ENGLISH PROJECT ON

NAXALISM IN INDIA

Hidayatullah National Law University

Raipur, Chhattisgarh

Submitted to:

Mrs. Alka Mehta

(Assistant Professor, English)

Submitted by:

Ayushi Dwivedi

Roll No.-47

Semester- I, Batch XIII, B.A.L.LB.(Hons.)

Date of Submission: 08/26/2013

ENGLISH PROJECT Page 1

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Certificate of declaration ……………….....………………………….03

2. Acknowledgment……….........................................................................04

3. Introduction……...…………………………………………………….05

4. Objectives………………………………………………………………06

5. Research Methodology............................................................................07

6. History and Origin …………………………….……………….……..08-09

7. Some common questions regarding the Naxalites……..………….....10-12

8. Violence by Naxalites …………………................................................13-14

9. Naxalites: A short introduction to India’s scariest security

challenge………………………………………………………………15-18

10.Reasons for Failure 1967-1975………………….. ………………….19-20

11.Will the greatest security threats to India be from inside or outside the

country…………………………………………………………………21-25

12. Personal Experience..............................................................................26-28

13.Solutions……………………………………………………………….29-30

14.Major Findings........................................................................................31

15.Conclusion………...................................................................................32

16.Bibliography/Webliography………….………………………………33

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1.Certificate of Originality

I hereby declare that the project work entitled “Naxalism in India “submitted to HNLU, Raipur,

is record of an original work done by me under the able guidance of Mrs. Alka Mehta, Faculty

Member, HNLU, Raipur.

AYUSHI DWIVEDI

ROLL NO. 47

SEM-I

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2.Acknowledgements

Thanks to the Almighty who gave me the strength to accomplish the project with sheer hard

work and honesty. This research venture has been made possible due to the generous co-

operation of various persons. To list them all is not possible, even to repay them in words is

beyond the domain of my lexicon.

This project wouldn’t have been possible without the help of my teacher Mrs. Alka Mehta,

Faculty of English at HNLU, who had always been there at my side whenever I needed some

help regarding any information. She has been my mentor in the truest sense of the term. The

administration has also been kind enough to let me use their facilities for research work. I thank

them for this.

AYUSHI DWIVEDI

ROLL NO. 47

SEM I

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3.Introduction:

The word Naxal, Naxalite or Naksalvadi is a generic term used to refer various militant

Communist groups operating in different parts of India under different organizational envelopes.

In the eastern states of the mainland India (Jharkhand, West Bengal and Orissa), they are usually

known as, or refer to themselves as Maoists while in southern states like Andhra Pradesh they

are known under other titles. They have been declared as a terrorist organization under the

Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act of India (1967).1Leaders of the movement have been found

to have hideout located in China.2

The term 'Naxal' is derived from the name of the village Naxalbari in the state of West Bengal,

India, where the movement had its origin. The Naxals are considered far-left radical communists,

supportive of Maoist political sentiment and ideology. Their origin can be traced to the split in

1967 of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), leading to the formation of the Communist

Party of India (Marxist–Leninist). Initially the movement had its centre in West Bengal. In later

years, it spread into less developed areas of rural central and eastern India, such as Chhattisgarh,

Orissa and Andhra Pradesh through the activities of underground groups like the Communist

Party of India (Maoist).3 For the past 10 years, it has grown mostly from displaced tribals and

natives who are fighting against exploitation from major Indian corporations and local officials

who they believe to be corrupt.

1http://www.mha.nic.in/uniquepage.asp?id_pk=292

2 "Cops nail China link with Naxals". The Times Of India. 2011-10-08. Retrieved 2011-12-31.Times of India describes new findings

of China ISI links to Naxal movement.

3Ramakrishnan, Venkitesh (2005-09-21). "The Naxalite Challenge ".Frontline Magazine (The Hindu).Retrieved 2007-03-15.

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4.Objectives

(1).The main objective of this project to is to study the origin and history of Naxalism in India.

(2).Another main objective is to study the reasons that how the Naxalites lost their motive and

became a threat to the society.

(3).To find some specific solutions to this problem.

Focusing on these objectives I will try to explain ‘NAXALISM’ through research and study by

the various resources and will try to bring the truth behind the curtain using the best of my

capabilities.

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5.Research Methodology:

This project work is descriptive & analytical in approach. It is largely based on the analysis of

the origin and spread of the Naxalites in India. Books & other references as guided by faculty of

English were primarily helpful for the completion of this project.

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6.History and Origin:

The term Naxalites comes from Naxalbari, a small village in West Bengal, where a section of

the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal, Ram

Prabhav Singh and Jangal Santhal, initiated a violent uprising in 1967. On May 18, 1967, the

Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which Jangal was the president, declared their readiness to adopt armed

struggle to redistribute land to the landless.4The following week, a sharecropper near Naxalbari

village was attacked by the landlord's men over a land dispute. On May 24, when a police team

arrived to arrest the peasant leaders, it was ambushed by a group of tribals led by Jangal Santhal,

and a police inspector was killed in a hail of arrows. This event encouraged many Santhal tribals

and other poor people to join the movement and to start attacking local landlords.5

These conflicts go back to the failure of implementing the 5th & 9th Schedules of the

Constitution of India. These Schedules provide for a limited form of tribal autonomy with regard

to exploiting natural resources on their lands, e.g. pharmaceutical & mining, and 'land ceiling

laws', limiting the land to be possessed by landlords and distribution of excess land to landless

farmers & labourers. The caste system is another important social aspect of these conflicts.

