erasmus+ programme collaborative partnership project...

BRISWA project WP1_Literature Review

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Erasmus+ Programme – Collaborative Partnership

Project reference No: 579960-EPP-1-2016-2-IT-SPO-SCP

Literature Review

Deliverable Form

Project Reference No. 579960-EPP-1-2016-2-IT-SPO-SCP

Document Title Deliverable D1.1: Literature Review on Racism in Football

Relevant Workpackage: WP1 - Racism in Europe: Analysis and Results

Nature: Report

Dissemination Level: Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission Services)

Document version: 0.1

Date: 31/03/2017

Authors: Georgios Tsaples (UoM), Theodoros Tarnanidis (UoM), Jason Papathanasiou (UoM)

Commented by Stefano Armenia (SYDIC), Alessandro Pompei (SYDIC)

Document description: This document provides the literature review on the phenomenon of racism in football across different European Countries


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Table of Contents List of Tables ...................................................................................................................................... 3

Abbreviations ...................................................................................................................................... 3

1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 5

2. Methodology ............................................................................................................................... 6

3. What is racism ............................................................................................................................. 8

4. Evolution of racism in football ..................................................................................................... 10

5. Anti-racism Initiatives ................................................................................................................ 12

5.1 Campaigns in Football ........................................................................................................ 13

5.2 Legislation ......................................................................................................................... 20

6. Why has racism persisted in football ........................................................................................... 21

7. Policies and Countermeasures .................................................................................................... 22

References ....................................................................................................................................... 24


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List of Figures

FIGURE 1 NUMBER OF DOCUMENTS PER DECADE AND COUNTRY OF PUBLICATION .................................................. 7

List of Tables TABLE 1 MAIN AND LOCAL ANTI-RACIST CAMPAIGNS IN FOOTBALL ACROSS DIFFERENT EU COUNTRIES 13 TABLE 2 DIRECTIVES AND LAWS FROM THE EUROPEAN UNION (EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY OF FUNDAMENTAL

RIGHTS, 2013) 20

Abbreviations BAME (Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic people),

6 English Football Association (FA), 5

Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE), 17

Football Unites, Racism Divides (FURD), 14 Kick It Out (KIO), 13


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Executive Summary

The purpose of this report is to present a review of the literature with regards to racism in football and examine how the issues that are presented in the Introduction have been analysed and dealt with both

by the media and the international academic community. It is a deliverable of the BRISWA project, co-funded by the European Commission, whose aim is to promote a more comprehensive approach to

tackling racism by combining scientific rigorous modelling, education and campaigns in football games.

The vast majority of the documents that were studied for this review concerns the context of English football, with the number increasing through the decades. Another insight is that in the years since 2010

more and more documents dealt with racism in various European countries, demonstrating that the problem persists in football.

Two important definitions that are used extensively in this document are of the notions of racism and institutional racism. By racism it is meant: conduct or words or practices which advantage or disadvantage people because of their color, culture or ethnic origin. In its more subtle form it is as damaging as in it overt form (Macpherson, 1999).

While by institutional racism: The collective failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people (Macpherson, 1999).

These two definitions form also the basis of the evolution of racism in football; what has begun as a

problem of fan behaviour in the 1970s and 1980s, has evolved into a more systemic problem of the football industry, which by referencing to a “colour-blind” ideology covertly denies access to the

organizational positions of the sport to people from different and alternative ethnic and/or cultural

origins.

Institutional racism is one of the major reasons that racism has remained in football despite the plethora

of initiatives that were developed to tackle it. Other reasons include the historical legacy of racism that contributes significantly to the paucity of BAME people attending and/or participating in football, wider

societal problems about issues of national identity and migration and a general (and continuous) lack of awareness on the deeper roots and causes of racism.

In conclusion, potential policies and countermeasures to tackle racism stem from patterns derived from

the arduous study of the literature. A strong equal opportunities programme in addition to a relative stability of the local economy can promote the process of integration and acceptance. Towards that

direction, greater resources and capacities could be provided to anti-racism organizations with the aim of delivering and promoting programmes and campaigns.

However, programs of racial equality and anti-racism campaigns can have potential limitations and

problematic features that can – counterintuitively – lead potentially to racism. For example, racial equality programmes may offer a direct and immediate solution to increasing the representation of minorities

(Bradbury S. , 2013), but they can also lead to a “white backlash” if the white part of the population feels targeted and excluded (Cleland & Cashmore, 2013). Moreover, the development of local BAME football

clubs can have a very positive impact. The organization of football competitions with other ethnic groups can challenge racism and subvert racial stereotypes while on the same time resulting in a football game

being an actual and successful mean of integration between local communities.

Finally, policies that address any potential lack of awareness should always be considered. However, to be successful they should focus on three distinct pillars: Firstly, to the higher echelons of the football

industry that needs to address issues of BAME under-representation and the see the actual dangers of racism for the sport. Secondly, there is the need to promote educational skill for local and migrant

population, along with language skills for the latter group to facilitate their integration. Lastly, there is the

need (evident in most European countries) to have a dialogue about national identity and future, along with how (or why) this identity is affected by the continuous and extended economic rundown.


