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Englewood: The Impact of an UnderservedCommunity that is faced by Violence: Politiciansvs. Residents vs. AdvocatesOuidie M. PollardGovernors State University

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Running head: THE IMPACT OF COMMUNITY VIOLENCE

Englewood: The Impact of an Underserved Community that is faced by Violence: Politicians vs. Residents vs. Advocates

By

Ouidie M. Pollard B.A., Chicago State University, 2012

Capstone Project

For the Masters Degree of Public Administration

Governors State University University Park, IL 60484

2015


Englewood: The Impact of an Underserved Community that is faced by Violence: Politicians vs. Residents vs. Advocates

By

Ouidie M. Pollard B.A., Chicago State University, 2012

Capstone Project

For the Masters Degree of Political Justice Studies

Governors State University University Park, IL 60484

2015

Dedication

With all my love to the memory of my loving mother Francis Pe'Cola Law who thought I

was more than "Ms. America" and often displayed and shared with me how proud she was and

how much she loved me. To my inspiring and loyal daughter Chloe'Rose-Jacqueece Jackson

who is forever understanding, humble, and loving and who has the ability to constantly remind

me just why I'm so proud of her. Thanks Chlo'-Jacks, much to be said about you! To my sister

Jaide Banks for her long distance love and support during this process, and to my special family

and friends, you all know who you are.

Acknowledgements

I would first like to acknowledge my Father God for giving me the patient, the wisdom

and tenacity to accomplish this task. Additionally, I acknowledge my instructors Dr. Gaffney,

who I admire so much and Dr. Levinson, one of the smartest instructors that I have had the

pleasure of knowing - thank you both for exhibiting such patience with me throughout this entire

program. I appreciate the guidance and all the lessons that were taught to me during this

journey, while at the same time, prepared me toward my future endeavors. A special thank you

to my dear colleague Alfred Saucedo who gave me more than just direction on how to find my

way, but showed me how to see that eventually it all made sense.

THE IMPACT OF COMMUNITY VIOLENCE 11

Table of Contents

List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. ii

List of Appendices ......................................................................................................................... iii

Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ 4

Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 5

Theoretical Framework ...................................................................................................... I 0

Literature Review .......................................................................................................................... 12

Categorizations of Violence .............................................................................................. 12

Gender Gaps, Neighborhoods and Adolescent Violent Crime .......................................... 14

Adolescent Development and the Influence of Family ..................................................... 15

Social Control, Social Disorganization and Public Policy ................................................ 17

Social Capital, Political Relations and Violence ............................................................... 18

Methodology .................................................................................................................................. 20

Research Design ................................................................................................................ 20

Strategy of Inquiry ............................................................................................................. 20

Sample Population ............................................................................................................. 21

Instrumentation .................................................................................................................. 22

Data Collection .................................................................................................................. 22

Data Analysis ..................................................................................................................... 22


Results/Findings ............................................................................................................................ 24

List of Tables

Table 1: Study Participants ................................................................................................ 24

Table 2: Demographic Profile ........................................................................................... 25

Table 3: Predicted Revitalization Period ........................................................................... 2 7

Table 4: Rating Policing, Community Collaboration, Resources and Support ................. 29

Table 5: Community Response to Violence and Victimization ........................................ 34

Figure 1: Community Response to Witnessing & Experiencing Violence ....................... 35

Figure 2 - 4: Beneficial Resources and Elected Officials .................................................. 36

Table 6: Politicians Concern for Community .................................................................... 39

Limitations ....................................................................................... : ............................................. 39

Discussion/Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 43

References ...................................................................................................................................... 5 2

List of Appendices

Appendix (A): Survey Instrumentation ......................................................................................... 74

Appendix (B): Graduate Capstone Experience Final Transmittal Form ....................................... 76

Appendix (C): Authorization for the use of my Capstone Experience documentation in opus .... 77

Appendix (D): Signature Page ....................................................................................................... 78

THE IMP ACT OF COMMUNITY VIOLENCE 4

Abstract

This stildy examines the impact that violence has on an underserved community and its

opportunity for revitalization. It attempts to reveal and analyze significant differences of opinion

among residents, politicians, and other stakeholders in the Englewood community of Chicago,

focusing primarily on what is needed to revitalize the community and reduce the level of

violence in it. One key research finding is that th~ is a significant disconnect between residents

of Englewood, the politicians who represent them, and activists and social-service providers who

work with them in the community. Although there was no one clear reason for the disconnect,

this study attempted to identify the importance of developing future assessments, programs, SJ!d

resomces to foster positive and effective strategies for rejuvenating Englewood. The study

employs a quantitative research approach to collect and analyze data on the opinions of various

stakeholders in the Englewood community. Data from survey questionnaires were administered

to fifty-five participants who are residents, leaders and employees of not-for-profit organizations,

politicians, and other community leaders, based on their age, income, and role within the

community. The study demonstrates the ways that community development, economics,

viability, leadership, and policing are needed in Englewood. These needs not only contribute to

violence, but also can be a leading cause of the disconnect that exist. among the stakeholders in

the community. Although this study hypothesizes a disconnect among the stakeholders of

Englewood, evidence also suggests that because of the disconnect; violence continues to exist.

The hypothesis offers insight on the types of revitalization strategies that may be successful, as

these recommendations differ from standard approaches in the field. However, further

qualitative study may be necessary to develop effective revitalization strategies in order to

determine the root causes of the disconnect and to find ways to overcome it.


Introduction

On October 24, 2008, Jennifer Hudson's sister Julia left her house in the Englewood

neighborhood on her way to work. William Balfour, Julia's estranged husband had been

watching her and became enraged when he entered her home to find balloons that had been given

to her by her new boy friend on the day before her birthday. Enraged, after Julia left that day,

Balfour returned with a .45-caliber handgun. He shoots not only Jennifer and Julia's mother; he

also shoots Julia's brother as well; twice in the head while he was sleeping. Immediately

following, Balfour removes his 7-year old son Julian from the house, and while in the back of his

SUV, Balfour shoots Julian several times in the head. This is only one of the many fatal violent

crimes that have occurred in the ·Englewood community. Children and adults are murdered and

assaulted daily on playgrounds and in front of their homes. Gun shots and sirens are no stranger

to the Englewood neighborhood. This year there were 3. 7 property crimes and 3.2 quality of life

crimes per 1,000 people. Englewood ranks 6th for violent crimes out of Chicago's seventy-seven

community areas and rank one of the most dangerous neighborhoods in the city (Englewood -

Crime in Chicagoland-Chicagotribune.com, 2015).

Abandonment, mass unemployment, incarceration, economic depression, and domestic

aggression are among the consequences linked to community violence and impoverished

communities (Garbarino, Dubrow, Kostelny, & Pardo, 2010). Carpenter and Miller (2010) refer

to community revitalization as the process of renewing and sustaining a commmµty affected by

challenges and conflict. Although much discussion and research has been conferred by

professional psychologists, elected officials, and community leaders in Englewood regarding

implementation of an action plan for revitalization; a staggering disconnect exist. This

disconnect exists between residents, community leaders, churches, law enforcement, politicians,

THE IMPACT OF COMMUNITY VIOLENCE

and other stakeholders within Englewood. While some stakeholders who are affiliated, yet do

not reside in the community believe that much of the disconnect stems from direct intervention

of community residents, the residents of Englewood believe there has been a failure in public

safety.

6

When underserved communities, such as Englewood are entrenched by constant violence,

they typically shut down, ultimately withdraw, and in many cases the residents become socially

dysfunctional. As a result, trust and civil activity eventually become lost within the community

and the neighborhood irrefutably dies. Ghazi (2014) defines societal violence as a level of

abusive behavior (physical and verbal) or assault through the formation of violent groups.

Societal violence causes the community to become impaired and incapable of functioning or

sustaining the necessary communal impulse (ideals that are associated by groups, the common

whole of how the group views their purpose and life individually) (Cooley, Turner, and Beidel,

1995). Data from this research revealed that while many politicians, ministers, and residents

think this is not a permanent situation; some law enforcers consider rejuvenation in Englewood

as somewhat inconceivable.