Mao Zedong provided ideological leadership for the Naxalbari movement, advocating that Indian

peasants and lower class tribals overthrow the government and upper classes by force. A large

number of urban elites were also attracted to the ideology, which spread through Majumdar’s

writings, particularly the 'Historic Eight Documents' which formed the basis of Naxalite

ideology.6In 1967, Naxalites organized the All India Coordination Committee of Communist

Revolutionaries (AICCCR), and later broke away from CPM. Violent uprisings were organized

4Sunil Kumar Sen} ({1982}). {Peasant movements in India: mid-nineteenth and twentieth centurie Naxalism}. {K.P. Bagchi}.

5Diwanji, A. K. (2003-10-02). "Primer: Who are the Naxalites?" Rediff.com.Retrieved 2007-03-15.

6 Hindustan Times: History of Naxalism

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in several parts of the country. In 1969, the AICCCR gave birth to the Communist Party of India

(Marxist-Leninist) [CPI (ML)].

Practically all Naxalite groups trace their origin to the CPI (ML). A separate offshoot from the

beginning was the Maoist Communist Centre, which evolved out of the Dakshin Desh group.

The MCC later fused with the People's War Group to form the Communist Party of India

(Maoist). A third offshoot was that of the Andhra revolutionary communists, mainly represented

by the UCCRI (ML), following the mass line legacy of T. Nagi Reddy, which broke with the

AICCCR at an early stage.

During the 1970s, the movement was fragmented into disputing factions. By 1980, it was

estimated that around 30 Naxalite groups were active, with a combined membership of

30,0007and at present the membership of the Naxalites has increased to lakhs.

Today, some Naxalite groups have become legal organisations participating in parliamentary

elections, such as the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation. Others, such as

the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

Janashakti.

7Singh, Prakash. The Naxalite Movement in India. New Delhii: Rupa& Co., 1999. p. 101.

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7.Some common Questions Regarding

The Naxalites:

7.1 Who are the Naxalites?

The Naxalites, also sometimes called the Naxals, is a loose term used to define groups waging a

violent struggle on behalf of landless labourers and tribal people against landlords and others.

The Naxalites say they are fighting oppression and exploitation to create a classless society.

Their opponents say the Naxalites are terrorists oppressing people in the name of a class war.

7.2 How many Naxalite groups are there?

Many groups operate under different names. The Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

is the political outfit that propagates the Naxalite ideology. There are front organisations and

special outfits for specific groups such as the Indian People's Front.

The two main groups involved in violent activities, besides many factions and smaller outfits, are

the People's War, the group many believe is responsible for the attempt on Chandra Babu Naidu,

and the Maoist Communist Centre.

7.3 Where do they operate?

The most prominent area of operation is a broad swathe across the very heartland of India, often

considered the least developed area of this country. The Naxalites operate mostly in the rural and

Adivasi areas, often out of the continuous jungles in these regions. Their operations are most

prominent in (from North to South) Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh,

easternMaharashtra, the Telengana (northwestern) region of Andhra Pradesh, and western

Orissa. It will be seen that these areas are all inland, from the coastline.

The People's War is active mainly in Andhra Pradesh, western Orissa and eastern Maharashtra

while the Maoist Communist Centre is active in Bihar, Jharkhand and northern Chhattisgarh.

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7.4 Who do they represent?

The Naxalites claim to represent the most oppressed people in India, those who are often left

untouched by India's development and bypassed by the electoral process. Invariably, they are the

Adivasis, Dalits, and the poorest of the poor, who work as landless labourers for a pittance, often

below India's mandated minimum wages.

The criticism against the Naxalites is that despite their ideology, they have over the years

become just another terrorist outfit, extorting money from middle-level landowners (since rich

landowners invariably buy protection), and worse, even extorting and dominating the lives of the

Adivasis and villagers who they claim to represent in the name of providing justice.

7.5 Who do the Naxalites target?

Ideologically, the Naxalites claim they are against India as she exists currently. They believe that

Indians are still to acquire freedom from hunger and deprivation and that the rich classes --

landlords, industrialists, traders, etc. -- control the means of production. Their final aim is the

overthrow of the present system, hence the targeting of politicians, police officers and men,

forest contractors, etc.

At a more local level, the Naxalites have invariably targeted landlords in the villages, often

claiming protection money from them. Naxalites have also been known to claim 'tax' from the

Adivasis and landless farmers in areas where their writ runs more than that of the government.

7.6 When did this movement start? How did it get its

name?

The earliest manifestation of the movement was the Telengana Struggle in July 1948 (100 years

after the Paris Communes were first set up, coining the word Communist). This struggle was

based on the ideology of China's Mao Zedong, with the aim of creating an Indian revolution. Not

surprisingly, the ideology remains strong in this region of Andhra Pradesh.

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But the Naxalite movement took shape after some members of the Communist Party of India

(Marxist) split to form the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), after the former agreed

to participate in elections and form a coalition government in West Bengal. Charu Mazumdar led

the split.

On May 25, 1967, in Naxalbari village in Darjeeling district, northern West Bengal, local goons

attacked a tribal who had been given land by the courts under the tenancy laws. In retaliation, the

tribals attacked landlords and claimed the land. From this 'Naxalbari Uprising' came the word

Naxalite.

