ebscohost_ malachi 3_24 and the eschatological restoration of the _family

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Malachi 3:24 and the Eschatological Restoration of the "Family" CARYN A. REEDER St. John's College, University of Cambridge Cambridge CB2 ITP, England THE AFRICA HALL IN ADDIS ABABA houses Afewerk Tekle's Africa: Past, Pres- ent, and Future (1959-61), a series of three stained glass windows telling the story of Africa's peoples. Intriguingly, Tekle depicts the disputatious nations of Africa's past as a scattered family. This family stands reunited in an Edenic future, indi- cating an almost eschatological hope for peace among the nations of Africa. 1 Tekle's use of the family as a symbol of extensive social disruption and longed-for peace undoubtedly owes much to the significance of family life in African cul- tures, but the disintegration of families in times of social and national strain and the hope for the renewal of the family also resonate with ancient Jewish and Chris- tian apocalyptic expectations. The prediction of serious familial conflict in the "last days" developed out of texts such as Mie 7:5-6, and Mai 3:24 (4:6) founded another tradition which anticipates the restoration of the family at the end of time. O. Larry Yarbrough describes these prophetic expectations as, respectively, the worst nightmare and the best dream of Israelite society. 2 Many scholars have noted that Mai 3:24 implicitly preserves the eschatological tradition of family dis- ruption (since relationships must be disrupted before they can be restored). 3 Some 1 Frances Linzee Gordon and Jean-Bernard Canllet {Ethiopia and Eritrea [2nd ed.; Lonely Planet; London: Lonely Planet, 2003] 114) describe the windows. Their explanation follows the artist's own interpretation of his work. The windows can be viewed on Afewerk Tekle's Web site (www. afewerktekle. org). 2 O. Larry Yarbrough, "Parents and Children in the Jewish Family of Antiquity," in The Jew- ish Family in Antiquity (ed. Shaye J. D. Cohen; BJS 289; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993) 39-59, here 59. 3 See Johannes Lindblom, Micha: Literarisch Untersucht (Acta Academiae Aboensis; Ser. A, 695

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Page 1: EBSCOhost_ Malachi 3_24 and the Eschatological Restoration of the _family

Malachi 3:24 and the Eschatological Restoration of the "Family"

CARYN A. REEDER St. John's College, University of Cambridge

Cambridge CB2 ITP, England

THE AFRICA HALL IN ADDIS ABABA houses Afewerk Tekle's Africa: Past, Pres­ent, and Future (1959-61), a series of three stained glass windows telling the story of Africa's peoples. Intriguingly, Tekle depicts the disputatious nations of Africa's past as a scattered family. This family stands reunited in an Edenic future, indi­cating an almost eschatological hope for peace among the nations of Africa.1

Tekle's use of the family as a symbol of extensive social disruption and longed-for peace undoubtedly owes much to the significance of family life in African cul­tures, but the disintegration of families in times of social and national strain and the hope for the renewal of the family also resonate with ancient Jewish and Chris­tian apocalyptic expectations. The prediction of serious familial conflict in the "last days" developed out of texts such as Mie 7:5-6, and Mai 3:24 (4:6) founded another tradition which anticipates the restoration of the family at the end of time.

O. Larry Yarbrough describes these prophetic expectations as, respectively, the worst nightmare and the best dream of Israelite society.2 Many scholars have noted that Mai 3:24 implicitly preserves the eschatological tradition of family dis­ruption (since relationships must be disrupted before they can be restored).3 Some

1 Frances Linzee Gordon and Jean-Bernard Canllet {Ethiopia and Eritrea [2nd ed.; Lonely Planet; London: Lonely Planet, 2003] 114) describe the windows. Their explanation follows the artist's own interpretation of his work. The windows can be viewed on Afewerk Tekle's Web site (www. afewerktekle. org).

2 O. Larry Yarbrough, "Parents and Children in the Jewish Family of Antiquity," in The Jew­ish Family in Antiquity (ed. Shaye J. D. Cohen; BJS 289; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993) 39-59, here 59.

3 See Johannes Lindblom, Micha: Literarisch Untersucht (Acta Academiae Aboensis; Ser. A,

695

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argue for a more significant relationship between the two traditions, claiming that Mai 3:24 was written expressly to fix the conflicts '^predicted" by Mie 7:5-6.4 Allan Menzies suggested that traditions such as Mie 7:5-6 relate to the last days on earth and that Mai 3:24 reunites the family in the "better age" to come.5 The relationship is pushed further by Pierre Grelot, who argues that Mai 3:24 is best understood as an attempt to forestall the crisis expected by Mie 7:5-6.6 In reinforcing this theory, Dale C. Allison cites 4 Ezra 6:24-28 as additional evidence that the disrupted soci­ety of the end times will find peace before the judgment and salvation of God.7

A major question must be raised, however, about the identity of the restored family. Does Mai 3:24 bear reference to a group of relatives? Family language can represent precise genetic relationships, but it can also extend to the emotional bonds between dear friends or to the relationships among citizens of the same country. The Hebrew Bible uses this language freely in describing Yhwh's rela­tionship with Israel and the relationships among Israelites. As in Tekle's Africa, biblical family imagery can delineate ancestral, tribal and national ties. Therefore. I examine Mai 3:24 in its context(s) to determine the possible and probable refer­ents of the "parents'' and "children." The same will be done for the tradition of the restored family. This study concludes that the restored family is not the same as the disrupted family of Mie 7:6. Rather, the family restored in the eschaton is the fam­ily of God, the nation of israel (which is, of course, interpreted in various traditions

\̂ Humaniora 6 2: Âbo: Abo Akademi, 1929) 127; Bo Reicke. "Liturgical Traditions in Micah 7.'" HTR 60 (1967) 349-67, here 359; Henning Graf Re\entlow, Die Propheten Haggai, Sachar ja und Maleachi (ATD 25/2; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 1993) 161; Markus Öhler. Elia im Neuen Testament: Untersuchungen zur Bedeutung des alttestamenthchen Propheten im frühen Christentum (BZNW 88; Berlni'New York: de Gruyter, 1997) 5.