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1. Introduction The 2011-12 season of the English Premier League, one of the most famous football championships in the world, was stigmatized by two events that seemed to come out of nowhere and turned back the

English football to the decades of 1970s and 1980s. More specifically, in a game between the teams Liverpool FC and Manchester United, Luis Suarez, a Liverpool forward and Manchester United defender

Patrice Evra engaged in physical altercations at a point in the game. There was a verbal banter between

the two players, visible by everyone in the stadium, however, the physical altercations never exceeded the standard tussles common to any other game in the League. Following the game however, Patrice

Evra complained to his manager Sir Alex Ferguson that Suarez had abused him racially. The management of Manchester United became also aware of the incident and a formal complaint was filed, which was

brought to the attention of the English Football Association (FA) for disciplinary review by an independent

Regulatory Commission. The case finally attracted world media attention and raised the issue.

Verbal racial abuse is a punishable offense according to the British law, nonetheless most neutral observers were amazed that such actions, believed to be actions and problems of the past, could still

occur in one of the most prominent championships in the world (Burdsey D. , 2014). Similarly, in a game between Chelsea FC and Queens Park Rangers, Chelsea captain John Terry was accused by Anton

Ferdinand for racial abuse. The Terry case received even more widespread media attention, because

John Terry was also the captain of the national team at the time. John Terry was banned for four games and fined for £220,000 for using insulting racial, insulting words (The Guardian, 2012).

Racism in football is not a new phenomenon; it emerged in the late 1970s and it has persisted ever since

(Cashmore & Cleland, 2014). There might have been periods where it seemed that the phenomenon was

eradicated, but it lingered silently in the background. Its apparent absence, and the surprise it was dealt with when episodes such as those of Suarez and Terry occurred, was the result of the media’s lack of

interest, the football establishment’s perhaps unwillingness to severely punish football players/superstars and of the ineffectiveness of the efforts to tackle racism.

Phenomena of racism appear in many sports, but tend to be more visible in football, due to its popularity, its coverage and the number of people that are engaged in it at all levels (European Union Agency of

Fundamental Rights, 2013). Racism in football emerged in the late 1970s and has persisted ever since (Cashmore & Cleland, 2014) in all the levels of the sport, it takes an appallingly wide range of forms in all

the EU countries (Kassimeris C. , 2009) and remains deeply rooted and pervasive in contemporary amateur football in countryside villages and semi-rural areas (Long, Hylton, Welch, & Dart, 2000), which

possess almost exclusively white populations (Burdsey D. , 2006); (Burdsey D. , 2007).

There have been periods where it seemed to have vanished, through efforts to prohibit racist behaviour

from and amongst the fans and governmental attempts to prevent racism through legislation. However, evidence suggest it remained. Its apparent absence was the result of the media’s lack of interest, the

football establishment’s -perhaps wilful- failure to notice it and the ineffectiveness to tackle its societal

roots.

The purpose of this report is to present a review of the literature with regards to racism in football and examine how the issues that were presented in the introduction have been analysed and dealt with, both

by the media and the international academic community. It is part of the BRISWA project, co-funded by the European Commission, whose aim is to promote a more comprehensive approach to tackling racism

by combining scientific rigorous modelling, education and campaigns in football games.


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The report is structured as follows:

In section 2 the methodology for the development of this report is presented.

In section 3, the most important definitions along with comments about their commonalities and

differences are presented

In section 4 there is a description of the evolution of racism in football.

In section 5, various anti-racism campaigns and legislations are presented along with

conclusions on why they have been ineffective in eliminating racism from football.

In section 6, there is a discussion of the reasons for which racism has persisted and still remains

present in football. Finally, section 7 concludes with a list of potential countermeasures that emerge from the

studying of the international literature and could be used not only for the BRISWA project, but

also by the appropriate corresponding football authorities.

2. Methodology For the literature review, the terms “racism in football”, “discrimination in football” were inserted in the Scopus and Web of Science databases. From the large list of papers that appeared, a further grouping

was achieved based on their abstracts. Furthermore, the papers that were dealing with homophobia and women’s discrimination were eliminated; thus, the focus of this literature review is on men’s football

activities in various countries in Europe. From the final list of documents, 81 papers, books and reports

corresponded to the above criteria.

These documents are from before the 1980s and span all the way to 2016. The figure below illustrates

how they are categorized per decade and country of publication.


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Figure 1 Number of documents per decade and country of publication

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

18

UK UK IT SCT UK All DK ESP FR GE IT NL SWE UK All CZ ESP FR IT NL UK

<1980 1980-1989

1990-1999 2000-2009 2010-

Number of Documents per decade and country of publication

Total


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As it can be observed, the vast majority of these concerns the English football, with the number increasing through the decades. Another insight provided by the figure is that in the years since 2010

more and more documents dealt with racism in various European countries, demonstrating that the

problem remains in football. Finally, various websites were visited in order to investigate how notable incidents were covered by the media at the time of their occurrence.

3. What is racism In this section of the report we will attempt to provide the basic definitions of racism that are

encountered in the literature along with the implications that these definitions might have to the overall effort to tackle racism.

To begin with, the term BAME (Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic people) is used as a general, descriptive marker that refers primarily to non-white communities, indigenous to the different countries and more

recently migrant populations. The term is widely used in public policy and public sciences (Long J. , Hylton, Sprancklen, Ratna, & Bailey, 2009). The BAME people are usually the recipients of racism and

racist abuse. However, the term racism is not easy to define, for it comes in many forms.