7.7 Was it ever popular?

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Naxalite movement was popular. There were reports of

brilliant students, including from the famed IITs, dropping out of college to join the struggle for

the rights of the tribals and landless labourers. But as has been the case with many movements

set up with high principles, over the years the Naxalite movement is seen as having lost its vision

and having compromised its principles. Nevertheless, the fact that it has an endless supply of

men and women joining its ranks shows that many still believe in its cause.

7.8 Do the Naxalites face much opposition?

Yes they do, almost from the entire Indian political spectrum. Noticeably, when the Naxalite

movement first started in the late sixties in West Bengal, it was the CPI-M that cracked down

hardest on the Maoist rebels, with ample support from the Congress at the Centre. At village

levels, the Naxalites' terror tactics have spawned local armies to provide protection to the

landlords and others. The most infamous of these is the Ranvir Sena in Bihar and Jharkhand,

formed by Bhumihar caste landlords, which kill tribals, Dalits and landless labourers either in

retaliation or to enforce their domination.

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8.Violence By Naxalites:

There are uncountable numbers of cases which shows the violent face of the Naxalites and brings

them in the category of terrorists.

Few very shocking and extreme cases are:

8.1 The Killing of 29 police men along with the Superintendent of

Police in Chhattisgarh:

On 12th of July, 2009 a troop of 29 policemen were going for a search operation inside the

jungles of Madanvada (a dense Naxalite area) and it was led by the Superintendent of Police of

Rajnanadgaon District Mr. Vinod Kumar Chaubey. While they were moving inside the jungle,

they were being attacked by about 400 naxalites who trapped these policemen in an ambush and

then all the 29 policemen including the SP Shaheed Mr. Vinod Kumar Chaubey laid their lives

while fighting with the gorillas and it was the first time in the history of Chhattisgarh and

Madhya Pradesh when an IPS officer was being killed in an Naxalite attack.

8.2 Killing of 76 CRPF Soldiers:

On 6 April 2010 Naxalites showed another face of terror and violence by killing 76 security

personnel. The attack was launched by up to 1,000 Naxalites in a well-planned attack, killing an

estimated 76 CRPF policemen in two separate ambushes and wounding 50 others, in the remote

jungles of Chhattisgarh's Dantewada district in Eastern/ Central India. Also on 17 May, Naxals

blew up a bus on Dantewda-sukhma road in Chhattisgarh, killing 15 policemen and 20 civilians.

In third Major attack by Naxals on 29 June, at least 26 personnel of Indian Centre Reserve

Forces (CRPF) were killed in Narayanpur district of Chhattisgarh.

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8.3 The Gyaneshwari express blast:

On 28th May, 2010 the Naxalites launched the most deadly assault in the history of the Naxalite

movement by blasting the Gyaneshwari express near the kharagpur station. When at about 3 am

the train was passing from the Rourkela-Kharagpur route which is considered to be one of the

most dangerous Naxalite belt, the train was being blasted by the Naxalites by fitting the blasting

elements in the railway track.

About 150 people were killed in this blast and many more were injured.

8.4 The Kidnapping of the District Magistrate and the foreign citizens:

Many cases of kidnapping by Naxalites were till now heard but in last 1 year the cases of

kidnapping the District Magistrates of Sukma (C.G), a DM and a MLA of Orissa in 2011 was

inin news.In March 2012 Maoist rebels kidnapped two Italians in the eastern Indian state of

Orissa, the first time Westerners were abducted there. 8

In late 2011, the death of Kishenji, the military leader of Communist Party of India (Maoist) was

killed in an encounter with the joint operation forces, which was a huge blow to the Naxalite

movement in Eastern India.12 CRPF personnel were killed on 27 March 2012 in a landmine

blast triggered by suspected Naxalites in Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra.9

8.5 Darbha Valley Attack: On 25 May 2013, Naxalite insurgents of the Communist Party of

India (Maoist) attacked a convoy of Indian National Congress leaders in the Darbha Valley in the

Sukma district of Chhattisgarh, India. The attack caused at least 27 deaths, including that of

former state minister Mahendra Karma and Chhattisgarh Congress chief Nand Kumar Patel

Vidya Charan Shukla, a senior Congress leader also later succumbed to his injuries on 11 June

2013.10

8India Maoists kidnap Italian tourists in Orissa. BBC News. 2012-03-18.

9 12 CRPF jawans killed in Gadchiroli Naxal ambush". The Hindu (Chennai, India). 2012-03-27.10 en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2013_Naxal_attack_in_Darbha_valley

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9.Naxalism: A Short Introduction to

India's Scariest Security Challenge:

Prime Minister Mahoman Singh has called them "the single biggest security challenge ever faced

by our country". Fourteen Indian states are struggling to battle the insurgency waged by their

20,000 fighters. Over the last three years some 2,600 people have died by their hands.

These are the Naxalites, the source of India's scariest security challenge.

Naxalism. It is a topic few in the West are aware of. The international media lends little attention

to India's Maoist insurgents, choosing instead to focus its attention on the more dramatic attacks

of groups like Lashkar-e-Toiba. It is hard to blame them: writing about Islamic terrorism has

become too easy. There is no need to perform substantive reporting or analysis on the cause of

events; pundits simply need to boil down Muslim gunmen and bombers to the level of caricature

and the news has been written. Naxalism, in contrast, does not lend itself to such easy

stereotypes. Not surprisingly, most media outlets have been conspicuously quiet about the

movement.