4 Micah 7:5-6 is not itself an eschatological prediction, but a description of the state of affairs m the prophet's day. This scene, though, was interpreted from an early period as a reference to the last days (as in Tg Neb. Mie 7:6 and 1Q14 frags. 17-18, line 5. and the well-known Jewish escha­tological tradition of family conflict).

- Allan Menzies. The Earliest Gospel A Historical Study of the Gospel according to Mark (London: Macmillan. 1901) 235 (cf. G. R. Beasley-Murray, A Commentary on Mark Thirteen [Lon­don: Macmillan, 1957] 50). J. Duncan M. Derrett ("Herod's Oath and the Baptist's Head [Conci.] [With an Appendix on Mk IX.12-14. Mai III.24, Micah VII.6]," BZ 9 [1965] 233-46. esp. 245) attempts to reconcile the traditions by locating Elijah's restorative work among parents (see Mai 3:23 LXX), while the children disrupt the family in Mie 7:6.

6 Pierre Grelot, "Michée 7.6 dans les évangiles et dans la littérature rabbinique," Bib 67 (1986) 363-77, here 375-76.

7 Dale C. Allison, Jr.. "Q 12.51-53 and Mark 9.11-13 and the Messianic Woes,'" m Authenti­cating the Words of Jesus (ed. Bruce Chilton and Craig A. Evans; NTTS 28.1; Leiden: Brill. 1999) 290-310, here 297-98. Allison also suggests that Mai 3:24 is the earliest evidence of the eschato­logical interpretation of Micah 7. Many scholars, however, would date Micah 7 to the postexilic period, roughly contemporary with Malachi; see, e.g.. Hans Walter Wolff, Micah· A Commentary (trans. Gary Stansell; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1990 [1982]) 17-18.

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MALACHI 3:24 AND THE "FAMILY" 697

as inclusive of many peoples).8 This realization provides a new framework for reading language pertaining to the family in the context of early Jewish and Chris­tian communities.

I. The "Family" in Malachi 3:24

The restoration of the family concludes the Book of Malachi (and thus the twelve minor prophets). The majority of scholars date Malachi to the postexilic period, often proposing elaborate theories as to its relationship with Ezra and Nehemiah.9 Malachi 3:22-24, either as one piece or divided into v. 22 and vv. 23-24,10 has most often been identified as a later addition to the book.11 Since they have been woven into the text of Malachi, however, these verses should be read as part of the book. They continue the first-person speech of Yhwh characteristic of Malachi, and the concern with the law in v. 22 reflects the prophetic condemnation of the Israelites who have disobeyed God's statutes (e.g., 3:7, 19) and praise of those who have served God (e.g., 3:16-18). Furthermore, Elijah's mission to restore

8 The term "Israel" need not be limited to ethnic Israelites; the restored Israel can include members of many nations (see, e.g., Isa 49:5-6; Zech 2:11; Luke 2:29-32; or Re\ 7:9). A study of the traditions of the restored Israel, however, is beyond the scope of the present article, which con­centrates on understanding the restored family as the restored Israel (whatever "Israel" may repre­sent).

9 See, e.g., John Merlin Powis Smith, "A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Malachi." in A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, and Jonah (by Hinckley G. Mitchell. John Merlin Powis Smith, and Julius A. Bewer: 1912; ICC; repr., Edin­burgh: Clark, 1951) 7: or Pieter A. Verhoef, The Books of Haggai and Malachi (NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987) 157-58. Julia M. O'Brien ("Historical Inquiry as Liberator and Master: Malachi as a Post-Exilic Document," in The Yahweh/Baal Confrontation and Other Studies in Bib­lical Literature and Archaeology [ed. Julia M. O'Brien and Fred L. Horton, Jr.; SBEC 35; Lam­peter: Edwin Mellen, 1995] 57-79) questions the usual arguments concerning the date of Malachi, concluding that a postexilic date has been imposed on the book because of its location in the canon; the book itself does not require any particular date.

10 The reference to Horeb implicitly links Moses and Elijah, both of whom encounter God there, but these two characters are not found together elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. The verses are also linked by the judgment consequent on disobedience to the law or the failure of Elijah's mission. Otherwise, v. 22 is not closely connected to w . 23-24.

11 Paul L. Redditi ("Zechariah 9-14, Malachi, and the Redaction of the Book of the Twelve," in Forming Prophetic Literature. Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve [ed. James W. Watts and Paul R. House; JSOTSup 235: Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996] 245-68) discusses the history of scholarship on the redaction of Malachi; he himself (improbably) identifies Mai 3:22-24 as an appen­dix to the whole Hebrew canon (p. 246). On the other hand, Joyce G. Baldwin {Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi An Introduction and Commentary [TynOTC; London: Tyndale, 1972] 251) and Beth Glazier-McDonald (Malachi The Divine Messenger [SBLDS 98: Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987] 243-45. 262-63) see these verses as original to the book.

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family relationships before God comes in judgment clearly interprets the role of the messenger in Mai 3:1-5.

A. Understanding Elijah s Mission

The messenger of Mai 3:1 prepares God's way by purifying the priests to make Israel acceptable to God before the judgment of sinners (Mai 3:2-5).12

Malachi 3:23 identifies the messenger of 3:1 as Elijah.13 but instead of purifying the priests. Elijah comes before the day of judgment to turn the hearts of parents (JTQN) and children (Ώ"2) toward each other. Just what does this picture mean for human relationships?

