dynasty xiii kingship in ancient
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DYNASTY XIII KINGSHIP IN ANCIENT EGYPT:
A STUDY OF POLITICAL POWER AND AD MINISTRATION THR OUGH AN
INVESTIGATION OF THE ROYAL TOM BS OF THE LATE MIDDLE KINGDOM
Dawn Landua-McCormack
A DISSERTATION
In
Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations
Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
2008
Supervisor of Dissertation
d x ^
£^z
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Y
raduate Group Chairperson
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Landua-McCormack, Dawn
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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the members of my dissertation comm ittee including Josef
Weg ner and David Silverman of the University of Pennsylvania and Kim Ryho lt of the
Unive rsity of Cop enhag en. Their support, advice, com men ts, and forthcoming a rticles
have made this project possible and have greatly enhanced the results. Josef Wegner and
David Silverman have been invaluable men tors during my undergraduate and graduate
education at the University of Pennsylvania, and to them, I will be forever indebted.
I would also like to thank the Department of Near Eastern Languag es and
Civilizations and the Kolb Society, which provided financial support for my graduate
education as well as the US State Department Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs
for an ARC E Fellowsh ip, which supported my archaeological fieldwork at Abyd os in
2003.
The archaeological com ponent of this project was a part of the Pen nsylvania-
Yale-Institute of Fine Arts Expedition to Aby dos, directed by D r. William Kelly Simpson
and Dr. David O'C onno r, to whom I am also grateful. I would also like to extended my
gratitude to the Egyptian authorities at the time of my project: Dr. Zahi Haw ass,
Secretary G eneral; Mr. Zein el-Abdin Zaki, Director General of the Sohag An tiquities
District; Mr. Moham med Abdelaziz, Chief Inspector, Balliana; and Mr. Sayyed
Moham ed Abd el-Rahm an, Inspector of Antiquities. I am likewise indebted to the
wonderful people in the ARCE offices both in the United States as well as in Egypt as
wel l as my excavat ion crew from the 2003 season including Peter Cinquini , Em ily
Cocke, Mads Nielsen, Leslie W arden, Kei Yamam oto, and the late Stine Rossel. I would
iv
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also like to thank Matthew A dams and M ary-Ann W egner for their many years of
support.
Finally, I would like to thank my friends and family, especially my parents,
Herman and Christie Landua, and my husband, James M cCormack, for their many y ears
' of support-, encourage ment and patienc e.
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ABSTRACT
DYNASTY XIII KINGSHIP IN ANCIENT EGYPT:
A STUDY OF POLITICAL POWER AND ADM INISTRATION THROUGH AN
INVESTIGATION OF THE ROYAL TOMBS OF THE LATE MIDDLE KINGDOM
-
Dawn Landua-McCormack
Josef Wegner
Over fifty kings ruled in a period between 150 and 170 years during Dynasty XIII in
ancient Egypt; some rulers held the throne for only a few y ears. This study reviews the
chronological sequence of these kings and their means of legitimization and succession.
It also examines the royal funerary monuments, which provide information regarding
kingship at this time. Besides the six known tombs at Sakkara, Maz ghuna, and Dahshur,
other, unexcavated sites in the Memphite region likely provide additional burials for the
many kings without known funerary m onumen ts. Also, the excavation and investigation
of the artifacts from tomb S9 and the analysis of the plan of S10 at South Abydos reveal
that these monuments have the same characteristics as the others to the north and belong
to a single corpus. Beginning with the Haw ara monument of Am enemhet III and ending
with Merneferre Ay's pyramidion, which was found in the Delta, the substructures of the
royal pyramids have similar plans with some features that may indicate that they may
form a physical representation of the netherworld, placing the king within the weskhet
court of Osiris. The size of the pyramid s, though small compared to those of previous
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periods, and their exclusive use by rulers, demonstrate that kings remained at the apex of
society. This study identifies three phases within Dynasty XIII. The first group of kings
emphasizes its actual or symbolic connection to Dy nasty XII through the use of double
names including "Am enemh et." The second phase includes rulers who explicitly
expressed their non-royal lineages and may have come from families with ties to the
military while the final kings lost the north and south to Dynasties XIV (northwest Delta)
and XV I (Thebes). This study ends with the presentation of a model outlining a possible
scenario for the fall of Dynasty XIII, including climate change, the decrease of economic
pow er, the increased pow er of officials and foreigners, and the loss of territory.
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Table of Contents
Introduction 1
Chapter 1 -Issues of Chronology
I. Introduction 5
. •
II..
The Place of Dynasty XIII in Ancient Egyptian History 6
III. The Chronology of the Dynasties within the Late Middle 24
Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period
IV. Internal Chronology of Dynasty XIII 61
V. Conclusions 97
Chapter 2 - Royal Legitimacy and Succession in Dynasty XIII
I. Introduction 99
II . Legitimacy in Dynasty XIII 99
III.
Succession 112
IV. Conc lusions 149
Chapter 3 - The Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Monument Corpus
I. Introduction 152
II .
The Development of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tomb 154
Type: The Pyramid of Amenem het III at Haw ara
III.
The Pyramid of Wo serkare Khendjer (Lepsius XLIV) 166
at South Sakkara
IV. The "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (Lepsius XLV I) 191
V. The Pyramid ofA me nyQ em au (DAS 18) 208
VI. The Pyramid at North Mazghuna 217
VII. The Pyramid at South Mazghuna 226
VIII. The Shaft Tomb ofA wib reH or at Dahshur 241
IX. The Tomb Model 252
X. Characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Mon uments 256
XI.
Other Proposed Sites 268
XII.
Conclusions 293
Chapter 4 - The Late Middle Kingdom R oyal Tombs at South Abydos
I. Introduction 295
II . W eigall's Excavations of S9 301
III.
W eigall's Excavations of S10 305
IV. Problems with W eigall's Plans 309
V. Recent Excavations at S9 314
VI.
Owners of Tombs S9 and S10 at Abydo s 358
VII. Conclusions 365
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Chapter 5 - Analysis of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary M onuments and
Their Impact on the Current Understanding of Dynasty XIII Kingship
I. Introduction 367
• II. Chron ological Order of
the
Late Midd le Kingdom Royal Tombs 367
III. Tom bs of Roy al Women and Private Officials 377
IV. The
wsMTomb
Type 386
V. The Significance of Selected Compon ents of Late Middle Kingdom 393
Royal Tombs * -
VI. The Destruction of the Tombs 402
VII. Tombs of Dynasty XVII 406
VIII. Conclusions 408
Chapter 6 - Administration, Officials, and Operation of Kingship
I. Introduction 411
II . The Top Three Offices in the Late Middle Kingdom Governmental 411
Structure
III. Filiation and the Question of Relationships between Kings 427
IV. Conclusions 454
Chapter 7 -Conclus ions: The Fall of Dynasty XIII
456
456
468
474
476
Appendices
Appendix I: King Lists 480
Append ix II: Measurements from Late Middle Kingdom Tombs 485
Append ix III: Charts Showing the Level Changes Representing the Twelve 496
Hours of the Night
Bibliography 504
Index 544
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
Introduction
Phase 1
Phase 2
Phase 3
Conclusions
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Tables
Chapter 1
1. The Kings of Dynasty XII 11
2. The generational correlations as defined by Bennett 46
Chapter 2
1.
King s possibly related to the fratrilineal line of Neferhotep I 118
i
Chapter 3
1. Size com parisons between the width of the coffin and that of the passages 238
leading to the sarcophagus chamber at South M azghuna
Chapter 5
1. Do dson 's chronological proposal for the Late Middle Kingdom 369
royal funerary monuments
2.
Diagram showing the hours and their associated components within 390
each monument
Chapter 6
1. The know n and possible viziers of Dynasty XIII whose previous 418
positions have been discovered.
2. The known and possible treasurers of Dynasty XIII whose previous 420
positions have been discovered
3. The chronolo gy of the filiative markers for the Late M iddle Kingd om 430
4. Correlations in the nomens and prenomens of kings of Dynasty XIII 440
5. Dynasty XIII kings showing filiation according to Ryholt 442
6. List of kings with family links in the order of Ry ho lt's list 443
7. List of kings with modifications to Ry ho lt's list 445
Chapter
7
1. The phases of Dynasty XIII using Ry holt's list of kings as modified in 457
Chapter 1
Appendix I
1. Ry holt's List of Dynasty XIII Kings 480
2. Fran ke's List of Kings 482
3. Von Bec kerath's List 483
Appendix II
1. Pyram id of Am enem het III a t Ha wara 485
2. Pyramid Complex of Wo serkare Khendjer 487
3.
Subsidiary Pyramid of Woserkare Khenjer 489
4. The Southern Pyramid at South Sakkara 490
5. Pyramid of Am eny Qemau 492
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6. North Mazghu na 493
7. South Mazghuna 494
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Figures
Chapter 1
1. The relationships of Dy nasties XIII-XVII according to this study 16
Chapter 3
1. Map showing the locations of excavated Late Middle Kingdom pyramids 153
2. The substructures of the tomb of Senwosret II at Lahu n and the arced 156
tunnels of Senwosret III from So uth Aby dos and Dah shur -
3. Plan of the pyramid of Am enemhet III at Hawara 161
4. The structure of the saddle roof in the tomb of Am enem het III at Haw ara 163
and the mechanics of the sand lowering system
5. The Pyramid Complex of W oserkare Khendjer at South Sakkara 169
6. The Pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer 175
7. Plan of one portcullis in the tomb of Khend jer 177
8. Subsidiary pyramid of the Khendjer pyramid complex 184
9. The Pyramid of unknown ownership at South Sakkara 194
10.
The pyramid of Ameny Qemau 210
11. The interior of the pyramid of Ameny Qemau 212
12. The substructure of North Mazghu na 220
13. The Pyramid at South Mazghu na 229
14.
Plan of the sarcophagus of the pyramid at South Mazghuna 237
15. Plan of the shaft tomb of Aw ibre Hor 243
16. The contents of the tomb of Aw ibre Hor 245
17. The tomb model from the funerary complex of Amenem het III at Dahshur 253
18.
Map showing the locations of the potential Late Middle Kingdom 269
royal funerary monuments
19. Map showing the location of known and selected potential Late Middle 275
Kingdom royal pyramids at Sakkara, Dahshur, and Mazghun a
Chapter 4
1. Map of the site of Abydos including the mortuary complex of 296
Senwosret III, tombs S9 and S10, and the site of Umm el-Gaab
2. W eigall's plan of S9 and S10 in relation to the tomb of Senwo sret III 298
3. The substructure of S9 at South Abydo s 303
4. The substructure of S10 308
5. View of excavations in the local southeast of S9 315
6. Plan show ing the results of the 2003 excavations season at S9 at 316
South Abydos
7. The local southeastern corner of the enclosure wall of
S9
320
8. The sinuso idal wall of S9 326
9. The remain s of the cult structure of S9 327
10. The large plaster pit 329
11. The exposure of the subsurface elements of S9 in 2003 330
12. Pottery found in the smaller of the two foundation depo sits 335
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13.
The second foundation deposit 336
14. The brick deposit 339
15. Pottery from S9 dating to the Rom an Period 343
16. S9 Late M iddle Kingd om pottery fabric distribution 344
17. The Late Middle Kingdom open Nile and Marl A3 forms from S9 345
18.
Examples of closed Nile vessels from the Late Middle Kingdom at S9 347
.19.
Closed marl forms from S9, dated to the Late Middle Kingdom 348
20 . Exam ples of other ceramic forms found at S9 349
- 21 . Fragments of inscribed, gilded plaster 356
Chapter 5
1.
The hieroglyph for
wsht
"broad court" 388
Chapter 7
1. M odel of the factors leading to the demise of Dyn asty XIII 477
Appendix
III
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10
11
12,
13,
14,
The Pyrmaid of Amenem het III at Hawara
The Pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara
The Pyramid at South M azghuna
The Pyramid of Ameny Qemau
Mastaba S9 at South Abydo s (Option 1)
Mastaba S9 at South Abydos (Option 2)
The Tomb Model from Dahshur
S10 at South A bydos
The Subsidiary Pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara
. The Pyramid at North M azghuna (Option 1)
. The Pyramid at North Mazghuna (Option 2)
. The "Unfinished" Pyramid (Option 1)
. The "Unfinished" Pyramid (O ption 2)
. The "Unfinished" Pyramid (O ption 3)
496
497
497
498
498
499
499
500
500
501
501
502
502
503
X l l l
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Introduction
Dynasty XIII is a period in ancient Egyptian history, in which over 50 kings ruled
in only 150-170 years. With some rulers reigning for only month s, man y questions arise
concerning kingsh ip at this time. Unfortuna tely, few scholars have undertaken any
comprehensive studies of Dynasty X III alone.
1
Instead, as in the latest work by R yholt,
this era is incorporated into a more general analysis of the Second Intermediate Period.
2
Also, most scholars who h ave studied the nature of Dynasty XIII have focused upon
textual sources, such as the
T urin King-List.
How ever, archaeological remains, such as
the known funerary monuments of the period, rarely figure significantly in these works.
3
This study begins with an analysis of the chronological placement of Dyn asty
XIII, as well as the order of the kings w ithin it. The work of several exp erts in the period
has changed the understood relationship betw een D ynasty XIII and those of the Second
Intermediate Period.
4
In turn, this new arrangem ent allows for a better understanding of
1
In 1918, Weil published a study including a comprehensive review of Dynasty X III (the first part of the
book ad dresses the Hyksos) (R. We ill,
La Fin du Moyen E mpire Egyptien
(Paris, 1918), pp. 267-519).
Though much material in this book is out-of-date, it still has valuable insights, free from many of the
misconceptions of later scholars.
2
K.S.B . Ryholt,
The Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period c. 1800-1550 B.C.
(Copenhagen, 1997). See also J. von Beckerath
(Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte derzweiten
Zwischenzeit in Agypten,
AF 23 (New York, 1964)) and the outdated work of H. Stock
(Studien zur
Geschichte undArchdologie der 13. b is 17. Dynastie Agyptens
(New York, 1942)).
3
Note that Ryholt does include some cultural material from excavations in his work, but his primary focus
is textual evidence (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 2). Many of his interpretations of objects from
archaeological settings have been questioned by other scholars (D. Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings,"
BASOR
315 (1999), pp. 162-189;D. Polz,
Der Beginn des Neuen Reiches
(Berlin, 2007)). O'Connor and
Silverman expressed the importance of archaeological evidence in the reconstruction of kingship during the
First and Second Intermediate Periods (D. O'Conno r and D .P. Silverman, "Introduction," in D. O'Connor
and D.P. Silverman, eds.,
Ancient Egyptian Kingship, Probleme der Agyptologie
9 (New York, 1995), pp.
XXV I-XXV II). Note D. O'C onno r's article concerning the use of archaeological material to reconstruct
political structure in the Old to Middle Kingdoms (ending at Dynasty XII) (D . O'Conno r, "Political
Systems and Archaeological D ata in Egypt: 2600-1780 B.C.,"
World Archaeology
6 (1974), pp. 15-38).
4
C. Bennett, "A Genealogical Chronology of the Seventeenth Dynasty,"
JARCE
39 (2002), pp.
123-151.
J.P.
Allen, "The Second Intermediate Period in the Turin Kinglist," Paper Presented at the British M useum
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the nature of the end of Dynasty XIII and eliminates difficulties with conflicting evidence
such as that found in the Stela of Horemkhauef, w here a text refers to a king in Itjatawy in
a time when this Middle Kingdom capital was thought to have already fallen.
5
Also, the
order of the kings of Dynasty XIII has changed with each successive work. The present
study critiques the most recent reconstruction by Ryholt and refines it for use in the
following sections.
6
Another important issue in the study of Dynasty XIII kingship is the presumption
that the rulers were unrela ted to their prede cesso rs. Thus, there is a question as to how
new kings w ere chosen and how both designated heirs and usurpers legitimized their
reigns during such a turbulent political period. Starting in the Old Kingdo m, rulers added
the "son of
R e"
name (prenomen) to their titulary, suggesting that all kings were
considered to be the progeny of the sun god (divine birth).
7
In Dynasty XIII, kings may
have used this concept more overtly to justify their ascent to the throne, especially for
those who did not have royal biological parents.
The central focus of this study includes a detailed analysis of the known and
proposed royal funerary monum ents, beginning with that of Amenem het III (Dynasty
XII) at Haw ara. Other tombs include the pyram id of Khendjer and the unfinished tom b
of an unknow n king at South Sakkara, the monument of Am eny Qemau and the shaft
tomb of Aw ibre Hor at Dahshur, and the pyramids at North and South Mazghuna. Two
monum ents at South Abydos are also added to this group. All of these tombs share
Egyptological Colloquium: The Second Intermediate Period (13th-17th Dynasties), Current Research,
Future Prospects, 14 July-16 July, 2004 .
5
W.C. Hayes, "Horemkha'uef of Nekhen and His Trip to IT-Towe." JEA 33 (1947), pp. 3-11.
6
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 197.
7
For a discussion of divine birth with references, see Chapter 2, Section II.B.
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common architectural features, some of which may have served ideological functions
related to the nature of the afterlife of the kings. During D ynasty X III, the use of a
particular architectural plan (the
wsht ty^o)
to express the nature of the netherworld is
exclusive to kings and deno tes a difference in social status from ev en the highe st
officials, whose tombs are relatively insignificant in comparison to the way they were in
other periods of Egyptian history.
8
In order to understand the demise of Dynasty XIII, the trends in the political and
economic power of the kings must be traced through time. A study of the backgrounds of
non-roy al kings, viziers, and treasurers should provide impo rtant insights. Thou gh there
is limited information concerning only a small selection of these royal individuals, three
distinct phases can be identified. The kings who co mprise the first group are related to
those of Dynasty X II or who legitimized their reigns through suggesting such a
connection. Next is a group of kings with possible military backgrounds who took the
throne. Even tually, they formed ties to influential local families through marriages and
political appo intmen ts. Finally, the last rulers are ephem eral king s, who lost large
portions of their territory to rival Dynasties XIV and XVI.