This silence is not sustainable. Indeed,an attack staged by the Naxalites was so spectacular that

even the New York Times could not ignore it. On the eighth of October 2009 Naxalites

ambushed a large contingent of Maharashtra police commandos, killing 17 of them in a gunfight

staged in broad daylight. As the Indian government begins a major nation-wide paramilitary

offensive against the Naxalites, the ambush on the eighth shall surely be but the first of many

battles. I suspect that as this conflict enlarges in scope and drags through time the word

"Naxalite" shall lose its alien sound. The day will come when Beltway analysts will pronounce

the fate of Chhattisgarh in the same steady voice as they prophesize of Xinjiang; soon the pundit

class will talk as freely of the Naxalites as they do the P.K.K.

However, this is all in the future -- the post below is for those of you who want a head start.

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The term "Naxalite" is derived from Naxalbari, the name of the West-Bengal town where India's

Maoist movement began. During the late 1960s the Communist Party of India was sharply

divided on how to bring about India's communist revolution. The party broke into two camps:

those in favor of a attaining power by election, whereby the party would have the influence to

provide momentum for a great urban uprising, and those in favor of utilizing the country's vast

peasant class to bring about a government-toppling armed insurrection. In 1967 Charu

Mazumdar, a member of this second camp, grew tired with the Communist Party's dithering and

debates and set out to begin the revolution himself. The Naxalbari revolts were the result of his

efforts.

Mazumdar called his new movement the "All India Coordination Committee of Communist

Revolutionaries", but most Indians knew the group by their place of origin, and began to call all

Maoist-style guerrillas "Naxalites." The movement was supported by two very different groups:

leftist college students (mostly from Kolkata), and poor Dalits and peasants who had just barely

survived India's worst famine in a century. A steady flow of aid from China further strengthened

the movement, allowing it to spread beyond the Naxalbari region itself, taking root in Andhra

Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand.

From this point on events turned against the Naxalites. Chinese aid was cut off in the early 70s

when the Chinese Communist Party ended their long standing policy of funding Asian Maoist

groups. A brutal counterterror campaign was began by Bengal's police, and it decimated the

ranks of the Naxalite faithful. To top things off, Mazumdar himself was captured by state police,

and he stayed in their custody until his death in 1972.

Absent a study source of funding, a base of operations, and a leader, the Naxalite movement fell

apart. What had been one organization splintered into 30; divided and prone to factional

infighting, Majumdar’s mass movement was forced to the precipice of Indian society. Only in

rural areas far removed from government power did Naxalism retain a vestige of popular

support.

This state of affairs was the status quo well into the 1990s. By this time Naxalism had been

reduced to irrelevancy, prompting national and state governments to focus on more pressing

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problems. Given breathing space the Naxalites were able to to rebound and then expand. By

2004 the two largest Naxalite factions joined together to form a new organization, the

Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist). The creation of CPI-Maoist was a watershed

event, ending the era of interactional violence among the Naxalbari and paving the way for

Naxalite resurgence.

Naxalism thrives in the regions of India devoid of state control and subject to endemic poverty.

Naxalites are often welcomed with open arms in such circumstances; those leading lives of toil

in India's isolated jungle villages eagerly grasp opportunities to escape the system of oppression

and impoverishment that dominates rural India. Once welcomed in, CPI-Maoists construct a

shadow-state, complete with taxes, regulations, and courts, all ostensibly for the betterment of

disenfranchised dalit peasants and tribal groups.

Yet for these oppressed groups seeking recourse by way of Naxalite is an inevitable Faustian

bargain. As it becomes clear that a Naxal shadow state has supplanted the authority of state

government, police forces are sent to drive the Naxalites out. In the violence that follows it is the

Dalits and tribals who suffer most.

That Naxalite groups find continued support in rural areas despite the ills that accompany their

presence marks another aspect of the regions Naxalites favour: the absence of an educated

citizenry. The states with a significant Naxal presence all have literacy rates below the national

average; the gap in literacy found between Bihar (54%) and Kerala (91% ) mirrors the extant of

Naxalite control in the two states.

The area of India where support for the Naxalism runs highest has been called

“THE RED CORRIDOR”, a long stretch of territory reaching from southern tip of Andhra

Pradesh to the eastern regions of West Bengal. The intensity of Naxalite insurgency varies across

this stretch; in most places Naxalites rule unopposed only in remote pockets and patches of the

region's countryside.

In the past opposition from the rural population of Eastern India has kept Naxalism from

growing past these remote pockets. The response to CPI-Maoists’ expansion was violent; many

rural landowners would not tolerate a Naxalite shadow state and founded anti-Maoist militias in

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an attempt at armed resistance. The pattern was set by the SalwaJudum, a grass roots resistance

movement in Chhattisgarh that was co-opted by the state government soon after its founding.

Eager to find a quick fix to the Naxalite problem, the government of Chhattisgarh paid members

of the Salwa Judum as "Special Police Officers" and ordered them to clear the jungle of

Naxalite influence. The battles that followed this command resulted in thousands of internal

refugees across the state. The heavy handed tactics of the Salwa Judum and their government

patrons alienated many of the state's rural poor, and early this year the last vestiges of the

movement disappeared.

The same cannot be said for the Naxalites. Every bit of lost legitimacy for the Indian government

was a gain for the Naxalite's shadow state; by the end of this summer the Naxalites had enough

popular authority to set up road blocks on national highways and frisk employees of the

Chhattisgarh government.

The surge in Naxalite power is not limited to Chhattisgarh. Multiple states, some outside the red

corridor, have seen a troubling growth in Naxalite related violence. Part of the reason the

October 8th ambush made headlines is because it did not occur in Chhattisgarh, Bihar,

Jharkhand, or Orissa, the four states traditionally subject to Naxal violence.

