CEO’s Corner

Dr Matlotleng Matlou—Chief Executive Office of the Africa Institute of South Africa

Continues on Page 3

the medicine would effect.

Could the huge territorial fights

over the location of NEPAD in

South Africa rather than Addis

Ababa have taken their toll; is

NEPAD being slowly strangled

because of the slight independ-

ence it wanted from the AU; has

donor fatigue set in; and is the

body too tied to the founding

fathers, many of whom are no

longer in power? These are vital

questions that must be pon-

dered on as Africa seeks to

move along the path of integrat-

ing itself. As we reflect on 10

years of its existence we must

ask why it was formed and how

far it has met its objectives;

what obstacles it faces and what

support it requires.

Two options were debated

regarding membership of the AU

in 2001: it could be based on

democratic and development

criteria or geography meaning

all countries in Africa. How dif-

ferent the AU would have been

if the first option had been cho-

sen. It would have meant that

countries could only become

members if they met the agreed

criteria. The others would then

be evaluated and then given

action plans

T he African Union (AU) met in

Equatorial Guinea in June/

July 2011. As usual there

was a long list of issues in its final

declaration which raise a number o f

interesting questions for this organi-

sation that will be commemorating

10 years of existence next year. Be-

fore concentrating on that a few

words about the NEPAD Planning

Agency which itself celebrated its

10th anniversary this year. It seems

with time this organisation has be-

come less and less visible, with its

transformation from a secretariat to

a planning agency last year not giving

the resuscitation the doctor hoped

Vol 7 July 2011

Space Science Technology

in Africa

By Nomasonto Magano

Space science technology can help address

some of Africa’s challenges as well as help to

achieve the Millennium Development Goals.

South Sudan: A New African State is Born

By Lindokuhle Khumalo

South Sudan begins its independence, Africa’s

youngest country.

Poverty in Africa: The

Fight Continues

By Brenda Modisaotsi

Poverty is not simply a lack of money; it also

means that people don’t know where their next

meal will come from.

Page 10

Page 7

Page 4

Featured in this issue

From the Archives: JOHN GARANG

6

The African Response to the

Venezuelan African Agenda

9

Poverty in Africa: The Fight

Continues

10

Book Review 12

The Challenges of Consoli-dating Democratic Govern-ance in Swaziland

14

A Roadmap to Unity: The

2011 Nigerian Elections

16

‘It’s time to tweet the City

Council’

17

‘African-Centred Education,

Curriculum and Content’

18

WizCat 19

S lowly but surely the power of social media is beginning to bear fruits

for the institute. To put it into perspective our website, with a lowly average of about 3k unique visitors a month, will soon play second fiddle to these new media channels. And it is no-brainer that our social media channels have potential to surpass that reach by the end of the year, elevating Face-book and Twitter as important communication tools for the institute in reaching new (target) markets. I can only hope resources, such as internet advertising, are invested in this space with-out neglecting and compromis-ing on the quality of website (and newsletter), which remain the window into the institute. What is also assuring is the quality and not the quantity of people and organisations that follow us on our respective social media pages. Without name dropping, AISA can count a council member, staff, jour-nalists, students, politicians and researchers amongst its fan base. I hope at some stage re-searchers and divisions will be invited to blog and contribute in other ways to this space, thus stimulating debate in the country. Two interesting events helped profile the institute positively to the greater public this month.

Prof. Phindile Lukhele-Olorunju from the Natural Sci-ences cohort was nominated in the Educators category for the 2011 Women of the Year. Her nomination put the spotlight on AISA, and she has not failed in increasing our brand value if not hers. We also wish our researchers, Nedson Pophiwa and Shingi Mu-tanga, all the best on their field research trips in Uganda and Zambia respectively. As always the read is packed with interesting pieces from our team of writers across divisions and I hope you will enjoy it. Let me take this opportunity to thank everyone at the institute who supported my communica-tion efforts in my short lived stay with the institute. Please con-tinue to offer the same kind of support to Mr Otsile Malebaco, Ms Nicol Olivier and the rest of the interns on the Newsletter Committee. And I can only wish that my successor finds a more enabling environment. It’s a wrap!

Editorial By Makgwathane Mothapo

Page 2

with timeframes based on variable geometry which would determine when they could join. What rather happened was that all countries became members and then there have been feeble attempts through the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to encourage change. This may have been able to work if the AU was a strong supranational organisation. Is it not wishful thinking to expect leaders who have been in power from on average over twenty years in most African countries to encourage others to give up power; become more democratic, not rig elections, strength civil society to criticise them etc. Were we not asking for too much of the AU and regional economic communities (RECs) in the crises in North Africa (Commissioner Jean Ping in his report to the AU Summit in January 2011, said he could not speak to the Arab Spring that was then blowing across North Africa); Ivory Coast; Madagascar, Zimbabwe amongst others. The Economic Community of West African States and Southern African Development Community have been seized with some of these matters, but very little visible progress can be accountable to them. We need to recognise that our weakness, particularly that of the AU is what has led to outsiders having a greater say in some of the crises on the continent. There have been meetings in Europe and other parts of the world by NATO to discuss Libya, with virtually no African representation. This is deja vu from the enslavement of millions of Africans a few centuries ago; the Kongo (Berlin) Conference in the 19th century, where 14 European countries and the United States met and most of Africa was colonised; and the cold war where Africa was largely a pawn during the cold war. Is the 2nd scramble for Africa on? This was the theme of a conference

AISA, with the Tshwane University of Technology, Department of Science and Technology, National Research Foundation and other parts from the continent and the Diaspora pondered over in May 2011. It is all the more urgent that Africa put its house in order. AU membership criteria must be revised and granted to only those that meet same. Being a member must be so priceless that non-member will be encouraged to endeavour to meet the conditions for joining. There must also be sanctions for breaching membership criteria. Our international partners, if they are real partners, will also need to respect the revised AU and take their cue in dealing with Africa based on the principles the AU expounds. Of course, the realist school of international relations will advise that in real politics power is the name of the game. If Africa can transform itself like China and India, then we would be taken more seriously and treated with the necessary respect. If that is the case, we must go back to the drawing board; not to create new plans but to dust off the practical ones like the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty on the African Economic Community and see how and when

these can be implemented. The unwieldy number of RECs must be dealt with speedily; in this regard the action plan of the Tripartite Free Trade Area following the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, East African Community and SADC in June 2011 in South Africa is encouraging. We citizens of these RECS must hold our leaders to the commitments they made and hope that substantial progress will have been made in the three year timeframe agreed to. AU members should be compelled to pay their dues; implement AU resolutions and live up to the treaty obligations. Many countries had their dues paid by Libya and with the imbroglio that the latter is presently facing a substantial part of the AU budget will not be met. The membership dues are assessed on a country’s capacity. Surely with many African countries growing at an average of 5,5 per cent annually (even if from a low base) and spending huge resources on unnecessary items, the least they can do is pay membership dues if they want to be part of the AU. It does not seem like the organisation is suspending members for non-payment, so it is not taken seriously. A s w e m o v e t o w a r d s commemorating the 10th anniversary of the AU next year, let all Africans including those in the 6th region (Diaspora) spend the next 12 months mobilising and lobbying for real change to the AU. Let us campaign for a an organisation we can be proud of that will lead us to the promised land envisaged by the forefathers (all the leaders meeting in Addis Ababa on 25 May 1963 were men) 49 years ago!