The final section of this study focuses on a discussion of an anthropological
For this concept for late Dynasty XII tombs, see U. RoBler-Kohler, "Konigliche Vorstellungen zu Grab
und Jenseits im Mittleren Reich, Teil I: Ein, Gottesbegrabnis' des Mittleren Reiches in koniglichern
Kontext: Amdu at, 4. und 5. Stunde," in R. Gundlach and W , Seipel, eds., Dasfriihe agyptische Konigtum
(Wiesbaden, 1999), pp. 73-96; J. Wegner, "Beneath the Mountain-of-Anubis: Ancient Egypt's First Hidden
Royal Tomb," E xpedition 48 (2006)," p. 17; The Mortuary Temple ofSenwsoretlll, Publication of the
Pennsylvania-Yale-Institute of Fine Arts Expedition to Egypt 8 (New Haven, 200 7), pp. 199, 392, 393;
"The Tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos and Considerations on the Emergence of the Royal Amduat Tomb,"
in J. Wegner and D. Silverman, eds., Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom
Egypt, Yale Egyptological S tudies vol. 8, New Haven and Boston, 200 9. See also L. Gestermann,
"Konigliche Vorstellungen zu Grab und Jenseits im Mittleren Reich, Teil II," in R. Gundlach and W,
Seipel, eds., Dasfriihe agyptische Konigtum (Wiesbaden, 1999), pp. 97-110.
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mod el, wh ich attempts to explain the fall of Dy nasty XIII. The contributing factors
affecting the status of kingship in the period may include fluctuation in the level of the
annual Nile inundations, economic problems, the loss of power to local families and
foreign officials, and the impact of develop ing states to the north and south.
Since in the past, many scholars have overlooked the developments ofD yna sty
XIII, it is hoped that the present study will inspire an increased interest in the problems of
this comp lex period. Unfavorable eco nomic and political conditions during Dy nasty XIII
appear to have resulted in the evolution of new practices along with an ideological
framework to support them.
9
9
For this concept for late Dynasty XII tombs, see J. Wegner, "Mountain-of-Anubis," pp. 199, 392, 393.
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Chapter 1
Issues of Chronology
I. Introduction
The chronology of Dynasty XIII is a topic which has been an important part of the
numerous investigations of the Second Intermediate Period. Scholars have employed
different systems in order to define this era, its relationship to other dy nasties, and its
own internal chronology.
10
The relationships between Dynasty XIII and the other
political groups of this era are important to define in order for the readers to understand
the argumen ts presented in this thesis as well as the problems faced by these kings. The
internal chronology aids in determining the nature of royal power through Dyn asty XIII
by providin g a basis for evaluating the status of rulers and officials and the trends in the
expression of royal power through the construction of funerary monuments and their
internal and external layouts and programs.
This chapter provides an overview of the most current information available
concerning the chronological issues for this period and discusses terms related to this
time period. It also contains an evaluation of the sources and theories conce rning the
relationship between Dynasty XIII and other groups of kings in the Middle K ingdom and
Second Intermed iate Period. Finally, it addresses the internal history and chronology of
Dynasty X III.
For example, see D. Franke, "Zur Chronologie des Mittleren Reiches. Teil II: Die sogenannte "Zweite
Zwischenzeit" Altagyptens," Orientalia 57 (1988), pp. 245-274; Ryholt, Political Situation; Von
Beckerath, Untersuchungen.
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II . The Place of Dynasty XIII in Ancient Egyptian History
Scholars generally use the term "Kingdom" to refer to a main division of
dynasties and "Intermediate Period" to describe the intervening eras, sometimes w ith
rival dynasties, which they categorize by the perceived degree of geographical, political,
and economic control attributed to the institution of kingship.
11
Thu s, eras, such as the
Old, Middle, and New K ingdoms, encompass dy nasties with relatively stable
governmental organization. Though dynastic regimes may have changed periodically,
the means of stable succession continued while the administrative structure and the
borders of the state remained intact. How ever, in the Intermediate Pe riods, dynastic
power became compromised by internal and/or external factors, such as climatic change
or the infiltration of foreigners. During these time s, Egypt often broke up into mu ltiple
polities that competed with one other for resources while state-sponsored products, such
as works of art and literature, declined in both quantity and quality.
Egyptologists have sometimes remarked how the above, modern terminology is
often inadequate for describing time periods, cultural remains, and, most importantly for
this study, political units.
12
In some cases, these terms have influenced the interpretation
11
J. Bou rriau, "Beyon d Ava ris: The Second Intermediate Period in Egypt Outside the Eastern Delta," in
E.D. Oren, ed., The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives (Philadelphia, 1997), p. 159;
Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals (Cambridge, 1988), p. 53. For examples of the standard definitions of
Kingdoms and Intermediate Periods, see M.-A. Bonheme and A. Forgeau, Pharaon: Les Secrets du
Pouvoir
(Paris, 1988), p. 43; D. O'Connor, "Ancient Egypt: Egyptological and Anthropological
Perspectives," Anthropology and Egyptology, Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology 8 (Sheffield;
England, 1997), p. 14; J.E. Richards, "Modified Order, Responsive Legitimacy, Redistributed Wealth:
Egypt, 2260-1650 B C," in J.E. Richards and M. Van Buren, eds.,
Order, Legitimacy, and Wealth in Ancient
States (Cam bridge, 2000), pp. 37-38.
12
D.B. Redford, "The Historiography of Ancient Egypt," in K. Weeks, ed., Egyptology and the Social
Sciences (Cairo, 1979), pp. 16-18; W.K. Simpson, "The Dynasty XIII Stela from the Wadi Hammamat,"
MDAIK 25 (1969 ), p. 154; P. Vermis, "Sur les Graphies de la Formule "L'Offrande Que Don ne le Roi" au
Moyen Empire et a la Deuxieme Periode Intermediare," in S. Quirke, ed., Middle Kingdom Studies
(Whitstable, 1991), p. 152; J. Bourriau, "Patterns of Change in Burial Customs during the Middle
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of archaeological, architectural, artistic, and textual evidence, resulting in the
misunderstanding of the political environment, which existed in the ancient Egyptian
state at any point in time.
13
One of the eras impacted by the use of the labels, "Kingdo ms" v ersus
"Intermediate Periods," is Dynasty X III.
14
This relatively large group, made up of over
fifty king s, occupies a span of time, lasting roug hly 150 years.
15
It follows Dynasty XII,
which w as composed of eight monarchs who ruled close to 200 years, often considered to
be one of the most stable periods in ancient Egyptian history.
16
Kingd om," in S. Quirke, ed.,
Middle Kingdom Studies
(Whitstable, 1991), pp. 3-5. For the Second
Intermediate Period specifically, see Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp. 245-246, 248. In the late Old
Kingdom, art style changes before the problems of
the
First Intermediate Period em erged (E. Russman, "A
Second Style in Egyptian Art of the Old Kingdom,"
MDAIK 51 ,
pp. 269-279; E. Brovarski, "False Doors
and History: The First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdo m," in J. Wegner and D. Silverman,
eds.,
Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt,
Yale Egyptological
Studies vol. 8, Ne w Haven and Boston, 200 9. Thu s, the idea that art styles reflect political circum stances is
not reliable.
13
W.V. Davies, "The Dynastic T ombs at Hierakonpolis: The Lower G roup and the Artist Sedjemnetjeru,"
in W.V. Dav ies, ed.,
C olour and Painting in Ancient Egypt
(London, 2001), p. 121; "Sobeknakht of Elkab
and the coming of Kush."
Egyptian Archaeology
23 (2003), pp. 4-5; G.E. Kadish, "Historiography," in
D.B. Redford, ed.,
T he Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,
1 (Oxford, 200 1), p. 108.
14
S. Quirke, "An Investigation into Problems of Thirteenth Dynasty Kingship with Special Reference to
Papyrus Bulaq 18," dissertation, Christ's College, 1986, pp. 1-2; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. l ,n . l . Note
that Ryholt realigns the dynasties of the Second Intermediate Period and m akes Dynasty X III a true part of
this grouping.
15
W. Grajetzki,
The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt
(Lond on, 2006), p. 63. Kitchen argues that Dynasty
XIII was composed of
51
kings, who reigned for 152 years, noting the correlation of
this
number w ith
Ma netho 's 153 years (K.A. Kitchen, "The Basics of Egyptian C hronology in Relation to the Bronze Age,"
in P. Astrom, ed.,
High, Middle or Low?: Acts of an International Colloquium on Absolute Chronology
Held at the U niversity of Gothenburg, 20th-22nd August, 1987
1 (Gothenburg, 1987), pp. 44-45). J.P.
Allen states that the
Turin King-List
records 51 kings with the addition of
two
rulers being probable and
more being somewhat less possible (J.P. Allen, "The Turin Kinglist," in D. Ben-To r, "Seals and Kings,"
BASOR
315 (1999), pp. 50, 51); Ryholt believes that there were 51 kings in the
Turin King-List
with at
least six being assigned to lacunae (only one of which is preserved) (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p . 72).
Recent studies suggest that some am endments may need to be made in the length of Dynasty XIII as one
considers an overlap between Dynasties XIII and XVII. See the discussion below.
16
For the accomplished reputation of Dynasty X II in modern and ancient times, see J. Assmann,
The Mind
of Egypt: History and M eaning in the Time of the Pharaohs
(New Y ork, 2002), p. 118; J. Baines, "Ancient
Egyptian Concepts and Uses of the Past: 3rd and 2nd Millennium BC Evidence," in R. Layton, ed.,
Who
Needs the Past: Indigenous Values and Archaeology,
One World Archaeology 5 (London, 1989), p. 140; J.
Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, p. 75; D. Franke, "The M iddle Kingdom in Egypt," in J.M. Sasson, ed.,
Civilizations of the Ancient Near East,
2 (Peabody, MA , 1995), p. 735; N. Grimal,
A History of Ancient
Egypt
(Cambridge, 1992), p. 181; W.K. Simpson, "Twelfth Dynasty," in D.B. Redford, ed.,
The Oxford
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Scholars discussing this time period in older publications tended to emphasize and
exaggerate the differences in fortune between these two dynasties.
17
Gardiner stated that
the relatively long lengths of reigns in Dynasty XII were indicative of the prosperity of
the Egyptian polity, while in Dynasty XIII, "the land was in a state of dire havoc and
1 Q
con& sion, its rulers murdering and replacing one another with extreme rapidity."
Meanw hile, Hayes claims that the kings of Dynasty X III were not "as w ise as their
predecessors" and that "the instability of the royal succession had a detrimental effect on
the prosperity of the country."
19
In reality, little justification exists for such pointed criticism of the kings of this
period. The first half of Dyn asty XIII seems to follow much the same pattern as the
previou s one, with the exception of relatively long reigns, while the later years appear
Encyclopedia o f Ancient Egypt,
3 (Oxford, 2001), pp. 453, 457. Quirke argues that a dynastic reign of two
hundred years is not only rare in ancient Egypt but also extremely uncommon in human history (S. Quirke
The Administration of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom
(Whitstable, 1990), p. 216; "Royal Power in the
13th Dynasty," in S. Quirke, ed.,
Middle Kingdom Studies
(W hitstable, 1991), p. 138). This notion is based
upon the work of
E .
Barnarvi ("Mythes et Realite Historique: Le Cas de la Loi Sa lique,"
Histoire,
Economie et Societe
3 (1984), p. 330). Later generations of Egyptians also believed Dynasty XII was a
"classical" age in their history (J. Baines, "Kingship, Definition of
Culture,
and Legitimation," in D.
O'Connor and D.P. Silverman, eds.,
Ancient Egyptian Kingship
(New York, 1995), p. 22).
,
17
For similar examples for the First Intermediate Period, see Richards, "Modified Order," p. 38.
18
A. Gardiner,
Egypt of the Pharaohs
(New York, 1961), p. 149. Wilson includes Dynasty XIII in a
chapter called, "The Great H umiliation" (J.A. Wilson,
The Culture of Ancient Egypt
(Chicago, 1956), pp.
154-165). Gardiner refers to the entire Second Intermediate Period as a "dark age" (Gardner,
Pharaohs,
p.
66).
Similarly, Fakhry labels Dynasty XIII, "dark period" (A. Fakhry,
The Pyramids
(Chicago, 1961), p.
233).
B. Bell has labeled the period the "Little Dark Ag e" (B. Bell, "Climate and the History of
Egypt:
The
Middle
Kingdom," AJA
79 (1975), p. 260).
19
W.C. Hayes,
The Scepter of Egypt
I (New York, 1953), p. 341.
20
G. Callender, "The Middle Kingdom R enaissance (c.2055-1650 B C)," in I. Shaw, ed.,
The Oxford
History of Ancient Egypt
(Oxford, 2000 ), p. 148; A. Dodson,
Mona rchs of the Nile
(London, 1995), p. 68;
. Franke, "The M iddle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 746; R.J. Leprohon, "M iddle Kingdom, Overview," in K.A.
Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt
(New York, 1999), p. 52; Quirke,
• "Investigation," p. 2; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p p. 190-191; D.P. Silverman, "Unity and Power. The
Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period," in Z. Hawass,
Tutankhamun. T he Golden King and the
Great Pharaohs
(Washington, 2008), pp. 38-39. Kemp charts the lengths of reigns of
the
Dynasty XIII
kings as being primarily between two and four years with reigns ofte n or more years being rare (B.J.
Kem p, "Old Kingdom, M iddle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period c. 2686-1552," in B.G. Trigger, et
al.,
eds.,
Ancient Egypt: A Social History
(Cambridge, 1983), pp. 149, 152, Fig. 142.111).
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to have been characterized by a string of short-lived, possibly unrelated kings with little
power. Non etheless, throughout the dynasty, the administration remained intact with
9 1
offices often passing from father to son .' Also , as the period began , there was no abrupt
change in the capital, material culture, or the cults, to which the kings gave their
attention.
2
Thus, a dilemma arises when scholars attempt to place Dynasty XIII into
either the Middle Kingdom or the Second Intermediate Period, usually resulting in
assigning some of the kings to the former with the rest to the latter. No neth eless, the
point of this distinction within the line of kings varies from one scholar to the next.
9 4
Over the course of Dyn asty XIII, Egyp t broke into at least three polities. At this
point, by definition, the Second Intermed iate Period bega n. Ho wev er, this distinction
does not reflect the continuity in the governmental system, which existed from Dynasty
XII into the era of the following group of
kings.
Another term, "Late Middle Kingdom,"
is often used in studies to designate the time from Senwosret III through the beginning of
Dynasty XIV (likely following Merneferre Ay), the first kings to separate from the state
Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, p p. 64, 66-67; Bourriau, Pharaohs and M ortals, p. 5; Callender,
"Renaissance," p .
171;
A.R. David, The Pyramid Builders of Ancient Egypt (Lond on, 1996), p. 197;
Grimal, History, p . 17 1; W.W. Hallo and W.K. Simpson, The Ancient Near East: A H istory (New York,
1971), p. 249; W. Helck, Geschichte des alten Agypten, Handbuch der Orientalistik I (Leiden, 1968), p.
117; W.J. Murnane, "The History of Ancient Egypt: An Overview," in J.M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the
Ancient Near East, II (Peabody, MA, 1995), p. 70 1; G.P.F. van den Boom , Th e Duties of the Vizier (New
York, 1988), p. 34 6; M. Verner,
The
Pyramids: The Mystery, Culture, and Science of Egypt's Great
Monuments (New York, 2001), p. 434. . . .
22
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 148; P.A. Clayton, Chronicles of the Pharaohs (New York, 1994), pp. 90-
91 ; Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 746; W.C. Hayes, "Notes on the Government of Egypt in
the Late Middle Kingdom," JNES 12 (1953), pp. 32, 33, 35, 38, 39; Hayes, Scepter, p .
341;
Murnane,
"Overview," p. 701; Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 123, 125; "Second-Intermediate Period," in D.B. Redford,
ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p. 260; Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 79;
J. von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," LA, VI 1986), pp. 1443-1444.
23
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 148; D. Franke, "Middle Kingdom," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford
Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 2 (Oxford, 2001), p. 393; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 129; "Second
Intermediate Period," p. 261. Other scholars* following earlier sources, place all of Dynasty XIII into the
Second Intermediate Period. For examp le, see M. Bietak, "Second Intermed iate Period, Overview," in
K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999), p. 54.
24
See Chapter 1, Section III.B.4.
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centered at Itjatawy.
In this study, "Late Middle Kingdom," will refer to the kings from Senwosret III
through the end of Dynasty X III. The extension of the definition of this term is intended
to emphasize the link in location of the capital as well as the presence of
a
cultural
tradition associated w ith these rulers. In this way, this group can be discussed as a who le
without regard for the modern designations between the M iddle Kingdom and the Second
Intermediate Period.
II.A. The Defining Characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom
II.A.1.
The Structure of the Bureaucracy during the Late Middle Kingdom and the
Question of Reforms in the Reign of Senwosret III
Evidence suggests that the structure of the administration of Dynasty XIII
developed directly from that of the later rulers of the preceding group of kings (Table
1.1). This phenom enon is not surprising especially since these rulers continued to reside
at the Middle K ingdom capital, Itjatawy, which Sehotepibre Am enemhet I had
established in the Mem phite region during his reign at the beginning of Dynasty X II.
26
In
For example, see W. Grajetzki, Two Treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom, BAR International Series
1007 (Oxford, 2001), p. 1; S. Quirke, Titles and Bureau of Egypt 1850-1700 BC (London, 2004), p. 7.
26
Di. Arnold, "Royal Cult Complexes of the Old and Middle Kingdoms," in B.E. Shafer, ed., T emples of
Ancient Egypt (Ithaca, NY, 1997), p. 76; Baines, "Con cepts," p. 140; Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets,
p.104;
C allender, "Renaissance," pp. 158-159; Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 737; Hallo and
Simpson, Ancient Near East, pp. 244-245; Hayes, Scepter, p. 172; E. Hornung, History of Ancient Eg ypt
(Edinburgh, 1999), p. 50; Kem p, "Social History," p. 80; Leprohon, "Overview," p . 48; Silverman, "Unity
and Power," p. 36; Simpson, "Twelfth Dynasty," p. 454; R. Stadelmann, "Palaces," in D.B. Redford, ed.,
The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p. 14; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 71
For the evidence that Itjatawy is near Lisht, see F. Arnold, "Settlement Remains at Lisht-North," in M.
Bietak, ed., Haus un dPalast im Alten Agypten, Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Senkschriften der Gesamtakademie 14 (Vienna, 1996), p. 13. For a list of the occurrences of the name of
the capital, its meaning, as well as its location, see W.K. Simpson, "Studies in the Twelfth Egyptian
Dynasty, I-II," JARCE 2 (1963), pp. 53-57. It is possible that Amenem het first resided at Mem phis before
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fact, it may be the case that the division between these two dynasties was not apparent at
the time and may be the result of later reflection upon the events of the period.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Sehotepibre Am enemhet I
Kheperkare Senwosret I
Nubkaure Amenemhet II
Khakheperre Senwosret II
5.