The scope this violence has ensured action on the part of India's central government. Last month

the Central Reserve Police Force reported that it had lost six times the number of men to

Naxalites this year than it has to all other groups in all other combat zones, including Kashmir.

The CRPF announced that it was launching a nation-wide operation to counter the Naxal threat.

Titled "Operation Green Hunt", the campaign is expected to last two years.

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10.Reasons for failure, 1967–1975:

In a methodical study, Sailen Debnath has surmised the consequences and reasons of failures of

the Naxalite movement organised by Kanu Sanyal and Charu Majumdar.11 He writes "The

Naxalite movement, though continued intensively from 1967 to the middle of the 1970s and

resurfaced after some years, could not go a long way achieving anything commendable because

of the following reasons:"

The Naxalites wanted to surround the towns and cities by the villages, i.e., they wanted to

encircle the urban centres with organized peasant forces of the villages. If the peasant militia

could have occupied the cities, according to Majumdar, the so-called bourgeois government

would fall making the passage to the coming of a socialist government; but the Naxalites could

not and did not come up to a stage capable of organizing the peasants and thereby encircling the

towns.

Majumdar gave sole importance to secret organization, and justified the policy of continuing the

Movement without the need to build any popular mass base, forgetting or ignoring the fact,

popular mass base is the basic criteria of any Communist-Leftist Revolutionary movement. Kanu

Sanyal the original founder of the Movement vehemently did oppose this wrong action plan,

while being interred in the 'Parvatipuram Conspiracy Case’. Armed training for the purpose of

eliminating 'Class Enemies' was preached, but the educating the cadres on the Marxist-Leninist

thought process was never taken up, resulting in a lions majority of the cadres coming out of an

urban-frustrated-middle class background without any Revolutionary teaching and zeal, and who

were desperate for senseless actions. As the Naxalites did not have mass level organization, they

lacked mass support. With only a few armed elements, and those not properly educated in the

party line, little could be accomplished.

"Khatam" (the action of eliminating the so-called class enemies in villages) was a wrongheaded

attempt at political mobilization based on the individual murders of a select few people whose

political class and character was never adjudged by their socio-economic conditions or the

properties they possessed but very often only by their political affiliation or by the name and

11 Sailen Debnath, West Bengal in Doldrums, ISBN 9788186860342, N.L. Publishers

ENGLISH PROJECT Page 19

colour of the party or parties they directly or indirectly belonged to. For example, in Jalpaiguri

and Alipurduar they killed some petty jotdars who otherwise could have been comrades in action

against the capitalists or could be friends in a revolution for radical change. And which blatantly

shows the 'Myopic’ lack of vision of the so called leadership and the party workers.

Recruitment in the Naxalite party took place in the absence of proper judgment and scrutiny of

the political characters and behaviours of the recruits. It was not uncommon for recruits into the

Naxalite party to vent their personal animosities by identifying their personal enemies as class

enemies, to be killed with the help of the Naxalite organization. Even murders and Homicides

were carried out by anti-social and hoodlum elements directly under the patronage and protection

of the ruling Congress (I) and the main opposition the CPI (M) party, to discredit the Movement.

The ruling Congress party inserted spies inside the unguarded Naxalite organization to gather

information about its secret bases and arrest its supporters. Government intelligence personnel

and police disguised as Naxalite sympathizers/supporters could easily infiltrate the party’s inner

organization and arrested many of its leaders, including Charu Majumdar. Thus police had

information about the movements of Majumdar after he had gone underground in 1970, and he

was arrested in Calcutta in July 1972. He died in jail days after his arrest, probably in the night of

27 or 28 July. It is not known how he died, although the government reported that he died of a

heart attack. After the arrest and detention of the original founders of the movement-Kanu

Sanyal and Jangal Santhal who were based amongst the peasant-farmers and the tribal labourers

of the tea gardens of rural North Bengal, when the leadership passed into the hands of people,

majority of whom belonged to the urban-educated-oppurtunist-middle class, as an 'agrarian-

rural-peasant-labourer-Communist revolutionary' movement, Naxalbari Movement had lost its

genuine character and nature, thus coming to an 'incomplete' end.

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11.Will the greatest future security

threats to India be from inside or outside

the country ?

Naxalism - The Biggest Security Threat to India:

India, having one of the fastest growing economies in the world, and being the most populous

democratic country, has great potential to become a future superpower. However, in this

increasingly globalised environment, India faces several threats to its security. The Naxalites

have been identified as the biggest internal security threat to India by Prime Minister Manmohan

Singh. The complex and structural causes of the problem support this proposition. The Naxal

movement also presents the greatest overall threat to India in the future, as it highlights various

underlying weaknesses of India’s governance, political institutions and socio-economic structure.

Naxalism is the biggest threat because it affects several areas including the economy, security

and foreign affairs, its citizens and rule of law. Because of the multi-dimensional aspect of the

Naxal problem, a three-pronged approach should be taken in dealing with the threat. It calls for a

balance between military forces, social and economic development, as well as dialogue between

all parties.

Background:

The terms Naxalites or Maoists are used to refer to militant far-left radical Communist groups

operating in India. Inspired by the doctrines of Mao Zedong, Naxalites work to overthrow the

government and upper classes by violence. The Indian Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA)

describes the objectives of Naxalites as destroying “state legitimacy…with the ultimate object of

attaining political power by violent means”. They are considered as a terrorist organisation

under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act of India (1967). The movement started in West

Bengal in the early seventies but has since spread to the rural areas in central and eastern India.