Rejuvenation in Englewood was not always necessary. Englewood was full of energy

during the mid-19th century. Vincennes Avenue was discovered in 1840 by a settler named

Wilcox, and became well-known within the Englewood community in 1852 as the "Chicago

Junction" or "Junction Grove." The Chicago Junction Railroad began at the intersection of 63rd

and LaSalle Street. In 1868, Henry B. Lewis, a Chicago merchant and settler of the Junction

community changed the name from the Junction Grove to Englewood (Polle and Dumke, 2000).

Englewood was very prosperous and vigorous. Street cars were built which led and connected

Englewood to downtown Chicago. Sidewalks and single-family homes were developed.


Chicago State University, once known as The Cook County Normal School was opened in 1868

between 67th and Stewart, to 69th and Halsted Street. L.W. Beck, a real estate developer

donated the university land to Cook County as an effort of building and creating a middle-class

business environment. During the Great Chicago Fire of 1871, residents of the city had to find

housing which aided Englewood in becoming a desirable community.

Figure 1, Englewood 1955 on Halsted and 64th Street." Englewood was the home of one of the first publicized serial murderers in America; Dr. H. H. Holmes. Most of Dr. Holmes crimes were at his hotel on Wallace and -63rd streets (Polk & Dumke, 2000 ).

In 1873, a year after the development of Wentworth Avenue and Halsted streets,

Englewood High School was opened on 68th and Stewart Avenue. Between the 1880s and the

1890s, Black railroad and domestic workers moved into the community, while Germans,

7

Swedish, and Irish workers moved into the Bridgeport and the Back of the Yards neighborhoods.

During the Great Migration period between 1919 and 1950, the population of the

Englewood community increased by 16%. By 1940, two (2) to four (4) percent of Blacks

resided in Englewood and West Englewood. Blacks who became displaced because of the

construction of the South Expressway in the late 1950s (the Dan Ryan) also moved into

Englewood. At a Jewish community meeting in 1949, there was concern about more Black


families moving into Englewood. This information instigated a ten thousand mob attack on the

Black residents of Englewood. Although the Irish, Germans, and Swedes continued to dominate,

many Irish residents moved southwest toward 71 st Street, while the remaining Germans and the

Swedes moved to Beverly and Morgan Park (Polk & Dumke, 2000). By 1957, an interracial

crime prevention private police force group was formed; "The Triden League of Englewood"

This law enforcement assembly, led by Municipal Judge John H. Lyle, was formed to assist with

neighborhood crime that was unreported and ignored by The Chicago Police Department. By

1970, Englewood's population dropped from 100,000 residents to 40,000. In the year 2000,

statistics showed approximately 30,000 residents remained Politicians challenged this as a

result of families relocating to safer havens and a consequence of the residents losing their

homes during the Great Recession from 2007 to 2009 (Barak, Flavin, & Leighton, 2001 ).

Residents of the community blame social control and the lack of social capital for people

relocating from Englewood to more affiuent communities (Hirsch, 1998). Social control refers

to behavior that is based upon both individual and group behavior; often used in short form as

"collective violence" that is used as a method to conform or comply (de la Roche R. S., 1996),

while social capital implies that there is value in social networking. Social capital is often based

upon working collectively and knowing people to establish the necessary amount of trust and

cooperation from those that are associated within the particular social network to form and

connect bonds (Briggs, 1997).

Many researchers argue that social control and capital are most pertinent toward

addressing the problem of violence in impoverished communities (Garbarino, Dubrow, Kostelny,

and Pardo, 2010). However, developing social control and social capital becomes challenging

because of the politics involved in the community. Both social controJ and social capital depend


vitally on policing and various other types of resources. For example, practices that are often

considered to be elements of social capital (i.e., neighbors informally looking out for one another

to avoid collective violence on their property) require police services to be fully effective.

Communities that are undeifunded are thus placed at a severe disadvantage in their efforts to

develop social capital and social control. Although there are incentives available to community

members to access capital funds, many of these resources go untapped due to a lack of education,

attendance, and interest, thus, the community goes unfunded. Residents of the community blame

politicians, while politicians blame residents of the community.

This study attempted to explore the disconnection that exists, along with various other

issues, strategies, and resources that deemed necessary toward revitalizing Englewood.

Additionally, this study attempted to provide comparative inquiry regarding the disconnection

that is associated with violence. Research questions addressed and discussed are: (I) How

demographics prompt a need to summarize or investigate where violence actually begins and

possibly emulates the disconnect that exist within the community. (2) How the roles of the

participants and their annual household income assist in measuring how socioeconomics, social

control, social disorganization, and public policy contributes to violence and the disconnect that

exist among politicians. (3) The amount of time participants predict it would take Englewood to

become a safer community, and how these predictions affect the political impact of

environmental policies. ( 4) How the stakeholders of the community rank the need for policing,

community collaborations, resources and support. Lastly, (5) participants' views on the

importance of issues (i.e. types of violence: rape, aggravated assault) as they relate to community

violence and the need for categorization of the different spheres of violence.


Overall, these questions and comparative inquiries assist with understanding the need for

the Englewood community to revitalize and for the stakeholders of Englewood to collaborate.

To fully grasp the phenomenon presented in this study, the preexisting theory selected to explain

this study is the Rational Choice Theory.

Theoretical Framework

Understanding the need for community collaboration among stakeholders in Englewood

was pertinent in assisting the researcher to explore and identify why violence exists in the

community, and whether the community can revitalize. Based on the Rational Choice Theory

(RCT), the researcher examines the participants' characteristics and choice through conduct.

This theory is widely used by social scientists to help understand human behavior (Coleman &

Fararo, 1992). The relationship to law, order, and control are the apparatus of behavior (Barak,

Flavin, and Leighton, 2001 ).

RCT was developed during the Cold War in 1964, and was related to the drift theory

where behavior flowed in and out. It is referred to as the "rationality-principle." RCT implies

that the inquiry of meso-level structures has enormous effects on individuals, and is useful in

addressing social movement and violence that is legitimately present in underserved

communities.

The researcher explored why there is a continual disconnect, and what resources are

needed to assist in the revitalization process. Ansolabeher, Rodden, and Snyder (2008) list

various possible reasons for the disconnection between politicians and other stakeholders:

•!• Unsupportive ideologies

•!• Citizens views are more moderate than politicians

•!• Politicians often represent their own personal issues


Most political debates are less popular among citizens. Ansolabeher et al contend that

politicians disconnect with citizens because the formers' concerns are often less moderate and

more ideological. Politicians often talce polar oppositions on issues in an effort to attract the

largest number of citizens, rather than middle-ground moderate stances that provoke divides

between citizens and government (Ans9labehere, Rodden, & Snyder, 2008). More attention is

paid to constituents, assuming that community members generally want politicians to address

more personal issues and not what politicians consider "a mix" (Fiorina & Abrams, 2009).

Fiorina (2009) further challenges that because there is no meeting in the middle when it pertains

to politicians, voters feel poorly represented and disconnected with politicians. Politicians view

community issues in most cases as moderate individual issues versus their own, which is

considered more extreme ideologies. Fiorina (2009) argues whether this is one of the reasons the

disconnect persists.

There continues to be a considerable amount of debate about why there is such a

disconnect with what is needed for revitalization of underserved communities. This debate

considers the need for approaching not only the disconnect that exist among the politicians and

members of the community, but it also produces the need to define the different categorizations

of violence as it relates to criminology, family influences, social control, social capital, public

policy, and the community.


Literature Review

Categorizations of Violence:

The aim of this literature review is to fully grasp the text that is written on this subject.