6.
7.
8.
Khakhaure Senwosret III
Nymaatre Amenemhet III
Maakherure Amenemhet IV
Sobekkare Nefrusobek
Table 1.1. The Kings of Dynasty XII.
In several studies, scholars have drawn a distinct ideological line between the
policies of Senwosret III and his predecessors, seeing him as a revolutionary force, who
changed the administrative system in order to increase his own power and to make the
overall structure of the government more efficient.
27
How ever, other authors have
questioned the rapidity and degree to which these changes actually occurred, citing
examples of these supposed innovations at an earlier date and challenging former
interpretations of the evidence altogether.
28
establishing Itjatawy as he may have begun the construction of a pyramid at Sakkara (Do. A rnold,
"Amenemhet I and the Early Twelfth Dynasty at Thebes,"
MMJ26,
(1991), p. 20, n. 102; D.P. Silverman,
Non-Roya l Burials in the Teti Pyramid Cemetery and the Early Twelfth D ynasty," in J. Wegner and D.
Silverman, eds.,
Archaism and Innovation: S tudies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt,
Yale
Egyptological Studies vol. 8, New Haven and Boston, 2009).
21
Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers,
p. 1;
Middle
Kingdom, p . 57-58; Grimal,
History,
p. 167; Hallo and Simpson,
Ancient Near East,
p p. 247-248; Hornung,
History,
pp . 64-65; R.J. Leprohon, "Royal Ideology and State
Administration in Pharaonic Egypt," in J.M. Sasson, ed.,
Civilizations of
the
Ancient Near East,
I (Peabody,
MA , 1995), p. 282; Leprohon, "Overview," pp. 50-51; Richards, "Modified Order," p. 44; van den Boo m,
Duties of the
Vizier,
p. 346. For a practical view of the changes of Senwosret III in light of the opposition
to this theory, see D.M. Doxey,
Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets in the Middle Kingdom
(Boston, 1997), pp.
24-25.
28
Callender, "Renaissance," pp. 167, 175; R. Delia, "A Study of
the
Reign of Senwosret III," dissertation,
Columbia U niversity, 1980, pp. 164-169; D. Franke, "The Career of Khnu mhotep III of Beni H asan and the
So-Called 'Decline of the Nom archs,"' in S. Quirke, ed.,
Middle Kingdom Studies
(W hitstable, 1991), pp.
51-67; L. Gestermann, "Der politische und k ulturelle Wandel unter Sesostris III.-Ein Entwurf, in L.
Gestermann and S. Hotabi, eds.,
Per aspera as astra
(Kassel, 1995), pp. 31-50; W . Grajetzki,
Die Hochsten
Beamten der Agyptischen Zentralverwaltung zur Zeit des Mittleren Reiches (Berlin, 2000), p.
251;
R J .
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As part of his reforms, Senwosret III is thought to have reorganized the
administrative system in order to focus more of the authority and power within the
national umb rella and away from the local gove rnme nts. Thu s, local officials, or
nomarchs, who had transferred their offices from father to son over generations were cut
off from their hereditary rites, which had allowed them to gain increasing amounts of
pow er and wea lth. Instead, all local appointme nts became the responsib ility of the state
with approval being granted by the king.
29
Titles of offices were modified accordingly
with one of the key examples being in the change in designation of the local officials
from nomarchs
(hry-tp-
c
f)
to mayors
{hlty-
c
).
The largest component of the administrative structural changes sometimes
attributed to Senwosret III was that the system of warets which included the "head of the
south" (tp-rsy) along with other offices such as the "bureau of the vizier" (hlnttty), the
"bureau for the distribution of manpow er"
(tin ddrmt)
and the "white house"
ipr-hd)
(the name for the treasury). The "head of the south" refers to the entity in Theb es,
Leprohon, "The Reign of Amenemhet III," dissertation, University of Toronto, 1980, p.
231;
E. Pardey,
"Provincial Administration," in D.B. Redford, ed., Th e Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 1 (Oxford,
2001),
p. 19; Quirke, Titles and Bureau, pp. 8-9; J.E. Richards, "Mortuary Variability and Social
Differentiation in Middle King dom Eg ypt," dissertation, University of Pennsy lvania, 1992, pp . 33-34; D.
Spanel, "Beni Hasan," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient
Egypt,
1 (Oxford, 2001),
pp .
176-177; D. Warburton, "Officials," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Eg ypt, 2
(Oxford, 2001), p. 578.
29
Note that Cruz-Uribe believes that the power of
the
nomarchs was shifted to the vizier (E. Cruz-Uribe
"The Fall of
the
Middle Kingdom,"
VA
3 (198 7), pp. 107-112). See also Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p.
282.
30
Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, p. 255; Burial C ustoms in Ancient Egypt: Life in Death for Rich and Poor
(London, 2003), p. 54; Middle Kingdom, p . 57-58; Helck, G eschichte, pp. 128-129; Warburton, "Officials,"
p.
578. For studies of Late Middle Kingdom titles, see O.D. Berlev, "Les Pretendus 'Citadins' au Moyen
Empire," Rd'E 23 (1971), pp. 23-48 ' Doxey,Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets; H.G. Fischer, Egyptian Titles of
the Middle Kingdom: A Sup plement to W m. Ward's Index
(New York, 1985); S. Quirke, "The Regular
Titles of the Late Middle Kingdo m/' Rd'E 37 (1986 ), pp, 107-130; The Administration of Egypt: W.A.
Ward, Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles of the Middle Kingdom (Beirut, 1982).
31
In older literature, the warets of the north and south w ere also included in this list. How ever, Quirke has
shown that these were local offices rather than national ones (Quirke,
The
Administration of Egypt, pp. 3-
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which paralleled the capital of Itjatawy in the north and included the area from Akhmim
south to Nubia.
32
It may be the case that a set of national offices was located here thoug h
positions of the highest officials w ere not duplicated. This situation likely facilitated the
formation of Theban Dynasty XVI in the latter part of Dynasty XIII.
The result of the adm inistrative restructuring often a ttributed to Senw osret III is a
final shift in pow er in Dynasty X II from the provincial and local elite to the state and the
kin g. This centralization supposedly not only created loyalty to
itle
ruler but also
decreased the ability of nomarchs and military officials to accumulate wealth through
maintain ing powerful offices over generations. Thu s, threatening families could, in
effect, be cut off from th eir income and power by assigning the same office to different
groups throughout Egypt as the position became open. The disappearance of large,
elaborate local elite tombs is cited as being a visible result of these changes.
33
Franke discusses the career of Khnumhotep III, whose career demonstrates the
4) . For an early and slightly outdated explanation of the waret system, see Hayes, "Notes on the
Government," pp. 31-33. See also Gestermann, "Der politische und kulturelle Wan del," pp. 36-37; W.
Helck,
Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren undNeuen Reichs. Register. Zum 60. Geburtstag des Verfassers
zusammen gestelltvon den Mitarbeitern der Agyptologischen A bteilung an der U niversitat Hamburg
(Leiden, 1958), pp. 180-182, 192-193; Leprohon, "Some Rem arks on the "Administrative D epartment"
(wart) ofthe Late Middle Kingdom,"
JSSEA
10 (1979-1980), pp. 161-171; "Amenemhet III," pp. 231-233;
S.T. Smith, "Administration at the Egyptian Middle Kingdom Frontier: Sealings from Uronarti and Askut,"
in T.G. Palaima, ed.,
Aegean Seals, Sealing and Administration,
Aegaeum 5 (Liege, 1990), pp. 210-211.
Quirke divides administrative titles into the following groups: palace, treasury, bureau o fthe vizier, bureau
ofthe fields, organization of labor, local administration, and military (Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 186,
185-187; "Regular Titles.";
Titles and Bureau,
p. 25).
Quirke,
Titles and Bureau,
pp. 116-118.
"Examples include Khety (Dynasty XI), Amenemhet (Senwosret I) and Khnumhotep II (Amenemhet II) at
Beni Hasan; Djehutihotep (Amenemhet II-Senwo sret III) at Bersha; U khhotep III (Senwosret III) at Meir;
Djefhapy (Senwosret I) and Djefhapy II (Amenemhet II) at Assuit; Nekhetankhu (Deir Rifa); and Wakha II
(Amenemhet III) at Qaw el-Kabir (Silverman, "Unity and Power," p. 37; "The Tombs of
the
Nobles in the
Middle Kingdom," in Z. Hawass, ed.,
Pyramids. Treasures Mysteries and New Discoveries in Egypt,
Vercelli, Italy, 2003, p. 364; W .S. Smith,
Art and Architecture ofAncient Egypt
(New Haven, 1981), pp.
189-201.)
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shift from localized to centralized, state pow er during Dyn asty XII. Khn umh otep Il l's
father was a nomarch w ith a relatively large decorated tomb at Beni Hasan. Instead of
following his father as nomarch, Khnumhotep III obtained high-ranking offices
(including vizier) in the court of Senwo sret III. His tomb is at Dahsh ur rather than at
Beni Hasan.
In some recent studies, which contest the theories discussed above, the changes in
titles and administrative shifts are argued to be less sudden and of less importance than
originally thought.
35
The we alth of certain local officials is seen as a part of the overall
econom ic prospe rity of the Mid dle Kingdom . After Senwo sret HI and his successor
Amen emhet III, these favorable conditions took a downward turn, and not only did the
local officials show less affluence, but kingsh ip also suffered. Thu s, overall econo mic
conditions rather than political circumstances determined the decrease in resources
available to the local elite. Also, the conversion from nomarch to mayor had already
begun in early Dynasty XII,
36
and Franke believed that during the earlier part of this era,
all of the assets acquired through warfare, mining, and trading went directly into the royal
purse.
37
Over time , the wealth, which local officials had collected during the First
Intermediate Period, diminished, causing them to be unable to purchase mon uments.
Thus,
the disappearance of the nomarchs from historical sources hinges less on a drastic
change in policy than upon the natural course of the economic status of individuals, who
had taken advantage of the weak state of kingship prior to Dynasty X II, but had lost
access to resources when the administration was again centralized. Mean while, those,
34
Franke, "The Career of Khnumhotep III," pp. 56-65.
35
Delia, "Study," pp. 164-169.
36
Delia, "Study," p. 168; Helck, Zur Verwaltung, pp. 208-214; Pardey, "Administration," p. 18.
37
Franke, "The C areer of Khnumhotep III," pp. 51-67; "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 743.
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whose work bro ugh t them to the court, were able to increase their economic h oldings.
Another aspect to the so-called reforms of Senwosret III lies in the political
policies of the previous kings of Dynasty XII.
38
Amenem het I began the process by
shifting the local governments as well as the temple cults from more regional
organization to that of the towns and villages by appointing gov ernors. Nom archs were
still allowed to exist in certain strategic areas, and some of their families became very
powerful. How ever, they still remained under the thumb of the king.
Senwosret II changed the policy further by educating the children of powerful
families within the court.
39
When a child of this status had passed into adulthood, he, as a
loyal companion of the king , was placed in the national governmen t. Thu s, the office and
title of nomarch began to slowly disappear.
40
By the time of Senwosret III, there were at
least two known nomarchs remaining in Bersha and Elephantine.
41
Also , there is an
additional nomarch (Wakha II) with a large tomb at Qau el-Kebir from the reign of
Amenemhet III, well after the time when the owners of this type of large private funerary
structure supposedly no longer existed. Thu s, the eventual eradication of the nom archs
may have had little to do with the policies of Senwosret III himself but rather successive
changes by his predecessors extending into the reign of his successor.
The system of warets also appears to have begun to emerge prior to the reign of
Senwosret III. The term, "head of the south" (tp-rsy), was first used in Dyn asty XI. It is
unclear w hether certain titles associated with the office of the treasury existed prior to the
38
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 175; Spanel, "Beni Hasan," pp. 176-177.
39
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 175; Franke, "The C areer of Khnumhotep III," pp. 51-67.
40
Franke, "The Career of Khnumhotep I II," pp. 51-67.
41
See note
31
above.
42
D. Franke,
Personendaten aus d em Mittleren Reich
(Weisbaden, 1984), p. 150, Doss. 200. See also, note
31 above.
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reign of Senwosret III, and some may have emerged even later in Dynasty XII.
Likewise, the intricate relationship between the sectors of the Egyptian administration
may not have m atured until Dy nasty XIII.
44
North
Itjatawy
Avaris
Avaris
Thebes
J | Thebes
Political Capital
South
Figure 1.1.
The relationships of Dynasties XIII-XVII according to this
study. The territorial extent is represented along the vertical axis while
the horizontal (from left to right) indicates the passage of time.
Though the administrative changes in the reign of Senwosret III may not be as
easily categorized as once though t, it is clear that his reign did ush er in innovations in the
structure of the government.
45
Quirke argues that the reforms of Senwosret III served to
1
Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, p. 51.
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 175; S. Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," in D.B. Redford, ed., Th e Oxford
Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p. 397.
45
Some titles, such as such as the overseer of
the
bee men (imy-r
bitiw),
are only found under Senwosret
III; the titles begun in this reign, which extend into Dynasty XIII, appear to be those mainly associated with
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specify more strictly the roles of officials rather than to quell any adm inistrative threats to
the throne.
46
Interestingly, shifts in cultural material also occur at this time (such as
scarabs and pottery), but these changes appear to be due to a time of increased
development than a politically orchestrated event.
47
It is possible that the affluence of the
era required an expanded state bureau cracy. This basic governmen tal structure continue d
well into Dynasty XIII, which was able to survive through many unfortunate
circumstances before finally succumbing to the Hyksos after 150 years (Fig. l.l).
4 8
II.A.2. Continuity in Royal Tombs and Developments in Religion
Cultural traditions, including ceramic assemblage, artistic style, and religious
practices continued to evolve seamlessly from Dynasty XII to Dynasty XIII. As it
pertains to kingship, however, the most solidly distinct material within the Late Middle
Kingdom is the design of the substructure of the royal tomb from the reign of Senwosret
Ill 's son, Amenemhet III through that of Merneferre A y of Dynasty XIII.
49
Am enemhet III built two pyramid comp lexes, one at Dahshur and the other at
Haw ara. After the former was abando ned due to structural prob lem s,
50
this king built the
latter according to a comp letely different m odel. Though there are some com mon
work in Nubia and activity at Abydos (Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, pp. 250-252).
46
Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, pp . 2-3.
Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, pp. 5-6, n. 3. For a discussion of cultural and political changes, see
Gestermann, "Der politische und kulturelle Wandel," pp. 31 -50.
48
For the fall of Dynasty XIII according to the traditional scholarly views, see R. Gundlach,
R."Grundgegebenheiten der nationalen und internationalen Situation des agyptischen Reiches: Bin
Krisenmodell," In R. Gundlach and A. Klug, eds., Das dgyptische Konigtum im Spannungsfeldzwischen
Innen- undAufienpolitik im 2. Jahrtausendv. Chr. Wiesbaden, 2004, pp. 79, 84 -85, 86.
49
See Chapter 3 for references. .
50
Di. Arnold, Der Pyramidenbezirk des Konigs Amenemhet
III.
in Dahschur. Band I: Die Pyramide,
Archaologische Veroffentlichungen, Deutsches Archaologisches Institut Abteilung Kairo 53 (Mainz,
1987),
pp. 83-84.
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features with the monuments from the two previous reigns, the substructure of the
pyramid at Haw ara with its plan, portcullis, and sarcophagus types became the prototype
for the know n royal funerary mon umen ts of Dyn asty XIII. Unlike earlier in Dyn asty XII,
the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary corpus is relatively standardized with minor
variations. The consistency in plan may denote a solidification of the religious princip les
related to the king's resurrection and afterlife in the netherworld.
51
Since the Late Middle K ingdom royal tomb type likely extends from Amenem het
III to the Dynasty XIII king Merneferre Ay, a detailed analysis of these monuments is
imperative.
5
The few know n royal pyramids from this period are the largest monuments
constructed by the Dynasty X III kings. Thus, they may provide insights into the nature
of kingship at this time as well as the economic strength of individual rulers.
Though the tombs of the kings of late Dynasty X II-XIII are incompletely known,
their features are similar enough to indicate that any interruptions in the ability of kings
to construct a relatively large funerary mon umen t did not affect the desire for a pyram id.
Since the Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb type began in Dynasty XII, it is important for
this study to begin w ith the monument of Amenemhet III at Hawara and to continue from
there to the developments of Dynasty XIII. Thus, in this study, the term "Late M iddle
Kingdom" is derived from political structure as well as ideological concepts related to
kingship as visible through the royal tombs of the period.
53
51
See Chapter 5, Section IV.
52
See Chapters 3-5.
53
Note that the Late Middle K ingdom tomb type refers to monuments from the Ha wara pyramid of
Amenem het III into Dynasty X III but does not include the tombs of Senwosret III or that of Amenemhet III
at Dahshur.
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II .A.3. Art Styles
During the reign of Senwsoret III, the art style for royal statuary changed from the
depiction of generalized forms to that of a sort of realistic portraiture.
54
Though the body
continued to be generalized, the face was rendered with the features of the king including
heavy ey es, down turned lips, defined cheekbones, and large ears, which seem to convey
a dignified leader slightly worn from his responsibilities, a theme also conveyed in the
literature of the time.
55
Am enem het III continued this style, eventua lly, establishing a
different visage after the first half of his reign.
56
From his reign, into Dy nasty XIII,
subtle mannerisms, with the focus on the eyes, are characteristic of these works of art.
However, in Dynasty XIII, the rendering of the face became less individualized.
57
The quality of both royal relief and statuary continued into Dynasty XIII from the
time of Senwosret III.
58
How ever, as time passed, the careworn expressions yielded to
standardized smiles or simple indifference.
59
Interestingly, private peop le sometimes
5
^ W.S. Sm ith,
Art and Architecture,
p. 179; Bourriau,
Pharaohs and Mortals,
p. 37. For the concept of
"generalization, see J. Baines,
V isual and
Written
Culture in Ancient Egypt
(Oxford, 200 7), pp. 294-295.
For remarks on portraiture, see ibid. pp. 224-225.