Essentially, racism is based upon skin colour as an outward indication of ethnic origin. The problem has

sharpened just at a time when players have become more mobile than ever, not only between countries but between continents, and at a time when ethnic families have been otherwise integrated in their

adopted homeland for several generations. But the trend also coincides with a deeply worrying increase in extreme right-wing activities outside the football stadium (FIFA, 2006).

A similar but more broad definition of racism is provided by (Macpherson, 1999):

‘Racism in general terms consists of conduct or words or practices which advantage or disadvantage people because of their color, culture or ethnic origin. In its more subtle form it is as damaging as in it overt form.’

According to Long et al (2000) racism arises from the belief that people can be divided into physical

genetic categories that make some superior to others, a belief which is then used to justify inequality.

However, racism in its basic form is not based solely on biological inheritance, but it has come to include also the fundamental nature of cultural differences (Llopis-Goig, 2013).

Further to this point, Solomos and Back (1996), who conducted a study on racism in society, state that

racism can be seen as a mutable and changing phenomenon in which notions of biological or pseudo-

biological cultural difference are utilized to legitimate hierarchies of racial dominance and exclusion. Therefore, there are cases where people do not realize they are disadvantaging people because of their

ethnicity. This is what can be referred to as everyday subconscious or indirect racism (Long, Hylton, Welch, & Dart, 2000). This subconscious or indirect form of racism might stem from frustration,

insecurity, lack of knowledge and in many cases lack of understanding. It can derive from the existence of a perception that the massive arrival of immigrants (or the “others”) will endanger the

indigenous/national identity (Llopis-Goig, 2013). In the fields of football this can be expressed by

collective chanting with a racist content, the most common of which is the “monkey” chant involving grunting sounds with accompanying monkey movements (Holland, 1996). These manifestations, although

also for racist reasons, are mainly intended to shake up the players on the other team and provoke their fans (Llopis-Goig, 2013). It shows the contradictory and inconsistent nature of racism in football. This


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type is observed when a team’s fans make fun of BAME players on the other team, as a way to distract

them, but accept those BAME players who play on their own team.

The terms of racism however, in some situations can also be reversed and lead to phenomena that are

difficult to grasp without a sense of the inherent contradictions of contingent racialization. For example, it has been noted that a racialized black identity can have a number of advantageous connotations within a

masculine culture like soccer. In some circles, the mythical dimensions of the black body (of physical, sexual and athletic prowess) may even make a black identity preferable over a white one in terms of its

ability to signify a powerful masculinity (Carrington, 2002). This “enlightened racism” can be seen in the

advertisements of Nike’s portrayal of African American athletes, where black athletes are equalized to superhuman black physicality (McKay, 1995).

As a result, such racialized identities may sometimes be sought out for short term gains as kind of

strategic essentialism' (Mercer, 1994). Without doubt, the contingent admiration of racialized black bodies

and men is not only a source of possibility within soccer culture, but also one of restraint. Racialized expectations of 'black performance', for example, position black players mostly in attacking roles, and

much more rarely as key defenders or goalkeepers (Maguire, 1991)

Moreover, such particular black identity is not available to all black players. In contrast to players of British-Caribbean descent, those of British Asian descent are rarely perceived as potentially talented

professional players in any position at all. The latter ethnicity, as Burdsey has shown, is stereotypically

taken as effeminate and too frail for soccer (Burdsey D. , 2004). These assumptions transcend a belief that it is true that Asians cannot play football. Examples include ‘not being good trainers, not being any

good once the pitches get muddy and not having the bottle to be defenders’ (Long J. , 2000).

However, as noted before, racism in football is inherently contradictory. As a result, a Japanese player,

Shunsuke Nakamura has been making a considerable contribution towards decreasing racist habits amongst Scottish football fans, merely by his popularity as a player. The friendly chant there of “Oh, it’s

so Japaneasy,” when Nakamura gets the ball makes a welcome change from the racist chants that are otherwise heard in football.

His football shirt had become the favorite new buy amongst Children in Glasgow, and they have

welcomed him as one of their own, so that: "The Japanese midfielder revealed in the pages of the official

club magazine, The Celtic View, that he would even contemplate extending his contract with the Hoops, such is the manner in which he has acclimatized to life in the West of Scotland."1

In conclusion, while most studies in the past have focused on the issue of fan behavior and how they

express the basic form of racism, recent articles and books in the literature examine racism at other

levels, where it takes more subtle and dangerous forms. It was named “Institutional racism”:

The collective failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people (Macpherson, 1999).

1 http://www.soccerphile.com/soccerphile/news/scot-premier/shunsuke.html

http://www.soccerphile.com/soccerphile/news/scot-premier/shunsuke.html


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Institutional racism comprises a broad range of white racist dimensions: the racist ideology, attitudes,

emotions, habits, actions and institutions of whites (Feagin, 2006) and has its roots in society; it was used by employers who were reluctant to recruit immigrants upon their arrival to Britain during the 1950s

and 60s. However, there is still little evidence to suggest that significant advances have occurred against

entrenched forms of racism (Solomos & Back, 1996).