Page 3

Continues from Page 1

IS IT NOT WISHFUL

THINKING TO EXPECT

LEADERS WHO HAVE

BEEN IN POWER FROM

ON AVERAGE OVER

TWENTY YEARS IN MOST

AFRICAN COUNTRIES TO

ENCOURAGE OTHERS TO

GIVE UP POWER;

BECOME MORE

DEMOCRATIC,

Page 4

South Sudan: A New African State is Born

By Lindokuhle Khumalo

O n 9 July 2011 Africa saw the first redrawing of an internal border by

popular vote. Sudan, which had until that point been the conti-nent’s largest country, was split into two politically independent states thereby giving rise to a new country in its southern re-gion. This peaceful partition marked the historic transition of southern Sudan to the Republic of South Sudan. On-going vio-lence in different parts of the region particularly in the areas along the north-south border did not hinder the inauguration ceremony from being character-ised by vibrant celebrations for independence. On that momen-tous day, thousands of South Sudanese packed the streets of Juba, the new nation’s capital city, to dance and set off fire-works while chanting ‘SPLM o-yei, South Sudan o-yei, freedom o-yei!’. South Sudan’s secession from Sudan is the culmination of the 2005 peace agreement which was signed to end the two decades-long civil war between the southern and northern re-gions of the Sudan. The conflict between the two regions claimed more than two million lives and resulted in scores of displaced people. Part of the agreement required that a refer-endum be held where the south-ern Sudanese could vote for unity or secession from the north. The referendum took place in January 2011 with the voters overwhelmingly opting for secession. It is generally agreed that the devastation that the southerners have gone

through justifies their decision to create a separate state. How-ever, even though South Sudan is now politically independent, a number of serious challenges continue to confront this new country. South Sudan’s separation from greater Sudan is a compli-cated matter considering how vital co-operation between the two countries is. While the se-cession has taken place, a num-ber of serious issues remain un-resolved between these two nations. Despite years of talks and international conferences, the north and south still have not reached agreements with regards to the management of oil revenues, payments of their debts and the disputed region of Abyei. Considering that both economies are significantly de-pendent on oil revenues, the absence of an agreement on oil transactions for example, cre-ates fertile ground for misunder-standings

and accusations. History shows that resource conflicts can have devastating impacts on people at grassroots level. It is notewor-thy that the north has not only stressed its readiness to work with as well as assist the south in setting up the new state, but was also notably the first nation to recognize South Sudan as an independent country. This gives hope that the two sister nations’ peaceful coexistence is not a far-fetched dream. Even though South Sudan has generous oil reserves, it be-gins independence with a lack of expertise and very poor infra-structure. In fact, the country has some of the lowest develop-ment indices in the world as it virtually has no roads and seri-ously lacks electricity, sanitation, schools and hospitals. These shortages will need to be given immediate attention if the na-tion’s independence is to trans-late into

Continues on Page 5

‘This peaceful

partition

marked the his-

toric transition

of southern Su-

dan to the Re-

public of South

Sudan’

Page 5

peace and development. A recon-struction programme which priori-tises capacity building and service delivery is likely to go a long way in remedying the current situation. Political intolerance and the abuse of civilians by security forces are further challenges which threaten peace and prosperity in this newly -born country. There have been re-ports that South Sudanese security forces in the form of the Sudan Peo-ple’s Liberation Army (SPLA) are har-assing, arresting and detaining those who are critical of the government. Victims have included not only mem-bers of opposition parties but also journalists associated with independ-ent media organizations. Arbitrary arrests have also targeted people who are suspected of having links with armed opposition groups. In its clashes with armed opposition enti-ties, the SPLA has been responsible for many human rights violations in-cluding the displacement of people and the killings of women and chil-dren. If independence is to have a meaningful benefit for the South Su-danese people, the country’s leader-ship will have to ensure that the abuse of human rights and public freedoms is addressed as a top prior-ity. As United Nations Secretary Gen-eral Ban Ki-moon has observed, even though South Sudan is confronted by

‘enormous challenges’ it has ample potential to make independence work in its favour. This is because the country has a number of coveted resources which are critical for devel-opment. These include generous wa-ter access through the Nile River, rich agricultural land, genetic resources, mineral wealth as well as oil and gas reserves. Moreover, instead of being portrayed in a negative light, the vast ethnic diversity in South Sudan should be viewed as a valuable re-source for development and biodiver-sity. Without a doubt, these re-sources carry a lot of risks as they are generally scarce and fragile. However, if sustainably used, these assets could play a significant role in the country’s infrastructural development and the advancement of social capital. Before independence South Su-dan benefited from assistance pro-vided by foreign organisations and other countries. Aid organizations, among other contributions, provided assistance in training the country’s administrators. Mutual partnerships that prioritise the wellbeing of the South Sudanese people are likely to substantially transform the country from its current war-torn image to one which is characterized by dignity and peace. Furthermore, the UN Se-curity Council’s resolution to deploy peacekeepers in the country should be commended as this action will ensure that there is an international presence to protect ordinary South

Sudanese. Indeed as aid organization Oxfam notes, while this may be a moment of joy, it is also one of quiet anxiety. Caution will need to be prac-ticed in dealings or partnerships with outside entities as these forces may not always have the interests of the South Sudanese at heart. South Sudan begins its independ-ence long after many other African countries declared their autonomy. This offers Africa’s youngest country the advantage to learn from the mis-takes that have been committed by its sister nations. Across the conti-nent there are many lessons to be learned by South Sudan if it is to avoid turning its dream for freedom into a nightmare. On the day marking the country’s independence, Presi-dent Salva Kirr stated that ‘We dream of South Sudan where children go to school with no fear of air bombard-ments. We dream of South Sudan where every house has access to electricity and clean water. We dream of South Sudan where every family has sufficient food.’ Will these dreams be turned into reality? At this point it is hard to tell, but one thing is certain - Africa cannot afford to have yet another failed state.

This article is further discussed in an AISA Policy brief entitled ‘South Su-dan: Africa’s Newest State, Chal-lenges, Prospects and Lesson for South Africa’ by Lindokhule Khumalo and Nicasius Check.