55
W.S. Smith,
Art and Architecture,
pp. 183-189; W.K. Simpson, "Egyptian Sculpture and Two -
Dimensional R epresentation as Propaganda,"
JEA
68 (1982), pp. 270; E. Russmann "A Historical
Overview of Egyptian Art," in E. Russmann, ed.,
Eternal Egypt
(Los A ngeles, 2001), p.19; "Aspects of
Egyptian Art," in E. Russmann, ed.,
Eternal Egypt
(Los Angeles, 2001), p. 35-36; G. Robins,
Egyptian
Statues,
(Buckingham shire, 2001), p. 45; Bourriau,
Pharaohs and M ortals,
p. 37-39; Hayes,
Scepter,
p .
199;
Bonheme and Forgeau,
Les Secrets,
p. 157. For and examples of
the
literature from the period, see M.
Lichtheim,
Ancient Eg yptian Literature,
1 (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 135-169.
Bourriau,
Pharaohs and Mortals,
p. 38.
57
Silverman, "Unity and Pow er," p. 44. Bourriau notes that many of
the
royal statues have yet to be
published fully (Bourriau,
Pharaohs and Mortals,
p. 53)
58
W.S. Smith,
Art and Architecture,
pp. 217-218; Baines,
Visual and W ritten Culture,
pp. 224-225; 32 1-
324.
59
Silverman, "Unity and Power," p. 44; Russmann, "Historical Ove rview," p. 19; "Asp ects," p. 36. See,
for example, E. Russmann, "Bust of a King," in E. Russmann, ed.,
Eternal Egypt
(Los Angeles, 2001),
p . l l l .
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used the style of Senwosret III and Amenemhet III in their own statuary at this time.
They also continued with the block statue form which had becom e popular in D yansty
XII as well as the cross-legged style.
61
Starting with Senwosret III, the number of private
stelae greatly increased, and the style changed to a more abstract form that some consider
to be of
a
lesser quality.
62
How ever, as in the late Old Kingdom,
63
a style, which
continued into Dynasty XIII (along with the large numbers of stelae), evolved.
II.B.
The Separation of Dyna sties XII and XIII
The last two reigns of Dynasty XII, Maakherure Amenem het IV and Sobekkare
Nefrusobek were far less spectacular than those of their ancestors, and the locations of
their tombs are not known. It is generally assumed that Amenemhet IV was the son of
his predecessor, howev er Ryholt theorized that Amenem het III adopted him into the royal
family due to his observation that his mother, Hotepti, held the title of king's mother
alone (and not queen).
64
Regardless of whether or not Amenem het IV w as a member of the Dynasty XII
For example, see
Ptahemsaf,
in E. Russmann, ed.,
Eternal Egypt
(Los An geles, 2001), pp. 114-117,
#41.
61
Robins,
Egyptian Statues,
pp. 28-29; Hayes,
Scepter,
p. 213 , Fig. 130. For block statues, see R. Schulz,
Die Entwicklung u nd Bedeutung
des.
kuboiden Statuentypus I-II
(Hildesheim, 1992).
62
R. Freed, "Representation and Style of Dated Private Stelae of Dynasty XII," dissertation, New York
University, 1976, pp. 98-108. For negative comments about the style of the stelae of this period, see
Bourriau,
Pharaohs an d Mortals,
pp. 53-54, 61-62, #48; Hayes,
Scepter,
pp. 346, 344-34 7, Fig. 227.
6 3
E. Russmann, "A Second Style in Egyptian Art of the Old Kingdom."
MDA1K51
(1995), pp. 269-279;
E. Brovarski, "A Second Style in Egyptian Relief of
the
Old Kingdom," in S. Thompson and P. Der
Manuelian, eds.,
Egypt and
Beyond,
Providence, 2008, pp. 49-89
64
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 209, 210, 213 , 294-295 . See also Grajetzki,
Middle Kingdom,
p. 61;
Helck,
Gvschichte,
p. 117; G. Robins, "Queens," in D.B. Redford, ed.,
Th e Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient
Egypt,
3 (Oxford, 2001 ), p. 108. Other scholars report that Amenemhet IV was related to his predecessors.
For Amenemhe t IV as the brother of Nefrusobek and son of Amene mhet III, see Murnane, "Overview," p.
701. Valloggia argues that there was a coregency between Amenemhe t III and Amenem het IV (M.
Valloggia, "Amenmhet IV et sa Coregence avec Amenemhet III,"
RdE
21 (1969), pp. 113-133).
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family, there is little doubt that a traditional heir was not available upon the death of
Am enemhet IV since Amenem het Ill 's daughter, Nefrusobek, took the throne. She
deliberately em phasized her relationsh ip to her father, in order to legitimize her reign. In
this effort, she continued the work on his mortuary temple at Hawara.
65
The relationships between Am enemhet III and his immediate successors and the
initial kings of Dynasty XIII remain unclear. How ever, it is likely that a shift in royal
power occurred and that some confusion as to the mechanics of succession within the
office of kingship existed. The primary lines of evidence available for study in modern
times are the king-lists
(gnwf)
from ancient sources.
In ancient times, lists of kings in Egypt served a purpose other than history in the
modern sense of the word.
66
Thus, if a king was unfavorable or unfamiliar, he might be
omitted from the wo rk entirely. The
Turin King-List {Papyrus Turin 1874
verso), the
•Sakkara King-List
and the history of Manetho all list Nefrusobek as the last ruler of
Dyn asty XII. The king lists at Ab ydo s omit her along with all of the following rulers of
Callender, "Renaissance," pp. 169, 170; "Materials for the Reign of Sebekneferu," Proceedings of the
Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists (Leuven, 1998).
66
The Egyptians had no conception of recording history in the modern sense (Bonheme and F orgeau, Les
Secrets, p. 59).
® A. G ardiner, The Royal C anon of Turin (Oxford, 1959). For photographs of the document, see G. Farina,
II Papiro dei re Restaurato (Rome, 1938). For other publications of this document as well as comments on
the two previously listed, see Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 9-10, n. 19. See also Ryholt, Ryholt, "The
Turin Kinglist," pp. 135-155; "The Turin King-List or So-Called Turin Canon (TC) as a Source for
Chronology," in E. Hornung, R. K rauss, and D. Warburton, eds.,
Ancient Egyptian Chronology,
(Boston,
2006), pp. 26-32. For a physical description of the papyrus as well as its content, see D.B. Redford,
Pharaonic King-lists, Annals and Day-Books, SSEA 4 (Mississauga, 1986), pp. 2-18. For suggestions of
amendments to the Dynasty XIII section, see W. Helck, "Anmerkungen zum Turiner Konigspapyrus," SAK
19 (1992), pp. 174, 176-178. Ryholt has rejected these changes (Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 21). For
further bibliographic information, see M. Bellion, Catalogue des Manuscrits Hieroglyphiques et
Hieratiques et des Dessins, sur Papyrus, Cuir ou Tissu, Publies ou Signales (Paris, 1987), pp. 253, 283 .
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/TO
the Late Middle Kingdom /Second Intermediate Period, and record Ahm ose (Dynasty
XVIII) as the king who ruled directly after Amenemhet IV.
Of the sources, only the Karnak and the T urin King-Lists contain the names of the
rulers of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period. Unfortunately, the
former list is made up of fragmentary mix of kings from Dynasties XII, XIV, and XVI,
all of whom may not have been in true chronological order in the original composition.
Meanwhile, the
Turin King-List,
which is a compilation from earlier sources, originated
from an unknown provenience and was com posed during the reign of Ramses II (Dynasty
XIX).
71
This list appears to be organized acco rding to the location of the capital as well
as along family lines and other criteria that are not fully understood.
72
In the
Turin King-List
(7.4), a clear distinction is made between the kings of
Dyn asties XII and XIII with the use of the heading : "the kings who followed(?) after
the... of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Sehotepibre, l.p.h. (nswyt [...] -si [...
nswt-\bity [... s.ht}p-ib-r
c c
ah wdisnb)P
The reasons for this division are unclear, as
the first kings of Dyn asty XIII are likely related to their predec essors; they seem to
Redford, P haraonic King-lists, pp .
19-21;
von B eckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 29. For the possible
meaning of
the
omission of rulers from king-lists, see M.-A. Bonheme, "Kingship," in D.B. Redford, ed.,
The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 2 (Oxford, 2001), p. 238.
69
Gardiner, Pharaohs, p. 147; von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1442.
70
W .M.F. Petrie, A H istory of Ancient E gypt I (London, 1894), p. 200; Redford, Pharaon ic King-lists, pp.
29-34;
K. Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie/bearb. undiibersetzt von Kurt Sethe, IV (Leipzig, 1914), pp.
608-610; Weill, La Fin du Moyen Empire, p . 4; H.E. W inlock, The Rise and Fall of the Middle Kingdom in
Thebes (New York, 1947), pp. 93-94; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 26-27, 70.
71
K.A. Kitchen, "King Lists," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 2 (Oxford,
2001),
pp. 23 4-235; A. Roccati, "Turiner Konigspapyrus," in W. Helck and E. Otto, eds.,
LA ,
VI
(Wiesbaden, 1986), pp. 809-810; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp.
32-33;
Winlock, Rise and Fall, p. 94.
72
Redford,
P haraonic King-lists,
p . 162; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 25,
71;
K. Ryholt, "The
Turin Kinglist," A&L14 (2004), p. 138.
73
Ryho lt, "The Turin Kinglist," p. 142; "So-Called Turin Canon (T Q as a Source for Chron ology," p. 29;
J.P.
Allen, "Second Intermediate Period."
74
Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 260; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 394.
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draw upon their names and traditions from Dynasty XII as a means of legitimization
whether or not there was actually a familial connection.
Ryholt has suggested that the change in groupings is due to the loss of the eastern
Delta to Dynasty XIV at the end of the reign of Nefrusobek. In this scenario, which
several scholars have argued against,
75
it is a later judgm ent concerning the period which
resulted in the division between the two groups. The kings of early Dynasty XIII would
have likely viewed themselves as legitimate m embers of the Amenem het line continuing
their rule from Itjatawy. Ry ho lt's interpretation of double names as indicators of filiation
links the Dynasty XIII kings directly to their predecessors (to be discussed below).
Wh ether or not the initial kings of Dyn asty XIII were related to those of Dynasty
XII,
it is certain that later rulers were no t of royal ance stry. Some of these kings
emphasized this reality possibly indicating that there may have been some dissatisfaction
with the status quo. In the end, this group of king s is mad e up of a great number of rulers
about whom little is know n, including their ance stry. It is likely that the change in
designation at the point between Nefrusobek and the following kings w as a decision
made by scribes in the New K ingdom w hen these rulers were viewed negatively for their
perceived negligence and eventual loss of the unified Egyptian state.
76
Thu s, in order to
adequately understand the nature of kingship at this time as well as its cultural
manifestations (such as royal funerary monuments), it is necessary to recognize the
75
For examp le, see Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings," pp. 55-60. For K. Ryh olt's rebuttal to these criticisms,
see "The Date of Kings Sheshi and Yaqubhar and the Rise of
the
Fourteenth Dynasty." in W.V. D avies, ed.,
The Second Intermediate Period (13th-l 7th Dynasties), Current Research, Future Prospects.
London,
Forthcoming.
76
For this reason, New K ingdom Egyp tians omitted the Dynasty X III kings' nam es from the Sakkara, Sety
I, and Ramses II king-lists along with the Second Intermediate Period dynasties through the reign of
Ahm ose. The Sety I and Ramses II lists (both from Ab ydos) also lack that of Nefrusobek. For referenc es
for these documents, see the discussion above.
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unobstructed links between the latter part of Dynasty XII and Dynasty XIII up to
Merneferre Ay as reflected in the use of the term "Late M iddle Kin gdom ."
III.
The Chronology of the Dynasties within the Late Middle Kingdom/Second
Intermediate Period
Unfortunately, the king-lists from Ancient Egypt do not always reflect the
chronolog ical relationships between dynasties. Instead, each group of rulers is listed •
sequentially as if no overlaps occurred. In some records, the untraditional king s, such as
those of the Amarna Period, or those from co ntemp orary dyna sties are omitted. Thu s, it
is impossible to use these types of texts exclusively in order to determine chronological
relationships between groups of kings, since they were composed for ritual rather than
historical purposes. Other types of evidence, however, do provide important clues to the
nature of the political situation in the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period.
The following sections will discuss the nature of the dynasties of this time period as well
as their chronological relationships.
III.A. Dynasties of the Second Intermediate Period
III.A.1.
Dynasty XIV
Dynasty X IV is an ephemeral group of rulers, possibly including Sheshi, Nehesy
and over fifty others, centered at Tell el Dab 'a.
77
Only one of these kings, Nehesy, who
77
M. B ietak, "Zum Konigsreich des aA-zH-Ra Nehesi," SAX 11 (1984), pp. 59-60,
72-73;
"Canaanites in
the Eastern Nile Delta," in A.F. Rainey, ed., Egypt, Isreal, Sinai (Tel Aviv, 1987), p. 50; Avaris, The
Capital of the Hyksos—Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dab'a, The Raymond and Beverly Sackler Foundation
Distinguished Lecture in Egyptology
1
(London, 1996), pp.
40-41;
"The Center of Hyksos Rule: Avaris
(Tell el Dab'a)," in E.D. Oren, ed., The Hyksos: New H istorical and Archaeological Perspectives
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ruled less than one year, left significant monuments, all of which are in this region.
Some scholars have attributed this dynasty to a group of Asiatics though Egyptian rulers
as well as Libyans and Nubians have also been considered.
79
It is possible that the
memb ers of Dynasty XIV may have gained their power by holding im portant positions in
the administration, possibly during the more powerful reigns of the Late Middle
Kingdom , when A varis served as an important economic center in the trade with lands to
the east.
80
Since the region around Avaris seems to have had a primarily A siatic
- population by Dynasty X III due to the abundance of Near E astern material culture, it is
likely that at least some of the Dynasty XIV rulers belonged to this group.
Though the D ynasty XIV kings may have been foreign, they may have wanted to
project themselves as having emerged from Dynasty XIII, whether literally or through the
ideology of the state they had previously served . Th us, since these kings and their
families likely came from the Dynasty XIII administration of this area, it is probable that
even the Egyptians viewed them differently than the truly foreign kings (Dynasty XV),
who followed them, as reflected in the
Tu rin King-List
(see below).
(Philadelphia, 1997), p. 109; "Overview," p. 54. Maneth o claimed that this dynasty ruled from Xois
(Gardiner, Pharaohs, p . 147; W. Helck, Untersuchungen zu Manetho und d en agyptischen Konigslisten,
Untersuchungen zur G eschichte und Altertumskunde Agyptischen Konigslisten (Berlin, 1956), p. 36).
However, the association of
this
site with a group of kings was a later development and does not reflect
reality (D.B. Redford, "Textual Sources for the Hyksos Period," in E.D. Oren, ed., The Hyksos: New
Historical and Archaeological P erspectives (Philadelphia, 1997), p. 25). Redford has proposed that these
kings represent a list of ancestors of the Dynasty XV rulers or the son of Khayan or Apepi of Dynasty XV
(D.B.
Redford, Egypt, Canaan andlsreal (Princeton, 1992), pp. 106-107; "The Hyksos," pp. 25 , 26).
78
Bietak, "Zum Kon igsreich," pp. 59-60,
68-71;
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 198, 252. The other kings
are represented primarily through seals and sealings.
79
For example, see J. Bourriau, "The Second Intermediate Period (c.1650-1550)," in I. Shaw, ed., The
Oxford History of Ancient Egypt
(New York, 2000), pp. 190, 192; A. Loprieno,
"NhsJ"der
Siidlunder"?," in
H. Guksch a nd D. Polz, eds., Stationen Betrdge zur Kulturgeschichte Agyptens (Mainz, 1998), pp. 185-219;
D.
O'Connor, "The Hyksos Period in Egypt," in E.D. Oren, ed.,
The
Hyksos: New Historical and
Archaeological Perspectives (Philadelphia, 1997), p. 53; Redford, "The Hyksos," pp. 3-4; Ryholt, Political
Situation, p. 5.
80
For example, Helck suggests that Nehesy was a Nubian who rose to power through the military (Helck,
Geschichte, p. 124).
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III.A.2. Dynasty XV: The Hyksos
From archaeological and textual research, it is known that, a group of six kings,
who were not connected directly to the previous immigrants at Avaris, emerged in the
eastern Delta and ruled for 108 years. The term, "hekaw khas ut"
(hkiw-hiswt,
meaning
"rulers of foreign lands") w as used by at« least the first three kings of this dynasty, w ith
• the last few rulers adopting parts of the Egyptian titulary,
82
and was then later applied to
all of these Asiatic kings in the Tu rin King-List, which is how current scholars derive the
term "Hyksos."
83
By the time of M aneth o, this term was used mistakenly to refer to an
ethnic group, which did not exist in reality, rather than to this group of kings.
84
In tradition po ssibly dating back to K amose (end of Dynasty XV II), the Egy ptians
claimed that the Hyksos had invaded the country, destroying temples and monu ments and
inciting terror into all those, whom they encountered.
85
Rather than the sudden invasion
recorded in later literary works, this rise to power of these foreign rulers may have been
peaceful,
86
though the final stages could have been violent.
87
Mu ch later, in the
• Bietak, "The Center of Hyksos Rule: Avaris (Tell el Dab'a)," in E.D. Oren, ed.,
The Hyksos: New
Historical and Archaeological Perspectives
(Philadelphia, 1997), p. 104.
82
D.B. Redford, "The Hyksos Invasion in History and T radition,"
Orientalia
39 (1970 ), pp. 7-8, 14-15;
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 18, n. 35, 119-150. The summation of
the
years refers to the kings as the
"Hy ksos" in 10/29 in Ryho lt's reconstruction.
83
M. Bietak, "H yksos," in D.B. Redford, ed.,
The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 2
(Oxford, 2001),
p,
136; W. Helck,
Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vorderasien im 3 und 2 Jahrtausend
v.
chr. 2. verbesserte
Auflage,
A gyptologische Abhandlungen 5 (Wiesbaden, 1971), p. 90; Kemp, "Social History," p. 154. For a
list of
the
examples of this term outside of
the
Second Intermediate Period, see Redford, "The Hyksos," pp.
19,25.
84
Bietak, "H yksos," (2001), p. 136; Redford,
Egypt, C anaan andlsreal,
pp. 98, 100.
85
Redford,
Egypt, Canaan andlsreal;
von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 109-110; L. Habachi
The
Second Stela of Kamose
(Glilckstadt, 1972), p. 49; W. Helck,
Historische-B iograph ische Text der 2.