For practical purposes, an understanding of the categorizations of violence deems necessary to

develop effective strategies, resources, and support toward community collaboration, and for

investigating why there is a disconnect that exist between the stakeholders. For instance,

institutional violence is often systemized and can occur through extreme advances (i.e.

government murders, religious organization cults, concentration camps, omission of danger in

coal mines, HN, asbestos in buildings). By definition, institutional violence becomes a social

· problem through a process of social construction; of societal existence (Barak G. , 2003). The

sphere of institutional violence can frequently be based upon political ramifications and not

necessarily social problems. Therefore, deliberate attention should be considered when

identifying whether a social condition should actually be viewed as a social problem (Perrin,

2011).

12

In contrast, structural violence is defined as the relationship between peace and

development in theory ~arnett, 2008). Barnett (2008) articulates the theory of peace as

freedom, with peace being the absence of violence. Through empirical investigations structural

violence was defined as the means and ends of peace and development practices that should

consist of social and economic opportunities free from direct violence. A multivariate

assessment of peace based on the nature of violence concluded that lack of peace and

development was also the cause of structural violence. According to Kohler and Alcock (1976),

structural violence is defined as either violent input or violent output. Violent input attributes to

the lack of basic needs such as education, food, and medical care - while violent output would


indicate the number of those murdered because of a need to obtain these basic deficient

necessities. Kohler and Alcock contend that because structural violence is associated with the

social, political, and the economic institutional systems; social capital and structural violence

have fatal consequences on underprivileged communities (i.e. police brutality, malnutrition,

vaccine-preventable diseases) (Kohler & Alcock, 1976). Impoverished communities have

structural characteristics whose outcome creates impacts of violence (i.e. poverty and

homelessness) (Sheidow, 2001). Kohler and Alcock's major finding is that structural violence

subsists because of socio-economic conditions. Although these are weaknesses in this research

due to the null-model being used (i.e., a known specified distnbution; c~rtain fundamentals are

invatjable) and no one single solution being determined, an egalitarian model (a human equality

model) was able to capitalize on the life-expectancy of structural violence and why it may be

possible to revive from its consequences (Kohler & Alcock, 1976). ~cock (1976) suggests a

change in legal systems.

A third sphere of violence is interpersonal violence. Interpersonal violence is when one

person uses power over another (very similar to structural). Generally these powers are used as a

form of control. Pierce (2005) examines and defines interpersonal violence as often stereotypical

and in many cases racial (abuse, bullying, domestic, and sexual violence). Because interpersonal

violence often clashes with institutional violence and sometimes even structural violence, all

three of these spheres make it difficult to understand violence globally and as a result,

continuously impairs underserved communities (Barak G. , 2003).


Gender Gaps, Communities, and Adolescent Violent Crime:

Collectively, these spheres are highly participatory among adolescents in underserved

communities. There is emerging evidence that economic forces such as poverty and poor

housing conditions promote youth violence and criminology. Criminology focuses on the

conceptualization and measurement of the commwrity and various individual patterns and units

of analysis (i.e., the type of crime, the level of crime, the number of crimes, etc.). An abundance

of research has been used to study criminology and youth violence (Kramer R., 2000). The field

of criminology proposes that the condition of where and how a person grows up, most likely

impacts their lives and their behavior. In many ways, neighborhoods determine the effects of

residential context; particularly adolescents because they spend an enormous amount of their

time interacting with their environment. The amount of violence that youth experience within a

community has reached dangerous levels. This societal problem is related to multiple

interpersonal domains (cognitive domains: thinking, feeling, physical) and gender gaps

(Margolin, Vickerman, Oliver, Pamella, and Gordis, 2010). Economics, social, legal, and

political motives outline this phenomenon (Ghazi, 2014). A lack of access to resources such as

employment and medical treatments leads to distrust that ultimately affects the community

confidence in political parties and their union toward societal organization. As a result, this

disfranchises youth and contributes to gang violence in the community. The outcomes of

. context; however, vary. Environmental influences such as teen pregnancy, alcoholism,

substance abuse, and violence within the commwrity often falls upon the responsibility of the

community and the neighborhood (Aisenberg & Herrenkohl, 2008).

Many politicians' that represent impoverished communities perform under the notion that

as an elected appointed member their role is to respond to community emergencies.


Furthermore, they embrace legislative governmental responsibility as the liability to provide the

basic freedoms and human rights to citizens (i.e .. freedom to vote, rights to food, shelter and

clothing) and to protect their rights (Discipline, 2012). Many politicians hold the community

accountable for social change and for fostering and developing partnerships with organizations

and other members of the community to assist in eliminating violence in their neighborhoods

(Mattison, 1997). The problem and disconnect that largely exist with this concept, is that

residents of the community, particularly those residing in an impoverished ones, view politicians

as they do the tangible; people who make policies; as a body, a system. The notion of the

community is that politicians often make decisions that help to accelerate poverty and lower your

earned wages. They believe the politicians' goal is to indirectly assist with ineffective labor

market policies such as joblessness and the elimination of resources (Wilson W. J ., 2011 ).

Studies indicate that family, school, religion, and community-level factors also have an

impact on a community (Aisenberg and Herrenkohl, 2008). Community level factors include

social, economic, and the structural organization of community violence. These factors interfere

with protecting, preventing, and intervening community violence.

Adolescent Development and the Influence of Family:

A similarly researched argument is that parental monitoring shields youth from exposure

to violence during their adolescent stages, particularly in areas experiencing large numbers of

residents living at or below the poverty level (Spano, Rivera, & Bolland, 2010). To determine

and monitor parents and adolescent exposure to violence, five waves of longitudinal data were

collected between 1998 and 2002 from 349 Black youths living in extreme poverty and in public

housing. The results revealed a decline over a five (5) year period. These findings support the


notion that the function of families was critical to preventing violence among high-risk youth.

However, the weakness of the methodology will remain unless further research is continued.

16

Molnar, Buka, Brennan, Holton, and Earls (2003) presented a cross-level interaction

between neighborhood social networks, intervention strategies, and how parent-to-child phy8ical

aggressions affect the neighborhood and contributes to violence. The emotional attachment

between family members can often become the strongest family-related interpreter of

victimization (Schreck & Fisher, 2004). To support this study, Molnar (2003) used sampling and

census tracts to examine clusters of city blocks that were geographically similar to Englewood in

socioeconomics to assume same housing densities and family structures. Research was limited

in measuring acts of violence in Molnar's findings because parents were not willing to admit

violent occurrences that exist within their households and with their children, and under

estimated the full scope of why problems subsists with their children and their associated peer

groups.

Peer groups; a primary social context that also exist in the lives of adolescents,

contributes to a high risk of victimization as well. They often use each others as targets.

However, both family and peer group ~ppear to be significant to juvenile delinquency and

community violence. The method and data used was from the_ National Longitudinal Study of

Adolescent Health. ~s study empirically tested combining family and delinquent peer-group

associations and levels of violent victimization. The strength of the method was its national

coverage of adolescents. Lifestyles theory presented in the data that was collected from

respondents, his or her parents, and peers were also used to support the necessity for family

attachment. The findings revealed where there are strong bonds of attachment with parents and

adolescents, there tends to be safety from violent crimes. Random sampling by researchers such


as Tremblay (2009) determined that the development of aggressive behavior and violence in

children are often genetic and environmental. Although it was unclear whether the development

of children and their aggressive instinct was learned, developed or influenced by family exposure

to violence, Jones (2007) determined that chronic violent exposure generates negative

economical factors that contribute to forced inequalities.

Social Control, Social Disorganization, and Public Policy:

Inequality is one of the many variables associated with collective violence and social

control. Collective violence is often group induced; causing injury that is based on social control

and deviant behavior and may be defined as "popular justice" by the majority. de la Roche

(1996) identifies collective violence behavior as highly related to social space.

Studies show that collective violence is prevalent in most economically-challenged

neighborhoods. Inequality when measured by wealth defines how collective violence is

distributed. Collective violence often occurs where a law is lacking, where the law is weak, and

in most cases, where a law is absent. When inequality lessens, so does collective violence (de la

Roche R. S., 1996).