AISA VISION: AN INDISPENSABLE AFRICAN VOICE ON AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Continues from Page 4

Page 6

FROM THE ARCHIVES: JOHN GARANG

By Elize van As

B orn 23 June 1945 in Wan-glei village in the upper Nile region of Sudan

(currently Jonglei State) Garang led the Sudan People’s Liberation Army during the Second Suda-nese Civil War. Garang joined the first Suda-nese civil war in 1962, but was encouraged by the leaders to rather seek an education because he was still very young. He ob-tained his secondary education in Tanza-nia and then went on to earn a B.A. in Economics from Grinnell College in Iowa, USA. He re-turned to Tanzania to study East African agricultural eco-nomics at the Uni-versity of Dar es Salaam, where he joined the Univer-sity Students’ Afri-can Revolutionary Front. Garang soon decided to return to Sudan to join the rebels. When the civil war ended in 1972, Garang was absorbed into the Sudanese military and rose to the rank of colonel. Colonel Garang became a senior instructor at the military academy in Wadi Sayedna, where he instructed cadets for more than four years upon which he was nominated to serve in the military research department in the Army Headquarters in Khar-

toum. In 1983 about 500 southern government soldiers in battalion 105 in Bor resisted being rotated to posts in the north. Although Garang was sent to Bor to medi-ate with the soldiers, he had already conspired with officers in the Southern Sudan Com-mand arranging for the defec-tion of battalion 105 to anti-government rebels. The battal-ion pulled out of Bor after being attacked by the government and

Garang joined them in the rebel stronghold in Ethiopia. Garang formed the Sudan People’s Lib-eration Army/Movement (SPLA/M) with over 3000 rebel soldiers joining. The SPLA/M opposes the military rule and Islamic domi-

nance of Sudan. When the SPLA/M encour-aged other army garrisons to mutiny against the Islamic law imposed on the country by the government it sparked the beginning of the Second Sudanese Civil War, which persisted over twenty years and resulted in one and half million people being killed. Libya, Uganda and Ethiopia backed the SPLA who controlled a large part of the southern region of the coun-try, named New Sudan. In 1985 and 1986 Garang refused to partici-pate in the forming of an interim government and the following elections, remaining a rebel leader. However, on 9 January 2005 a peace agreement was signed in Nairobi, Kenya in which Garang and President Omar al-Bashir agreed to a power-sharing constitution upon which Garang was sworn in as vice-president. Six months later, late July 2005, Garang died in a helicopter crash on his way back to Sudan after a meeting with President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. Although the weather was blamed for the accident, President Museveni claimed that the possibility of ‘external forces’ having played a role cannot be ruled out.

Garang’s successor Salva Kiir Mayardit stated that the peace process would continue and he became the first President of South Sudan, the latest African coun-try to obtain independence on 7 July 2011.

Page 7

By Nomasonto Magano

T here has been an increasing interest in space science ac-tivities in Africa. This is due to

the realisation that space science technology can help address some of Africa’s challenges, while also achiev-ing the millennium development goals in the areas of food security, water management, energy, disaster man-agement and telecommunications to name a few. Space science is defined as the study of everything beyond the Earth’s surface, from the Earth’s at-mosphere to the edges of the uni-verse. Space science technology is the technology used by scientists to study the universe (looking up) and to study the earth (looking down) or to deliver s e r v i c e s t o t h e g r o u n d(www.space.gov.za, 2011). The space based technologies include micro-satellites, earth observation satellites and communication satellites. Micro-satellites transmit informa-tion from space and provide a variety of broadcast services on the ground (communication satellites) and they help us study the Earth in a number of areas. For example, mapping, moni-toring, managing and protecting the Earth’s resources and environment (earth observation satellites)(Nceba Mhlahlo, 2010/11). In 1992 the Regional African Satel-

lite Communication Organisation

(RASCOM) was established by 45 Afri-

can countries in order for Africa to

have its own satellite which would

allow low-cost communication in the

continent. Because of the annual fee

of US$500 million that was paid to

Europe for the use of their satellite for

phone conversation, phone calls to

and from Africa were the most expen-

sive in the world. Due to poor funding

from the continent this project was

put on hold for 14 years, but together

with the African Development Bank and the West African Development Bank, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya funded the project and Africa’s first communication satellite was launched on 26 December 2007. This satellite has allowed the entire continent to connect by telephone, radio broadcasting, and television, as well as introducing technological applications such as telemedicine distance teaching. In addition to undersea cables, Telkom uses satellites to bring television pro-grams to our screens. Algeria, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa have been working together since 2003 on a space science project that will give a ‘regular up-to-date monitoring of the African environment’ – this project is known as the African Resource Manage-ment (ARM) Satellite Constellation. The project is for the advancement of Africa in areas such as agriculture, farm settle-ments, housing, urban and regional plan-ning, cross-border monitoring, disease monitoring and so on. The University of Stellenbosch in col-

laboration with the Department of Sci-

ence and Technology (DST), the Council

for Scientific and Industrial Research

CSIR) and SunSpace micro-satellite Com-

Space Science technology in Africa

pany which originated from the SunSat programme at the University of Stellen-bosch have designed and developed a second South African satellite. SunSat is a privately owned programme and was the first South African satellite to be launched by an American space agency, NASA, in 1999. The second satellite is named SumbandilaSat meaning ‘lead the way’ in the Venda language. The satellite was launched in September 2009 by a Russian space agency and it passed South Africa on February 2010. The micro-satellite is a Low Earth Orbit (LEO) that takes high resolution images. The satel-lite has thus far acquired over 120 im-ages; these include images of the West-ern Cape which shows the effect of drought on crops and vegetation in the area. Another example of the use of space technology is the Satellite Sentinal Pro-ject initiated by the actor George Clooney. This project uses satellites to observe the crisis in Sudan and the im-ages have been used to identify the posi-tion of government forces and even the discovery of mass graves. While space science has many socio-

economic benefits Continues on Page 8

Page 8

it also plays an important role in the development of the youth. Mark Shuttleworth, a young South Afri-can entrepreneur, became the first African in space in April 2002; he used his trip to conduct experi-ments and to fuel the interests of the youth into science and mathematics. He has since invested substantial amounts of money in science education in South Africa. More work needs to done to attract students

into space science study programmes as there is a

lack of human capital and training in this field in

Africa. There is an MTN science center in Cape Town

that has a life-size replica of the capsule that was

used by Mark Shuttleworth to travel to space, we

need more of those science centers throughout Af-

rica. While some community members complain

that the money spent on space science programmes

should be utilised for poverty alleviation it should be

recognised that space science touches our lives

every day.

Fast Facts: Space Science Technology in Africa.

Algeria: Algeria Started its space venture in 2002. In recognition of the vital role the space science plays in a national economy, the Algerian government created a space agency, the Agence Spatiale Algrienne (ASAL), to promote and regulate the explora-tion of space. Egypt: Egypt had a number of satellites for non-scientific pur-pose, in 1994 the Egyptian government established the National Authority for Remote Sensing and Space Sciences (NARSS), to utilise space technology for sustainable development. Nigeria: National Space Research and Development Agency (NASRDA) was created to coordinate space science activities in Nigeria which has six activity centres. South Africa: South Africa was the first African country to de-sign and build as well as have its satellite lifted into space. Sun-Sat was developed and built by staff and students and staff of the University of Stellenbosch as a private initiative, to train students in the research area of electronic systems and to do radio transmission.