Garland and Rowe (1999) suggest that these forms of racism are actually more harmful to individuals because of the impact on their ordinary lives which can cause psychological upset in a way that is,

though hard to quantify, deeply felt. They also note that initiatives would benefit from having more

sociological thinking behind them: "Adopting these perspectives at the local level would help both clubs and fans to develop and sustain more meaningful programmes that suit the prevailing conditions

(Garland & Rowe, 2001, p. 335)

In conclusion, it can be observed that the definition of racism has changed through the years to include

not only biological differences but also cultural; thus what started as racism based on skin color and the perception that those different people are “getting our jobs”, has evolved into cultural racism with those

different “being responsible for terrorism and fear” Furthermore, it can take a wide range of forms, some more subtle and covert than others, without however reducing how dangerous they are. Finally, even

within those definitions, along within its manifestations, racism is inherently contradictory, especially in football.

4. Evolution of racism in football The first black professional footballers, Arthur Wharton and Walter Tull, played in England in the

nineteenth century (Vasili, 2000). Black players continued to play in the following decades, like Charlie

Williams, in the 1950s and Tony Collins, who became the first black manager of a professional club in Britain when he took charge of Rochdale in 1960 (Garland & Rowe, 2001), but the overwhelming pattern

was that the low number of black players meant white supporters felt no threat to their racial dominance.

In the 1960s and 1970s the debate about race relations in England had largely been in terms of restricting the increasing number of immigrants that were entering the country and therefore the

question of controlling the “enemy without” (Horne, 1996). The economic crisis of the 1970s however,

accompanied by a moral panic about crime and urban disorders helped to cement the idea that Black people represented the “enemy within” (Small, 1994).

Under these circumstances, more and more Black players like Vic Anderson, Garth Crooks, Cyrille Regis,

Laurie Cunningham, John Barnes, began to make significant breakthroughs in English football, despite

the fact that they were not well received by sections of the largely populated white supporter base (Cleland & Cashmore, 2014) and overt hostilities were a regular feature of the game. Two favourite

stereotypes among football fans of the era are that black players are lazy and will avoid the hard work and physical challenge which is sometimes necessary to win the ball (Horne, 1996); (Mason, 1989);

(Back, Crabbe, & Solomos, 2001).

Against a disintegrating employment market and an influx of migrants, far-right extremism started to rise

in the society. It is far-right parties like the National Front (and later the British National Party and Column in England or the League of the North in Italy) that are blamed for the increase in racist abuse

during those years (Holland, 1996), (Williams, 1984).


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Organized groups such as the National Front, became prominent on the football terraces, as they

attempted to recruit disaffected young working-class men to their racist cause (Centre for Contemporary Studies, 1981). The reason is that the young working-class men, who formed the majority of the

supporters of the football teams, were feeling threatened by the increased number of immigrants and the

occupancy of traditional and symbolic sites, culminated with the slogan “They are taking our jobs, our schools, our neighbourhoods” (Cohen, 1988). Furthermore, these supporters were feeling alienated

through the changing focus of the clubs towards commercialization and that their close relationships with the clubs were being threatened (Taylor, 1971). Thus, these tensions were exploited by far-right groups,

who promoted violent disorder as a form of resistance and racist abuse against black players as a means

to protest against rising immigration and unemployment (Bradbury S. , 2010a), (Cashmore E. , 1982), (Cashmore & Cleland, 2014), (Holland, 1996), (Williams, 1992).

A similar situation was observed in the countries of the south like Italy, where racism became widespread

through Italian stadiums, as many ultra groups became affiliated to far-right parties (Podaliri & Balestri,

1998). However, racism in Italy took the form of abuse against the slightly darker players coming from southern Italy. This racism was especially evident in games between northern and southern teams

(Lanfranchi & Wagg, 1995). With the rise of regionalist Lega Nord in the 1980s, a party hostile to the south that frequently referred to southerners in racist terms, regional sentiments proliferated on the

terraces (Kassimeris C. , 2011)

Thus far the opinions and comments about racism in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s implicitly state that the

causes of racism originate from society and find a fertile ground to manifest themselves in the football

fields. However, not all scientists agreed with this particular assertion. For example, (Williams, Dunning, & Murphy, 1989) suggest that it remains uncertain as to whether racist views emerge in society and are

transmitted into football or whether football develops these racist thoughts as a result of the passion and prejudices that it creates within fans.

No matter the direction of racism, several events in the last years of 1980s, like the Hillsborough disaster,

the implementation of all-seated stadia equipped with CCTV and the effort by the clubs to create a more civilized setting for the football games by increasing the admission price (thus alienating even further the

traditional supporters) (Dunning, 1999) created a new situation in the fields of football. Furthermore, (Back, Crabbe, & Solomos, 2001) observe that until the mid 1990s the debate about racism in football

was almost exclusively focused on the problem of fan behaviour. In fact, challenging racism was initially grouped into the wider objective of dealing with hooliganism and fascism.

The initial success of anti-racism campaigns had a great effect on reducing overt forms of racism. In addition, the Bosman ruling facilitated the mobility of athletes among countries, thus creating the

impression that football was entering a post-racial era (Doidge, 2015).

However, academics and analysts started noticing the more subtle forms of racism at the same period.

For example, black players have consistently accounted for more than 10% of all players in the various championships, yet only 1% of the supporters that attended the games had the same origin (Carling

Report, 1994). Similar under-representation was observed on second and third generation Asian players at professional clubs in England (Bains & Patel, 1996). The situation was not dissimilar in other European

countries such as the Netherlands and Denmark, where an absence of Turkish, Moroccan and Somali heritage players at clubs was observed in contrast to their strong levels of active participation within the

organized amateur game and their significant number of numerical presence within the wider national

population (Van Sterkenburg, J., & Rijen, 2005)

The terrorist attacks on the Twin Towers in 2001 left a deep mark on the perceptions of race, identity and religion throughout the world, leaving also its mark in football. Although Islamophobia was present

before 9/11, this event increased the prejudices Muslims felt in most parts of the western world. Saeed


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and Kilvington (2005) suggest that racist dispositions have moved away from a biological focus to one of

cultural difference that increasingly draws on whiteness, national identity and belonging.

