility that inferred allowed the Scottish a vote is completely barred in the Catalonian case.

Madrid’s hope rides on the fact that since the Constitution – the supreme authority of Spain – states that

independence is illegal, the Catalonian movement will simply hit a dead end, and then slowly dissipate

into irrelevance.18 The Spanish Constitutional Court also ruled out the possibility of Catalonian indepen-

dence, claiming that such a move was unconstitutional, and therefore, illegal.19 However, Spain is caught

in a perplexing crux, with no optimistic option available: if the Spanish do not allow a vote, Spanish

democracy would be seen as illegitimate, as it would have denied a people the right to vote on their own

matters – an issue that would draw a negative image for Madrid, and only bolster resentment in Catalo-

15 “Generalitat of Catalonia: Institutional Structures and Powers,” Generalitat de Catalunya Gencat, accessed No-vember 16th, 2014 http://economia.gencat.cat/en/70_ambits_actuacio/relacio_amb_inversors/fets_i_dades/estructura_institucional_i_competencies/16 “Catalan independence, and a tumultuous 2014 for Spain,” Geopolitical Monitor, accessed November 15th, 2014. http://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/catalan-independence-and-a-tumultuous-2014-for-spain-4910/17 “The domain of Spain: how likely is Catalan independence?” World Affairs, accessed November 15th, 2014 http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/article/domain-spain-how-likely-catalan-independence18 “The domain of Spain: how likely is Catalan independence?” World Affairs, accessed November 15th, 2014 http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/article/domain-spain-how-likely-catalan-independence19 “Catalonia to defy Spanish court on independence vote,” The Wall Street Journal, accessed November 17th, 2014 http://online.wsj.com/articles/spanish-court-blocks-vote-in-catalonia-1415107768

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nia. However, if Spain were to allow an independence vote, the Catalonians would, with increasing cer-

tainty, vote to secede from Spain, something which Spain does not want.

However, on November 9th, and in spite of Madrid’s wishes, there was a vote – though it was

purely symbolic. The weekend of the vote for independence attracted scores of protestors and demonstra-

tions, which called upon Madrid to allow the Catalonians their say on their region’s destiny, and the re-

sults of the vote further enforced the message: 80% of the Catalonian populace demanded independence

from the remainder of Spain.20 Despite being ordered by the Constitutional Court to cancel the vote out-

right, the Catalonian government responded that it simply couldn’t comply, and stated that what was tran-

spiring within the region was a “citizen participation process” and thus, a democratic right of self-expres-

sion.21 Artur Mas, the leader of the Catalonian region, has responded to this high surge in the wish for in-

dependence by stating that he would vow to do more to ensure that the Catalonian people’s voice is heard

by Madrid.22 However, to what extent that the Spanish government will listen remains to be seen: Catalo-

nia accounts for almost 20% of Spanish economic output, and as one of the wealthiest regions in the

country with 7.6 million people, Madrid has a lot to lose.23 Even worse for Madrid, the Spanish economy

does not paint an attractive picture to entice the Catalans to stay; having suffered from a double dip reces-

sion, workers earnings falling as much as 20%, and only a 1% GDP increase predicted for 2014,24 there’s

little wonder that the Catalonians see independence as a their best option for their own prosperity, and to

stave off dragging Spain’s burdensome economic situation with them.

Yet, what would Catalonia do with independence if it was achieved? One such strategy follows

along what the SNP had in mind for Scotland: accession to the European Union.25 Quite ironically, an or-

ganization that was founded as an attempt to unite and build bridges across European borders has also en-

couraged the liquidation of others.26 However, the main issue that remains to be addressed is the question

of Catalonia’s place within the European Union. Since Catalonia lies within Europe, it means that its citi-