Continues from Page 7

Prof. Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo’s visit to AISA

By Laurette Mkhwebane

A Professor of Political Sci-ence (International rela-tions, International Political

Economy, and Comparative Politics) at Wells College, Prof. Tukumbi Lumumba Kasonga is currently Chair of the De-partment of International Studies and Chair of the Department of Political Science. He is a visiting Scholar in the Department of City and Regional Plan-ning at the Cornell University. He has published over 100 book chapters, monographs and peer-reviewed articles. He also edited sev-

eral books; among others; Dynamics and Policy Implications of the Global Reforms at the End of Second Millen-nium: A Comparative Perspective. He is the Editor-in-Chief of the so-cial sciences journal African and Asian Studies and he is also a co-editor of the African Journal of International Affairs published by Codesria. There is just so much to be read on him. When you look at his academic background, and everything that he has been involved in, it encourages a person to continue studying and do great things for yourself and everyone you are able to touch/reach. He has received several academic and scholarship awards, and his pro-fessional memberships include; the International Political Sciences Associa-tion; American Political Science Asso-ciation; New England Political Associa-tion and the Codesria. He is the Co-founder and Director of CEPARRED (Centre Panafrican d’Etudes et de Recherches en Relations Internationales et en Education pour

Développement) in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire. It was a great opportunity to inter-act with him when he visited AISA on the 22 July 2011. For most, this was a once in a lifetime moment. Research Directors, Head of Units, Research Spe-cialists and other staff at AISA availed themselves for this memorable infor-mal discussion, on liberal democracies a practice for states and were af-forded a chance to ask questions and learn from this great human being. Professor Narnia Bohler-Muller said, ‘It was an honour to have Prof. Kasongo with us. His scholarship and intellectual leadership is invaluable and we learnt a lot in only a brief pe-riod of time. I hope that we can keep contact with Prof. Kasongo so that we may repeat these kinds of enriching experiences and learn from them.’

Page 9

The African Response to the

Venezuelan African Agenda

By Otsile Malebaco

‘T he Venezuela’s foreign policy towards Africa is at its highest level ever, due to the launch of

the Venezuelan African agenda in 2005, consistent with the multipolar vision of the Bolivarian government.’ This is the Gabriela Carnevali, an AISA research fel-low’s problem statement to the Venezue-lan African Agenda. An informative seminar presented by Ms Carnevali explored the African re-sponse to the Venezuelan African Agenda (2005-2010). The Venezuelan African Agenda (2005-2010) policy has been im-plemented with the effect seen in the number of Venezuelan embassies increas-ing in Africa from 29 in 2004 to 47 in 2010 in Africa. Other strategies for the African Agenda also include humanitarian aid and presidential visits to African states by President Chavez . One of the objectives in the research presented at the seminar is ‘to explore the African response to the Venezuelan "African Agenda" from an analysis of three representative cases: The Gambia, Algeria and South Africa in the period circum-scribed between 2005 and 2010, identify-ing internal and external variables that may explain the different reactions of Afri-can countries to these initiatives’. Algeria relations with Venezuela: ‘bilateral relations have undergone a sig-nificant evolution. They have even been described as ‘excellent and strategic’ from 1999 with the arrival of Chavez and Boute-flika to the presidency, partly due to the ‘good chemistry’ between the two presi-dents, but mostly for the coincidence of interests in the defence and projection of the South in general and as oil-producing countries in the framework of OPEC of which both countries are founding mem-bers’. Gambia relations with Venezuela: despite the short time the work has been intense.

‘Among all the African nations, the Gambia is the one with Venezuela has now more cooperation. This is a result of the meetings occurred at a presidential level, which have en-couraged the total accomplishment of the agenda proposed in the First Joint Commission., celebrated in Caracas May 4-5, 2007 Reinaldo Boli-var (MPPRE, May 19, 2009)’. South Africa and Venezuela: Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Full Diplomatic Relations. Entry into force: December 03, 1993. Memorandum of Understanding concerning the Establishment of a Mechanism of Consultation, entry into force: July 30, 2007. Coopera-tion in the Field of Energy, entry into force: May 26, 2009. Framework Agreement on Cooperation, entry into force: May 26, 2009 as well as letter of Intent between the Depart-ment of Mineral Resources of the Republic of South Africa and the Ministry of People's Power for Basic Industries and Mining of the Boli-varian Republic of Venezuela on Fu-ture Cooperation in the Field of Min-ing, entry into force: Nov.11, 2009 (South Africa. Department of Inter-national Relations and Cooperation, 2011) The seminar was enlightening as it has provided details of the Vene-zuela Africa agenda as a way to di-versify its oil partners and energy. The Venezuelan African Agenda

(2005-2010) has displayed the South-South cooperation, which refers to the relationship between the coun-tries of the developing world, imple-mented at global and regional levels. ‘The challenge is what exactly the two regions would achieve in meas-urable terms (by when, through whom and so on), since summit dec-larations are very general and have no specific time frames’. (Matlotleng Matlou, the first aca-demic seminar on bilateral relations between Argentina and South Africa held in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on 12–14 May 2008). On Ms Carnevali last day at AISA, this is what she said ‘My fieldwork is successfully completed at your insti-tution, I really wanted to take the time to thank you all for the support you gave me while I was in Pretoria between May 20 and July 15 2011.With your help, I was able to find very relevant info and make a large number of interviews neces-sary to complete my thesis on The African Response to the Venezuelan African Agenda , a grain of sand in the path of understanding and strengthening the relations between Africa and Latin America.’

Gabriela Carnevali, AISA

research fellow presenting

The African Response to

the Venezuelan African

Agenda (2005—2010)

Page 10

J uly 2011 mark the 1st anniver-sary since Africa has hosted football’s most coveted sport-

ing event – the FIFA World Cup. The mega event brought African countries more closely. We all witnessed South Africa and other African countries blowing vuvuzelas for the Ghanaian team after their own teams had been eliminated from the soccer tourna-ment. After all the excitement, nor-mal life had to beckon. African coun-tries have shown the world its ability to be united. Africa has the potential not only to host sporting events but also to emerge as the exciting new centre of growth in the evolving global economy. However to continue on an accelerated growth path the region needs to tackle and achieve the eight anti-poverty goals by the 2015 target date. Recognising the urgency of tack-ling the issue of poverty, the eradica-tion of extreme poverty and hunger has been made the number one Mil-lennium Development Goal (MDGs). According to the evidence from the World Bank, Africa has not contrib-uted significantly to poverty eradica-tion, but some countries in Africa are making good progress towards pov-erty reduction (Ghana is said to have made good progress in meeting this Millennium Development Goal). But for the region as a whole, the goal is unlikely to be met without significant effort and resources. The Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) computa-tions based on United Nations Statis-tics Division (UNSD) data (updated in 2009) indicates the condition in out-put growth per person employed. Sustained labour productivity growth is critical for improving the potential of African economies to reduce pov-erty. This is achieved by increasing output demands for labour, and through higher wage and income. The evidence from Africa on the growth rate of the Gross Domestic Product