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The MHA notes that Naxalites attach themselves to civil society and front organisations on

issues such as displacement, land reforms and acquisition where they can increase their mass

support.

Naxalites have been attacking police establishments and infrastructures such as public

transportation, causing insecurity and instability to the area. From the period 2006-2010 alone,

there were nearly 9,000 incidents with Naxalites with over 3,000 civilians killed. The Naxalites

are active in approximately 40 percent of India’s geographical area. They control large portions

of remote and densely forested areas and are concentrated in an area called “Red Corridor”. This

area is also the tribal belt where the tension between economic development and aboriginal land

rights is most apparent.

The Ex. India Home Minister P Chidambaram had declared that the security forces need to be

more assertive against the Maoists. However, this is only one part of the solution. Examination

of the reasons behind the Naxalite movement indicate that military force on its own will not be

enough to counter India’s biggest security threat.

Causes of the Threat:

The causes of the Maoist movement in India are structural. Economic, political and cultural

dimensions are closely linked. The first is the economic situation which is exploited by Naxalites

and their extreme left ideology. It seems much like a catch-22 situation. On the one hand, India

has experienced relatively fast economic growth, which has led to increased levels of national

wealth. To facilitate and continue this development, businesses need more land and natural

resources such as minerals. On the other hand, this economic growth has been uneven among

regions, and has widened the disparity between the rich and the poor. Proponents of these

businesses argue that these regions need economic development, if they are to catch up with their

richer counterparts.

The Indian aboriginals, known as Adivasis, live these richly forested lands, which are wanted for

development by businesses. The conflict between economic progress and aboriginal land rights

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continues to fuel the Naxalite’s activities. Their strongest bases are in the poorest areas of India.

They are concentrated on the tribal belt such as West Bengal, Orissa, and Andhra Pradesh where

locals experience forced acquisition of their land for developmental projects. Arundhati Roy, a

Naxalite sympathiser said that the tribal forestlands should be called a “MoUist Corridor” instead

of the “Maoist Corridor” as the people of these tribal forest ands have been wrestling with

“Memorandum of Understanding (MoUs) of the mining companies. PrashantBhushan, a civil

rights lawyer noted that businesses are making adivasis go through “sham formal consultation”

processes where interests of the adivasis are not sincerely considered.

Second, the alienation that is being exploited by the Maoists has a social, communal and regional

dimension. The battle can also be described between India’s most neglected people and the

nation’s most powerful industrial businesses. The adivasis make up about 8.4 percent of the

population and live in severe poverty. They live in remote areas where government

administration is weak and there is a lack of government services. These indigenous people have

the lowest literacy rates in the country and highest rates of infant mortality.

Given this socio-economic alienation, it is easy to see how the Naxalite’s ideology is popular

among the rural poor and indigenous tribes, and why the adivasis view the guerrillas as their

“saviours”. The adivasis do not feel like they have any political power to voice their grievances

legitimately, and therefore the alternative of subversive, illegal groups seem attractive.

Some argue that Naxalites are not concerned about the social or economic welfare of these

people and are simply using them as a means to its end goal of seizing political power. The

spread of Naxalism reflects the widespread alienation and discontentment felt by large parts of

the country who are systematically marginalised. Dr. Subramanian, a former Director-General of

the National Security Guard and Central Reserve Police Force notes that Naxalism exists in these

tribal areas because of the dissatisfaction of the people against the government and big

businesses, the terrain is suitable for guerrilla tactics, and there is no existence of a proper and

effective local administration mechanism. In these areas, the conditions are conducive to

warfare and extremist ideologies. Even if Naxalites are simply exploiting the adivasis’ situation

for their own ends, their popularity indicates the power of the root causes to create such an

environment for insecurity and violence.

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Naxalite movement as the biggest threat

The Naxalite threat is the biggest security problem for India’s future as its effects are multi-

layered. The Maoist movement highlights India’s interior weaknesses, which makes India also

vulnerable to external threats. As part of globalisation, threats such as the Naxalite movement

can no longer be viewed as simply internal as it also affects external security.

The security dangers are aptly described by a former Pakistani Director-General of the Inter-

Services Intelligence and his description of India’s foreign affairs. The Director-General equated

India being busy with internal security problems to having two extra Divisions in the Pakistan

Army for free. A nation cannot effectively withstand threats coming from outside its country if

there is instability inside it. Furthermore, globalisation has encouraged the emergence of non-

state terrorist actors as well as international interference in each other’s affairs. India has been

one of the victims of international and state sponsored terrorism fuelled by fundamentalist

ideologies. The Pakistani support for terrorist acts within India and the Jammu and Kashmir

proxy war is an example of when it is critical that national security forces focus solely on

eliminating external threats.

India’s regional neighbours are also external threats. For example, in 2004, the MHA was wary

of the “symbiotic relationship” between the Communist Party of Nepal and Naxal groups in

India. This means having military deployed along the border. In the past, India has also been

involved in territorial disputes with China such as over Aksai Chin.

Another reason why the Naxalites are the biggest threat to security is because of the way the

issue affects India’s economic development. This is apparent in several ways. For example, the

more the Maoists concentrate on the poor and marginalised regions of India, the more economic

development (which is imperative to improving those regions’ conditions) will be hampered.