Images of turning (2Tu) often indicate people worshiping God alone, or alter­natively worshiping idols (see 1 Kgs 18:37; Isa 29:13; Ezek 20:16; etc.). For exam­ple, in 1 Kgs 12:27, the heart of the people returning to the king (Rehoboam) implies that they would serve him again rather than Jeroboam. The Book of Malachi itself has several other examples of "turning.',, Levi, God's faithful wor­shiper, fulfilled his priestly role of teaching others to obey God, and thus he turned many away from sin (2:6). In Mai 3:7 (as in Zech 1:1-6). God calls on Israel to return to God, and then God will also return to them. This imagery parallels that of Mai 3:24 (cf. also Jer 15:19 and 2 Chr 30:6-9). The turning of the hearts of par­ents to children and children to parents in Mai 3:24 indicates a reunification, the restoration of broken relationships.

Elijah's restoration of family relationships aims to avert the curse of Yhwh from falling on Israel. The converse of Mai 3:24 implies that destraction and pun­ishment will come upon the land, should families be found in conflict. Elsewhere

1 2 The number and identity of the figures named m Mal 3:1 are matters of some debate The interpretation offered here sees the messenger and the messenger of the co\enant as the same fig­ure, coming before the LORD. Yhwh (see Karl William We\de. Prophecy and Teaching Prophetic

Authority, Form Problems, and the Use of Traditions in the Book of Malachi [BZAW 288: Berlin New York· de Gru\ter. 2000] 289-92). For other proposals, see Baldwin. Haggai, Zechariah.

Malachi, 242-43: Richard R Deutsch. "Calling God's People to Obedience: A Commentary on the Book of Malachi." in Joel & Malachi A Promise of Hope—A Call to Obedience (b\ Graham S. Ogden and Richard R. Deutsch. ITC: Edinburgh: Handsel. 1987) 61-120. esp. 101. or Andrew E. Hill. Malachi Anew translation with introduction and commentar} (AB 25D: New York· Doubie-da>. 1998) 288-89.

1 3 This is the oni\ reference to Elijah m the Hebrew Bible outside 1 Kings l 7 - 2 Kings 2 and 2 Chr 21:12. Studies of Elijah and his role in apocalyptic literature can be found in, among others. John Bowman, The Gospel of Mark The New Christian Jewish Passover Haggadah (SPB 8: Lei­den: Brill, 1965) 341-46. Walter C. Kaiser. Jr.. "The Promise of the Armai of Elijah in Malachi and the Gospels." Grace Theological Journal 3 (1982) 221-33: John J. Collins. The Scepter and the

Star The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient Literature (ABRL: New York: Dou-bleda\. 1995) 116-22. Öhler. Elia im Neuen Testament

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in Malachi, a curse (ΊΊΝ) falls upon those who cheat the cultic sacrificial system

(1:14). The priests are cursed if they do not worship God (2:2)—and all Israel is

cursed for robbing God of tithes (3:9). The curse in Mai 3:24, however, is actually

a ban, or a devotion to destruction (ΰΊΠ). This term often refers to the spoils of war

devoted to God, either to be used in the cult or to be destroyed in God's name (as

in Josh 6:17-19).14 This sense of the word can be applied also to people (1 Kgs

20:42 and Isa 34:5). In Zech 14:11, the ban is broken on the Day of Yhwh. God's

people will live in peace in Jerusalem, which will never again be devoted to

destruction. Similarly in Mai 3:24, if Elijah's mission succeeds, God will not need

to destroy the people. Like the restoration of worship in Mai 3:1-4, the restoration

of the family will avert God's wrath.

B. Interpreting "Parents"and "Children"

The type of family to be restored is still in question. One context for the par­ents and children of Mai 3:24 is provided by familial terminology and imagery elsewhere in the book, and so a brief survey of the vocabulary related to family in Malachi is in order. The prophecy opens with a famous reference to Jacob and Esau. Just as they were brothers, so their descendants also bear relationship with each other (and thus with God [1:1-4]). Intra-Israel relationships are also exploited. A common family tree makes Israelites brothers and sisters, and yet they still act treacherously against one another, thus profaning the covenant of their ancestors (2:10). In fact, all the children of Jacob have been sinning against God since the days of their ancestors (3:6-7). The specific relationships of the priests to their ancestor Levi and to their descendants are also mentioned (2:3; 3:3). All of these relationships are a mix of metaphor and (quasi-)reality, exploiting a presumed com­mon ancestry in order to encourage national unity and posit the inheritance of both the covenant and sin.

Malachi also uses familial terminology to indicate the metaphorical relation­ship of Yhwh to the priests. Sons and slaves honor their fathers or masters; if Yhwh is a father and a master to his priests, they should honor him (1:6). In 2:10, all Israel is reminded that their father is God.15 On the day of judgment, God will claim faithful Israelites as his own possession and spare them as a father spares his son who sen-es him (3:17).16 Yhwh has established a family relationship with his

1 4 It can be used also of general possessions or sacrifices dedicated to God (Lev 27:28). 1 5 Other identifications of the "one father" include Abraham (e.g.. Steven L. McKenzie and

Howard N. Wallace, "Covenant Themes in Malachi." CBQ 45 [1983] 549-63, here 552) and Levi

(thus referring to the priesthood; Graham S. Ogden, "The Use of Figurative Language in Malachi

2.10-16," BT39 [1988] 223-30, here 225). 1 6 Malachi 1.6 and 3:17 are closely linked by common imagery of sons, fathers, and servants.