(GDP) per person employed is mixed. Labour productivity per person employed has been growing in over 84 percent of the 48 countries in Africa. Poverty is not simply a lack of money; it also means that people don’t know where their next meal will come from. According to the food and agriculture organisation FAQ food and security re-port, all the countries that are on track to reach the first MDG have something in common – better that average agricul-tural growth. The main safety net for poor people in African countries is in agricul-ture. The hard won progress in agriculture could be reversed by extreme weather conditions, crop failure and outbreak of diseases. World Development Report (WDR) 2010 notes that developing coun-tries everywhere – from Asia to Africa to Latin America – will be disproportionately affected by the climate crisis. The developing world already faces greater climate risks, even as it is preoccu-pied with trying to help one in four people living in extreme poverty, over a billion

hungry, and 1.6 billion without access to electricity. Attaining the MDG and ensur-ing safe and sustainable future beyond 2015 become more difficult as the planet warms, rainfall patterns shift, and climate related natural disasters become more frequent. As the World Bank’s world develop-ment report 2010; Development and Cli-mate Change says, lives and livelihood can be preserved and improved if Africans act immediately and collaboratively to pro-tect past gains; find new economic oppor-tunities in changing climate; and work towards meeting energy needs sustain-ability. Climate change has made growth and poverty reduction more complicated and difficult, but it also presents tremen-dous opportunities. Africa must come up with a ‘climate smart policy’ of the future which would, for instance, pay more at-tention to land and

Poverty in Africa: The Fight Continues

Continues on Page 11

By Brenda Modisaotsi

Epicenters: clusters of rural villages where women and men are mobilised to create and run their own programs to meet basic needs.

Page 11

water management and diseases

like Malaria – steps which could be

good for growth and prosperity.

Some African countries adopted the

Epicenter Strategy as another

method to reduce poverty. This ap-

proach is The Hunger Project's (THP)

methodology and is implemented

through Epicenters: clusters of rural

villages where women and men are

mobilised to create and run their

own programs to meet basic needs.

After several phases over a five- to

eight- year period, an Epicenter be-

comes self-reliant, meaning it is able

to fund its own activities and no

longer requires further investment

from The Hunger Project. The pro-

ject report states that, with 41 per

cent of people in Sub-Saharan Africa

living on less than $1 per day, and

32 per cent are undernourished;

Africa has been the Hunger Project

highest budget for more than 13

years. The four social conditions

that give rise to persistence of hun-

ger and poverty in Africa are the

marginalisation of women food

farmers, poor leadership, too little

investment in building people’s ca-

pacity in rural areas, and HIV/AIDS

and the gender inequality that fuels

the poverty epidemic. The founding

president of THP, Joan Holmes,

stated in the United Nations (UN)

Report that in in the UN (United

Nations) Report that in order to or-

der to transform the stated condi-

tions and empower people of Africa,

to meet their basic needs on sus-

tainable basis; The Hunger Project

has pioneered its Epicenter Strat-

egy. The strategy is unified, people

centred and it has proven effective

in Benin, Burkina Faso, Utopia,

Ghana, Malawi, Mozambique, Sene-

gal and Uganda. Dr. Naana Agye-

mang-Mensah, director of the THP

in Ghana, has been running the pro-

ject for the past decade. She re-

ported that despite the name, the

THP tackles more than poverty and

food security. The THP has proven

its effectiveness in other countries

in Africa, policy makers need to put

the right policies in place in for

other poor countries to adopt the

programme. It will not only reduce

poverty, it is also going to deal with

other Millennium Development

Goal such as promoting gender

equality and empowering women;

combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and

other diseases.

The Blue Ribbon released ahead

of the UN conference on the Least

Developed countries in May 2011

says that African countries can

break out the decades-long poverty

trap, depending on determined na-

tional action and international sup-

port to the high incident of conflicts

in countries. Although there have

been signs of willingness in African

countries to fight poverty, there are

more deep-seated problems that a

country on its own cannot deal with,

the extremely poorly maintained

governments, inner wars, geo-

graphic conditions to mention the

few. In the fight to reduce poverty

African must unite, rich countries

must help with resources and gov-

ernments must come up with strong

strategic policies.

Continues from Page 10

AISA Corporate Values: PRIDE

Participation Responsibility Integrity Development Excellence

Page 12

I n Unequal Peers: The Politics of Dis-course Management in the Social Science, Dr Mpilo Pearl Sithole deals

with the contribution of African intellec-tuals to global knowledge creation. She raises concerns regarding the manner in which straightjacket-type criteria, not based on a set of transparent and uni-formly applied factors but rather on the reviewer’s subjective ideas of what is acceptable and not acceptable, are ap-plied regarding what can and what can-not be published. Institutionalised, inde-pendent and public intellectuals are measured on the basis of their publica-tions record. In academic and research institutions this is the basis upon which employment, promotions and other con-siderations are made. As such, the de-bate raised is an important one, espe-cially for young and upcoming intellectu-als. Reviewers yield a lot of power. In de-ciding what style, format and approach constitutes an acceptable submission fit for publication, they also control the pace at which young scholars become rated. This ends up with the creation of some rigidity that Sithole finds problematic and unhelpful for critical writing in the con-text of what she sees as a thin line be-

tween ‘maintaining a tradition and stifling innovation’. Reading the com-ments from some of the reviewers, I wondered whether some of them were meant to humiliate and discourage the author from ever thinking of submit-ting anything else for publication, de-spite the fact that the reviews often ended with words of exhortation to keep on knocking on doors. One reviewer’s comment read ‘... but really there is too little of what one might call research, virtually no refer-ence to the literature on public man-agement, governance, local govern-ment ...’ This gives the impression that the author simply slapped something together and submitted it. Yet no self-respecting scholar would submit some-thing that has not been researched for publication. The demand that specific referencing styles should be used also suggests rigidity in what makes a piece of work acceptable. The choice of words by the reviewer is similar to those between a professor and his or her student, rather than peers trying to shape each other’s work. The second such comment related to an author who was a second-language English writer. The reviewer suggested that the ‘editing of the manuscript by a mother-tongue English speaker might prove to be a rewarding exercise’. I read from this that black scholars require eternal baby-sitting by white scholars if they are to be published. Honestly, there are language guidelines that one can follow without the need to adopt a white godfather or godmother to have their work published. Sithole also raises the important fact that in the conventional English language, some things require long phrases to properly