In football, Muslims suffered racial harassment even by living near football stadia (Burdsey & Radhawa,

2012), Muslim players became victims of racial abuse in increasing numbers (BBC, 2008); (Thorpe, 2002) and of course Muslim fans attending the games were not indicative of the multi-cultural make-up of the

European population. Especially for Asian players, Bains and Patel (1996) note that islamophobia and cultural racism explain their absence from the professional game, despite their level of participation at the

amateur level. This fact was also corroborated by the Independent Football Commission in England, in

their wide ranging analysis of football in 2004 (Burdsey D. , 2004).

In this regard, cultural misconceptions portray (South-) Asian cultures as static, falsely homogeneous and culturally disinterested in football (Burdsey D. , 2004), (Burdsey D. , 2006). Ironically, it was the black

players who were once viewed as “lazy and unable to play in the cold” (Back, Crabbe, & Solomos, 2001).

Branigan (2001) contrast this distinction between British-Asians with African-Caribbeans and argues that whilst the physical attributes associated with the latter group have come to be considered as

advantageous, those of British-Asians are still not (Back, Crabbe, & Solomos, 2001).

Apart from a shift towards the study of cultural racism, more recent academic attention has focused on examining patterns of institutional discrimination apparent within national and local governance of

professional football clubs (Back, Crabbe, & Solomos, 2001), (Bains J. , 2005), (Bradbury S. , 2010b),

(Burdsey D. , 2004), (Lusted, 2009). Two publicized reports have also referenced examples of institutional racism embedded within the conjunctive relation between restrictive national political models

of citizenship and organizational practices enacted by national governing bodies in sports in EU (European Commission against Social Intolerance, 2008), (European Union for Fundamental Rights, 2011).

Furthermore, Bradbury et al. (2011) argued that football club owners have internalized a series of

historically inscribed and deeply racialized stereotypes, which are evident within every level at the hierarchical pyramid structure of football. Hence, events such as the racist comments by the head coach

of the Spanish National team Luis Aragones (Cashmore & Cleland, 2014), the lack of BAME people in management positions of the governing bodies (Hattenstone, 2012), along with the unfortunate remarks

by the (former) president of FIFA Sepp Blatter that any racist abuse should end with a handshake (BBC, 2011), all point to the fact that football remains rife with institutional racism (Krasnoff, 2017) and a

colour-blind ideology (or racial neo-liberalism) is used as a frame of mind to dismiss the importance of

race.

Finally, one event in 2012 shows the future direction of research with regards to racial discrimination in football; Joshua Cryer 21, was sentenced to two-year community service after racist tweets to Stan

Collymore (BBC, 2012). Thus, technological changes have provided fans with a new conduit to express

racist dispositions in a very covert way and has come to be considered as equally dangerous as institutional racism (Cleland & Cashmore, 2014), (Cleland & Cashmore, 2013), (King A. , 2003).

5. Anti-racism Initiatives To tackle racism and racist behaviour in football games a lot of initiatives were developed, especially after

the 1990s. The following paragraphs of this section present the main anti-racism campaigns in football, several examples of legislation that attempted to address racism in football (and in society in general)

and finally converge on the conclusions that can be drawn by those initiatives.


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5.1 Campaigns in Football

Table 1 Main and local anti-racist campaigns in football across different EU countries

a/a Started Year

Name Purpose and outcome Posters

1976 Rock Against Racism

It was a collective response to the racially motivated abuse, physical and verbal. It was

primarily a musical movement with bands such as the Clash, Steel Pulse and Elvis Costello

leading protest marches or concerts to publicize

opposition to the racist tendencies that seemed to be spreading (Goodyear, 2009).

1995 Progetto Ultra

Founded in 1995 in Bologna, Italy with the aim of establishing a network of organized football fans.

The main aims of the campaign were to raise

awareness and carry out research on the Ultra movement, to advocate fan interests and the

prevention of violence amongst Ultra groups and finally develop anti-racism fan tournaments.


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1 1993 Let’s Kick

Racism Out Of

Football/Kick It Out (KIO)

In august 1993 the Commission for Racial

Equality (CRE) with the support of the

Professional Footballers Association (PFA) launched a hard hitting campaign with the slogan

“Let’s kick Racism out of Football” (Holland, 1996). The Commission for Racial Equality (CRE)

formed KIO in the belief that by eliminating

racism from football, it could also tackle the issue in larger cultural contexts (Bebber, 2012).

Targeted to racism and racist language in football as well as a wider focus on race equality.

Part of this campaign was the installation of prescriptive written codes of conduct supporters

had to adhere to whilst in the stadiums they

entered. In fact, the focus on race at this time was not just confined to football.

The campaign was renamed to Kick It Out (KIO) and aimed at enhancing the presence of racially

aware police officers and stewards, encouraging

clubs to publicly condemn racist abuse and ensure that the proper sanctions are applied.