There are many questions of who was responsible for violence and disorder in

Englewood, and why it has been so unevenly distributed, and why such a broad disconnection

exists. However, because crime is unevenly distributed across the city; social disorganizatio~

has formed and become the central factor. High levels of violence and disorder are created from

a mixture of demographic, cultural, and social characteristics (Courtwright, 1998). Moreover,

findings support a decline in men's violence because of an increase of female arrests, and also

because of net-widening policy changes and social capital. Analyst proposes that legislative

policies are what have caused women and violence to surface and rise. On average, politicians


do not support this legislation because they look at women and violence as an independent crime

that constitutes domestic assault. While women often commit milder and less physical acts of

violence, the laws are applied the same as they would for men. Pro-arrest policies seem to affect

women and violence inconsistently. Public officials and law enforcers viewed women as having

legal equality, but often processed women with greater culpability (Fraehlich & Ursel, 2014).

Social Capital, Political Relations and Violence:

Browning (2009) hypothesized that residents and their interdependence have much to do

with community context and neighborhood tensions; the relationships that survive between them

and the ability to organize and collaborate thrQugh shared exchange and collective social value.

Similarly, like collective violence, this is often referred to as the "war of the states."

The relationship between state law and violence often applies to property. The property

in land affects social order. Property is viewed as an active process for the intersection of social

relations and social capital; thus, focusing upon three domains; legitimating,· origin, and action

(Blomley, 2003). These three domains are central to property violence, social capital, and

political relations. The state and political relations have been viewed in relationship to violence

as early as the 19th century in France·(Gillis, 1994). State policing has much to do with violence

and its eHmination within the urban community. Policy changes such as policing and battery has

removed violence from a private family matter to a public criminal matter (Schwartz,

Steffensmeier, & Feldmeyer, 2009). Major differences of opinions continue to exist concerning

social capital, social network-based shared exchange, and shared efficacy. The ability to

organize and collaborate through shared exchange and social value is compromised between

neighborhood social networks and intervention strategies and members of the community.

Adolescent development, parental monitoring, the influence of family, and gender gap related


issues, affect social control, social disorganization, and public policy among communities and its

members. As a result, high risks of victimization exist when associated with different spheres of

violence (i.e. institutional, structural, and interpersonal), inequality, and lack of collaboration.

Conclusions and the validity of this study draws from the methodology and a quantitative

survey research approach. This approach was examined by the researcher by using Englewood

residents, politicians, law enforcement, and community advocates when asked to complete

questionnaires that ranked issues and items deemed beneficial toward revitalization and

understanding why a disconnect exists among stakeholders.


Methodology

The purpose of this study attempted to reveal the differences of opinions among

residents, politicians, and those serving as community advocates in the Englewood community.

The study focuses primarily on what is needed for revitalization and what is needed to reduce

violence.

Research Design

A quantitative research approach was used to analyze data by I) comparing responses

between men and women, 2) by age, 3) ethnicity, income, and education, 4) residents of the

community/affiliated and non-affiliated, and non for profits, and, 5) politicians and leaders.

Strategy of Inquiry

The advantages of the quantitative research associated with survey research via

questionnaires were that it was a necessary way of capturing data through basic descriptive

statistics when reporting statements and assessments made by the residents, politicians, and

·advocates of the Englewood community (stakeholders). The quantitative study approach

associated with the survey strategy, allowed the researcher to present data in a descriptive

manner when describing the disconnection that exists amongst the stakeholders of the

community. It deemed practical, cost effective, and was the most efficient way to collect

information from a large number of people in a short amount of time. Obtaining results were

quick and without difficulty. Additionally, this form of research can be analyzed more

'scientifically' and objectively and can be conducted by other researchers and populace with

limited effect on its validity and reliability. Most importantly, because the data was quantified, it

was useful in comparing and contrasting other research and in (Finlay, 2009) measuring change.


Positivists trust quantitative data useful when creating new theories and testing existing

hypotheses.

21

The disadvantage of the quantitative study was that it did not necessarily describe the

quality of the characteristics that were involved in finding a revitalization solution. It argued to

be inadequate in understanding human emotions, behavior, and feelings and lacked trust. There

was no way of telling whether the participants were honest when answering the questionnaires or

if their thought process was fully examined. Another disadvantage of the questionnaire was the

level of subjectivity, often questions are read differently and replies may be based upon

someone's own interpretation. Because there is a level of imposition while developing the

questionnaires, the researcher tends to make their own decisions and assumptions on the topic of

importance, leaving room for oversight. Moreover, phenomenologist views quantitative research

as artificial creations made by the researchers with a limited amount of unexplained information

(Finlay, 2009).

Sample Population

The questionnaire was administered to fifty-five participants of the Englewood

community (four politicians, nine law enforcers, fifteen organization leaders, community

activists, and ministers, and nonprofits serving the Englewood community, and twenty-seven

residents). Additional variables (categorizations of violence, gender gaps, adolescent

criminology, development, influence of family, social control, social disorganization, public

policy, social capital, and political relations) was also used in the study to measure various states

of violence, outcomes, and conditions that may help evaluate violence and the disconnect, along

with the length of time it would take for the community to become a safe haven.


Englewood revitalizing as a community was analyzed by ranking the issues of importance by the

stakeholders of the community. Likert Scale and Checklist rating scales were utilized to capture

residents' responses. Individuals selected were most appropriate because they were

representatives of Englewood.

Instrumentation

A questionnaire (Appendix A) consisting of fourteen multiple-choice questions was given

to residents, community leaders (affiliated and nonaffiliated), ministers, law enforcers, and

politicians of the Englewood community. The topics that were addressed on the questionnaire

included violence, economics, education, social services, incarceration, gangs, mental health,

community development, and policing. The questionnaire attempted to measure attitudes,

opinions, and perceptions of the leaders and residents of the community. The nature of the

questionnaire was cross sectional; the researcher collected data at one point in time.

Data Collection

The questionnaires were administered from April 2015 - December 2015. This study

took place in the Englewood community. Participants were chosen based on purposeful

convenience sampling. The questionnaire was administered to residents by hard copies within

the neighborhood door-to-door and was answered and collected at that time. Remaining

participants and leaders were found by attending regular neighborhood Chicago Alternative

Policing Strategy (CAPS) Organization Meetings of the Englewood and St. Benedict

Community, as well as arranging meetings at local Alderman's offices of the 21st District.

Data Analysis

The number of responses to the questionnaire was analyzed using quantitative descriptive

statistics and was illustrated using tables and figures. Although this study provided evidence of


an enormous disconnect amongst the stakeholders of the community, further qualitative study

will be needed to develop effective revitalization strategies and assess the impact of community

violence.


Results/Findings

A questionnaire consisting of fourteen multiple-choice questions was administered to

measure attitudes, opinions, and perceptions of the politicians, advocates, and residents of the

Englewood community. The most significant information that was revealed was the variation in

responses to community victimization based on the role the participant plays in the community

and their understanding of violence. Tables and Figures I-7 describes the population and

illustrate the responses from residents, leaders that reside in the community, leaders that do not

reside in the community, politicians, ministers, and law enforcers (stakeholders). The variation

in responses clearly illustrate why Chicago's Englewood community is not rejuvenating at a

faster rate. The tables and figures support the hypothesis that there is a disconnect between

residents, politicians and community leaders.

Table I, illustrates the study participants and their various roles in the community.

Role in the community Femal.es Males Resident 15 f 2

I Community Leader/Resident I 5 ' 2

I 1 I

:~ l I

I Community Leader/ Affiliate Minister/Resident Minister Politician 2 I Politician/Minister 0 I Law Enforcer/Resident I 2 2

~

Law Enforcer 0 5 ~

Study participants consist of fifty-five participants. This table illustrates the gender and

role of each participant. There were more female than male participants that were residents of

Englewood. While there were more male Jaw enforcers than females, four of the nine enforcers

were either residents of the community or had resided there at some point in time. There were

more female leaders and advocates that were residents than there were males. All of the


ministers, including one that was a politician, had prior leadership roles in the communi ty, and

either resided or grew up in Englewood. Only one politician resided in Englewood and no

alderrnanic office was located within the boundaries of the wards.