Zwischenzeit undNeue Texte der 18. Dynastie,
KA.T (Weisbaden, 1975), pp. 84-85 , lines 84-85.
86
M. Bietak, "Egypt and Canaan During the Middle Bronze Ag e,"
BASOR 281
(1991), pp. 27-72; "H yksos
Rule," pp. 87, 97; "H yksos," p. 142; Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," p . 188; A. Leahy, "Ethnic
Diversity in Ancient Egypt," in J.M. Sasson, ed.,
Civilizations of the Ancient Near East,
1 (Peabody, MA,
1995), p. 230; O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," p. 56; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 128; J. van Seters,
The
Hyksos: A N ew Investigation
(New Haven, 1966), pp. 121-126.
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Ptolemaic Dynasty, Manetho (as transmitted through Josephus) states that the Asiatics
marched into Egypt, taking the country without a fight during the reign of Tutimaios of
Dynasty XIII.
88
Acc ording to this account, Salitis established himself as a king in
Mem phis after which the Hyksos rulers mov ed their capital to Avaris. Then, these kings
burned all of the cities, destroyed the temples, and tortured and enslaved the Egyptian
population.
89
Later, the Theban kings were able to drive the Hyksos back to Avaris, and
the foreigners were allowed to leave the land.
90
Redford has been one of the prime proponents of the theory that the H yksos
actually did take Egypt through the use of an overpowering invasion (as described by
Manetho), suggesting that this scenario matches the contemporary events and political
climate in the N ear East.
91
How ever, other scholars have questioned the accuracy of this
account, which was written over a millennium after the events it describes.
92
Some scholars have proposed that the legend of the Hyksos began to be combined
with other traumatic events in Egyptian history. Assm ann suggests such a coalescence of
historical facts occurred in Dynasty XIX when facets of the religious revolution of the
Grimal,
History,
p. 186; Vemer,
G reat Monuments,
p . 434.
88
Tutimaios has been equated to Dedumose. Though some scholars had placed this king into Dynasty
XIII, based upon their preconceptions of
the
events of
the
period, Ryholt places two kings of
this
name in
Dynasty XVI and suggests that the ruler may be listed in
Turin King-List
8,21 as a prenomen w ith .. .ms-re.
However, he believes that the Tutimaios reference in Manetho is a misunderstanding and is not actually
present (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 327-329). See also Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings," p. 68, n. 17; Hallo
and Simpson,
Ancient Near East,
p. 25 0; Kemp, "Social History," p. 154; Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," p.
396; Redford, "The Hyk sos Invasion in History and T radition," p. 2; "The H yksos," pp. 2, 19; Weill,
La Fin
du Moyen Empire,
pp. 233-234.
89
M. Bietak, "H yksos," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt
(New York,
1999), p. 377; "Hy ksos," (2001), p. 136; Leahy, "Ethnic D iversity," p. 230; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 127.
90
Kem p, "Social History," p. 155.
91
Kem p, "Social History," pp. 154-155; Redford, "The H yksos Invasion in History and Tradition," pp. 2-3;
Egypt, C anaan andlsreal,
pp. 105-106, 111; "The Hyksos," pp. 2,19. See also Bietak, "Overview," p. 55;
Grimal,
History,
p. 186.
92
K.A. Kitchen, "The Historical Chronology of Ancient Egypt. A Current Assessment,"
Acta
Archaeologica
67 (1996), p. 1; A.B. Lloyd, "M anetho," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology
of Ancient E gypt
(New York, 1999), p. 464; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 2-3 , n.2, 137.
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extraordinary king, Akhenaten, wh o worshipped the Aten while neglecting the other
gods, became integrated with the memory of the Hyk sos.
93
For example, in the
Quarrel
ofApophis and Sekenenre, the former is said to have worshipped Seth at the exclusion of
other gods, something that had not been claimed before.
94
It is likely that later in
Egyptian history events such as foreign rule by other groups including the Assyrians, the
Babylonians and the Persians, were also combined with the memory of the Hykso s.
95
Thus, it is imperative to use these sources with extreme caution.
Redford points to earlier sources, such as the
Kamose C arnarvon Tablet
and
Hatshepsut's Speos Artemidos inscription, which both refer to destruction caused by the
Hyksos.
96
Thus, he believes that the Josephus version of Manetho is viable, though this
conclusion has been criticized lately by Ryholt.
97
In fact, royal and private , funerary
statuary, found at Tell el-D ab'a and abroad and dated to the Middle Kingdo m, may
indicate that at least some of the stories concerning the destruction and looting of
monuments by the Hyksos may have occurred.
98
93
J. Assmann, Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in
Western
Monotheism (London, 1997), pp. 28-
29,41.
94
Redford, "The Hyksos," pp. 17-18. Note that The Hyksos did worship many Near Eastern gods at Avaris
(Redford, Egypt, Canaan andlsreal, p. 117). For a translation of this text, see W.K. Sim pson, The
Literature of Ancient Egypt (New Haven, 1973), pp. 77-80.
95
Redford,
Egypt, C anaan andlsreal,
p.
101;
T. Save-Soderbergh, "The Hyksos Rule in Egypt,"
JE A
37
(1951),
pp. 56,60-61,63,69 .
96
Bietak, "Hyksos," (1999 ), p. 379; Bourriau, "Second Intermediate P eriod," p. 201 ; G.H. Carnarvon and
C. Howard, Five Years' Explorations at Thebes. A Record of
Work
Done 1907-1911 (London, 1912), pp.
36-37;
A. Gardiner, "The Defeat of
the
Hyksos by Kam ose: The Carnarvon Tablet, No. I,"
JEA
3 (1916),
pp . 95-110; "D avies' Copy of the Great Speos Artemidos Inscription," JE A 32 (1946), pp. 47-48, line 37-
38 ;
Helck, Geschichte,p. 134; Die Beziehungen Agyptens, p. 89; Habachi, Second Stela, p. 49; F.T. Mioso,
A Reading Book of Second Intermediate Period Texts,
The Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities
Publications 9 (Toronto, 1981), pp.
35-41;
Redford, "The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition," pp. 5-
6;
Egypt, Canaan an dlsreal,
pp. 101-102; "The Hyksos," pp. 16-17; H.S. Smith and A. Smith, "A
Reconsideration of the Kamose Texts," ZA S 103 (1976), p. 59; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 110;
Weill, La Fin du Mo yen Empire, pp. 217-218.
97
Ryholt , Political Situation, p. 3 , n.2.
98
Bietak, "Hyksos," (2001), p. 136; S.T. Smith, "Model for Imperialism," p. 154.
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Scholars also continue to engage in the debate concerning the territorial extent of
the Hyksos rulers. Some researchers believe that the Hyksos controlled all of Egyp t for
at least a brief time period, mainly due to blocks inscribed, with the names of Khayan
1
(granite) and Apepi (limestone) found south of Thebes at Geb elein ." Other items
mentioning Apep i within Egypt include one dagger in the Memphite necropolis and two
possibly from Thebes; an alabaster vase, inscribed with the name of the king's daughter
Heritt, found in a tomb thought possibly to be that of Ahmose-Nefertari; an adze from
Sumena (north of Gebelein); a palette from Abydos; an inscription from the Third
Intermediate Period listing him as the king under whom the ancestors of a priest served;
and a sistra with name of this king show n in a Ptolemaic relief at Dendera.
10 0
Some of
these smaller objects may have arrived in the south through the exchange of gifts or trade
with the Hyksos to the north while others may have been booty from the war with
Other scholars suggest that the south remained autonomous under the rule of
99
Bietafc, "H ykso s
;
" (1999), p. 377 ; "Overview," p. 55; J.H. Breasted,
A History of Egypt
(New York,
1912), p, 218; R.A. Giveon, "The Hyksos in the South," in M. G6rg, e&,
Pontes atque Pontes: Eine
Festgabe fur Hellmut Brunner
(Wiesbaden, 1983), p. 155; Helck,
G eschichte,
p. 134;
Historische-
Biographische,
p p. 54, no.
71 ;
Hornung,
History,
p p. 71-72; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 120,134-136,
326-327; T. Save-Soderbergh,
Agypten undNubien: Ein Beitragzur Geschichte altdgyptischer
Aussenpolitik
(Lund, 1941), p. 128; "Hyksos Rule," p. 55; R. Weill, "Complements pour "La Fin du Moyen
Empire Egyptien","
BIFAO
32 (1932), p. 36; B. Williams, "Archaeology and Historical Problems of the
Second Intermediate Period," dissertation, University of Chicago, 1975, p. 1250.
L. Borchardt,
Die Mittel zur Zeitlichen Festlegungvon Punkten der Agyptischen G eschichte undlhre
Anwendung,
Quellen und Forschungen zur Zeitbestimmung der Agyptischen G eschichte 2 (Cairo, 1935),
pp . 95-114, PL 112, 112a; Giveon, "South," pp. 156-157, 158,
160-161;
D. Polz, "Theben und Avaris. Zur
"Vertreibung" der Hyksos," in H. Guksch and D. Polz, eds.,
Stationen Betrage zur Kulturgeschichte
Agyptens
(Mainz, 1998), pp. 223-224.
101
D. Polz, "D ie Hyksos-Blocke aus G ebelen: zur Prasenz der Hyksos in O beragypten," in E. Czerny, et al.,
eds., Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred
Bietak, 1 (Dudley, MA, 2006), pp. 239-247. Note that the
Rhind Mathematical Papyrus
likely arrived in Thebes after the wars with the Hyksos, as it refers to
invaders from the south and has the name of Apepi upon it (Giveon, "South," pp. 157-158).
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Dynasty X VII.
10 2
In fact, many researchers now believe that the Hyk sos never actually
ruled south of Cusae/Hermopolis, where the
Kamose Stelae I
and
II
located their border
1fi X
late in Dyn asty XVII during the battles against the Hy ksos. ' They suggest that the
blocks of Khayan and Apepi may have been mo ved to Gebelein from the Delta at a later
date.
104
Regardless of their territorial extent, the Hyk sos may have u sed m any of the same
titles for members of their government as traditional Egyptian kings, though there may
have been significant differences in the actual operation of this foreign administration. °
5
For exam ple, the office of vizier seems to have been rejected, w hile that of treasurer
appears to have flourished during the reign of the Hyksos kings, with Har {hii), who had
a West Semitic nam e, being a likely ex ample, since his sealings have been found in
Lower Egypt as well as Canaan.
10 6
At this point, it is uncertain how the office of the
treasurer in the Hyksos government correlated to that in Egypt, as will be discussed in
Chapter 6.
102
Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 2 1.
103
Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
pp. 82-97, no. 119; Mioso,
A Reading Book,
pp.
42-53;
O'Connor,
"Hyksos Period," p. 56; Redford, Egypt, C anaan andlsreal, p. 118; "The Hyksos," p.
13;
van S eters, A
New Investigation, p. 166; von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443.
104
Hornung, History, p p. 71-72; Kemp, "Social History," p. 159; O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," pp. 56-57;
Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 126-127; Ryhblt, Political Situation, pp. 326-327; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen, pp. 148-149. Though some scholars have argued that these blocks could have been
moved to this location from elsewhere, Kemp suggests that such an action would have been unnecessary
since this site is located near a quarry (K emp, "S ocial History," p. 159). The granite material used in the
block of Khayan may show that this ruler also reached the area around the First Cataract (Ryholt, Political
Situation, pp. 1 35, n. 480). There is also Hyksos material at Nefrusi in Middle Egyp t (Bietak, "Hyks os,"
(1999),
p. 3 77; "Overview," p. 54).
105
For example, the Dynasty XV kings used cartouches
106
R.A. Giveon, "Hyksos Scarabs with Names of
Kings
and Officials from Canaan,"
Cd'E
49 (1974),
P
.
225.
For sealings of this official, see Bietak, "Hyksos," (2001), pp. 139-140; Helck, Zur Verwaltung, pp.
79-80;
Hornung, History, p . 72; G.T. Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-name Seals Principally
of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period (Oxford, 1971),
pp. -78-85,
numbers 984-1088a;
. Redford,.Egypt, Cana an andlsrea l, p. 116, Ryho lt dated this treasurer to the reign of the Dynasty XIV
king Sheshi (Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 60-61). However, Ben-Tor argues against his seal typology
which places Har in this reign (Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings," p: 61).
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The Hyk sos seemed to have adhered to their own tradition, though some scholars
have em phasized the ways in which they adopted Egyptian customs (cartouches,
literature, hieratic and hieroglyphic scripts, sculptural styles, and the worship of the god
Seth in the Delta).
10 7
At the same time, however, they may have continued to worship
one of their own gods (B a'al), speak their own language and censtruct their kingdom in
their own ways.
10 8
In essence, the Hyksos w ere a group of foreign k ings, who attempted,
at least on the surface, to balance their native practices with the customs they inherited
from their predecessors at Tell el-D ab'a . Unfortuna tely, it is difficult to discern the exact
nature of their entry into Egypt and their territorial extent, due to the propaganda of the
New Kingdom and the sources from over one thousand years later.
III.A.3. Dynasty XVI
According to A fricanus, D ynasty XV I is viewed as being a group of rulers with
fifteen or more W est Semitic names found on seals. It is presumed that they were
kinglets, which w ere subservient to the Hy ksos rulers, in the Palestinian region.
10 9
In
Near Eastern government installations, unlike that of Egypt, small city-states were ruled
Grimal, History, p . 186; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 148-150.
108
D.B. Redford, "The Concept of Kingship During the Eighteenth Dynasty," in D. O'Connor and D.P.
Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian Kingship (New York, 1995), pp. 158-159; van Seters, A New
Investigation,
pp. 171-180.
109
Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p. 113; "Overview," p. 55 ; "Hyksos," pp. 136, 139; Bourriau, "Second
Intermediate Period," p. 193; Hallo and Simpson, Ancient Near East, p. 250; Hornung, History, p. 72;
Redford, "The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition," pp. 19-21; Pharaonic King-lists, p. 240; Ryh olt,
Political Situation, p. 104, n. 347 ; von Beckerat h, Untersuchungen, pp. 137-144; "Zwischenzei t , Zweite , "
p.
1444. Kemp has written that vassal city-states existed both in southern Palestine and the Delta and were
comp osed of Egyptian and foreign rulers (Kemp , "Social History," pp. 154, 159, 177-178). Quirke believes
that this dynasty was simply a later interpretation of kings' names and does not reflect a true group of rulers
(Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 127, 129; "Second Intermediate Period," p. 260). Ryholt argues that these
"kings"
are made up of the seals of non-contemporary rulers, amuletic use of
kings'
n ames, and phrases
proclaiming aspects of
the
god Re (Ryholt, Political Situation, pp . 62-65).
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by kings, who, in turn, pledged their allegiance to one overriding and powerful ruler.
110
In the city state model, the high-king demanded taxes in return for protection and
controlled the interaction of the more minor kinglets. This sort of system was com pletely
foreign to the Egy ptians who had a true nation state with one sovereign,
11 1
under which
local officials and administrators worked. No netheles s, it has been suggested that
Dynasties XIV and XVI represent city-states in the Delta and Southern Palestine, some of
these being non-Egyptian.
112
Ryholt has recently proposed another model for the identity of Dynasty XVI,
resurrecting an idea originally propose d by Winlock. He rejects the identification of
M aneth o's Dynasty X VI as being Hyksos and instead adopts the notion in Euse bius'
version that they were T heban and ruled the region between Hu and Edfu.
UA
He
believes that a group of fifteen Egyptian kings, which is normally associated with the
beginning of Dynasty XVII, ruled from Thebes, filling a power void left after the fall of
Dyn asty XIII. In his historical reconstruction , the Dyn asty XIII territory broke into
smaller polities after the Hyksos made their way to Mem phis. Ryh olt does not believe
that there were any Palestinian or Delta city-states related to Dynasty XV, stating that
there is no evidence for this sort of
system.
How ever, he does note that the lack of
scarab seals of princes may indicate that there was indeed some non-Egyptian
Hallo and Simpson,
Ancient Near East,
pp. 172-178.
111
Baines, "Definition," p . 3; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 127; Redford, "The Hy ksos Invasion in History
and Tradition," p. 18.
112
Kemp , "Social History," pp. 154, 159, 177-178; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,p.
10.
113
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 5-6, 151-162; Winlock,
Rise and F all,
pp. 99-100, 104. For the
chronology of
this
period (as early Dynasty XV II), see C.J. Bennett, "The First Three Sekhem re Kings of
the Seventeenth Dynasty,"
GM
143 (1994), pp. 21-28 .
114
Ryholt,
Political Situation;
p. 159.
115
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp . 43 ,49 ,
n.
131.
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administrative system involved here.
Wh ile some scholars have accepted Ry holt's claim that Dynasty XV I is a separate
group from the Dynasty XV II kings,
11 7
others have questioned whether any proof exists
to suggest that such a separation existed.
11 8
Mean while, Allen has accepted the Theban
nature of Dynasty XVI without adhering to Ryh olt's chronological modification of the
Second Intermediate Period and his placement of the other dynasties within it.
119
Unfortunately, it is impossible to ascertain the exact nature of the rule of these early
Theban kings, as modern knowledge of them is entirely fragmentary.
At this point, there is no solid evidence that the kings of Dynasty XVI ruled from
anywhere other than Thebes. No nethe less, it is likely that these rulers represent a group
quite different from that of Dynasty XVII in its economic situation , territorial extent, and
general policy. The modern myth that these kings were Asiatic vassals of Dynasty XV
has greatly hampered the understanding of the Late Middle K ingdom/Second
Intermediate Period. However, wo rks like that of Ryholt have opened the do ors to
reexamining these issues, allowing toda y's scholars to overcome these assumptions and
reinterpret the evidence.
120
116
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 54.
117
J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp. 49, 52. D. Redford also believed that this dynasty was Th eban (D .B. Redford,
Akhenaten, Heretic King (Princeton, 1984), p.
101;
Egypt, Canaan and Isreal, p. I l l ; "The Hyksos," pp. 8,
27-28,
n. 55). O'Connor has also accepted this identification (O'Connor, "Hy ksos Period," p. 52).
118
T. Schneider, "Uberlegungen zur Chronologie der Thebanischen Konige in der Zweiten Zwischenzeit,"
in E. Czerny, et al., eds., Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred
Bietak,
1 (Dudley, MA, 2006), pp. 299-
305;
A. Spalinger, "Review of
The
Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate
Period,
c.