20 “Catalonia overwhelmingly votes for independence from Spain in straw poll,” The New York Times, accessed November 18th, 2014 http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/10/world/europe/catalans-vote-in-straw-poll-on-independence-from-spain.html21 “Catalonia to defy Spanish court on independence vote,” The Wall Street Journal, accessed November 17th, 2014 http://online.wsj.com/articles/spanish-court-blocks-vote-in-catalonia-141510776822 “Catalan leader to step up independence push as 80% vote to split from Spain,” The Guardian, accessed Novem-ber 15th, 2014 http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/nov/10/catalans-vow-push-independence-80-favour-split23 “Catalonia to defy Spanish court on independence vote,” The Wall Street Journal, accessed November 17th, 2014 http://online.wsj.com/articles/spanish-court-blocks-vote-in-catalonia-141510776824 “On the Mend,” The Economist, accessed November 18th, 2014 http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21595057-suddenly-there-new-mood-hope-over-spains-economic-prospects-mend?zid=295&ah=0bca374e65f2354d553956ea65f756e025 “Catalonia seeks support from EU for independence,” The Independent, accessed November 16th, 2014.http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/catalonia-seeks-support-from-eu-for-independence-9037906.html

26 “Would an independent Catalonia remain in the EU?” EU Observer, accessed November 17th, 2014 http://euobserver.com/opinion/121565

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zens possess fundamental rights guaranteed by EU law: “all Catalan citizens acquired certain rights and

freedoms through their European citizenship. Rights cannot be taken away so easily, particularly when

citizens democratically decide to leave a member state but not the EU.”27 However, if Catalonia does se-

cede from Spain – and the European Union as a result – but attempts to gain access to the EU, the Span-

ish government could very well veto it, leaving Catalonia isolated in the international community. Such a

dilemma was a point of contention during the Scottish independence debate, wherein which the Spanish

President, Mariano Rajoy, issued this statement: “It’s very clear to me, as it is for everybody else in the

world, that a country that would obtain independence from the EU would remain out of the EU, and that

is good for Scottish citizens to know and for all EU citizens to know.”28 Undoubtedly, the last part of his

statement was in direct reference to the residents of Catalonia, the Basque, and the Flemish regions – all

of which have expressed desire to become independent. This is the issue in which Europe must face: by

creating a community of European nations in the form the of EU, it may further encourage independence

movements who wish to have the freedom to exercise their own autonomy, while having a large safety

net in the guise of a political union, to compensate for their lack of political and economic clout.

Catalonia’s independence movement has brought up two very important issues: the unintentional

fragmentation of larger European nation states, and the limits to democracy when it comes into direct

conflict with national stability. While Catalonia’s independence movement has valid concerns and points

for leaving Spain, they must also face up to the uncomfortable reality that if they take their chance, the

EU may not be there to embrace them under its fold. A Spanish and Belgian veto would leave this sliver

of land of inconsequential importance without any embassies, international treaties, nor a seat in any in-

ternational organization. Furthermore, while it may be seen as a democratic “right” for a people to have

their say on their own affairs (which may be due to a popular, jejune understanding of such a concept) the

matter is not so simple as it appears to be. Thus we are faced with a seemingly impassable conundrum:

the Spanish would not easily let a wealthy region that accounts for almost a quarter of Spanish economic

output to simply leave, however, the nationalist temperament in Catalonia cannot be ignored. Those in

favour of independence no longer accept the deference to the Constitution as a basis of the legitimacy of

their movement, but they also seem to ignore the point in which Spanish national unity is guaranteed

through the military. Either the Catalonians are simply unafraid, or are chancing on the fact that Spain

won’t risk a civil war in order to keep the region in their possession. Perhaps the best course of action for

Madrid is to focus on stimulating economic growth throughout other parts of Castile, to not only remove

their dependence upon Catalonia’s industrial clout, but to also help calm Catalan concerns about the Span-

27 “Would an independent Catalonia remain in the EU?” EU Observer, accessed November 17th, 2014 http://euobserver.com/opinion/12156528 “Fact Check: would an independent Scotland stay in the EU?” Channel Four News, accessed November 17th, 2014 http://blogs.channel4.com/factcheck/factcheck-independent-scotland-stay-eu/17767

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ish GDP, and the belief that they will have to unfairly labour under the burden of Castile. However, this

debate has also brought up an interesting dispute over the understanding of the extent of freedom in oppo-

sition to the law, which one would do well to remember the words echoed by the noted Enlightenment

thinker, John Locke: “…for in all the states of created beings capable of laws, where there is no law, there

is no freedom: for liberty is, to be free from restraint and violence from others; which cannot be, where

there is no law: but freedom is not, as we are told, a liberty for every man to do what he lists.”29 What is

known, however, is that political boundaries are no longer excused from change.

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