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priests and his people, and if they behave as sons (and daughters) should, he will bless them as a father should.17

Another layer of imagery presents a marital relationship between Judah and the daughter of a foreign god (2:11-12) and Israel's divorce from the wife of his youth (2:14-16). These verses are the subject of much debate among scholars. One line of interpretation claims that they refer to literal human relationships: Israelite men are divorcing their Israelite wives to marry idolatrous foreign women.18 This interpretation allows scholars to place Malachi against the backdrop of the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, a period rife with intermarriage with Gentiles. Indeed, Ezra 9-10 describes intermarriage as an abomination before God. Nehemiah 13:29 iden­tifies it as an act that profanes the priesthood, just as Mai 2:11-12 claims that the marriages of the men of Judah (who, of course, are not priests) with foreign women profane the temple.19

Some serious questions can be raised, however, about this interpretation.20

The whole of Malachi focuses on the sacrifices and tithes of the people, the min­istry of the priests, and the failure of Israel to carry out cultic regulations. In this context, the marriage and divorce of Mai 2:11-16 can be read as an example of the prevalent prophetic imagery for Israel's relationship with Yhwh as a marriage (as in Hosea or Ezekiel21). Israel as a husband has "divorced" his wife, Yhwh, in order

p The gender-specific translation of 2N and ρ reflects the context of these texts in a patriar­

chal culture. Although God is also portrayed in the Hebrew Bible as a mother (as in Isa 49:15-16),

the imagery in Malachi seems to concentrate on God as father. See the discussion of God as father

in the social milieu of the Hebrew Bible in Marianne Meye Thompson, The Promise of the Father·

Jesus and God in the New Testament (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2000). chap. 2. 1 8 Targum Neb Mai 2:11 seems to support a literal interpretation. So also do many commen­

tators; see, e.g.. Baldwin. Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, 238-41 ; Walter C. Kaiser. Jr., Malachi God's

Unchanging Love (Grand Rapids: Baker. 1984) 70; Robert B. Chisholm, Jr.. Interpreting the Minor

Prophets (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1990) 284-85; or Hill, Malachi, 256. Interpreting the mar­

riages and divorces in Malachi 2 literally also allows scholars such as Gordon Paul Hugenberger

(Marriage as a Covenant: A Study of Biblical Law and Ethics Governing Mairiage Developed from

the Perspective of Malachi [VTSup 52: Leiden: Brill, 1994]). to build a picture of ancient Israelite

marriage practices. 1 9 Weyde (Prophecy and Teaching, 234-35) says that the men instead profane the holy people

of God. He also provides an extensive discussion of intermarriage as an abomination. 2 0 In addition to the following arguments, scholars often point out that Malachi forbids divorce,

whereas Ezra encourages it; those supporting the literal interpretation answer that Malachi preceded

Ezra. Another piece of evidence cited in support of the metaphorical interpretation is that foreign

women are never called daughters of a god. On the analogy of Israel as the son of God, however, it

is not difficult to imagine a woman being called the daughter of a god. even if no examples are pre­

served. Adam C. Welch (Post-Exilic Judaism [Baird Lecture for 1934; London: William Blackwood

& Sons, 1935] 120) makes a stronger point that "son of God" refers to the nation of Israel, not indi­

vidual Israelites, and thus "daughter of god" would also be a nation. 2 1 Along with Prov 2:17, Ezek 16:8 is cited as evidence that the covenant in Malachi 2 is a mar­

ital covenant. But it seems rather that the parallel with Ezekiel 16 supports the metaphorical inter­

pretation of Malachi 2, as the "marriage covenant"' in Ezekiel is between God and Israel.

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to "marry" a foreign god.22 Malachi 2:11-16 thus refers to cultic idolatry.23 Sev­eral scholars note that both interpretations have the same effect in reality; mar­riage to idolatrous foreigners would encourage Israelites to engage in idolatry themselves.24 The force of the imagery, though, lies in its metaphor.25 It evokes a vivid tradition of prophetic denunciation of blatant idolatry that wounds God, the lover of Israel, as deeply as adultery wounds the innocent spouse.

The familial language in Malachi, then, allows for several layers of meaning. Brothers (and sisters) are members of the same nation, assumed to be descended from a common ancestor. This civil relationship is further played out in the parent­hood of the ancestors to the prophetic audience. On another level, marital imagery symbolizes Israel's intimate relationship with God. This relationship is presented also in terms of parent and child. The one father of all Israel is God; he promises to treat faithful righteous Israelites as true sons, and he will do the same for the Lévites and indeed all of Israel if they will only behave as sons should. These var­ied meanings of the familial language in Malachi should guide an interpretation of Mai 3:24.

This suggestion assumes, of course, that Mai 3:24 is intended to conclude primarily the Book of Malachi rather than the Book of the Twelve. If the latter, then a broader context for familial language must be examined. Micah 7:5-6 immedi­ately comes to mind; the terminology there describes an actual family household, as in Joel 3:1; Amos 2:7; and Zech 13:3. Alongside these references to literal fam­ily life, the minor prophets also speak of metaphorical family relationships. Hosea famously uses a "real" family situation to envision God's relationship with Israel

22 This is a reversal of the more usual imagery in which Yhwh is the husband and Israel the wife. David L. Petersen (Zechariah 9-14 & Malachi: A Commentary [OTL; London: SCM, 1995] 200-203) suggests that this may be due to the gender of the foreign god(dess), Asherah (cf. Abel Isaksson, Marriage and Ministiy in the New Temple. A Study with Special Reference to Mt 19 Π­

Ι 2 and 1 Cor. 11.3-16 [sic] [Acta Seminani Neotestamentici Upsaliensis 24; Lund: Gleerup, 1965]

33). Julia M. O'Brien ("Judah as Wife and Husband: Deconstructing Gender in Malachi," JBL 115

[1996] 241-50) argues that the shpperiness of gender terminology in Malachi undermines the book's

desire to reinforce patriarchal society. 2 3 Cf. the LXX and Peshitta translations of Mai 2:11, which clearly identify the "marriage" as

idolatry. 4Q76 1 ι 15 reads 7X ΓΓ3 rather than 7K ΓΟ; this could be a simple scribal error, or it could

indicate a tradition different from that preserved in the MT. Many studies of Malachi have taken this

line of interpretation. See C. C Torrey, "The Prophecy of 'Malachi,'" JBL 17 (1898) 1-15, here

5, 9; Welch, Post-Exilic Judaism, 120; Flemming Friis Hvidberg, Weeping and Laughter in the Old

Testament: A Study of Canaanite-Israelite Religion (trans. Niels Haislund; Leiden: Brill, 1962) 122;

or Julia M. O'Brien, Priest and Lévite in Malachi (SBLDS 121 ; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990) 122. 24 Beth Glazier-McDonald, "Intermarriage, Divorce, and the battel nekär. Insights into Mai

2:10-16," ./BZ 106 (1987) 603-11, here 610-11; and Marvin E. Tate, "Questions for Priests and Peo­ple in Malachi 1:2-2:16," RevExp 84 (1987) 391-407, esp. 402.