Table 2, illustrates the demographic profile of the study participants.

' Females .___ Males 1 Gender 27 28 Age 18-24 2 4 -25-34 4 3 35-44 9 10 -45-64 I l 9 65-74 l 2 75 and older 0 0 Ethnicitv

' Asian or Pacific Islander 0 0 Black/ African American 22 25 -Hispanic/Latino I I White/ Caucasian 0 0 Other 2 2 Household Income

. $25.000 - 49,999 IO 5

$50,000 - 99~99 8 8 Over $100,000 2 6 NIA 7 9 -Education Less than 12th e:rade

- - -0 0

L!!igh School Diploma --3 6

Some Collee:e ( no dee:ree) 8 7 ' -~ Associates or Technical 4 3 ---- --

Bachelor's Dee:ree 8 5 [ Graduate degree /Professional 6 I 5

The next group of questions compared responses by demographics. The largest age

group of the participants consisted of predominate ly black males thirty-five to sixty-four years of

age. Of the fifty-five participants, twenty-six were unemployed. Eight (8) females and eight (8)

males earned an income of $50,000 or more. Those that earned over $ 100,000 held some


governmental appointment or city position (i.e. a politicians or law enforcers). Although male

participants appeared to make the most money, females held the highest levels of education,

earning advanced degrees.

26

Based upon the U.S. census data facts of the Englewood community, the highest

percentage of population is black or African American which accounts for 97 .9% of the

population. Only 1.1 % of the population is Hispanic. Population by gender is 44.8% men and

55.2% females. By age, the last census reported a population of 35,912 people living in

Englewood The median age group is 31.6; ages twenty-five years and younger being the largest

of tJte population. Englewood has a high unemployment rate of 18.1 %. This rate is inferior to

the 7 .9% national average. In terms of median income by race, two or more races of people

make the most averaging $60,417 annually, while the median household income is $19,548 with

a per capita income of$11,893. However, blacks in Englewood average $26,250 and work an

average of 36 hours a week. The median household income by age group in the community is

highest among those twenty-five years and under ($15,190). Economically, Englewood's

poverty rate is 39.6% higher than the national average. Although 49.5% of the homes are

rentals, 21.8% are occupied by homeowners. The average cost for homeowners are $1,426 per

month. Profile data of the census report rates high school graduates or higher at 73. 7%, and

those with bachelors degree or higher at 6. 7%.

The questions posed in Table 3, were presented to solicit assessments of how much time

is needed for Englewood to become economically viable and a safe place to live, and how these

predictions have a political impact on the environment. The community has a political impact on

why environmental policies are not necessarily politically profitable. Urbanization brings upon a

large amount of environmental issues (natural and human resources (i.e., pollution, poverty,


social programs, child development) that are constructed and defined based upon values and

technologies, as well as political , economical and legal systems that lie within a number of

networks of organizations. There are six major driving forces that affect environmental policies

politically; 1) demographics, 2) economics, 3) sociopolitical forces, 4) science and technology,

5) chemical and biological forces; and 6) cultural , physical , and religious forces. The researcher

show.s that social systems and environmental policies affect and help to sanctify the connection

between human welfare, population, and environmental impacts (Dietz and Rosa, 2002).

Environmental policies and impacts have an effect on the community's economic life as well as

its ecological costs (i.e. food distribution) and assist in regulating policies and laws that can

either influence or alter violence in impoverished communities (Cohen, 2015).

Table 3, illustrates the amount of time participants predicted it would take for Englewood to become economically viable and a safe place to live.

Role in the community _!!_tears 20 years 1 Longer Never Resident 20 lO 4 l

· Community Leader/Resident 5 . 1 0 l Community Leader/ Affiliate 4 2 0 l Minister/Resident 0 1 0 0 --Law Enforcer l 3 l 1

I Law Enforcer/Resident 0 2 0 0 Politician 2 2 0 0

I Minister/Community Leader -

\-s~s -~ 2 2 o·

I Affiliate/Politician - - - ----

t= TOTALS 34/55 23/55 4/55 6()0;~ 1 42% T 10% 0.7% --- -

The outcome of this surveyed question (the amount of time participants predicted it

would take for Englewood to become economically viable and a safer place to live) also posed a

disconnect. Sixty percent of the participants agreed that it would take ten ( 10) years for the

Englewood community to either become economically viable or a safer place to live. Forty-two


percent rated twenty (20) years, ten percent thought longer, and O. 7% rated that it would never

improve.

28

In a study conducted by Osgood and Chambers (2003), social disorganization and a

theory of rural social violence were outlined. The study examined how small towns with

populations less than 10,000 experienced an increase in violent crimes. Suburban areas are often

thought of as mini-versions of urban areas with comparable social complexities (i.e.,

integration/disintegration processes, or difficulties in the rates in which social differences are

institutionalized). The structural theory was further examined that supports the findings

regarding an extensive influence on the increasing vicinity of crime in rural areas and how they

differ from that of urban areas.· Similarly, to the findings from the method used by Osgood and

Chambers (2003) on how the study viewed the association between social disorganization and

crime rates. Results were based on population size and a different nonmetropolitan county.

Until these issues are better explored, this particular finding remains incomplete.

The aim of the next set of questions was to determine what should be done to improve

living conditions in Englewood. To determine if there is a disconnect between the study

participants, they were asked to highlight their opinions on more policing, community

collaboration, and resources and support allocations (social programs, child development).

Running head: THE IMPACT OF COMMUNITY VIOLENCE 29

Table 4, highlights the opinions of the study participants and how they ranked the need for policing, community collaborations, and resources and support.

L d VI V I egen : = ery t t I I t t SI S mpor an, = mpor an, = h ti omew a t t NI N t I mpor an, = 0 mportant Community Leader Community Law

Residents= 27 /Residents = 7 Leader I Affiliates Ministers = 4 Enforcers =9 Politicians =4 =4

Vl I SI N VI I SI NI VI I SI N VI I SI NI VI I SI N VI I SI I I I

Policing 21 2 2 5 1 2 I 3 2 1 I 3 5 1 4

Community 15 10 2 5 2 1 4 2 3 5 I 4 Collaborations

Resources and 21 4 1 6 1 3 3 3 1 5 4 Support

TOTAL VI I SI N VI I SI NI VI I SI N VI I SI NI VI I SI N VI I SI Answers O/o O/o % I % O/o O/o O/o O/o O/o O/o I % % O/o O/o O/o O/o % I % O/o %

O/o O/o %

Policing% 78 7% 7% 71 4% 28 4% 75 50 25 25 75 56 0.1 100 % % % % % % % % % % %

Community Collaboration 56 37 7% 71 28 4% 100 50 75 56 0.1 100 O/o % % % % % % % % % % Resources and Support% 78 7% 4% 86 4% 75 75 75 56 56 100

% % % % % % % %

N I

N I

%

Running head: THE IMPACT OF COMMUNITY VIOLENCE 30

Current literature on communities that experience high rates of criminal activity revealed

that residents are most concerned about how more resources can be allocated to provide

employment and educational opportunities. Seventy-eight percent of residents rated policing,

resources and support as a very important need, while fifty-six percent rated community

collaboration as very important. Only four to seven percent of the residents thought that it was

somewhat important. Community leaders who resided in Englewood; leaned more toward

resources and support; 86% ranked them very important. Leaders who were affiliates believed

that comm~ty collaboration was more important than policing and resources and suppo~ in the

community. Seventy-five percent of the ministers thought that community collaboration,

resources and support was very important and ranked policing as important. Fifty-six percent of

law enforcers believed policing and community collaborations were very important and

politicians all rated a stronger need for all three for policing and community collaboration for

revitalization of the community.