1800-1550 B.C.," JNES 60 (2001 ), p. 297.
119
J.P. Allen, "Turin,"," p. 52.
120
J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp. 48-49; Spalinger, "Review," pp. 296, 298.
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III.A.4.
Dynasty XVII
Traditionally, scholars have defined Dynasty XVII as the term for the Dynasty
XIII kings, once they had moved the capital from Itjatawy to Thebes under the duress of
the Hyk sos rulers. How ever, there is currently no evidence that there was a direct
relationship between the last kings of the latter and the first rulers of the former.
122
Thus,
these Theb an kings, though possibly related in some manner to the D ynasty X III rulers,
do not seem to hav e been derived directly from them.
Interestingly, Polz found a shaft tomb near the center of the pyramid of king
Nebkhep erre Intef at Dra Abu el-Naga, the royal cemetery of Dynasty X VII .
123
Due to
the fact that this tomb dates to the middle of Dynasty XIII, Polz suggests there might be
some familial relationship between these individuals especially since great lengths were
taken to avoid cutting into the earlier shaft.
124
Thu s, the officials from the south, wh o
participated in the administration of Dynasty XIII may be the families from which the
kings of Dyn asty XVII emerged. Ma ny of these officials had married Dyna sty XIII
princesses, linking their descendents distantly to the preceding kings.
125
121
Bourriau, "Beyond A varis," p. 159; A. Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment of the Kings of Egypt
(New
York, 1994), p. 36; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga: The Decline & Fall of
the
Royal Pyramid,"
KMT
5
(1994), p. 32; Grimal,
History,
p . 187; Hallo and Simpson,
Ancient Near East,
p. 250; Hornung,
History,
p .
70 ;
Quirke, "Royal Pow er," pp. 127, 229; "Second Intermediate Period," p. 260; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp .
167-183; von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zwe ite," p. 1443.
122
D. Polz, "Seventeenth Dynasty," in D.B . Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt, 3
(Oxford, 20 01), p. 273; Spalinger, "Review," p. 298. Note that in Chapter 6 of
this
thesis, an analysis of
nomen and prenomen of each king may indicate that there are some familial links between dynasties XIII
and XVII. No Dynasty X VII kings are preserved in the
Turin King-List
(Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p .
167).
123
Kemp , "Social History," p. 159; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 264.
D. Polz and A . Seiler,
Die Pyramidenanlage des Konigs Nub-Cheper-Re Intef in Dra'Abu el-Naga,
Deutsches Archaologisches Institut Abteilung Cairo 24 (M ainz, 2003), pp. 18, 20, 24, 33-37, Abb. 15.
125
See Chapter 6, Section II.F.
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The territory of the Dynasty XVII kings appears to have been the area between
Elephantine and Cusae (or possibly even Abyd os).
12 6
Unfortunately, this location was
the northern border of the Theban state when the war with the H yksos occurred; it may
not reflect a constant boundary. As mentioned on the section concerning D ynasty XV
above, inscribed blocks at Gebelein may indicate that the Hyksos held this same area for
at least a short period. In fact, some scholars have proposed that the Hyk sos had a vassal
relationship w ith Dynasty X VII, as well as other kinglets, and that these southern
monarchs w ere required to pay oppressive taxes and tribute to the Asiatic rulers,
12 7
but
these arguments are not convincing with the evidence currently available.
Textual sources mention the raids of groups of unspecified foreigners upon
Kem p, "Social History," p. 159; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 264. See the
Carnarvon
Tablet
in Gardiner, "Carnarvon Tablet," p. 108; Smith and Smith, "A Reconsideration," pp . 59, 61, 69-70.
There may have been a Dynasty XVII garrison
(IWyi)
at Abydos (D. Franke, "An Important Family from
Abydos of the Seventeenth Dynasty,"
JE A
71 (1985), pp. 175-176; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 171). The
Hyksos may have had a stronghold at Hermop olis, and the
SecondKamose Stela
refers to the Cynopolite
nome as a place where the Hyksos had ruled (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 172-1732, 1175, Fig. 1716).
For the phases of the war, see Polz, "Theben und Avaris," pp. 220-222.
127
Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p. 113; H. G oedicke,
The Quarrel ofApophis andSeqenenrea
(San Antonio,
1986), pp. 6-9, 17, 35; Leahy, "Ethnic Diversity," p.
231;
Redford,
Egypt, C anaan andlsreal,
pp. 111,115-
116, 119; "The Hyksos," p. 26; A.E.P. Weigall,
A History of the Pharaohs 2
(New York, 1927), p. 139.
This system w as common in the kingdoms and city-states of Syria-Palestine. See Bietak, "H yksos,"
(2001), p. 139. David suggests that the last kings of Dynasty XIII may have been vassals under the Hyksos
(David,
Builders,
p. 198). See also Dodson,
T he Canopic Equipment,
p. 36; W.C. Hayes, "Egypt: From the
Death: From the Death of Amm enemes III to Seqenenre II," in I.E.S. Edwards, et al., eds.,
Cambridge
Ancient H istory,
II (1) (Cambridge, 1973), p. 55 ; van Seters,
A N ew Investigation,
pp. 167-170. For a
similar conclusion regarding Dynasty X IV, see G. Greenbe rg, "Manetho Rehabilitated—A New Analysis of
His Second Intermediate Period,"
DE
25 (199 3), p. 21 . As this theory relates to Dynasty XV I in Palestine,
Dynasty XV II in Thebes and other groups in Middle Egypt and the Delta, see Bietak, "Hyksos," (1999), p.
377; "Hyksos," (2001), p. 139. For Dynasty XV II, see Redford, "Concept," p. 166; S.T. Smith, "People," in
D.B.
Redford, ed.,
The O xford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt,
3 (Oxford, 20 01), p. 30; J. von Be ckerath,
"Theban Seventeenth Dynasty," in E. Teeter and J.A. Larson, eds.,
Gold of Praise. Studies Wente,
Studies
in Ancient Oriental Civilization 58 (Chicago, 1999), p. 21 . For Thebes and Nubia (Kush) with the
possibility of others, see Leahy, "Ethnic Diversity," p. 230. For the Delta and the control of
the
Nubian and
Hyksos rulers over the south and the north, see Murnane, "Overview," p. 702. Redford explores various
options for the many kings found on seals as well as the possible vassal relationship between the Hyksos
and the Dynasty X VII kings (Redford, "The Hyksos," pp. 25-26). See also Hornung,
History,
pp. 71-72;
Kem p, "Social History," pp. 158-159; Redford,
Egypt, Canaan andlsreal,
pp. 111,119 ; von Beckerath,
"Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1444; We igall,
Pharaohs,
p p. 137-139, 141, 167.
128
O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," pp. 56-57; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 325-326.
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Thebes and other areas of Egypt. Ryholt argues that Ahmose used a storm metaphor to
refer to the looting of Thebes by Dynasty XV in the
Unwetterstele.
This document
refers to the destruction of temp les, tom bs, and pyram ids. Ho wev er, in the region of
Thebes, it is possible that at least some of these raids were conducted by Nubians rather
than Asiatics as indicated in the inscription of Sobeknacht recently published by V.
Davies.
13 0
Thu s, it wo uld appear that if the Hyksos did rule Southern Egypt, it was only
for a short period of time. Alternatively, they may have cond ucted military campaigns
into this part of the country, setting up monuments but never actually controlling the
territory.
In the end, the Egyptian kings at Thebes engaged in warfare against the Hyksos as
well as the Kush ites. The first of these kings, Sekenenre Ta o II seems to have been killed
in combat due to a wound he suffered from an Asiatic hand axe.
13 1
Later, his son or half-
brother Kamose continued the battle, which did not end until Tao's son Ahmose was
ruler, and the H yksos were driven back into western Asia and the Nub ian territories were
reacquired. The areas to the north were likely not stabilized until the reign of Am enho tep
I.
III.B.
Theories Concerning the Chronology of the Second Intermediate Period
The chronology of the dynasties within the Second Intermediate Period is
important in the study of the kingship of Dyna sty XIII. The timing of the loss of
,
1 2 9
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 143-148.
130
Davies, "Sobeknakht of
Elkab,"
p. 6; "Sobeknakht's Hidden Treasure."
British Museum Magazine
46
(2003), pp. 18-19.
131
Bietak, "Hyksos," (1999), pp. 378-379; "Overview," pp. 55-56; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 177; J.
Harris and E. Wente,
An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal Mumies,
(Ch icago, 1980), pp. 68, 289, 295, 300-301.
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territories to new governments both native and foreign is crucial to the understanding of
the events within Itjatawy at any point. For many years, outdated assumptions regarding
the nature of Dynasties III-XVII have impeded the advancement, of the understanding of
the political events of this era. Mo re recently , how ever, new theories have emerged
which are revolutionizing the current thinking concerning the relationships between these
dynasties.
III.B.l. Traditional Theories
Traditionally, scholars have argued that the kings of Dynasty XII and the first part
of Dyn asty XIII (up until the reign of Merneferre Ay) ruled all of Egyp t. At this point,
a group of rulers (Dynasty XIV) separated from the Egyptian government, forming their
own kingdom in the Eastern Delta, while Dynasty XIII continued to rule from the Middle
King dom capital at Itjatawy. Later, a group of strong Asiatic kings took over this region,
and drove the Dy nasty XIII sovereign to the Theban area, marking the beginning of
Dynasty XV II. Meanw hile, the Dynasty XV kings set up a group of minor rulers,
Dy nasty XV I, in the Delta and to the east. Over all of these areas, the Hyksos h eld
varying deg rees of authority until the rulers of Dyn asty XVII began a revolt. Even tually,
the Asiatic kings (Dynasty XV ) were thrown out of
Egypt,
and once again, a native group
132
Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp. 258-259; Helck,
Die Beziehungen Ag yptens,
pp . 91-93; Grajetzki,
Middle
Kingdom , p. 65; J. von Beckerath,
Handbuch der Agyptischen Konigsnamen
(Mainz, 1999), pp.
284-286. Von Beckerath places the beginning of Dynasty XIV around eighty years after the start of
Dynasty
XI11
(von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 71-78,
8 1, 221;
"Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443). Note
that Kemp theorized that Dyna sty XIV w as actually one of many vassal city-states (including Dynasty
XVI) under Dynasty XV (Kemp, "Social History," pp. 154, 159, 177-178). Quirke states that the names of
the two kings, Nehesy and Merdjefare, of column 8 in the
T urin King-List
only appear in the eastern Delta
( Royal
Power," pp. 125, 129; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 394). For similar dates for the beginning of
Dynasty XIV, see Verner,
G reat Monuments,
p. 434. See also Grimal,
History,
p. 184; O'Connor, "Hyksos
Period," pp. 46, 48, 56.
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of monarchs, D ynasty XV III, ruled the entire country.
III.B.2.
Extensive Fragmentation
Though slight variations of the traditional theory exist, the basic idea is consistent
and has been qu ite influential in scholarly literature down to the present. Some sch olars
have also expanded on the nature of other possible groups and their relationship to the
Hyksos, arguing that Egypt fragmented into many polities during the Second
Intermediate Period. Proposed capitals for such entities include Th ebes, El Kab, Edfu,
Gebelein and Abydos.
13 3
The evidence is most prolific for an Abydos D ynasty though
doubts as to the existence of this group of kings still remain.
134
III.B.3.
Ryholt's Chronology
In 1927, Weigall had suggested that Dynasties XIII and XIV (at Xois) were
contemporaneous w ith a Dynasty X V that was evolving during this time.
13 5
Later,
Winlock had proposed that Dynasty X IV began at the end of Dynasty XII.
13 6
Most
133
Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp . 257, 259; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 163, n. 595; 163-166, 168.
Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," pp. 186, 203; Polz and Seiler, Pyramidenanlage, pp. 44-47; Sethe,
Urkunden der 18. D ynastie, pp.
29-31.
Save-Soderbergh believed that Dynasty XIII fell into separate
entities prior to the reign of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I, when order was restored again (Save-Soderbergh,
"Hyksos Rule," pp. 53-55).
134
Evidence for an Abydos Dynasty includes names which seem to refer to this region or its gods:
Wepwawetemsaf and King Sekhemkhutawyre Pantjeny "the T hinite" found on stelae (W.M .F. Petrie,
Abydos II, Egypt Exploration Fund 24 (London, 1903); W.A. W ard, Essays on F eminine Titles of the
Middle Kingdom and Related Subjects (Beirut, 1986), pp. 43-44). See also Ryholt, Political Situation, p .
191.
For doubts concerning the existence of
an
Abydos Dynas ty, see J.P. Allen, "Tu rin," p. 49; Spalinger,
"Review," p. 298. Bennett points out that though Wepw awetemsaf s nomen contains the name of
a
god of
the Thinite region, his prenomen follows the Dynasty XVII pattern (Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology,"
pp . 123, 130-131). See E.A.W. Budge, H ieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae & c, in the British M useum
IV (London, 1913), p. 9, PI. 25. Redford does not believe in the fragmentation of the Egyptian state into
these localized dynasties (Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 25).
135
Weigall, Pharaohs, pp. 137-139, 141, 167.
136
Winlock, Rise and Fall, pp . 95-96.
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recently, Ryholt has argued that Dynasty XIV emerged during the reign of Nefrusobek,
the last king of Dynasty XII and continued through much of Dynasty XIII.
13 7
Ryholt
bases his chronological framework upon textual and archaeological evidence, some of
which has been questioned by other scholars.
Ryholt considers, with some hesitation, that the "pala ce" <at Tell el-Dab'a may
have served as the home of a Dynasty X IV king, but this large house likely belonged to a
high-ranking Asiatic official in the Egyptian administration during the Late Middle
Kingdom.
13 9
A structure with a plan similar to this one has been found at Ab ydos and
was used by the Late Middle Kingdom mayors, who lived there.
14 0
Thu s, it is likely that
the building at Tell el-Dab'a w as first constructed as a mayo r's house; whether or not it
was used as a palace during Dynasty X IV is uncertain.
141
Ry holt's chronology varies greatly from most of those proposed by other
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 5, 34, 184-204, 294. For references to traditional chronological
reconstructions, see Chapter 1, Section III. B.l.
138
Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings," pp. 47-74. For Ryh olt's response to these objections, see "The Date of
Kings."
139
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 104-105. Bietak and his associates have claimed that this building is a
palace, possibly of Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef (Bietak, "Canaanites in the Eastern Nile Delta," in
A.F. Rainey, ed., Egypt, Isreal, Sinai (Tel Aviv, 1987), p. 50; "Der Friedhof in einem Palastgarten aus der
Zeit des spaten mittleren R eiches und andere Forschungsergebnisse aus dem ostlichen Nildelta Tell el-
Dab'a 1984-1987,"
A&L 2
(1991), p. 57; "Egypt and Canaan," p. 34; "Connections Between Egypt and the
Minoan W orld: New Results from Tell el-Dab's/Avaris," in W.V. Davies and L. Schofield, eds.,
Egypt, the
Aegean and the Levant: Interconnections in the Second M illennium BC
(London, 1995), p. 19;
Avaris, The
Capital of the Hyksos—Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dab'a,
The Raymond and Beverly Sackler Foundation
Distinguished Lecture in Egyptology I (London, 1996), pp. 21-30; "Zum Raumprogram m agyptischer
Woh nhauser des Mittleren und des Neuen Reiche s," in M. Bietak, ed.,
Haus undPalast im Alten Agypten,
Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Senkschriften der Gesamtakademie 14 (Vienna, 1996), p.
30 ;
"Hyksos Rule," pp. 100-105; "Tell ed-Dab'a, Second Intermediate Period," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt
(New York, 1999), p. 779; D. Eigner, "A Palace of the
Early 13th Dynasty at Tell el-Dab'a," in M . Bietak, ed.,
Haus undPalast in alten Agypten,
Osterreichische
Akademie der W issenschaften Senkschriften der Gesamtakademie 14 (Vienna, 1996), pp. 73-80). See also
T. Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen
(Zurich, 1994), p. 128.
140
J. Wegner, "Excavations at the Town of "Enduring-is-the-throne-of-Khaaure-Maa-Kheru-in-Abydos" A
Preliminary Report on the 1994 and 1997 Seasons,"
JARCE
35 (1998), pp. 4,24- 25.
141
For objections to the "palace" label of
the
structure at Tell el-Dab 'a, see O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," pp.
53 , 64, n. 15. F. Arnold used the phrase, "so-called 'p alace '" (Arnold, "Settlement," p. 15).
39
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scholars. As mentioned above, Ryholt believes that Dynasties XIII and XIV proceeded
at the same time an d that the emergence of the latter was the defining difference between
Dynasties XII and the former.
143
Even tually, the Hyk sos arrived at Ava ris and removed
the Dynasty XIV k ings as well as those of Dynasty X III in the Memphite region. At this
point, there was a power void in Upper Egypt, where an Abydos Dynasty and D ynasty
XV I (in Thebes) emerged. Soon thereafter, the Hyksos began to move southwards,
remov ing the Aby dos Dynasty and briefly taking control over the entire country. Finally,
the Thebans (Dynasty XV II) reemerged as the power in the south and slowly prepared to
remove the Hyksos from the Delta.
Ryholt's examination of the Second Intermediate Period is a revolutionary
work.
14 4
Though some conclusions may not be certain with the current evidence, this
study has succeeded in breaking down the walls surrounding traditional thought. Since
the publication of this study, other scholars continued to recognize flaws in the traditional
theories regarding the chronology of this era and formulated their own proposals.
III.B.4.
Theories Concerning an Overlap between Dynasties XIII and X VII
The perilous state of the Tu rin King-List in the late Dynasty XIII to Dynasty XV I
positions, along with a lack of material from this period in general, leaves considerable
room for interpretation into the relationships between the dynasties of the Late Middle
Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period.
14 5
When evidence is available, it sometimes
c r e a t e s p r o b l e m s w i th t he t r a d i t i ona l und e r s t a nd i ng o f t he pe r iod . Fo r e x a m ple , a s te l a
142
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 132-133, 140.
143
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 79.
144
Spalinger, "Review," p. 296 . 298.
145
von Beckerath, "Theban," p. 22.
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describes how
Horemkhauef,
a priest who was from the El Kab region, traveled to
Itjatawy and came into the presence of the king, late in Dynasty XIII or the beginning of
Dynasty XVI/XVII.