The campaign put racism and racist language at the forefront, tried and changed fan behaviour,

written codes of conduct were installed inside

stadia with the threat of prosecution for those supporters engaging in racist acts

However, the campaign has received criticism because it focused solely on overt forms of

racism and failed to establish and apply educational measures to combat the root causes

of racism.

https://www.google.gr/url?sa=i&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=images&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwiptsWvovHSAhUG1xQKHTo_DjAQjRwIBw&url=https%3A%2F%2Fen.wikipedia.org%2Fwiki%2FKick_It_Out_(organisation)&psig=AFQjCNFnqMIgoqDWqCZgveQlNVlEvWFF0g&ust=1490517965543358


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1995 Football

Unites, Racism

Divides (FURD)

The campaign was formed following the

government’s failure to eliminate racism and

discrimination in Britain despite successive pieces of “race relations legislation” (Bloch & Solomos,

2010). Similar to KIO, the FURD campaign initially

attempted to combat the overt racism among

supporters which had become a feature of the game in the 70’s and 80’s.

Although KIO and FURD have recently focused on more subtle forms of racism, their initial

preoccupation with the racist hooligan has limited their effectiveness in eliminating racism among

supporters. Campaigns have failed to show an

awareness on the broader societal issues. FURD has had the same problems as KIO:

Ineffective in educating adult supporters- initiatives are largely aimed at young people

(http://www.furd.org), ineffective in addressing

the lack of Asian Players within professional football.

The failure of clubs to adopt measures encouraged by KIO has meant that anti-racism

campaigns have been ineffective in eliminating

racial concerns from the lives of players. Racial abuse between players has persisted due to the

lack of appropriate sanctions. Similarly Asian players are still unable to make the mass

breakthrough into the professional game due to a lack of initiatives and scouting measures

employed by clubs. As a result, anti-racism

campaigns have been largely ineffective.

http://www.furd.org/


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2 1996 “Show Racism

the Red Card”

Aimed to combat racist views by providing

educational resources and implementing

workshops that are targeted at young people. Later on, a campaign organized by FIFA,

targeted to encourage players to report incidents of racism ‘in the hope of obtaining a clearer

picture of the extent of the problem’. They

broadcasted this message around the world.

3 2005 “Stand Up

Speak Up”

Aimed to encourage the silent majority’ of non-

racist fans to speak up against racist abuse in stadiums. The symbol of the campaign is two

interlocked wristbands, one black, one white, which was worn by players across Europe from

the end of January. Initially, 2.5 million of the

wristbands were available to fans across Europe. Stand Up Speak Up was a campaign started up

by Nike to basically 'Kick Racism out of Football'. Nike had used many famous footballers as the

faces for their campaign. Thierry Henry (on the

left) was just one of the famous faces used. The way in which they got people involved was

by selling a wristband, that was interlinked; one black and one white. Many sports shops sold

them!

http://www.google.ie/imgres?start=140&sa=X&rlz=1T4TSEH_en___IE380&biw=1422&bih=748&tbm=isch&tbnid=s7zee7OKS8eUiM:&imgrefurl=http://www.anphoblacht.com/contents/22595&docid=TY6WAQZgaRq19M&imgurl=http://www.anphoblacht.com/files/images/orig/2012/red-card-wall1_1280.jpg&w=610&h=488&ei=Y5vvUYWAIciM7Abt7YCQDw&zoom=1&ved=1t:3588,r:53,s:100,i:163&iact=rc&page=7&tbnh=170&tbnw=212&ndsp=23&tx=138.11114501953125&ty=82.77777862548828


17 | P a g e

4 2006 “Say no to

Racism”

Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE)

together with FIFA ran the anti-racism campaign.

Targeted to have a greater impact on soccer authorities. These included banners during the

football matches and mini-spots were available to all TV broadcasters. For instance, they also set

up a multilingual 24-hour-hotline to report racist

incidents during the World Cup. The specific campaign has managed to influence the non-

football world as well. In their advertisement they used international football stars to get the

message across. These players were influencial in their clubs and countries; for example Messi in

South America/Argentina and Mueller in

Europe/Germany.

2006

Internationale Club de

Football (Hungary)

The aim of the campaign was twofold: To help the social integration of refugees and migrants

living in Hungary and to provide legal help for the club’s members, particularly those related to

social integration.

2007 Racism Breaks

the Game

(Romania)

An innovative campaign in Romania designed to

raise awareness. The campaign contained a

visible but not always explicit Roma element. Support was given at a very early stage from the

Federation, the media, government and NGOs working with the Roma Community.

The goal was to tackle the issue of racism within

football, before broadening the project to include activities aimed at the wider society.

http://www.google.ie/url?sa=i&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&frm=1&source=images&cd=&cad=rja&docid=liukNK92b_HzmM&tbnid=A5PzsRJy0LUz5M:&ved=0CAUQjRw&url=http://flickriver.com/photos/tags/stagium/interesting/&ei=7TByUojqJJDwhQfVp4H4DA&bvm=bv.55819444,d.ZGU&psig=AFQjCNHptssr6gVXkD9C0JtslUbleWRdNA&ust=1383301574848638


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5 2009 “All Colours

Are Beautiful”

The tenth Action Week was promoted by a host

of campaigning material, including a new poster

carrying the slogan 'All Colours Are Beautiful' which has been created by the English group

Football Unites, Racism Divides. While the Action Week spanned nine countries in 2001, the 2009

edition involved 40 European nations, all co-

ordinated by eight experienced FARE (Football against Rasism in Europe) societies in Austria,

England, France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Slovakia and Spain.