2:5 O'Brien ("Judah as WTife," 245) highlights the importance of retaining the metaphor in inter­preting this passage, noting that no one interprets the metaphor of marriage in Hosea or Ezekiel lit­erally.

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by means of the relationships of a husband with a wife and of a parent with chil­dren (see, e.g., Hosea 1-2). Another frequent prophetic use of familial language symbolizes the national relationship with the ancestors (ITQN) of Israel. Joel 1:2-3 moves from the days of the ancestors to the days of the grandchildren of the audi­ence. Amos 2:4 accuses the prophetic audience of walking after lies, just as their ancestors did. Zechariah 1:2-6 bears extensive connection with Mai 3:24;26 God sent prophets to call the ancestors (the "fathers" of Zechariah's audience) to return to God. Now Zechariah offers the same call to the descendants: return to God, and God wall return to you. In the context of the minor prophets, familial terminology again carries several levels of meaning, but it is perhaps most often (particularly as regards "fathers" and '"sons") used to describe metaphorical relationships.

So what does this mean for Mai 3:24? A natural (immediate) family relation­ship seems almost ruled out by the scarcity of such language elsewhere. In the Book of Malachi itself, the only reference that could be taken to represent an imme­diate family connection is the "seed" of 2:3. On the other hand, in the Hebrew Bible the disruption of the literal parent-chiid relationship does have dire conse­quences. Micah 7:6 is a clear example: the prophet cites the rebellion of children against their parents as a prime cause of chaos and disruption in wider society. The Torah proclaims severe punishment for those who harm their families, whether by dishonoring their parents (Exod 21:15, 17; Lev 20:9; Deut 21:18-21) or by com­mitting acts of sexual immorality against family members (Lev 19:29).27 Although the Hebrew Bible does not elsewhere record a situation in which the restoration of family relationships brings with it blessings of salvation on the Day of Yhwh, this tradition of disrupted family relationships leading to punishment and judgment offers strong support for a literal interpretation offne parents and children in Mai 3:24.28

2 6 Petersen (Zechariah 9-14 and Malachi. 2-3) and Redditi ("Zechariah 9-14," 246) identify Malachi as a late addition to Zechariah.

2 See also Deut 27:16.20.22-24. \\ hich call dow η curses on those who disrupt their families. 2 8 Se\ eral interpreters have found cause for the disruption of the parent-child relationship in

the historical background of Malachi. Smith ("Critical and Exegetical Commentary." 83) suggests that Hellenistic philosophies enticed the youth away from their families. A. Cohen (The Twelve

Prophets Hebrew Text, English Translation and Commentary [Soncino Books of the Bible 8; London: Soncino, 1957] 356) claims that the broken homes resulted from the broken marriages of chap. 2 Alexander Rofé ("The Onset of Sects in Postexilic Judaism: Neglected Evidence from the Septuagint. Tnto-Isaiah. Ben Sira. and Malachi." in The Social World of Formative Christianity and Judaism Essays in Tribute to Howard Clark Kee [ed. Jacob Neusner. Peder Borgen, Ernest S. Frerichs, and Richard Horsley: Philadelphia: Fortress. 1988] 39-49, here 46) cites the dissension of Malachi 3 as an early sectarian conflict o\ er interpretations of the law (cf. Weyde. Prophecy and Teaching, 393). while Theodor Lescow (Das Buch Maleachi Texttheone-Auslegung-Kanontheorie [Arbeiten zur Theologie 75: Stuttgart: Calw er, 1993] 172-73) sees generational conflict o\er the \ aridity of the law.

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A variation on the identification of Mai 3:24 with a literal family translates T¿ ("toward") as "with," so that parents together with their children are turned toward God. In this interpretation, the restoration of Israel to God entails the restoration of families.29 This interpretation allows for the force of the metaphor to stand alongside the reality of the family relationship, but the translation of T¿ as "with" in this instance is questionable.30 Commentators who adopt this interpretation often find a metaphorical sense for "turning" in Mai 3:24, even saying that the effect of the restoration of natural families is to turn the nation back to God.31 Since every other reference to "fathers" and "sons" in Malachi preserves a metaphor and not a natural family relationship, it would be preferable to retain the metaphor of 3:24 fully without dependence on biological relationships.

The metaphor of "fathers" and "sons" in Mai 3:17 appears to describe the relationship between God and his faithful worshipers. Not all of God's people are faithful (e.g.. 3:19), however, and so if Mai 3:24 refers to this relationship, then Elijah comes to restore Israel, the sons of God, to their father. Such an under­standing is supported by the turning of God and Israel toward each other in Mai 3:7 and Zech 1:3. A major flaw in this interpretation is the plurality of "fathers" in Mai 3:24. According to Mai 2:10, God is the one father of all Israel.

A call for the restoration of Israel to God in the context of a comparison of the prophet's audience with their ancestors comes in Zech 1:2-6 and Mai 3:6-7. Per­haps, then, the "fathers" of Mai 3:24 are the ancestors of Israel, and the "sons" are the audience of the prophet. In this case, as with Levi and his descendants in Mai 2:4-9, the audience conflicts with their ancestors by not respecting and honoring God as they did.32 Elijah's restorative work draws the descendants back into the proper covenant relationship with Yhwh, thus restoring unity in Israel through time. This identification of the "fathers" and "sons" of Mai 3:24 coheres well with the metaphorical nature of references to parents and children in Malachi and indeed the minor prophets on the whole, making it the best of the available readings.33

The identification of the parents as the ancestors of Israel and the children as their descendants does not preclude the possibility of another layer of interpreta-

29 See, e.g., Kaiser. Malachi, 109: and Chisholm, Interpreting the Minor Prophets, 290 30 Although 737 can mean "with" (as in Gen 32:12 or Exod 35:22). when used together with

2V2 it compares in meaning and function with 7N and 7. Nearly every occurrence of 7S7 3Tw has the force of "turning toward" (see 2 Chr 15:4 and 30:9; Gen 40:13: Num 33:7).