14 6
This problema tic inscription has perplexed sch olars studying the
Second Interme diate Period. How could there be a ruler in Itjatawy at a time wh en
Dynasty X III was no longer supposed to exist?
Perhaps it may be better to propose that Dynasty XIII and Dynasty XV I/XVII
were contempo raneous. In other words, the Hyk sos ruled a portion of Syria-Palestine
and parts of the Delta, Dynasty XIII held the area from Memphis to Assuit, and the kings
of Dynasty XV I reigned from A ssuit to the southern extent of Egypt. Dynasty X VI may
have regarded Dynasty XIII as a needed buffer from the growing pow er of the Hyksos.
This sort of relationship might have allowed for the peaceful movement of a traveler like,
Horemkhauef,
to Itjatawy, w here he came into contact with the king . Biog raphical texts
often record contact or association with a royal figure,
147
and the fact that the ruler was
not the sovereign of the area, from which the man h ad com e, may not have been
important.
Interestingly, King Sankhenre M entuhotep of Dynasty X VI was referred to as the
146
Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 198; W.C. Hayes, Horemkha'uef, p. 4, PL 2, lines 9-10;
Scepter,
p. 347; Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
pp. 49-50, no. 68; Kemp, "Social History," p. 149; M.
Lichtheim,
Ancient E gyptian Literature I,
pp. 129-130; Mioso,
A Reading Book,
pp. 17-19; Quirke, "Royal
Power," p." 125; Redford, "The H yksos," p. 4; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 79 ; Simpson, "Studies," pp. 54,
55 , Table 51.L; C. Vandersleyen,
Les Guerres dAmosis
(Brussels, 1971), p. 208; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 75-77. For information related to the selection of Horemkhauef for this important
mission, see J. Baines, "Practical Religion and Piety,"
JE A
73 (1987), pp. 89-90.
147
For example, Rew er was granted a stela by king Neferirkare in the Old Kingdom when h e fell over the
ruler's staff during an important religious ceremony (J.P. Allen, "Re'wer's Incident," in A.B. Lloyd, ed.,
Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society in Honor of J. Gwyn G riffiths,
Occasional Publications 8
(London, 1992), pp. 14-20; H. Goedicke, "The Origin of
the
Royal Administration," L'Egyptologie en
1979: Axes P rioritaires de Recherches, 2 (Paris, 1982), pp. 125-126). Another example is the inclusion of a
copy of
a
letter from the young king Pepi II (Dynasty VI) in the decoration of
the
tomb of
Harkhuf.
See
Lichtheim,
Ancient Eg yptian Literature,
1, pp. 26-27 ;K. Sethe,
Urkunden des Alten R eiches
(Leipzig,
1933), pp. 128-131. See also, A.M. Gnirs, "Die Agyptische Autobiographic," in A. Loprieno,
ed., Ancient
Egyptian Literature
(New York, 1994), p. 221.
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"king within The bes," This epithet may imply the existence of more than one
Egyptian king. While it is possible that the second ruler was a Dynasty XIV or XV king,
it is also feasible that this designation confirms that Dynasty XIII continued at Itjatawy,
resulting in two legitimate Egyptian rulers.
New evidence has recently come to light that shows that this hypothesis could be
integral in unde rstanding the Second Intermediate Period. Dav ies has recently analyzed
Ho remk haue f s tomb at Hierakonpolis along with others contemporaneous to it there and
at El Kab .
14 9
He has discovered that the tomb of Horem khauef an d that of Sobeknakht as
well as others were decorated by the same artist, Sedjemnetjeru.
150
He determined this
identification through the presence of the image and name of the artist himself within the
scenes in the tombs as well as paleog raphy, style and technique. Others have also
observed that the lector-priest, Harmeni is attested in both the tombs of Horemkhauef and
Sobeknakht.
151
Davies found a stela of Sobeknakht, which places him in the latter part of Dynasty
XV II. Thu s, since Sedjemnetjeru and Harm eni link Horem khaue f to a time near that of
Sobek nakht, it may be the case that the latter also can be dated to Dynasty XV II. Thu s,
the dating of this stela along with the contemporary tomb of Sobeknakht at El Kab,
through the current study being undertaken by D avies of the British M useum, m ay
1 8
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 154, 160. For the publication of this stelae, see P. Vemu s, "La Stele du
Pharaon
Mntw-htpih
Kam ak: un Nouveau Tem oignage sur la Situation Politique et Militaire au Debut de
la D.P.I.,'
?
Rd'E
40 (1989), pp. 140-161; "A prop os de la stele du pharaon
Mntw-htpih
Karnak,"
Rd'E
41
(1990), p. 22 1.
149
Davies, "H ierakonpolis," pp. 113-125.
150
Davies, "Hidden Treasure," pp. 18-19; "Hierakonpolis," pp. 113-125, "Sobeknakht of Elkab ,"pp . 4-5.
Note that in the latter article, Davies did not yet have the stela of Sobeknakht and, thus, continued the
previous dating of Horemkhauef
to
late Dynasty XH I/early Dynasty X VII.
151
Ryholt,
Political Situation
; pp. 79-80, n. 240; P. Vernus, "La Pretre-Ritualistee Ar-/22/«'Redacteur de la
Stele de
hr-m-h
c
w.f?' Hommages a Francois Daumas
(Montpellier, 1986), pp. 590-591.
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ultimately determine the nature of the chronology of
the
Second Intermediate Period.
The newly cleaned tomb of Sobeknakht also revealed that the Nubians (Kushites)
•attacked Sou thern Egyp t and proc eeded at least as far as El Kab .
15 3
How ever, the date of
this military m ovement w as not late Dynasty X III but well into Dynasty XV I/XVII.
-Thus, the stela recording the trip to Itjatawy is now later than previously thought and
even more of a hindrance to traditional thinking . Unless the stela is pure fiction, there
was a king in Itjatawy after the start of Dynasty X VI. Dynasty XIII was still continuing,
and the list of over fifty kings may have extended ov er more than 150 years Thou gh the
names and regnal lengths of the end of Dynasty XIII are not preserved in the Turin King-
List,
it does not mean that there were no successful strings of local rulers. Their name s
may not have been remembered because their territory was relatively small.
III.B.4.a. Con siderations of the Overlap between D ynasties XIII and XV I/XVII
Prior to the presentation of a formal theory including the overlap between
Dynasties XIII and XVI/XVII by B ennett in the 2002
JARCE,
other scholars had briefly
contem plated this issue. Originally, such ideas were not accepted, as most researchers
adhered to the idea that Dynasty XVII w as simply the continuation of Dynasty XIII at
Theb es. How ever, closer to the time of Benn ett's article, it is clear that many sch olars
were beginning to come to the same conclusion.
Under one scenario for the revised chronology of the Second Intermediate Period,
152
At this point, Davies suggests that Horemkhauef lived during late Dynasty XIII to early Dynasty XVII
while his successor, Sobeknakht, possibly had a long life extending to the end of Dynasty XV II (W .V.
Davies, "El-Kab and Kerm a: The Tomb of Sobekn akht," Paper Presented at the British M useum
Colloquium: The Second Intermediate Period (13th-17th D ynasties), Current Research, Future Prospects,
14July-16 July, 2004.
153
Davies, "Sobeknacht," pp. 18-19.
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Hayes adhered to the idea that the Hyksos took Mem phis and that the Dynasty XIII kings
retreated to Thebes, where they continued to rule. Then, Dynasty XV II (XVI), which
was different from its predecessor emerged independently.
15 4
Hay es also asserts that it is
likely that the progeny of Dynasty XIII continued to rale beneath the Theban kings in
various locations in Upper Egyp t. In fact, Hayes sugg ests that the dynasty (as listed in
the T urin King-List) continued for an additional 17 years, as it overlapped with Dynasty
XV II (XVI). According to him, this situation occurred within the 153 years attributed to
the Dynasty XIII by Manetho (using the revised date to be discussed below). Thus, in
this theory, though it is suggested that Dynasty XIII continued along side Dynasty
XVI/XVII, the capital did not remain at Itjatawy.
In 1981, in an article concerning Nubian pottery in Egypt, Bourriau posits that an
overlap existed between Dyn asties XIII, XV, and XV II (XVI).
15 5
She suggests that the
discrepancy of
the
terminology used to describe cultural units versus political ones did
not allow for this option at the time of her article. Thu s, she does not develop the idea
further.
In
2001,
Spalinger stated:
The famous
Stele Juridique,
for example, seems to me to imply a state of affairs
in Upper Egypt in which an independent group of kings existed a few decades
before the end of Dyn asty XIII. In other words, it is possible that an inde penden t
house of Thebes arose when D ynasty XIII was extremely weak and considerably
reduced in size after the successful seizure of Memphis by the first Hyksos
warrior-king?"
156
He also notes that it is possible that other groups of local kings may have existed.
154
Hayes, "Egy pt: From the Death," p. 53.
155
J. Bourriau, "Nubians in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period: An Interpretation Based on the
Egyptian Ceramic E vidence," in Do. Arnold, ed.,
Studien zur altagyptischen Keramik
(Mainz an Rhein,
1981), p. 27.
156
Spalinger, "Review," p. 298.
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It is important to note that though Spalinger allows for Dynasty XIII to continue into the
Second Intermediate Period, he is not suggesting a long period of time for this situation.
More recently, Polz has suggested that Dynasties XIII and XVII may overlap due to the
separation of generations in
Stele Juridique
as well as ceramic material from Dra Abu el-
N a g a .
1 5 7
- •• •
IILB.4.b. Bennett's Theory
In an article written roughly the same time as Spalinger's comm ents, Bennett has
addressed the overlap issue, claiming that Dynasty X VI (his Dynasty X VII), a
"secessionist provincial regim e,"
15 8
began ten to thirty years before the end of Dynasty
XIII.
15 9
The bulk of Bennett's argument centers around the genealogies of the El Kab
governors, covering a period from the middle of Dynasty XIII until the reign of
Hatshepsut in the New Kingdom , found in the
Stele Juridique,
the family of Queen
M entuh otep, the ancestry of Sobeknakht II from his tomb , and that of Ren i. Thoug h the
junction between these various family and personal career histories is often debated,
Bennett finds a m ethodological solution, using generations of 25±5 y ears, which
demonstrates that the Dyn asty XIII and Dynasty XV I kings likely overlapped due to the
time necessary for regnal lengths to have occurred. Thu s, though som e of the details of
157
Polz and Seiler,
Pyramidenanlage,
p p. 44-47. Note that, due to a delay in the release of
JARCE
2002,
Polz ' article preceded the publication of Bennett even though the dates are reversed. For the stela, see
Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
pp. 65-69, no. 98. For another statement concerning the survival of
Itjatawy, see Stadelmann, "Palaces," p. 14.
158
Bennett, "Genealogical C hronology," p. 123.
159
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 123-155; "Sekhemre Kings," p. 28. Note that although
Kitchen did not propose an overlap with Dynasty XVI/XVI1, he did acknowledge the possibility that
Dynasty XIII could be extended a decade or more (from 150 years) as future data required, something
needed for Be nnett's reconstruction (Kitchen, "Historical Chronology," p. 7).
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the reconstruction of this genealogy may be problematic, the conclusions derived from it
require further attention in order to create a more accurate understanding of the
chronology of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period.
Generation/ King
Year
1. 1712 Wahibre Ibiaw/
1701 Merneferre Ay
2. 1677 Me rhotepre (Ini)
-start of Dynasty XVII-
OfficiaIs/(Group/Office)
Ibiaw (B/vizier)
Senebhenaf (B/vizier)
Sobekhotep (B/hereditary princess)
Ay I (A,C/gov. El-Kab, vizier)
Reditenes (A/king's daughter)
3. 1650
Sekhemresementawy Sobekmose (C/gov. El-Kab)
Djehuty Monruhotep (B/queen)
Ay the Younger (A/gov. El-Kab)
Aym eru (A,C/gov. El-Kab, vizier)
4.
1637 Sewadjenre
Nebiriau
end of Dynasty X III-
5. 1620- Seuserenre
1611 Bebi-Ankh
Kebsi (A/gov. El-Kab)
Sobeknakht I (A, C/gov. El-Kab)
Neferu (C/hereditary princess)
Sobeknakht II (C/gov. El-Kab)
Reditenes (C/hereditary princess)
Table 1.2. The generational correlations as defined by Bennett. Group A is that
from
Stele Juridique,
B is from the
Montuhotep Genealogy,
and C is from
Sobeknakht IPs tomb (El Kab T10). The dates are based on the rough ranges given
by Bennett and are meant to serve as relative markers to illustrate his hypothesis.
The part of Bennett's work, which is of concern in this study focuses on three
docum ents (Table 1.2). The earliest information is found in the G enealogy of Queen
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Mentuhotep.
Bennett states that M entuh otep's grandfather, Ibiaw, was the "overseer of
the compound" {imy-rhnrt) under the Dynasty X III king, Wahibre Ibiaw,
16 1
and was
vizier during the reign of this same king or the next, Merneferre A y. M eanw hile, he
notes that Mentu hotep's father,
Senebhenaf,
1
2
who w as married to the hereditary
princess Sobekhotep, served in this same position under the latter king as well as possibly
into that of Merhotepre Ini. Mentuhotep herself married a Dynasty XVI king ,
Sekemresementawy D jehuty, whose exact placement is not known. Bennett suggests that
Mentuhotep m ay have married Sekemresementawy Djehuty during the reign of
Merneferre Ay before he became king at a later date.
16 3
None theless, the time between
these generations allows for a maximum of thirty to thirty-five years for the remaining
twenty-four or more Dynasty XIII kings.
164
Stele Juridique
provides the next line of evidence in Benn ett's study.
16 5
This
document serves to trace the right of Kebsi to sell his position of the governor of El-Kab
to his "brother" (whether biological or gen erational),
16 6
Sobeknakht II .
16 7
In this lineage,
Ay I, who w as the grandfather of Ke bsi, a governor of El-Kab, served as the vizier of
160
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 126-128; "Sekhemre Kings," p. 28.
161
Franke,
Personendaten,
pp. 74, Doss. 62; 387, Doss. 660; 388, Doss. 661; L. Habachi, "The Family of
the Vizier Ibi' and His Place among the Viziers of
the
Thirteenth Dyn asty,"
S AK 11
(1984), pp. 120-121,
124-125;
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 77, 259, 306.
162
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 388, Doss. 661; M.F.L. Macadam, "A Royal Family of
the
Thirteenth
Dynasty,"
JE A
37 (195 1), pp. 24-25.
163
For the identity of Montuhotepti as the wife of Djehuty, see Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp . 167, n. 601 .
164
Ryholt attempts to place Djehuty w ithin his proper place w ithin Dynasty XVI by using this same type of
reasoning (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 152, 259-260). Howev er, his reconstruction is linear and does
not reflect an overlap between D ynasties XIII and XVI.
165
Bennett, "Genealogical C hronology," pp. 128-129; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p . 234; A. Spalinger,
"Remarks on the Family of Queen
fi
c
.s-nbivand
the Problem of Kingship in Dynasty XIII,"
Rd'E
32
(1980),
p p. 110-111.
166
For the use of this term outside of familial contexts, see D. Franke, "Altagyptische
Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen im Mittleren Reich," dissertation, Universitat Hambu rg, 1983, p. 311;
167
Franke,
Personendaten,
p . 339, Doss. 565.
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Merhotepre Ini.
16 8
His first son, Ay the Younger, was a governor, who died without
having any heirs. Thu s, this position transferred to another son of Ay I and a kin g's
daughter (likely the offspring of Merneferre Ay
16 9
), Reditenes. This son, named A ymeru,
also became a vizier. Bennett suggests that Aymeru served the Dynasty XV I king,
1 i-l A
Sekhem resementaw y Djehuty. Kebsi then inherited the office of governor, which he
sold to Sobeknak ht in the first year of the reign of Sewadjenre Neb iriau.
171
It seems strange that the vizier of a Dynasty X III king transferred his office to h is
son under the Theban kings (Dynasty XVI). Since no other viziers are known in
Dynasties XVI or XV II until the reign of Kamose, it may be the case that Aym eru was
actually the last vizier of Dy nasty XIII. Kebs i's sale of the office of governor may reflect
the loss in the fortunes of the family which had held a relatively large amount of power at
the end of Dynasty X III.
The next relevant ancestry comes from the tomb of the governor of El Kab,
Sobeknakht II .
17 2
Benn ett correlates this series of governors with the names in Stele
168
Franke, Personendaten, p. 48, Doss. 12.
16?
C. Bennett, "The King's Daughter Reditenes," GM151 (1996), pp. 21-22; "Genealogical Chronology,"
p.
138.
170
For a dating after Sob ekhotep V I, see Franke , Personendaten, p. 339, Doss. 565. Habachi believes he
was a vizier during Dynasty XVI/XVII (Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," p. 125).
17
:' Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology,"
p .
124; For Sobeknakht, see Franke,
Personendaten,
p . 387, Doss.
660.
72
Benn ett, "Genealogical Ch ronology," pp . 133-134. A stela within the tomb of Sobeknak ht II at El Kab
has the name of Sekhemresewadjtawy (Sobekhotep III) as well as that of the owner, and some scholars
have dated the tomb to this reign (Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 16, no. 24; C.R. Lepsius,
Denkmdler III (Leipzig, 19 00), PL 13b). See also Ryh olt, Political Situation, p. 344; W eigall, Pharaohs, p .
212;
Hayes,
Horemkha'uef,
p. 3, n. 2; Quirke, "Investigation," p. 169. Bennett cites this dating as a
mistake (Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp.
131,
n. 137). However, he does not explain the
appearance of the prenom en Sekhemresewad jtawy in the tomb. See J.J. Tylor, Wall Drawings and
Monuments of El Kab: The Tomb of Sobeknekht 2 (London, 1896), PI. 7.
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Juridique, though some argue that this group follows the earlier one. In this docum ent,
- Ay II is followed by the governor Sobekm ose before Aymeru of the same generation.
After Aymeru, this account skips Kebsi and lists Sobeknakht I, who is married to the
hereditary princess Neferu. Ne xt, Sobeknak ht II, who is wed to the hereditary princess
Red itenes, inherits the office of governor of El Ka b. Finally, his son, Sobek nakht III
becom es governor. Benne tt explains the differences in the Sobeknakht accoun t and that
in
Stele Juridique
as being due to the fact that the former lists the important governors in
his ancestry while the latter serves as a legal documen t. His reconstruction, ho wev er, is
likely though uncertain.