6 2012 “Respect” The Respect project at UEFA EURO 2012

tournament had four main stands: fighting against racism, increasing and improving access

for fans with disabilities, promoting health through physical activity, and improving

intercultural dialogue between fans. The

ambassadors for the campaign were Italian referee Pierluigi Colina and Dutch footballer

Clarence Seedorf. The campaign was mainly visible through TV spot which was broadcast at

half-time during matches, as well as on screens

at the stadiums. Part of the programme was in co-operation with the Football Against Racism in

Europe network. It was entitled RESPECT Diversity and it was co-ordinated by the Warsaw-

based NEVER AGAIN Association in Poland and Ukraine.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/UEFA_EURO_2012

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clarence_Seedorf

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Football_Against_Racism_in_Europe

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Football_Against_Racism_in_Europe


19 | P a g e

8 2017 “UNITE

against

racism”

Since the early 1990s, “UNITE against Rasism”

coordinates every year around the 21st of March

the European Action Week Against Racism. Activists, NGOs, universities, schools,

municipalities and a wide variety of different organizations carry out hundreds of activities all

around Europe in order to bring an end to

racism, discrimination and intolerance.


20 | P a g e

5.2 Legislation Legislation about racism or anti-racism in football goes back to the beginning of the 20th century, when in 1908 the Italian football governing body had decided to expel from the football league all clubs that

featured foreign players and relegate them to a specially designed competition (Kassimeris C. , 2011). Other important laws include the Football Offences Act, 1991, which made it illegal to take part at a

designated football match when chanting in an indecent or racialist nature (Football (Offences) Act, 1991).

The FA continued legislating and the next step was the English Football’s Inclusion and Anti-Discrimination Plan. The aim of the Inclusion and Anti-Discrimination Plan was to improve the overall

response to racism and discrimination, increase the consistency of sanctions and guarantee that Police deal with offences appropriately2. Similar to most anti-racism campaigns, the legislation aimed mainly to

bring forward facets of racism and the restrictive measures forced fans to remain silent for ninety

minutes, but they did nothing to challenge racism in a broader context.

The following table provides a summary of the most important European Directives and Laws concerning racism.

Table 2 Directives and Laws from the European Union (European Union Agency of Fundamental Rights, 2013)

Document Institution Goal Legal Nature

Racial Equality Directive

2000/43/EC

European Commission Prohibition of direct or

indirect discrimination

on grounds of racial or ethnic origin, religion or

belief, disability, age or sexual orientation

applicable to professional sport and

access to services

Binding

Action Plan Pierre de Coubertin

European Commission Prevention of and fight against racism and

violence in sport

Non-binding

White Paper on Sport 2007

European Commission Outline of EU Sport Policy

Non-binding

European Parliament

Resolution on the White Paper on Sport 2008

European Parliament Calling on Member

States to implement the Racial Equality Directive

and Employment

Equality Directive in Sport

Non-binding

European Parliament

resolution on the situation of

fundamental rights in the European Union

2009

European Parliament Promotes stronger and

further-reaching activities to fight racism

Non-binding

2 http://www.thefa.com/news/2015/jan/26/inclusion-anti-discrimination-plan-launched

http://www.thefa.com/news/2015/jan/26/inclusion-anti-discrimination-plan-launched


21 | P a g e

Conclusions

Arguably, the campaigns and the legislation have improved the situation in football. This progress has been also verified by the football players who have been at the receiving end of racist abuse (Long J. ,

2000). However, recently these same campaigns have received criticism and there has been an

agreement that the focus in racism has been superficial, selective and colour-blinded. Firstly, the focus on the spectator/individual as the sole instigator of racist abuse has failed to address the root causes and

dynamics of racism. Secondly, the campaigns and the legislation have not been fully effective in making the multi-cultural make-up of football crowds reflective of the complexion of the wider societies of the

modern EU Member States.

Furthermore, the use of harsh punishment discourages players from engaging in racist actions but they

have done nothing to alter their underlying perceptions and attitudes. In that sense, Garland and Rowe (2001) argue that zero tolerance policies will do little to counter the ignorance, stereotypes and

prejudices which marginalize or exclude altogether MABE people from many areas of contemporary

football. On the other hand, educational measures can be powerful for future players but do little to challenge the views of the present players and fans. Moreover, institutionalized forms of racism have

been pushed underground, and BAME people are still under-represented as members of the boardroom and as football managers. This is evidence of the fact that these campaigns have been ineffective in

encouraging a large portion of to adopt and appropriately implement equal opportunities policies.

Finally and more importantly, what has been perceived in the recent past as the absence and/or

management of racism may, at times, have been non-recognition and non-detection. This arises from rigid, conceptually narrow interpretations of racism and inadequate anti-racist praxis within the

governance of professional football manifested in ways that fail to name racism and white privilege within specific institutions, rely on proclamations of moral indignation around individual incidents and implement

policies that require evidence of action but not necessarily of change (Spracklen, Hylton, & Long, 2006).

Hence, despite the range of initiatives that have been introduced there are still many who do are not

willing to act to reduce racism either due to ill-inclination to act, or misinformation (or inability to recognise racism), or even due to an active opposition to take anti-racism actions (Long J. , 2000).