31 See. e.g.. Kaiser. Malachi, 109; Glazier-McDonald, Malachi, 263. 32 Malachi 3:7 seems to accuse the ancestors and their descendants of disobedience; Zech

12-6 definitely accuses both groups of sin. The connections of the fathers with the covenant in Mai 2:10 and the references to the good behavior of the fathers (2:5-6; 3:4). however, place the ances­tors in a better light.

33 Cf. Verhoef, Books of Haggai and Malachi. 342; Petersen, Zechariah 9-14 and Malachi, 23 hand Hill. Malachi, 388.

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tion that sees Yhwh as father and Israel as son. The dual meaning receives rein­

forcement from the parallel between Mai 3:1-7 and 23-24. The messenger of the

covenant comes to restore Israel to God and proper worship of God. If the people

do not heed the messenger, they, the sons of God and the descendants of the

covenant-makers, will be destroyed. If Elijah's mission is successful, then when

God comes in judgment he will not need to destroy the land or the people. They

will all be obedient and faithful to God's law. Although the action of turning relates

to the ancestors and descendants, its significance lies in the reunification of God

with Israel.

IL The Tradition of the Eschatological Restoration of the Family

The fluidity of language and levels of possible meanings as to the identity of the parents and children in Mai 3:24 allow the development of multiple traditions of the eschatological restoration of "family."34 The Targum of the Prophets inter­prets the family of Mai 3:24 as a literal socioeconomic unit.35 This literal inter­pretation could be present also in 4QMessianic Apocalypse, which may include "fathers" coming to "sons" (D"M 727 ΓΪΠΚ D^3) with eschatological restorations of physical disabilities.36

Most of the traditions of the restoration of the family in the last days antici­pate Afewerk Tekle's Africa: Past, Present, and Future in using familial imagery to represent nonfamilial relationships. Jubilees 1:23-25 envisions the restoration of children with their father: after generations spent breaking the covenant, Israel will repent, and in turn God will restore the nation as his children (w. 23-24). Even the angels and spirits will recognize that Israel is the child of God the father, and God will love his children (v. 25).37 Several centuries later, a similar idea struggles to emerge from 4 Ezra 6:25-27. Those who survive the destruction and chaos of judg­ment (vv. 17-24) will be saved (v. 25). Their hearts will be converted and changed (v. 26),38 and then evil will be erased from the world and goodness will reign

3 4 This section traces the development not of eschatological traditions concerning Elijah but

of the restoration of the family. Texts were selected based on their linguistic similarity to Mai 3:24

or their imagery of "families" turning to each other (or otherwise being reunited in a relationship).

Elijah sometimes appears in conjunction with this imagery, but not always. 3~ The targum also identifies the marital relationship in Malachi 2 as a real marriage. 3 64Q521 2 ii-iii. Cf. Collins, Scepter and the Star, 120; Emile Puech, "Some Remarks on

4Q246 and 4Q521 and Qumran Messiamsm."' in The Provo International Conference on the Dead

Sea Scrolls Technological Innovations, New Texts, and Reformulated Issues (ed. Donald W. Parry

and Eugene Ulnch; STDJ 30; Leiden: Brill, 1999). 545-65, here 559-61. The text is quite fragmen­

tary, so the exact connection (if any) between the reference to the family and the other eschatolog­

ical restorations is unknown. 3~ Jubilees also refers several times to peace in Israel using eschatological language (see 23:29

and 46:1). 3 8 4 Ezra 6:26 may have a place for Elijah as one "who was taken up" and never "'tasted death."

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(v. 27). Again in the Testament of Dan, salvation comes about in the last days through the turning of the hearts of the disobedient to the Lord (5:11).39 The Coptic Apocalypse of Elijah also preserves this hope; the book calls for the audience to become children to God because God is their father (1:7). Elijah is not named in this tradition of restoration, but it nonetheless builds on the idea expressed in Mai 3:24, identifying the "fathers" and "sons" as representative of God's relationship with God's people.40

Several traditions based on Mai 3:24 locate the restoration among the tribes of Israel. The translation of Mai 3:24 in the LXX opens up the possibility for a community-wide restoration of relationships by including the turning of a father (πατήρ) to a son (υιός) and people to their neighbors (Mai 3:23 LXX).41 Sirach 48:10 sets Elijah the task of returning the tribes of Israel from exile (cf. Sir 36: Π­Ι ó).42 This sort of restoration is promised also in Targum Pseudo-Jonathan of Beut 30:4, coming about after the exiles have repented and returned to the worship of God (v. 1). The restoration of the tribes, or at least the restoration of disputatious rabbinic households, appears again in m. Eduy. 8.7. Elijah, comments R. Simeon, will "bring agreement where there is matter for dispute," and the sages ascribe to him the role of bringing peace to the world.43

In ?seudo-?hilo's Biblical Antiquities, the restoration of families brings together present and past Israelites but not in spiritual unity under the covenant, as in Malachi (though this does come up in the preceding material; see L.A.B. 23:12). Rather, the restoration of current Israelites to their ancestors, and ancestors to their descendants, occurs through the resurrection of the dead [L.A.B. 23:13).44 Simi­larly, Mark 9:9-13 and Matt 17:9-13 record a "tradition of the scribes" that connects

39 Testament of Dan 5:9 calls on the exiles to return to the Lord, and the reference in v. 13 calls to mind Zech 14:11. Testament of Dan 5 is referenced also in Gerald L. Keown. "Messianism in the Book of Malachi," RevExp 84 (1987) 443-51. here 448.