Furthermore, the Naxalite rebels are no longer just focussing on remote jungles but on urban

centres. Maoist leader Kishenji even declared that the group aims to establish an armed

movement in Calcutta by 2011. Internal order and stability are necessary for a nation’s

economic development. For India to continue being able to withstand outside security threats, it

must build up its infrastructure, its defence and its people. In terms of lifting its citizens out of

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poverty, India has a long way to go, and continued economic growth is integral to India’s

development as a strong global player. The Naxalite activities are using up scarce resources on

defence and internal security when it should be spent on areas such as social development. For

example in 2006, 22% of the total government expenditure is on the military, compared with a

mere 1.84% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) spent on the social sector.

The Naxalite movement is also the biggest threat to India, in terms of the effects on its citizens

and what it means for democracy and rule of law. Not only has there been a great loss of life

since the conflict between the guerrillas and the military, but addressing the problem through

violence risks polarising people further and driving them to subservience. The guerrilla warfare

is a threat not only to citizens’ lives but their properties. Too impatient and desperate to wait for

government intervention, civilians such as landlords are taking matters into their own hands. As

writer Navlakha noted, by portraying the Maoists as a ‘menace’ and separating the

movementfrom socio-economic causes, it “allows the rich and poor divide to impose itself on a

formal democratic structure”. Navlakha gives the example in Bihar where Naxalite groups are

band under the Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act, yet a majority of the massacre were

committed by landlord armies which were not considered an act of terror under the law. Such

treatment for the upper class only serves to threaten the rule of law, state legitimacy and

democracy as the political norm.

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12. PERSONAL EXPERIENCE

There are many truths of which the full meaning cannot be realized until personal experience has brought it home.

-JOHN STUART MILL

Personal experience of a human being is the moment-to-moment observation and sensory

awareness of internal and external events. Discussions and Debates about a particular problem

are helpful and play a pivotal role, but personal experience brings us even more closer to the

highlighted issue. Fortunately, I had the opportunity to live in a highly Naxal-affected area,

DANTEWADA for three years and observe as well as experience the critical conditions over

there personally.

My father got transferred to Dantewada in 2007.It was not a good news in any way; instead we

all were sad and thunderstruck as to what to do now, as apart from the biggest problem of

Naxalism, Dantewada was not modernized and developed in terms of education, heath facilities

culture, etc. Pesonally, I didn’t even know that a place named Dantewada ever existed in this

planet, and that too in my own state!!! My friends scared the hell out of me by telling things like

that place is full of monsters( though it is, I mean in a way), there are no good schools, I will

become a ‘gawaar’ over there, and the scariest and unfortunately, a realistic one, that there was

just a small, a very small possibility that me and my family would ever come back from that

place, alive!

With all these presumptions and mixed feelings of fear, nervousness and anxiety, we, as a

family, headed to the most intensely Naxal-prone area of Chhattisgarh. I will have to admit that

when I saw the place, I was not disheartened. The reason was, I had expected it to be even worse,

just like a small village, but it was more or less a town. Even I had least expectations from my

school, Nirmal Niketan,Karli, but I was surprised to see that good schooling is possible even in

such remote areas.

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Things were not a cakewalk initially. My father had to establish a new office so he remained

busy in his work. Most of the people there had different orientations, mother tongues and

thoughts as compared to us. There were no big houses available for rent so we had to live in a

small house and my father started his office in a three-room house. Shops would close before 8

p.m. and no one was allowed to stay out after 10 p.m. Whole of the place was just in a 3

kilometres radius.

We eventually, and successfully tried to adjust with this new environment. In these three years,

we used to get frequent calls from our relatives as to how we are.( actually, after every naxalite

attack, they wanted to make sure that we were alive!).Most of the people there were tribals, and

many of them were members of Salwa Judum. Even our maid was an active Salwa Judum

member and used to tell me stories of her encounter with naxalites, though I didn’t understand

much as she used to speak in Halbi (regional language of the gond tribe there).

There were circumstances when I just wanted to run from that place and go somewhere else. My

father was appointed as the Zonal Officer during the Loksabha Elections in a very interior and

dangerous place, Bheji. He had to stay there for almost two weeks and during this period, all of

our minds were full of tension, gloom and a constant prayer to God that my father returns back

soon. It was such an interior place that first they reached a place near it by helicopter and then

they had to walk five kilometres down the road, obviously under the Police and Army protection.

They had to live in tents, which were put up in a ground amidst the dense forests. All the

villagers had migrated ( to be specific, fled) from there due to frequent naxal activities and

attacks. My father and others were always kept under protection. Army men surrounded him

everytime he came out of his tent; even when he went to pee!! I remember that when we saw the

news that there were two blasts near Bheji, how scared we were at home and my mother and

brother had started crying. Fortunately, my father was able to come back in full piece and his

attitude was as if he had won a war or something (though he had, a war of life, but I never admit

it). And yes, regarding the elections, there was zero percent election there i.e. no one even came

to vote!

The next incident that freaks me out are the frequent BLACKOUTS. During a blackout, there is

no electricity supply as the naxalites blast the electricity towers in huge numbers. I experienced

two blackouts there, one for a month and the other for 10 days, and that too during summer

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vacations. There were problems like shortage of water, no T.V., intense heat, etc. and stories of

ghosts coming at night added to the terror. We had to pay 500 bucks to get our mobile phones

and electric appliances charged for half an hour. People were seen with radios, which is very rare

normally, as it was the only source of entertainment that was possible. Even today when I

remember that period, I really get goose bumps.