6. Why has racism persisted in football There are a number of reasons why racism has persisted in football. Firstly, the high media profile

enjoyed by football clubs around the world (in the form of 24-hour attention by media and social networks alike) may have emboldened its followers into believing that they can get away with racist

abuse and harassment. Furthermore, the achievements of high-profile minority football players in seen as

evidence of the inclusivity of the sport and its capacity to offer opportunities for personal advancement and social mobility for BAME people in ways which might be denied in other areas of public life (Bradbury

S. , 2013), thus enhancing the argument that racism in football is simply sporadic and an individual (fans’/supporters’) issue.

Moreover, the attempt to normalize racism in the field takes the form of arguing that it is natural for

people to be abused and in sport racist abuses are considered as a joke with no harm intended (Long J. ,

2000). Nonetheless, when the abuse is directed at an individual’s ethnicity, it strips the victims of their identity, it attacks their status as a human being and denies their right to dignity (Hill, 1989). As a result,

racist incidents in the field are interpreted once again as unusual, episodic and spontaneous, the outcome of personal prejudices and loss of self-control due to the high tensions of competitive sports (Burdsey D.

, 2014); (Müller, Floris, van Zoonen, & de Roode, 2007). Hence, racism in football still persists because it


22 | P a g e

is considered as an individual, privatized matter rather than originating from within the game’s

institutions and organizations.

Burdsey (2007) suggests that this colour-blind ideology permeates through football as the relevant

authorities refuse to acknowledge the extent to which racism remains present. This theory of colour-blindness does not deny the existence of race, but rejects the claim that it is responsible for the massive

inequalities in all the major areas of economic, political, social and cultural life. Essentially, it is not that race is ignored, rather there is the tendency to dismiss the notion that race is responsible for hierarchy

and structural discrimination (Burdsey D. , 2014), (Renfrew & Snyder, 2016).

As such, the feeling that the issue of racism has been tackled merely drives racism underground. At the

same time, the racialized power relations and patterns of white privilege enable racism to be effortlessly reproduced and perpetuated, while hegemonic structures remain unchallenged (Hylton, 2009).

In the latest years, racism and discrimination are evident in the low levels of minority representations in leadership positions in sport; especially in countries where the demographic make-up of the national

population is perceived to be homogeneous (Bradbury S. , 2013), (Krasnoff, 2017), (Long J. , Hylton, Sprancklen, Ratna, & Bailey, 2009) and where politicians do not use race high in their agendas (Scholz P.

, 2016a).

Furthermore, the historical legacy of racism in the football fields has contributed significantly to the

relative paucity of BAME fans attending games (Bains & Johal, 1998), (Pinto, Drew, & Minhas, 1997). In addition, Sallaz (2010) suggests that individuals who come of age in one racial formation will tend to

generate practices that preserve social schemata.

Finally, King (2004) states that racism in football is nothing more than a mirror of society. Especially in

Europe, where there is a wider discussion on issues of national identity and citizenship and a problem of increased migration flows. In combination with a falling birth rate across Europe, immigrants are

necessary but their social presence is considered undesirable (Doidge, 2015), thus perpetuating the stereotype of BAME people being associated with danger and criminality (Talbot & Bose, 2007).

Lastly, this resistance to acknowledge and tackle the deeper roots of racism may also be due to a more

general lack of awareness or non-knowledge of the concept, practices and outcomes of institutional

racism and other forms of discrimination.

7. Policies and Countermeasures The studying of the literature about racism in football offers another opportunity; instead of concluding this report with a recap of everything that has been written before, we suggest policies and

countermeasures - rising from the patterns that emerged in the literature - that could be used both in the BRISWA project (for example to be tested in the mathematical models of racism, and/or discussed in the

raining course) and by the appropriate authorities.

To develop potential successful countermeasures to tackle racism in football, one can look at successful

best practices around the world. For example, in cities like Leicester where a strong equal opportunities programme that has been in place for years. In addition, the relative stability of the local economy has

promoted the process of integration and acceptance. Hence, there is a consensus that equates patterns of minority under-representation with inequalities of access to social, economic and cultural resources. As

a result, potential policies could focus on reducing inequalities in social life with the purpose of reducing


23 | P a g e

culture of discrimination in the football field. Towards that direction, greater resources and capacities

could be provided to anti-racism organizations with the aim of delivering and promoting programmes and campaigns.

However, programs of racial equality and anti-racism campaigns can have potential limitations and problematic features that can - counterintuitively- lead to racism. For example, racial equality

programmes may offer a direct and immediate solution to increasing the representation of minorities (Bradbury S. , 2013), but they can also lead to a “white backlash” if the white part of the population feels

targeted and excluded (Cleland & Cashmore, 2013).

Moreover, the development of local BAME football clubs can have a very positive impact. The

organization of football competitions with other ethnic groups can challenge racism and subvert racial stereotypes and resulting in a football game being an actual mean of integration between local

communities.

Finally, policies that address any potential lack of awareness should always be considered. However, to

be successful they should focus on three distinct pillars: Firstly, to the higher echelons of the football industry that needs to address issues of BAME under-representation and the see the actual dangers of

racism for the sport. Secondly, there is the need to promote educational skill for local and migrant population, along with language skills for the latter group to facilitate their integration. Lastly, there is the

need (evident in most European countries) to have a dialogue about national identity and future along

with how (or why) this identity is affected by the continuous and extended economic depression.


24 | P a g e

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