40 Cf. Thompson, Promise of the Father, who interprets the identification of God as father in the Hebrew Bible and Second Temple and early Christian texts as referring to an eschatological hope of salvation.

41 Cf. Weyde, Prophecy and Teaching, 393. Öhler (Elia im Neuen Testament, 6) interprets the LXX here as an ethical challenge to the community to live in peace.

42 The prediction of Elijah's return comes at the end of a retelling of his deeds (Sir 48:1-11). See also Keown. "Messianism,"' 447; Robert L. Webb, John the Baptizer and Prophet A Socio-Historical Study (JSNTSup 62; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1991) 253. Öhler (Elia im Neuen Testament, 6-11) discusses the politics of Sirach.

43 Rabbinic tradition developed a place for Elijah as the one who would settle disputes over the law (discussed in Morns M. Faierstein. "Why Do the Scnbes Say That Elijah Must Come First?" JBL 100 [1981] 75-86, here 82). There are several references to Elijah in the later rabbinic sources: see b. Erub. 43b: b. Sanh. 98a; Pirqe R El, end of chap. 43.

44 There could be a connection to Ezek 37:1-14, where resurrection symbolizes the restoration of Israel from exile. M Sotah 9.15 also connects Elijah with the resurrection.

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Elijah with the resurrection.45 In these texts, Jesus affirms this tradition, adding that Elijah comes to restore "all things." Since Elijah has come and has been mis­treated, so also the Son of Man must suffer.46

An explicit connection between Elijah and John the Baptist is drawn in Matt 17:13. This correlation is even more pronounced in the angelic announcement of John the Baptist's birth in Luke 1. In the spirit and power of Elijah, John will go before the Lord to prepare Israel by turning the hearts of parents to their children, and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just. In other words, John will "turn" many Israelites to God (vv. 16-17).47 The stories of John's ministry, entailing bap­tism and repentance from sins, show him fulfilling expectations associated with the coming of Elijah by restoring the relationship between God and God's people.48

This interpretation of the tradition of restoration aligns with both the conception of the family as representative of the human-divine relationship and the concep­tion of the family as the nation of Israel.49

Both angles are pursued in later Christian writings. In his Commentais on Matthew, Origen reports a scribal tradition that Elijah would precede the messiah

4- Both Elijah and Moses are present at the transfiguration (Mark 9:4 par.). This is the only place in the Christian Bible apart from Mai 3:22-24 in which these two figures appear together.

46 The close proximity of Elijah, the Son of Man. and language of "coming" in these passages has created confusion among NT scholars over Elijah's role as a "forerunner" of the messiah. Such an interpretation of Mark or Matthew is not necessary, however, nor do many of the early Christian references to Elijah require interpreting him as a forerunner of the messiah rather than a forerunner of God's day of judgment. These questions are debated by Faierstem. "Why Do the Scribes?": Dale C. Allison. Jr.. "Elijah Must Come First." JBL 103 (1984) 256-58; and Joseph A. Fitzmyer. "More about Elijah Coming First." JBL 104 (1985) 295-96. The close conjunction of Mai 3:23 with Matt 1:1 in the Christian Bible has also led to a long tradition of reading Malachi in light of Christ (see, e.g.. E. Henderson. The Book of the Twelve Minor Prophets, Translated from the Original Hebrew. With a Commentaiy, Critical Philological and Exegetical [London: Hamilton, Adams, 1854] esp. 446. 463).

4 Robert Macina ("Jean le Baptist était-il Elie? Examen de la tradition neótestamentaire." Proche-Orient Chrétien 34 [1984] 209-32. here 216) argues that the presentation of John the Bap­tist in the Gospels was strongly influenced by Sir 48:1-11. He also sees allusions to Elijah m the expectation that Jesus would restore the twelve tribes (p 220: cf. Craig A. Evans. Mark 8-27-16 20 [WBC 34B: Naslrwlle: Thomas Nelson, 2001] 43).

48 See Jeffrey A. Trumbower. "The Role of Malachi in the Career of John the Baptist." in The Gospels and the Scriptures ofLsrael (ed. Craig A. Evans and W. Richard Stegner: JSNTSup 104; Studies m Scripture m Early Judaism and Christianity 3; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994) 28-41. here 38. This occurs m the Synoptics. John 1:21 denies the identification of John the Baptist w ith Elijah. There is some confusion in the NT o\ er w hether John or Jesus himself represented Eli­jah (Macina, "Jean le Baptist," 220-22). J. Severino Croatto ("Jesus. Prophet like Elijah, and Prophet-Teacher like Moses in Luke-Acts." JBL 12-1 [2005] 451-65. here 456-58) suggests that Jesus should be correlated with Elijah's prophetic ministry, while John the Baptist represents the predicted return of Elijah from Mai 3:24.

49 The Gospel of Luke includes more than ethnic Israelites in the people of God, but the spe­cific use of Mai 3:24 in Luke 1 refers to Israel as a nation.

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MALACHI 3:24 AND THE "FAMILY" 707

to prepare the souls of Israelites to receive him (13:1). Hippolytus, quoting Luke 1:17 with reference to Rev 11:3-12, places Elijah's return in the time preceding Christ's return. Elijah will then bring about a mass conversion of the wicked.50

Victorinus and Augustine specify that the "wicked" to be converted are the Jews.51

This development of the tradition of the restored family adds a new twist by asso­ciating the restoration with Jesus; Jews and Gentiles together are joined in famil­ial unity in the church, the new Israel, under the fatherhood of God.

III. Implications of the Eschatological Restoration of the Family

Few ancient Jewish or Christian texts preserve an expectation of the restora­tion of the natural human family in the eschaton. Rather, as in Tekle's work, the family is redefined as a symbol of the restoration of Israel as a nation or the restora­tion of God's relationship with God's people. This reading can provide a fresh understanding of the identification of early Jewish and Christian communities as families.