explain. Sithole used her poetic li-cence to create some words that re-lieved her of the burden of repeating these cumbersome long-winded phrases – to the chagrin of the re-viewer. New words are coined and entered into the dictionary all the time. Unless, of course, this is a privi-lege of mother-tongue English lan-guage speakers. To contextualise her concerns with the peer reviewing sys-tem, Unequal Peers offers a broad treatise of a number of philosophical and ideological debates about knowl-edge production. In Sithole’s work, the question that begs an answer is one of knowledge production and African knowledge. What is African knowledge? Is it captured and under-stood within its own context and the context within which it should be used to respond to African daily chal-lenges? How does it fit into the frame-work of Western knowledge? Who decides what form and structure this knowledge should take and be com-municated through? In the process of developing this knowledge what is the role of institutions of production? How ready are they to accommodate, consider and accept this knowledge as equal to Western-generated knowl-edge forms? Is there competition be-tween these knowledge forms? How much independence is there in articu-lating this knowledge if its production is still located within colonial imperial institutions with a much wider agenda than simple neutral knowledge pro-duction? In her book, Sithole does two things. Firstly, she publishes work that was previously denied access by certain journals by ‘peers’ whose gate-

Continues on Page 13

Book Review: Unequal Peers: The Politics of Discourse Management in the Social Science.

Dr Mpilo P Sithole

Reviewed by Blessing Karumbidza,

Page 13

keeping role is to decide what is There seem to be an assumption that it is possi-ble to immediately create conditions in which all citizens are able to contribute to the economy without the ‘burden’ of affirmative action. Sithole introduces the concept of shades of blackness. For the elite Africans, it is possible to participate and contribute ‘talents and energies to the process of developing’, albeit as jun-ior partners. Sithole views identity as the substance upon which redress is dealt with rather than something that should be banished. The tendency of the politi-cally correct cohort of elite leaders to emphasise multiculturalism over group identities (inclined towards wishing away group identities) is commented on, as if group identity is a democracy and eco-nomic growth is exposed for its empti-ness. While non-racialism is a noble pol-icy goal, this does not equate with not considering the historical context within which racial disparities arise and there-fore it is necessary to deal with redress using an approach that is conscious of such. Thus Sithole argues that ‘despite our ability to analyse economic and la-bour history, sociospatial differentiation over time, and the investment needed to undo unfair advantage over time, no in-tellectual energies are applied to estimat-ing resources, time and attention neces-sary to bring affirmative action to a suc-cessful close’. Sithole suggests that Afri-can intellectuals go beyond knowledge production within the current situation dictated by social sciences with its en-trapment to its historical colonial West-ern origins. She would like to see the con-sideration of ‘the extent of restoration of intangible heritage – especially influence, creativity, and participation – in the envi-ronment of knowledge production by non-white Africans …’. Sithole scoffs at the assumption that ‘… South Africans must simply accept that we have started with a clean slate in respect with equity, and what is referred to as Western knowledge is universal and relevant to all’. The biggest danger is seen as one where ‘multiple identities *become+ an embarrassment in current social science

discourse’. In Unequal Peers, Sithole ventures into the philosophical and theoretical world regarding the rela-tionship between knowledge and soci-ety on the one hand, and liberty, equality and fraternity on the other. She suggests that liberty and equality take their cue from and are dependent upon a revolution. Not the other way round. I found Sithole’s Unequal Peers engaging and a strong reflection of my (and I guess many other young black African intellectuals’) frustrations with finding fit, meaning and place in Africa, and with

African institutions, or is it rather insti-tutions in Africa? In her book, Sithole uses three essays submitted to a jour-nal and the comments from anony-mous reviewers to demonstrate the problems with peer review as it is prac-tised today. It is brave to share these with her readership. This gesture says much about her respect for transpar-ency and openness. However, to what extent would Sithole deal with the comments on her work objectively? How important is objectivity in social science? If Sithole had taken the pieces and the reviewers’ comments and given them, anonymously, to a third-party specialist in each case – what would have been the results? Would it have mattered that the reviewer was black or white, male or female? Given the shades of blackness that Sithole mentions, which shade of blackness would have accepted her contribution and her style? Methodologically, do we have enough in the three papers and the responses thereon to come to the

conclusion that this book is based upon? While I have no doubt that the majority of black African intellectuals find it difficult to enter the world of publishing and that Sithole’s experi-ences are not isolated, in a typical social sciences approach, her case base is limited. Maybe this is exactly what she is suggesting; that the em-phasis on quantification and rigid methodologies as the only basis for making educated comments is a key challenge in Western social science. Besides group identities, there is a collective of group identities that cre-ate Africa. I see it as an important intellectual project for the social sci-ences and for African scholars to give African identity and ‘being African’ a central role in thinking about develop-ment and human progress in Africa. Mpilo plays with the concept of ub-untu. In what sense does ubuntu reso-nate with being African? Do all African groups embody this concept? Does it mean the same to each group? Does a group that meets violence on those it considers foreign (on the basis of colonially constructed boundaries) subscribe to ubuntu? She also raises the issue of transformation. In the context of ubuntu, how should or would transformation and affirmative action operate? In the application of ubuntu, would an African run his or her business according to a different set of economic principles to those applied in the West? Would an Afri-can business venture pursue commu-nity-good rather than the market and profits? Taken a step further, Unequal Peers, suggests that African intellectu-als should break with the traditions of Western social science and begin to deal with society and its challenges differently, raising debates from an unfettered angle. In Unequal Peers, Sithole opens up an important debate that we should all consider. The re-viewing of work before submission is a useful process, but one that re-quires purging of the ghosts of ine-quality, bottle-necking and gate-keeping.

Continues from Page 12

‘UNEQUAL PEERS

OFFERS A BROAD

TREATISE OF A NUM-

BER OF PHILOSOPHI-

CAL AND IDEOLOGI-

CAL’ ‘DEBATES

ABOUT KNOWLEDGE

PRODUCTION.

Page 14

The Challenges of Consolidating Democratic Governance in Swaziland

gamble and give the Swazi authorities the 1.4 billion they have requested for, because this will not benefit the Swazis as a nation but the royal fam-ily, only. The South African govern-ment must refrain from trying to make friends with this country but must work on having an honest rela-tionship with it, where they will be able to tell the Swazi monarchy that they disagree with their way of doing things. They need to tell the Swazi authorities that South Africa and the sub-Saharan region of Africa are feel-ing the impact of what they are doing. They need to give serious advice, such as; unbanning of political parties, lim-iting the powers of the King, allowing freedom of expression, allowing jour-nalists to publish criticism of the rul-ing party, bring an end to torture and excessive use of the force by the secu-rity forces, and most importantly, respect the fundamental freedoms and rights of Swazis.’ It was really interesting to see how everyone interacted; the speakers’ answered all questions from the floor (satisfactory). This is possibly one of the most insightful seminars I have attended since I started at AISA. Al-