The questionnaire presents law enforcers differences between interpersonal violence from

a social construction perspective based upon their rating policing and community collaboration

as very important and resources and support as just important. Social Construction refers to the

dependency of other social thing~ that exist and are contingent upon or dependent upon ones

social selves - something that does not involve a single individual during the process, yet would

not exist without societal participation (Barak, 2003).

Assuming that people fit into social groups, and there are normal people and then there

are the other (victims vs. criminals- good vs. bad cop), policing and social construction should

work hand and hand (Millie & Das, 2008). This study supports the rating of the law enforcers of

Englewood and their opinion on social construction and residents not collaborating when


reporting crimes and community violence continuing to rise. Many residents believe that

community violence stems from the social structure of power and control, which is why a large

majority of the residents believe policing, is pertinent to the community. Additionally, law

enforcers' conviction is that violence stems from the amount of influence that a family has on

adolescent development - while residents' solution continues to weigh heavily on a need for more

community policing and resources and support. Although these findings are contrary with the

literature and a continuous disconnect, it further shows implications for continued investigation.

Similarly, to this study, Herbert (2005) examined community policing in neighborhoods

in West Seattle where a diverse number of socio-economic landscapes existed. Comparatively,

of how data was captured by the politicians of Englewood through questionnaires in this study,

Herbert (2005) posed interview questions to residents regarding community participation. In

contrast to political opinions of Herbert's research, the results of the researcher reported that

residents rely upon familiarity and support from their community. Data captured in this current

research compared to the findings of the reviewed literature only marginally. Similar·to

Herbert's position, Englewood residents deemed policing, resources and support as a very

important need over community collaboration. However, based upon political structures and the

ideal that responsibility for the community will not be necessary or "devolved," residents felt

policing, resources and support were very important. Community leaders and residents of the

Englewood community blame the lack of social programs on the blatant racial discrimination

that exists within their community. Studies reveal that when racial discrimination exists within

impoverished communities, resources that are often scarce, will be eventually limited or

depleted. Racial discrimination creates social isolation. When needs or resources are focused on

the welfare of impoverished communities, economic transformation occurs (Brooks, 2009).


Brooks (2009) refers to this form of racial discrimination when practiced by external institutions

as a need for "community base self-help."

Further studies note that internalized racism that is based on several factors such as

acceptance, social, economic status, education, peer subculture, self-degradation, and self

alienation contributes to a climate that, in some ways enable violence to be normalized. These

internalized elements incorporate shame of identity and of culture (Bryant, 2011 ). Many

community members attributed this engagement of violence to not only lack of resources, but

also to the reason for the disengagement that exists among politicians who represent Englewood

Another significant series of questions revealed variations in responses to community

victimization based on the different participants' views of level of importance and the need for

categorization of violence. Table 5 illustrates the differential responses of stakeholders who

reside inside, versus outside the community. The variations in responses clearly illustrate why

Englewood is not rejuvenating at a faster rate and how perceptions of violence are unevenly

distributed. Tables·3 and 5 supports the hypothesis that there is a discotinect that exists between ·

residents and community leaders. They also reflect a strong need for categorization of the

definitions of the spheres of violence to understand the magnitude of violence and its variables.

The Spheres of Violence refers to forms of violence (institutional, structured and interpersonal)

characterized for the purpose of establishing and extending inequality, decreasing privilege and

iticreasing liberty, and to understand violations that assail human rights (Barak G. , 2003).


Table 5, illustrates community leader/resident response to victimization.

Very Somewhat Not TOTAL Important Important Important Important

Aggravated Assault 80% 20% 80%

Domestic Violence 81% 7% 11% 81%

Drugs 87% 7% 5% 87% . Gangs 89% 11% 89%

Homelessness 60% 27% 10% 4% 60%

Kidnapping 67% 23% 7% 1% 67%

Murder 87% 12% 87%

Rape 78% 12% 10% 78%

Property Crime/Theft 78o/o 21% 78%

' TOTAL 78% 52o/~ 42% 5% ._: ... ~ .. -

Eighty- percent of the participants rated gangs, drugs, aggravated assault, and domestic

violence as very important issues. However, while sixty-three percent rated homelessness and

kidnapping as very important, they did not consider these issues as violent. Eleven percent of the

participants ranked domestic violence as somewhat important and five to seven percent rated

kidnapping and drugs as somewhat important. In fact, one (1) percent thought that kidnapping

was not important. Ten (10) percent of the participants rated rape as somewhat important.

A major disconnect existed among the participants and what they considered as violent

and nonviolent victimization. These postures were based upon their own definitions of the

spheres mentioned in the literature. A male law enforcer (non-resident) viewed kidnapping and

rape as "somewhat important," while a community leader/resident rated domestic violence as

"somewhat important."


Figure 1, illustrates percentages of community leader/resident response to victimization.

Community Response to Witnessing or Experiencing Victimization

97% 98% 100%

95% 90% 85% 80% 75% 70% 65% 60%

Chicago's Englewood community continues to be plagued by violence. The level of

violence has made national headlines and is the inspiration behind Spike Lee's forthcoming film

"Chiraq." Based on the participants' responses in Figure 1, more than sixty percent indicated

they have been personally affected by violence, while more than eighty percent of the

participants' have either witnessed or experienced acts of violence or have known someone who

has. When comparing and computing the National Survey of Adolescents cited earlier, ratings

showed a significant amount of residents and advocates of the community also having witnessed

or experienced acts of community violence. Although this particular issue needs further

research, the results of this study are consistent with the reviewed literature, showing that

exposure to community violence is contributory to the morbidity of adolescents.


Figure's 2- 4, illustrates percentages of community leader/resident response to resources beneficial to the Englewood community.

Figure 2, Education/Business

Employment/Business

Law Enforcement

16%

More than fifty percent of residents agree that employment/business is essential for

35

revitalizing Englewood. Results of this research revealed that increased employment was one of

the highest rated items on the questionnaire as beneficial to community revival. From 1970

throughout 1990, the number of persons living in low poverty and urban areas and communities

increased. Poverty has negative consequences on society an~ neighborhoods. Communities

when faced with poverty suffer with lower levels of employment, earnings, dropout rates, and

fragile social fabrics that make it impossible for them to function effectively (Jargowsky, 1996).

The argument was that poverty creates and sustains segregation by race and class and affects

economic growth within neighborhoods and communities and thereby effects political

participation.


Figure 3, Social Programs

Social Programs

Politician

5%

Political differences occurred when assessing community level needs (i.e. employment,

social programs). Employment/business and social programs were the two items on the

questionnaire that were perceived as being most beneficial to the Englewood community.

However, law enforcers and leaders, although they agreed with employment/business as two

significant items needed for revitalization, larger percentages of their opinions focused on the

need for better-elected officials.

Figure 4, Better Elected Officials

Politician

0%

Better Elected Officials

36

The outcome of the study indicated that employment, social programs, and better-elected

officials, are most important in building social bonds and rejuvenating a community. Studies


further hypothesize that conservative morals and political philosophies have swayed and should

be employed to eliminate youth violence. While thirty-eight percent of residents agree that

better-elected officials are needed in the community, forty-three percent of leaders and advocates

also broadly agree. Residents argued that different or specific symptoms occur largely because

of lack of better-elected officials, that are more visible and attentive to the needs of the

community and community level needs programs. Residents also stressed a continual need for

political engagement with the alderman and the community, and less inflexibility when reacting

to competing political agendas. In other words, react more swiftly to problems that arise in the

community. Assuming that if politicians concentrated more on the harmful activities that are

involved in the community and less attention to upcoming elections, fewer contradictions and a

reduced ~ount of social inequalities might exist. Residents noted that they control the

community by voting for the politician's best interest. For this reason, many residents, leaders,

and law enforcers were eager to discuss the need for the election of politicians who are more

sensitive to community needs. Figure 7 rates how the community views the Alderman's concern

for the community and existing community issues.