The primacy of the early church's claims for loyalty over those of the natu­ral family is well known. Along with calling people to leave their homes in order to follow Jesus, the early church reestablished the family to some extent within its community, as indicated in Mark 3:31-35. Jesus here denies the claims of his mother and brothers on him; rather, those who obey God deserve the epithet of brother, sister, mother. Dedication to God is the bond between members of this recreated family. The NT and the early church writings preserve the Christian re­definition of the family through use of familial terminology and the assignment of familial responsibilities to the church body. The same pattern of the abandonment of the natural family in favor of a transformed family within a sectarian commu­nity appears in the Qumran texts,52 and Jewish proselytes are described in similar terms as leaving their own homes in order to join a new "family."53 The use of familial language in conjunction with joining and participating in a subcommu-nity is, in fact, somewhat common in ancient texts.54

5 0 Treatise on Christ and Antichrist 46. This text is discussed in David G. Dunbar, "Hippoly­

tus of Rome and the Eschatological Exegesis of the Early Church/' WTJ 45 (1983) 322-39 M Victorinus Commentaiy on the Apocalypse of the Blessed John 7.2; Augustine City of God

20:29.

-2 See. e.g.. lQ28a 11.8-9, which identifies the community as a family (ΓΐΠΞΓυ'Ε). 53E.g..Josephus.4/7 2:210. 2)4 This includes non-Judeo-Christian traditions: see the discussions of the use of familial lan­

guage as a metaphor in mystery cults and voluntan' associations in Reidar Aasgaard. "My Beloved

Brothers and Sisters!" Christian Siblingship in Paul (JSNTSup 265; London New York: Clark,

2004) 109-12: and in associations, cult societies, and professional organizations in Philip A Har-

land, "Familial Dimensions of Group Identity: 'Brothers' (αδελφοί) in Associations of the Greek

East." JBL 124 (2005) 491-513 (particularly examining the evidence of monumental inscriptions and

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Disengagement from the home and normal family responsibilities was rec­ognized in ancient Jewish and Christian communities as one possible response to a call to discipleship.55 Recently, some scholars have interpreted the separation from the family as the fulfillment of the apocalyptic expectation of severe famil­ial disruption in the last days, arguing that when Jesus calls his followers to hate their families and warns them of the persecution they will face at the hands of their relatives, he is reassuring them that they are taking part in fulfilling prophecy. Thus, according to this interpretation, the disciples have a good and justifiable rea­son for abandoning their homes.56 This interpretation is rendered unnecessary, however, by the recurrent Jewish theme of placing God before the family. Such a background offers a better explanation for the church's antifamily rhetoric; the apocalyptic tradition of the disrupted family is quite different.

Gerd Theissen cites the recreation of the family within the early church community as another vindication of the disciples' decision. In claiming the com­munity as a family, the church redefined the family and identified itself as the group to which one owes loyalty.57 Similarly, social-scientific study of the NT has described familial language in the church as the community's way of strengthen­ing the bonds between its members.58 In this view, the psychological ramifications of calling fellow Christians brothers and sisters reinforce the community. Although this explanation is reasonable, it verges on reductionism, finding only the sociol­ogy of group formation as justification for the pervasive use of familial language in the church community.

Neither explanation of the early Jewish and Christian transformation and rede­finition of the family provides a particularly strong framework for understanding

papyrii). See also Stephen C. Barton. "The Relativisation of Family Ties in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman Traditions," in Constructing Early Christian Families: Family as Social Reality and Metaphor (ed. Halvor Moxnes; London: Routledge, 1997) 81-100, esp. 82-86: and Stephen P. Ahearne-Kroll, '"Who Are My Mother and My Brothers?' Family Relations and Family Language in the Gospel of Mark," JR 81 (2001) 1-25, here 20-23.

53 This theme has been the subject of several studies in recent years. See, e.g., Stephen C. Bar­ton, Discipleship and Family Ties in Mark and Matthew (SNTSMS 80; Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-\ersity Press. 1994).

56 Gerd Theissen, The First Followers of Jesus. A Sociological Analysis of the Earliest Chris­tianity (trans. John Bowden: London. SCM. 1978) 12: and Dale C. Allison, Jr., Jesus of Nazareth Millenanan Prophet (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1998) 145-47.

5" Theissen, First Followers, 12. See also John M. G. Barclay. "The Family as the Bearer of Religion in Judaism and Early Christianity," in Constructing Early Christian Families (ed. Moxnes), 66-80, here 74; and Bruce J. Malina, The New Testament World- Lnsightsfrom Cultural Anthropol­ogy (3rd ed., Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2001) 215.

58 John H. Elliott, "The Jewish Messianic Movement: From Faction to Sect." in Modelling Early Christianity- Social-Scientific Studies of the New Testament in Its Context (ed. Philip F. Esler: London: Routledge, 1995) 75-95. here 84; Ahearne-Kroll, "'Who Are My Mother and My Broth­ers?'" 24. See also Harland, "Familial Dimensions," 513, in relation to fictive kinship in Greco-Roman associations.

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the phenomenon. The recreation of the family within religious communities, though, could reflect the tradition of restoration begun by Mai 3:24. This tradition appears throughout Jewish and Christian texts to indicate the unification of Israel, whether "Israel" represents the entire nation across time and space, a specific sub­group that has identified itself as the true Israel, or a multinational community of God-fearers. In each instance, family restoration centers on the religious commu­nity as the children of God and siblings of others in covenant with God. Some scholars have noted the resonance between the "alternative family" of the Jesus movement and the prophetic expectation of the restoration of Israel.59 In light of the current survey of the tradition of the restoration of the family, this thesis can be made more explicit: the restored family is the restored Israel. The restoration of God's people to each other and to God averts divine wrath from this "family" on the day of judgment.

39 Richard A. Horsley, Sociology and the Jesus Movement (2nd ed.: New York: Continuum. 1994) 123: Sean Freyne. "Herodian Economics in Galilee," in Modelling Early Christianity (ed. Esler), 23-46, here 44-45.

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