By Laurette Mkhwebane

I t is unfortunate that we have not been paying enough attention to Swa-

ziland, Ms Tiseke argued, and I say, why do we always have to wait until things spiral out of control before we take action? Will it not be wise to identify and deal with the symptoms and the causes of these frustra-tions before they deteriorate? On the 28 July 2011 the Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA), together with Human Rights Watch (HRW) presented a seminar at the AISA offices, to address the challenges and prospects of changing the cur-rent political landscape, exam-ine the reasons behind the pro-tracted human rights struggle in Swaziland that has been left unchallenged internationally and the possibilities of a regime change. Presenters of the day were Ms Tiseke Kasambala, a Senior Researcher in the Africa Division, Human Rights who presented on the Human Rights conditions in Swaziland; Ms Rita Nkiruka Ozoemena, a Con-sultant in Africa Intelligence, her presentation focused on Gender Inequality; and Mr. Bongani Masuku, International Relations in COSATU, he gave an overall presentation on the current situation in Swaziland. This seminar gave so much in-sight on the current issues, and what needs to be done to cor-rect the disorder in Swaziland. Responding to some of the questions from the audience, the speakers said ‘The South African government needs not

though I am not a researcher, seminars of this caliber make you consider joining the world or field of Research. At one point, when Mr Masuku was pas-sionately narrating the events in Swaziland, I stopped writing and was mesmerized by the wealth of information he and the other speak-ers possess on the matter. Walking Encyclope-dias, I would say. I, together with the audience were shocked at the statistics, I heard mum-bling voices in the crowd when Mr Masuku mentioned that only 6 per cent of the Swazi funds are allocated to health, and only 2 per cent is allocated to social development. Some may wonder why two thirds of the population of Swaziland lives below the pov-erty line, and why 40 per cent of the popula-tion is unemployed, when Swaziland is so rich in minerals i.e. coal, quarry stone, talc and as-bestos (among others). Who is stealing bread from these people’s mouths? According to the findings of the Human Rights Watch (HRW), the years of extravagant expenditure by the royal family, fiscal indiscipline and government corruption on a massive scale have left the country on the brink of economic disaster. Life expectancy has dropped from 60 years in the 1990’s to 31 years in 2007, making it the lowest in the world. Twin epidemics of AIDS and tuberculosis are ravaging Swaziland, help-ing to halve the life

Continues on Page 15

Page 15

lighted that on the 12 April, the authorities re-sponded violently to civil society plans for mass demonstrations by arresting up to 150 civil soci-ety activists and trade union leaders. Several were detained and beaten by the police while others were placed under house arrest. This is not the first time that the authorities have used excessive force to prevent or stop peaceful dem-onstrations. All these are acts against Human Rights. The following is a list of Human Rights condi-tions in Swaziland, according to the Ms Tiseke.

Freedoms such as the right to political par-ticipation have been restricted

It allows for a wide scope of the use of lethal force which is open to abuse by the security forces.

Repressive laws such as the 2008 Suppres-sion of Terrorism Act and the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act have further under-mined the enjoyment of fundamental hu-man rights.

Media freedoms have also been severely curtailed (publishing criticism of the ruling party is banned) Swazi’s also remain vulner-able to forced evictions and the seizure of property such as land and cattle without compensation, by officials purporting to act on behalf of the King and the royal family.

The authorities remain unwilling to limit the powers of the king, establish checks and balances in the day to day governing of the country or open up political space and pro-vide fundamental freedoms to their people.

Ms Tiseke Kasambala, Senior Resarcher, Africa division, Human Rights Watch

Mr Bongani Masuku, International Relations Secretary, COSATU

Rita Ozoemena, Consultant in Africa Intelligence, Centre for Human Rights.

Page 16

By Justice Mkhabela

D espite a divisive dispute of north-south presidency, Nigerians successfully held one of the most peaceful elections on 16 April

2011 after the re-dawning of its 12 year old democ-racy. The elections marked the country’s fourth con-secutive democratic election of a leader through the ballot in 12 years. Previous Nigerian elections have been mirrored with allegations of violence and mas-sive vote dishonesty. For instance, the 2003 election was characterised by fraud whereby millions of peo-ple voted several times. Likewise, the 2007 election was also characterised by ballot stealing, fraudulent voting lists and violent intimidation of voters. Attempts were made to disrupt the smooth run-ning of the 2011 election process. However, in spite of acts of terrorism, violence and ballot fraud allega-tions, the country demonstrated strong capabilities of political maturity, according to Andrew Lloyd, the British High Commissioner to Nigeria. In this regard, the country is slated to boast one of the most stable democratic institutions in Africa, thus breaking its ugly past of elections triggered violence. Post-election reports indicated that the voting process in Nigeria’s 2011 polls went very well in contrast to pre-vious elections. Voter turnout was one of the highest as multitudes of Nigerians, irrespective of their social and or religious background, braved long queues with zeal to cast a ballot. After the three-day dis-agreement the incumbent Goodluck Jonathan even-tually emerged victorious over General Muhamadu Buhari, his closest competition for the presidency. Although it is Africa’s most populous state at 155 million, security across the country’s polling stations

was noticed in full capacity, and voting ran smoothly with minor reports and incidents of vote rigging. In order to boost transparency during the polls, Nigeria closed its borders with neighboring states to ensure that only Nigerians voted. Even international election observers were fully encouraged by the manner in which the country contained itself during the polling process and praised the country for having been able to manage and contain violence, unlike the 2007 elections. Nigeria’s future looks positive as it is on the right path to unity under one national president rather than regionalism; this is mainly verified by the country successfully brushing aside negative predic-tions of secession as a result of electoral disputes. This optimistic curbing of violence sent a strong sig-nal to Nigerians of all backgrounds that none’s politi-cal desire and ambition is worth the bloodshed of a Nigerian national. More importantly, Nigeria demon-strated to the world that its citizens have got firm faith in democracy and stability irrespective of creed, ethnicity and region of origin, the majority of them continuously practice their democratic right to vote despite socio-economic challenges confronting them. The remaining task is for all Nigerians, at the helm of its political life, to heal regional and ethnic rifts that may undermine unity in future. Since the 2011 election, the status of women in federal government level has also improved. This highlights a further step towards the consolidation of unity in the country. Of the 40 cabinet ministers ap-pointed, nearly 35 per cent of them are women. This is a first time occurrence in Nigeria’s political history. In addition, the cabinet also features a sound and fair representation of the country’s vast ethnic, regional and religious diversity – a further sign of unity and power-sharing in the country. The incumbent presi-dent has already assured the international commu-nity of his administration’s commitment to spear-head cross-regional development and improve the living standards of all Nigerians. Nigeria has now grabbed an opportunity to further demolish its past reputation of being the most corrupt country in Af-rica. This new season for Nigeria is an opportune time for Jonathan’s administration to better manage oil revenues and wisely channel them to appropriate development projects and lead Nigeria to new heights of unity.