Table 6 - Politicians Concern for the Community

Alderman's Concern

• Politician • Leader Law Enforcement • Resident

Outstanding Good Adequate Needs Improvement Poor

Stakeholders rate their Alderman's concern from needing improvement to poor and

minimally good. There was no participant rating that observed their Alderman as having the

necessary concern for the community. Community members and activists believe the politicians'

in Englewood primary objectives are simply to win votes and elections. While law enforcers,

residents, and advocates strongly contribute the disconnect to the lack of politicians' concern,

they also contribute violence and crime to the organization of gangs and other violent peer-group

associations. The findings of this literature posed a disconnect between community residents and

law enforcers of Englewood and their correlation to the organization of gangs, and adolescent

development. Law enforcement's conviction is that violence stems from the amount of influence

that a family has on adolescent development. This observation is consistent with the findings

reported in the literature review.

Limitations

While administering questionnaires to residents, community leader/residents, community

leader/affiliates, ministers, law enforcers and politicians, the following observations were noted:

•!• The number of politicians surveyed was limited


•!• The participants could not agree on the role of the community leaders and the amount of

parental involvement needed for revitalization

•!• There was a disconnect among participants and their knowledge of violence and

nonviolence

Political participation

The debate and disconnect that are presented was determining which politicians were

available to accurately deliver the necessary criteria and subjective judgment of what would

create success within the community. Because these judgments were often and largely made by

politicians who live outside of the community, a strong disconnect perpetuated.

Some of the politicians were concerned with social deterioration of the community and

urban poverty than with the existence and prevalence of Englewood as a whole. As a result,

some politicians expressed reluctance to complete the questionnaire due to their not being able to

address pertinently, nor agree on similar existing issues and solutions. Continued research,

investigation, and discussion on categorizations and definitions of the many layers of violence

involved are necessary. Additionally, policies, resources, practices, and most importantly

collaboration amongst political participation should also be strategized, limiting the number of

wards and including Aldermanic offices within the wards.

The role of the community

Community members were inclined to rely upon law enforcers as well as politicians for

adoption of a resolution to revitalizing the community, instead of relying upon the community

for assistance. There was a social disconnect that played a role within Englewood because of the

dependency of the residents on the community. Previous researchers, such as Berman (2013)

and Leighton (1988) use a network analytical approach as well as theoretical analysis to support


this discovery. The network analytical approach refers to the ability to break down problems in

small parts to solve them amongst a group of people. Each piece would be used to inake the

problem easier to solve. However, the solution must fit the problem (Berman, 2013). Because

most residents were not familiar with other residents that resided in their own neighborhood a

social disconnect occurred. This can also be contributed to a lack of trust that existed among the

residents of Englewood and the approach to the community concept in criminology (Leighton,

1988).

An important study and pertinent fact regarding community violence in Englewood is the

concept in criminology (Leighton, 1988). Criminology focuses on the conceptualization and

measurement of the community and various individual patterns and units of analysis when it

comes to crime (i.e., the type of crim~, the level of crime, and the number of crimes). Because

community advocates perceptions of criminology centers ar~und youth and uneven levels of

parental engagement; measurement of community becomes central to social policy. The

measurement of the community is characterized by advocates as a social achievement

(community action, community development, community work, community care, community

medicine, community power, community school) (Plant, 1978). For these reasons more in-depth

research was needed on the concepts of behavioral and cognitive learning in communities as it

applies to criminology, as well as more focus on the subjects of mental health therapy and

community organization concepts.

Disconnect between violence and nonviolence

The confusion and disconnect was exemplified by the realization that although some

violence may be considered common, it should not necessarily be considered ordinary. All of

which are based upon exposure to the assessment· of violence and the different effects and


outcome that occurs from violence (Margolin, Vickerman, Oliver, Pamella, & GQrdis, 2010).

Where violence occurs in one of the mentioned domains, it ranged in another. The common

dominator was that the more violence that is experienced from interpersonal domains (parent-to

youth, marital physical, and community violence) the more negative the outcome (Aisenberg &

Herrenkohl, 2008). Therefore, further research is needed to distinguish residents' perspectives on

violence, along with strategies for reducing it.


Discussion and Conclusions

As we have seen, Englewood residents view violence and what is needed for

revitalization of the community very differently from community law enforcers, activists, and

government officials. This study identified some potential solutions for overcoming this

disconnect. The evidence presented in the study suggests three key findings: 1) Because there is

a disengagement between politicians, residents, and other stakeholders in Englewood, there is a

need for politicians to become more involved in the interest of the community's needs; 2) It

seems clear that social organization, resources and community collaboration are potential

solutions to maintain a level of cohesiveness among the stakeholders of the community in order

to limit an overwhelming amount of social control and to merge the disconnect; lastly, 3) the

disengagement can be attributed to the lack of a communal impulse, defining violence, and

understanding the community (living in the same place - group of people) and the neighborhood

(living in the vicinity or the district). Communal impulse refers to the ideals that are associated

by groups, the common whole of how the group views their purpose and life individually

(Cooley, Turner, & .Beidel, 1995). In other words, until we see more engagement, social

organization, community collaboration and resources in Englewood, we are unlikely to see a

reduction in the amount of violence.

These findings are consistent with the three perspectives offered by Wellman and

Leighton (1979) on the study of the community question. Similarly, to the first finding of this

study, Wellman & Leighton suggest that the three approaches to conceptualizing community,

community lost, community saved, and community liberated, all have validity when stripped

down to basic network structures. In the case of Englewood, it is possible to see aspects of all

thr~e perspectives at work. As a community lost, we can see that Englewood is characterized by


a heavy prevalence of centralized, bureaucratic structures, leaving individual residents lost in the

bureaucratic society. For instance, many residents of Englewood noted that eliminating some of

the wards in Englewood and having offices located in their actual wards may allow politicians to

become more involved in the interest of the community and their needs. Because there are five

different Aldermen and five different wards, this causes not only an overlapping of the

community's functions, but generates separation amongst various organizations in the

community as well. Politicians' ability to understand and connect with the interest of the

community assumes significant to a resolution of the many negative and challenging issues (i.e.,

criminology, lack of resources) that appear to affect the community and its members

individually. Max Weber suggests that preparation of better officials should be the apparatus of

the government. However, Weber's claim for formal rules within a bureaucracy and a

hierarchical chain of.command does not necessarily prove to expose and unite the disconnect that

exists amongst stakeholders in Englewood. The researcher does not necessarily agree with

Weber and his theory of the community having a hierarchical chain of command because this

potentially could prolong the stakeholders of Englewood to have the necessary voice that is

needed to collaboratively work with politicians. Politically, and presently, the top bureaucrat has

control and authority continues to flow down from the top. Therefore, engagement in the

community through a chain of command is not necessarily used to get things done based on

rationality; however, in most cases situations are centered on public policy and as a result, does

not necessarily assist with the revitalization process. Opinionatedly, the residents of Englewood

made a strong argument that revitalization of the community can only occur with the engagement

of social organization and political engagement. By contrast, residents argued that community

engagement from politicians in Englewood are administered only to control voting decisions and


not to connect personally with them and other stakeholders of the community. The findings of

this study indicate the need for politicians to obtain an interest on this subject because they are

the role players that may in essence have the ultimate authorify to make changes within the

community. While this research is not meant to hold politicians accountable for the violence in

the community; the results from participants addressed the need for accountability and for

politicians adjourning and collaboratively agreeing with the community on an agenda for social

organization.

In simil~ fashion, we can see aspects of Englewood as a community saved, as noted by

Wellman and Leighton (1979) as it focuses on the need for both community and the

neighborhood having an obligation to remain the pertinent basis of cordiality, support, and

mediation with formal institutions (i.e., policing, and support and resources) by working

collectively to help eliminate violence through social organization. Social organization supports

this argument and this study, as it empirically reasons with the possibility of addressing issues by

level of importance and addressing them without a disconnect. Moreover, because no single

group exists in Englewood that can sustain mobiliz.ation, various barriers arose when addressing

an attempt to organize. It was apparent through this research that a strong disconnect exist from

the lack of a social agenda. An agenda for social organization may assist in educating all

stakeholders in Englewood on their understanding violence and victimization. In other words,

stakeholders have to learn to work for the common good, on the same page, through what they

are already doing. The lack of social organization, social control, and necessary resources has

potentially caused the community to dismantle and disburse freely without consistency. Because

policing, community collaboration, employment, and social resources ranked the most important,

the weakness of the study was why the level of organization amongst the community should be


measured. For this reason, open discussion of victimization as it relates to organization should

also be addressed among the stakeholders collectively. This conclusion is based upon their

adverse ratings of items the participants' deemed most important in the study (i.e., poverty).