There were times that we didn’t have school because of some naxalite warnings, bands or

attacks. The nearest attack from my home was just a kilometre away, in a Salwa Judum camp.

These incidents or tragedies were always a source of disturbance and disrupted the peace that

could possibly prevail there.

But, everything about Dantewada is not horrifying. My school was awesome and I am still in

touch with my teachers and friends over there. There are many places of tourist interest there like

the famous Danteshwari Mata temple, Chitrakote falls, Kutumbsar Gufa, etc. One of the

sweetest memories is of my father being awarded a prize and recognition letter at the central

level for his work in Dantewada. He was even felicitated in the Independence Day Function by

the District authorities.

My father always says, “Everything that happens, happens for good”. I think this applies to our

short stay in Chhattisgarh. Even though, I hated that place first, I was in tears when we had to bid

farewell to Dantewada. That short period taught me many things like to adjust with people, to not

underestimate others, to be brave and most of all, it made me realize the importance of family in

one’s life. Though at times I was sad, afraid and depressed regarding my present and future, but

with my family around, it was all so easy. I have always acknowledged the crucial role of family

members in my life after that and this has brought me even more close to them. I have learnt the

important lesson of always being positive, and that you can bring laurels even if you work in an

interior place like Dantewada; all you need is firm determination and hard-work. Moreover the

stay acquainted me with the most hazardous and intense problem of the country, NAXALISM

and helped me to understand it in a realistic manner. In all, my personal experience in

Dantewada was awesome and its memories will always remain embedded in my heart.

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13.Solutions:

The complexity of the causes of the Naxalite problem as well as its implications both for internal

and external security reflect a solution that is multi-dimensional and calls for a synergy between

the central governments and the states. In order to comprehensively dissolve the Naxalite threat,

the government has to address its root causes. Socio-economic alienation and the dissatisfaction

with the widening economic and political inequality will not be solved by military force alone,

which seems to be the main instrument employed by the government. The problem calls for a

three-pronged solution: social and economic development, multi-lateral dialogue and military

force.

Socio-economic development:

As the Naxalites are fuelled by discontent from the marginalised and the poor, a larger

percentage of the national budget must be allocated to addressing the needs of these regions.

More of the national expenditure needs to be focused on developing these poorer regions through

initiatives regarding health, education, social welfare and rural and urban development.

Government service delivery should be improved in these tribal areas. Both state and

government must ensure that things such as statutory minimum wages, access to land and water

sources initiatives are implemented. In coming up with strategies for national economic growth,

the government must always bear in mind the possible effects of fast growth for all socio-

economic groups in a country as large and diverse as India. If the social needs of these

marginalised people are addressed, there will be no discontent to fuel the Naxalites movements.

Dialogue :

Second, the government should initiate sincere dialogue with these marginalised groups, the

Naxalites and state leaders. The popularity of Naxalites with the adivasis is a reflection of the

fact that the government has been unaware or “unapologetically indifferent to their plight”. By

communicating and starting a dialogue between these stakeholders, these groups will feel that

they being listened to.

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By opening dialogue, the government can give opportunity for the rebels to join the mainstream

by showing them that solutions can be created together with the government, by being part of the

political system in a legitimate way. They no longer need to resort to violence to get the state’s

attention. For example, the former director-general of AP concluded that as a result of the

ceasefire and dialogue with Maoists in 2004, the violence in the state decreased by 80-90 percent

in the region. As David Pilling noted, the challenge for India’s leaders will be to allow the

necessary development in these poverty-stricken areas while acknowledging the rights of a

neglected indigenous group.

Military:

Currently, the main instrument employed by the government to address the Naxalite threat is the

increasing use of the military. While some military force is still needed to combat against the

Maoist guerrillas, it should not be the only solution. By only addressing the issue by brute force,

government risks alienating civilians who are caught in the middle. Coercion of the state will

only encourage people to rally against it.

Governance:

The growing Naxalite insurgency also reflects a flaw in the federal structure. Because law and

order is seen as a state responsibility, the central government is unable to implement a coherent

national strategy to address the threat. Ganguly notes that “in the absence of a near complete

breakdown of public order or without the express request of the afflicted state, the central

government cannot… [Intervene].” The government has the overall responsibility of mobilising

development, but it cannot do so without the support of the states. The central government and

the states need to cooperate together to solve the internal security threats and coordinate the

implementation of this multi-dimensional approach. Both organisations must complement and

support each other’s initiatives and strategies.

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14.Major Findings:

1. One of the main findings of my project is the reason of the origin and spread of the

Naxalites in India.

2. The second major finding of my project is how the Naxalites in India lost their main

motive and became the biggest security threat of India.

3. The third major finding of my project is how violent the Naxalites are and also some of the

solutions to remove this acute and hazardous problem.

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15.Conclusion:

To conclude, the Naxalite problem reflects underlying issues in the Indian social, economic and

political institutions which threaten to expose India to even more danger from outside forces.

While the Naxalite movement is mainly an internal threat, with globalisation, external and

internal security threats are inextricably linked. The complex and multi-faceted approach to

solving the Naxalite issue also reflects the fact that this is the biggest menace to India’s security

in the future.

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16.BIBLIOGRAPHY/WEBLIOGRAPHY

i. Shankar Rao C.N., Principles Of Sociology, Sixth Edition, S.Chand&

Co. Ltd., Delhi.

ii. www.legallyindia.com

iii. India Today-a times group weekly magazine

iv. Newspapers-The Hindu, DainikBhaskar.

v. www.preservarticles.com

vi. www.jstor.org

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