A Roadmap to Unity: The 2011 Nigerian Election

Page 17

‘IT’S TIME TO TWEET THE CITY COUNCIL’

research in Limpopo, North West and Kwazulu-Natal on some of the service needs in those communi-ties. The project would be under-taken in consultation with Rutgers University which helped the US gov-ernment to address service delivery problems after hurricane Katrina. Dr Quintus Jett, from the Insti-tute of Productivity at the univer-sity, will assist AISA in the project which is aimed at helping the gov-ernment, especially at local govern-ment level, to deliver better ser-vices. It includes the active participa-tion of communities in determining needs that would guide resource allocation. Jett said provinces had different service delivery needs, adding that South Africa had enough resources, but the problem was how they were allocated. Research Specialist: governance and democracy, Yazini April, said their project would involve ward councillors and ward committees. People’s voices needed to be heard and resources needed to be evenly distributed. She also stressed the need for the channels of communication to be opened. ‘There should be communica-tion between various communities and councillors as people get frus-trated when they do not receive what they have promised,’ she said. According to April, the project would help them to better under-stand what the needs of different communities were. Article was first published in the

Pretoria News, Thursday, 14 July

2011

By Patrick Hlahla

R esidents of the Tshwane metro will soon be able to inter-

act with their municipal council through social media. The municipality has part-nered with the Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA), an inde-pendent research organisation and think tank focusing on Af-rica in its research, publications and resource library. The part-nership was established after mayor Kgosientso Ramokgopa became aware of research con-ducted by AISA researchers Narnia Bohler-Muller and Charl van der Merwe who looked at the important role played by Facebook and Twitter in the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt. Bohler-Muller said this week that residents would be able to interact with the municipality on Facebook and Twitter. ‘Social media is being used (in other parts of the world) to uphold and preserve democ-racy –it is a voice people can use,’ said Bohler-Muller. She said that they would be ‘guiding and assisting (the mu-nicipality)’ on how social media tools should be used. People could report prob-lems and monitor responses, she said. ‘This is one of the ways to open lines of commu-nication.’ Bohler-Muller said it was important that people would not only be able to lodge com-plaints, but would also be able to take part in debates. AISA announced it would conduct

Plan to use social media for residents’ gripes

Dr Quintus Jett, from the Rutgers, Center for Urban Entre-preneurship & economic Development.

‘African-Centred Education, Curriculum and Content’

Page 18

By Otsile Malebaco

‘A frican higher education needs an African–centred education’, this has been the theme of the seminar presented by Neo

Lekgotla laga Ramoupi, Research Specialist at Africa Institute of South Africa, on the 5th of July 2011. The seminar on African-Cantered Curriculum was based on fieldwork research conducted at the Institute of African Studies (IAS) at the University of Ghana, Legon, Accra in Ghana; the Centre for African Stud-ies (CAS) at the University of Cape Town; and at the historic University of Fort Hare, in February-May 2011. The concept of Mr Ramoupi research looked at African centred education is defined in this study to mean and include that the education of any people should begin with the people themselves; that Afri-can-cantered is the placement of African people and students at the centre of human process. This is based on the belief that all humans have their physical, social and intellectual origins in Africa. Further, it does not imply that students will learn only about African issues, but will learn about other cultures, because African-centred education ac-knowledges the scientific fact that humanity began

in Africa. Therefore, African-centred education is an approach which celebrates the culture, heritage, contributions and traditions of all humans whose origins are in Africa. This makes groundless the claim advanced mainly by western scholars that African-centred education is not about ‘the univer-sality of knowledge’. To bring insight to the re-search issue Mr Ramoupi, interviewed faculty stu-dents at IAS, including Kwame Nkrumah Chair of IAS, Prof Kofi Anyidoho and Prof J.H Kwabena. One of the critical recommendations that is part of the teaching at the University of Ghana is that all students, regardless their degree of study, be it medicine, engineering or any other in the arts and humanities, it is a University requirement that they take a course in African Studies in order for them to graduate. The Chief Executive Officer of the Africa Institute of South Africa, Matlotleng Matlou, who is a graduate of the University of Ghana, Legon, showed me evidence of this in his B.A. degree (1976-1979) academic transcript copy that reads: “The student also passed an examination in African Stud-ies: a requirement for a Bachelor’s degree courses at this University. Considering the legacies of colo-nial and apartheid education in African and South Africa specifically, the education system in both basic education and higher education requires to be transformed to encompass an education that is centred on the experiences of the continent and her people: Africa and Africans.

Mr Neo Ramoupi presenting Afri-can-Centred Education, Curriculum and Content

Viewing the video interview of Prof Kofi Anyidoho with Mr Ramoupi

By Godfrey Malatji and Patrick Nduli

T he Library and Documentation Services Division (LDS) of the Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA)

uses Wizcat, the Knowledge Management System for small libraries, to catalogue all publications in the library. Wizcat includes bibliographic descriptions of nearly 8600 books, monographs and carefully selected periodical articles with abstracts from 132 serial titles. The collection of bound serials represents an excellent coverage of jour-nals on Africa since the 1960s.

Wizcat assists the library staff to cap-ture and store traditional paper based material (books, serials, pamphlets) as well as electronic source (hyperlinks, online articles) in the database. Wizcat automatically analyses the full text of a resource and indexes the entries so that a search can be done on any topic and a list of results will be provided of publications that cover that topic.

Wizcat is also used to keep a record of whether the book is currently in the li-brary or if it has been checked out by a library user. This software recognises the shelf number where a book is located in the library and assists the library staff to easily find a publication. Wizcat uses the ISBN and ISSN numbers as well as other metadata to keep track of the publica-tions.

One of the AISA librarians, Mr Linda Bhuda, said that they recommend WizCat because it is easy to use and they can cre-ate a database or catalogue of all the files and publications that the library has. If someone needs a specific file, the librarian can use WizCat to search the database and quickly find that file among all the thou-sands of other files they have.

WizCat

Page 19

Page 20

EDITORIAL CREDITS

Editor-in-Chief

Dr Matlotleng Matlou

Editor

Otsile Malebaco

Contributing Editor

Makgwathane Mothapo

Associate Editor

Nicol Olivier

Editorial Committee

Brenda Modisaotsile

Godfrey Malatji

Justice Mkhabela

Katlego Moledi

Lindokuhle Khumalo

Nomasonto Magano

Nthabeleng Nkopane

Patrick Nduli

Laurette Mkhwebane

Contributors

Elize van As Blessing Karumbidza, Matlou Tsiri Patrick Hlahla

Contact AISA Focus

t: +27 12 304 9751

e: omalebaco@ai.org.za

w: www.ai.org.za

PUBLICATIONS

Book Sales Enquiries

Charles Sibiya

t: +27 12 304 9759

e: csibiya@ai.org.za

e: sales@ai.org.za

Subscriptions Enquiries

Rosemary Lepule

t: +27 12 304 9743

e: rlepule@ai.org.za

LIBRARY

Info Desk

t: +27 304 9748

e: library@ai.org.za