Poverty assumed to have a tremendous effect on the development of social control and social

organization in Englewood, and on the residents and advocates of the community. Kaylen and

Pridemore (2013) rationalized and supported this finding by using the rational choice model

where similar to the residents of Englewood, a group responded to various negative

circumstances of which they found themselves residing, and were examined by how they adapted

to their situation. The findings also concluded that racial bias is often found in communities that

are socially disorganized and that have high poverty rates (Kaylen and Pridemore, 2013 ).

Similarly, the researcher agrees with Wilson (1997) and his argument that structural conditions

of poverty are due to lack of social organization. However, the researcher disagrees that racial

bias affects social organization. Social organization could possibly eliminate racial bias in

Englewood; however, this would not include policing, as many residents and advocates viewed

policing and law enforcers as being racially biased. Bryant (2011) uses the Critical Race Theory

to find legal reasoning and explain the ways that race has become socially constructed across

micro and macro systems. In agreeing with his findings as it applies to this study, he

demonstrates how chances in life for Blacks are based upon race. Race was at the forefront and

was the explanatory factor to the exclusion of structural variables that limit opportunities and

promote inequalities (particularly employment) (Wilson W. J., 1997). This study clearly

demonstrated how economics and social isolation of resources affected Englewood.

Finally, the third key finding of this study, the community liberated, as noted by Wellman

and Leighton (1979), supports the researchers finding that disengagement is affected by the


communal impulse of the community. Communal ties as explained by Wellman and Leighton

(1979) have somewhat disengaged and still flourishes, yet it has become detached away from the

neighborhood and is no longer dispersed within the community. This supports the findings of

why the residents of the community seem to distrust each other. The stakeholders have separated

themselves from the issues of the community because of their assumption of not being connected

or engaged personally, which they imply, keeps them free of violence. Moreover, because

residents of Englewood did not look at themselves as a social group, they eagerly disconnected

themselves. However, these residents that chose to disassociate themselves are somehow

automatically included in the victimization of violence because of their disconnection and

disassociation to the community and other residents. Similarly, the residents, like politicians

attempt to disengage from the individuals whom they have no connection with whether they are

violent or not. In other words, and as a result, many residents disengage and disconnect

themselves from all socioeconomic privileges and entitlements that they should have in a

community, but lack because of an undermining disconnect that they have to each other, as well

as other stakeholders of the community. The findings in this study presented disengagement

with where the disconnection actually originated and where it should actually end The

participants' view on trust in the community was assumed as needed to motivate residents to

continue to fight for engagement. If leaders or law enforcers think that it will take more time for

Englewood to become economically viable and safer than the community members of

Englewood, then there is a strong disconnect that should be addressed. Assumingly, politicians,

law enforcers, and advocates of the community are more optimistic than residents of a violent

community. Opposite of what advocates and residents of the Englewood community suggests,

this study illustrated that various domains of violence does integrate different types of violence


and are a result of aggression in communities. This finding is why understanding violence

through definition deems necessary. Just as the community and the neighborhood; if they are the

same in the definition (vicinity vs. characteristic), these definitions may have an absolute value

associated with the revitalization of an underserved community or the disconnect that exist. It is

apparent that stakeholders do not understand the meaning of community, the neighborhood,

gender gaps, as well as the fact that violence is violence, and that there are just different types

and levels of violence (categorizations). The hypothesis resulted in a significant disconnect

based on each stakeholder not agreeing on what types of violence that should be addressed for

revitalization or what should be considered one more severe than the other. Stakeholders would

be better suited to understand the needs of the community by understanding the issues that are

associated with revitalization. This result indicates that similar to politicians; advocates, leaders,

and residents in Englewood should also rate the needs and issues through necessary rational

choices. In other words, by level of concern and then importance - since these two options

appear to be the same, but not necessarily occur at the same time and just as the spheres of

violence; they seem to overlap.

In summary, although Wellman & Leighton (1979) are skeptical of the community lost

argument based upon limited empirical confirmation, these findings specifically tie to the

findings of this study and Englewood as it relates to the need for involvement from politicians

and social organization. A community saved, ties to the finding of this study and Englewood

where support, resources, and policing are needed to remove barriers when attempting to

organize. Lastly, the community liberated argument, ties to the finding of this study and

Englewood as it relates to the need to close the separation that exist among the stakeholders of

the community due to distrust and communal ties.


Clearly, there are various interventions that may assist in addressing and reducing

violence in the Englewood community. However, the most important intervention, arguably,

would be merging the disconnect that exist among politicians, leaders, advocates, and residents

(the stakeholders). This study did not draw upon a social-neuroscience perspective; nevertheless,

it seems clear that violence in the community will continue to adversely affect the next

generation. Conclusively, the findings of this study suggest that it is important to propose more

research on an agenda for organizing. As Cooley (1911) says, 'the social mind is assumed not to

consist of agreement, but in an organization.' Consequently, more research on social

organization in Englewood would be useful, both to examine the political and social conditions

that have conditioned organization in the neighborhood, and to study the question of what

alternatives may exist. Questionably, Cooley notes a moral blame, responsibility, knowledge,

and praise relating to social consciousness and why the mental should be addressed more than

the material when tackling social organization in impoverished communities. However, the

totality of this study indicates that violence can be eliminated if self-management, interpersonal

skills, some levels of training (education), and social problem solving would be administered and

addressed collaboratively and aggressively on a daily base. Moreover, the disconnect as

mentioned in this current study emphasizes why the community believes there exists an injustice

in not only crime, but in the interest of the community and public opinion (homelessness,

poverty, economic development). This discussion may clarify why there are unsafe operations

within the community. Community members in Englewood expressed frustration that their

needs were collectively unanswered and were not individually based. The frustration was more

apparent and determined in CAPS meetings where stakeholders were present. Not only did the

questionnaire and responses in this study assist in hypothesizing the finding that a divide existed,


it also identified the need to create social consciousness among the stakeholders so that social

ideas could connect to create public opinion and mutual influence as it pertains to the interest of

the public; in this case, to the needs of the community.

Research suggests that when a community is impacted by continuous violence, it

indigenously voyages or attaches onto another neighboring community. Although violence may

be different in nature to the stakeholders of Englewood who are not violent, there is a social

disconnection that does and will continue to subsist if collaboration is not addressed. It also

appears through this study, an apparent need to effectively and aggressively address the

connection to impoverishment and violence through qualitative research approaches.

If the argument presented is correct, the only way to merge the disconnect among the

stakeholders of Englewood and to reduce violence in communities that have the same concerns,

is to collaboratively identify how levels of crime, community development, economics, viability,

leadership, and policing are assessed by the stakeholders that are involved. Only by

understanding the perspectives of the stakeholders themselves can we begin to rebuild

communities that originally had the necessary social capital to exert social control and establish

social organization. Building social capital and social control and agreeing on an agenda will

allow communities like Englewood to compete for :financial and governmental resources and as a

result, connect to one another. Sufficient resources will allow the residents of neighborhoods like

Englewood to build communities that are strong enough to support the individuals who live in

them. In the past, government bureaucrats, police, and organization leaders have tried to impose

solutions from the outside singularly, without asking what residents thought or believed about

their own destinies. In the future, they will have to do better.


Continued investigation on social organization, violence, and revitalization combined

deems necessary to close the disconnection that exist among politicians, residents, and leaders of

the community- further research remains reasonable.

THE IMP ACT OF COMMUNITY VIOLENCE

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