The Sobeknakht II genealogy and its position in the Second Intermediate Period is
important d ue to the fact that the tomb of this official has b een linked through artistic
style and signature (Netjerusedjem) to that of Horemkhauef, the man, whose stela records
his visit to Itjatawy, where a king was seated.
17 4
Thus, if one is to believe that the later
part of Dynasty XIII and a section of Dynasty X VI were con temporary, then the
chronological placement of the Sobeknakht family is crucial. According to Ben nett's
scheme, which is, by necessity, built upon m any uncertainties, Sobeknakht II is dated to
Seuserenre Bebiankh (1620-1611).
17 5
Dav ies also dates this tomb to late Dynasty
XVI/XVII with the span of 1575-1550 BC, after the start of the war with the Hyksos.
176
Thus, it would appear that, at this point, Davies supports a later date than does
173
For example, Ryholt posits that they are separate groups since Aym eru, the son of Ay in
Stele Juridique,
•
was a vizier, while the Aymeru in the Sobeknakht tomb inscriptions is not listed as having held this office
(Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 240).
174
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 131; W illiams, "Problems," pp. 90-91. Note that Kitchen dates
Dynasty XIII to 1795 to 1638/1627 with the possibility of the group of kings extending a bit later (Kitchen,
"Historical Chro nology ," pp. 7-8, 11). -
175
Bennett, "Gene alogical Chronology," pp. 1 31, 141, 155.
176
Davies, "Sobeknacht," p. 18.
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Bennett.
17 7
• >
Bennett notes that the evidence for Dynasty X III kings being in the Theban area
includes the following rulers after the reign of Merneferre Ay: Merkaure Sobekhotep VII,
Sewedjare M entuhotep, Sewahenre Senebm iew, Sekhaenre, Montuser, Dedumose, and
Djedankhre
Montuemsaf.
178
How ever, according to Ryh olt's study of the
Turin King-
List, the final three of these rulers belong to Dynasties XVI rather than Dynasty XIII.
Also, half of the others (Sewahenre Senebm iew and Sekhaenre) remain unplaced. Thus,
after the reign of Sewedjare Montuhotep {Turin King-List column 8,20), no precise
information concerning the territory of the Dynasty XIII kings can be obtained.
In the past, scholars had rejected the idea that there was an overlap due to the
presence of Dynasty X III names at sites in the south. For example, O'Con nor states:
Moreover, it does not seem likely that the Thirteenth and Seventeenth Dynasties
overlapped in time. The memb ers of both dedicated a variety of structures, stelae,
and statuary at both Abydos and Thebes, and it is hard to imagine that the one
should have permitted the other to do so, if they were to any degree contemporary
in time.
180
However, much of
the
confusion lies in the placement of kings without known
position in the
T urin King-List.
The fragmentary state of this text in its section dealing
with late Dynasty XIII and Theban Dynasty X VI clouds the understanding of the era at
hand. However, further information from the
T urin King-List,
such as the study Ryholt
has undertaken , can certainly aid in settling this confusion. Also , it may be the case that
the list of kings is incomplete, leaving out rulers who were confined to the Memphite
177
Bennett, "Genealogical.Chronology," p. 155.
178
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 128; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 63-65.
179
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 356-357, 359,
390-391,
400, 402. See also Kemp , "Social History," pp.
150-151,
Table
152.151.
180
O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," p. 52.
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region.
Bennett argues that there were five to twenty-five years between the end of the
reign of Merkaure Sobekhotep VII (Dynasty XIII) and the beginning of that of
Sekhemresementawy Djehuty of Dynasty X VI, leaving the remainder of the Dynasty X III
kings with regnal lengths between 3 months and 1.3 years.
18 1
Since Ben nett believes that
these reigns seem to be unusually short, he proposes that the two dynasties overlap
chronologically, allowing for the last of the Dynasty XIII kings with their territory
centered at Memp his and expands their range to 1-5 years each. In the process, Benn ett
extends the years of Dynasty XVI/XVII from 90-100 to 110-130.
182
Benn ett believes that Dynasty X III fell ten to fifteen years after the start of the
Theban regime.
18 3
He notes that the first few reigns of Dynasty XVI were peaceful,
demonstrated by building activity at Abydos and Coptos, but struggles recorded in the
inscriptions of Neferhotep and Montuhotep may indicate more troubled times. How ever,
there is no indication that the Hyk sos brought warfare to the Theban area. Thu s, Bennett
suggests that the remainder of Dynasty X III protected the new dynasty by being a
"buffer,"
184
much like Ryholt had proposed for the Abydos D ynasty.
One interesting observation Bennett presents is the difference in the recording of
dates between Dynasties XII and XV III.
18 5
In Dyn asty XII, the counting of regnal dates
started with the beginning of the civil year immediately following that, in which the king
had come to the throne. Later, in Dynasty XV III, a more complicated system was u sed,
181
Bennett, "Genealogical C hronology," pp. 128-129.
m
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 149.
183
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 126, 129-130.
184
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 129.
185
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 131. See also Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp . 202; 203, n. 705.
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in which the king's reign was counted from the date, on which he took the royal office.
In the. Turin King-List, Dynasty XIII rulers are usually recorded in terms of years,
mon ths, and. days while those of Dynasty X VI are almost always denoted w ith years only.
-Thus, Bennett believes that the Dynasty X VI kings had initiated the new dating system
and that the records and comp utations had b een difficult for the autho rs of the
Turin
King-List
to decipher, so they rounded the numbers to the nearest quantity of
years.
Thus
Bennett states:
A change in regnal dating systems is perhaps easier to understand if the 17
th
dynasty (here Dynasty XVI/XV II) was established as a new and rival regime to
the 13
th
Dynasty rather than as a continuation of that Dynasty. The 18
th
Dynasty
then simply inherited the procedure of
its
predecessor.
,86
In Benne tt's theory, Dynasty XVII (here Dynasty XVI) was an integral reason
why Dynasty X III became w eak and eventually fell as a result of the "inva sion" of the
Hyksos. How ever, one might note that such a bold move by this regime must be
indicative of an already-weakened dynasty. Thu s, the formation of Dy nasties XIV, XV,
and XVI/XV II as well as others, including the K ushite Empire, were not the cause of the
problem b ut were a result of it. It is likely that this weakening of pow er in all but the
core of the Memphite area, if this was the true state of affairs, occurred bec ause o f
internal and external pressures due to issues to be discussed in a later chapter.
8
In his study of the Second Intermediate Period, Ryholt seems to have believed
that Dynasty XV I regnal dates were recorded with the standard year, month, day
designations due to the
w sj
'and possibly preserved day sign in
11.8.
189
However, the
186
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 131.
187
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 123, 151.
188
See Chapter 7.
189
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p.
3 1,
table 36.
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beginning of the list of this dynasty certainly seems to lack any months or days though
Ryholt records them as "missing." Possibly, there was a mistake in the recording of line
11.8 from th e Vorlage . (Ry holt's chart shows that there was a title but no summ ation for
the Dynasty XHI and summ ations for the rest): However, it does seem more plausible
that Bennett's interpretation'of these numbers is correct, especially in light of further
evidence. -
90
Recently, Allen has suggested that the other characteristics of the Turin King-List,
like the dating systems used by the various dynasties, may indicate that an overlap
between D ynasties XHI and XVI is possible.
19 1
In addition to adopting Benn ett's
hypotheses regarding the dating of the d ynasties, Allen also notes the headings (or lack
thereof) for the groups of king s. He derives the following relationship s between the
dynasties: XIII-XIV, XV, and XVI-XVII.
19 2
He reconstructs the heading of Dynasty XIII
as (7.4):
ny[swt ntiw hr] s2 ms[w nsw] bit [sht]p-ib-r
c c
nh
wdS snb, "The kings, who
followed after the children of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Sehotepibre, l.p.h.
193
Allen inserts a fragment of
a
summation of years at the beginning of Dynasty XIV (8.28),
[.. .ir.n.fm]nsw yt[rnpt-hsb]
("he acted as king [for x years/m onths/d ays]") while the
dating system of Dynasty XIII continues.
19 4
The heading preceding the kings of Dynasty
XV (10.22) marks an abrupt break w ith the word
hkSwfoswt,
"Rulers of Foreign lands."
190
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp.
131,
n. 140. Ryholt also noted the possibility that the New
Kingdom dating system m ay have begun in Dynasty XVI (Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 202).
191
J.P. Allen, "Second Intermediate Period."
192
See also Ryholt, "The Turin Kinglist," p. 140, 146.
193
See also, Ryholt, "The Turin Kinglist," p. 142; "Source for Chronology," pp. 26-32.
"So-Called Turin Canon ," p. 29.
194
For the reconstructed compo nent, see J.P Allen, "Turin," p. 49 . Several scholars, beginn ing with Helck
have argued that this formula is used every 13 to 16 lines (Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings," p. 67, n. 65; Helck,
Untersuchungen zu Manetho,
pp. 83-84; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 29).
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As stated before, the changes in year calculations for Dynasties XVI and XVII show that
these two groups are related.
19 5
Previously, Winlock had pondered if
a
relationship
between these two groups might exist due to the fact that the list of tombs within the
Abbott Papyrus
suggests-that the same cemetery developed linearly through both groups
of kings.-
196
With these observations in mind, A llen believes that the overlap b etween
Dyn asties XIII and X VI are likely and stresses the fact that the format of the Turin King-
List
wou ld not have allowed for an overt display of this reality. No nethe less, the change s
in the recording of the regnal lengths of the kings, as described by Bennett, certainly are
indicative of some political overlap.
In the past, scholars have looked to the changes in Dynasty X VI/XV II culture as
resulting from their disconnection from the royal court models of the Middle Kingdom
(including funerary complexes) due to the sudden removal of the traditional Dynasty XIII
rulers from the Memphite region.
19 7
Such changes occurred in the standards of
hieroglyphic transcription, the decrease of the variety and scope of the
Coffin Texts,
and
the development of the
Book of the
Dead.
198
It is unclear why these modifications would
have been necessary, especially since Thebes, the southern capital of the Middle
Note that Winlock had intuitively wondered about the relationship between Dynasties XVI and XVII.
196
Winlock, Rise and
Fall,
pp. 105-108. Ryholt suggests that the Abbott Papyrus may not reflect the
chronological order of tombs (Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 169). For further bibliographic information
concerning the Abbott Papyrus, see Bellion, Catalogue des Manuscrits, p. 1.
197
Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 747; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 128; Grajetzki, Middle
Kingdom, pp. 74-75;.
198
R. Parkinson and S. Quirke, "The Coffin of Prince Henmefer and the Early History of the Book of the
Dead," Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society for Gwyn Griffiths, (London, 1992), p. 48 ; Quirke,
"Royal Power," pp. 127-128. Note that Lapp published a coffin thought to be from Assuit that may date
from Dynasty XIII or XVI and that contains some chapters from the Book of the Dead
(G.
Lapp, "Der Sarg
des JmnJ mit Einem Spruchgut am Ub ergang von Sargtexten zum Totenbuch," SAK 13 (1986), pp. 140-
147).
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Kingdom, still held the documents and examples needed to continue the earlier styles.
However, here again, there may be evidence of a conscious decision to differentiate the
kings and culture of this region from tho se of Dyn asty XIII. Also , continued changes in
the religion of the royal afterlife cannot be attributed strictly to the Theban k ings, as the
tombs of most Dynasty XIII and Dynasty XVI rulers are not known. How ever, material
from the Dynasty XVI/XVII royal burials differs substantially from that of Awibre Hor
and other earlier tombs. Also, the simple plans of the Dynasty XVII pyramids, are
devoid of the complexity of the Late M iddle Kingdom with their hidden and blocked
passages.
Expanding on Bennett's arguments concerning the Late Middle Kingdom/Second
Intermediate Period, Allen has suggested that Dynasty XIV emerged directly from
Dynasty XIII, representing a faction of this group of kings with their own polity in the
Delta.
199
Mean while, Dynasties XV I and XVII, which ruled from T hebes, were also
related to one another. Differences betw een the cultures and later dating of these groups
in the
T urin King-List
m ight suggest that the chronology of the Late M iddle
Kingdom /Second Intermediate Period must be reevaluated.
III.B.4.C. The Distribution of Ceramics in the Late M iddle Kingdom /Second
Intermediate Period
Bo urriau's studies of ceramic material of the Late Middle Kingdom and Second
Intermediate Period appear to reflect the understanding of the poli t ical si tuation presented
J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp. 49, 65-66.
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here. Thou gh pottery cannot be used to determine exact political un its, it can indicate
the spheres of influence of administrations with access to resources (clay types) only
available in specific places. Also, the abrupt abandonment of ceramic forms or
assemblages may correspond to important events.
At some point between the end of the Late Middle Kingdom and the beginning of
the Second Intermediate Period, three distinct ceramic traditions are visible within Egypt
including those of Upper Egypt (and Middle Egypt from Assuit), the Mem phite region
(centered at Itjatawy, down to Assuit), and the Delta.
201
The last of these, of course, is
defined b y Asiatic designs while the other two are the continuation of regional typ es. In
Low er Egypt, the M iddle Kingdom, types, including Marl
C jars,
continue until late
Dynasty XV II/early Dynasty X VIII, when the Upper Egyptian forms replace them (rare
examp les of Asiatic forms made from N ile clays are also found). In Upper Egypt, forms
continue to evolve from the First Intermediate Period through the New Kingdom with no
definitive breaks (besides the loss of Lower Egyptian types).
Interestingly, similar patterns also arise with contact with Kerma. It seems that at
the point in which the Upper Egyptians lose the ceramic types of their northern
neighbors, they also become the only region of the three to be in direct contact with the
200
Bourriau, "Beyond A varis," pp. 159-182; "Second Intermediate Period," p. 197. Slightly earlier, the
sequence at Lisht North as well as at Kom Rab i'a (RA T in Memphis) was believed to show a hiatus just
after the beginning of the Second Intermediate Period, contemporary with the growth in population around
Tell el-Dab'a (F. Arnold, "Settlement," p. 19; D.G. Jeffries, et al., "Memphis
1985," JEA
73 (1987), p. 16).
201
Bourriau, "Patterns of Change," p. 16; Bourriau, "Relations between Egypt and Kerm a during the
Middle and New Kingdoms,"'in W.V. Davies, ed.,
Egypt and Africa
(London, 1991) p. 130. For the
connection between the m aterial culture of at least early Dynasty XIII and D ynasty XII, see Quirke, "Royal
Power," pp. 123, 125; "Thirteenth Dy nasty," p. 397. For a summary of the Tell el Dab'a sequence, see J.S.
Holladay, "The Eastern Nile Delta During the Hyksos and Pre-Hyksos Periods: Toward a
Systemic/Socioeconmic Understanding," inE.D. Oren, ed.,
Th e Hyksos: New Historical and
Archaeological Perspectives
(Philadelphia, 1997), pp. 184-187.
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Kushites (Classic Kerma). This progression may seem natural since the Theban kings
were closest to this region and the administration at this southern capital had no doubt
been in control of this area in the Late Middle Kin gdom . No netheles s, it appears that
Lower Egypt lost contact with Nubia sometime in or after the Neferhotep I to Sobekhotep
IV era while the connection with Upper Egypt remained uninterrupted from the Middle to
the New K ingdoms.
In sum, the disappearance of Low er Egyptian forms from the south as well as that
of Nubian types from the Memphite region seems to correspond w ith the emergence of
Dynasty XV I. The lack of Asiatic m aterial in general for both the Mem phite and Th eban
areas may indicate that the Hyksos had little lasting cultural influence over these regions.
Late Middle Kingdom ceramic forms continued in the local areas under the rule of
weakened D ynasty XIII kings. Prior to the replacement of Middle Kingdom forms w ith
the Upper Egyptian assemblage in the Memphite region, there is a thin layer of clean
sand present at some sites, possibly corresponding to the fall of Dynasty XIII and the war
with the Hyksos.
It should be noted that other regionalized assemblages have been proposed for
Middle Egyp t and the Elephantine area.
20 3
Thu s, the simplified examination presented
above is not sufficient evidence for the political situation in Egypt on its own . How ever,
the nature of these developments near the centers of the territories ruled by these
dynasties is important despite the fact that the peripheral regions do not necessarily
follow suit.
202
Bourriau, "Relations," pp. 130-131.
203
Bourriau, "Beyond Avaris," p. 99.
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III.B.4.d. The Chronology of the Overlap
In traditional scholarly thoug ht, it was believed that a Dedumo se was the Dyn asty
XIII king in Thebes when the Hyksos invaded Egypt. Scholars believed that this king (as
Tutimaios) was associated w ith Manetho (via Josephus)
20 4
with the ruler of the southern
part of Egypt when the Hyksos overtook Mem phis and began their dynasty. As this king
is known from several monum ents in the south of Egypt,
20 5
Ryh olt considers him
(Dedumose D jedhetepre) to be a part of his Theban Dynasty X VI.
20
He argues that the
Tutimaios reference is not really in the Manetho text and, thus, does not refer to this king
known from monum ents at Deir el Bahari and Gebelein.
20 7
Stela 46988 of the Cairo
Museum , which has this kin g's na me, has the later form of the
htp-di-nswt
formula,
possibly indicating that it is a part of the Theban tradition.
208
204
Grimal, History, p. 185; Helck, G eschichte, p .
131;
Redford, P haraonic King-lists, p . 240; Schneider,
Lexikonder Pharaonen, pp. 108-109.
205
Redford, "The Hyk sos," pp. 2-3.
206
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 249, n. 859, 262. Occurrences of Dedumose are found on the following
monum ents: Gebelein stela, CG 20533, and Edfu stela, JE 46998. See Helck, Historische-Biographische,
pp . 43-44, no. 59. von Beckerath places him as the
3 7
th
king of Dynasty X III (von Beckerath, Handbuch,
p .
2 8 5 . • • - . ' - ' ' ' • •
207
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 327-32 8. El-Sayed also implies that this identification is not certain (R.
el-Sayed, "Quelques precisions sur 1'histoire de la province d'Edfou a la 2e Period Interm ediate ," BIFAO
79 (1979), p. 207.
208
For this evidence, see el-Sayed, "Quelques precisions," p. 188, line 181. For the text, see Mioso,
A
Reading Book, pp. 12-14. For the change in the offering formula from T ^ A to T A O D , see P.C. Smither,
"The Writing of
the
htp-d'i-nsw in the Middle and New Kingdoms," JEA 25 (1939). In this article, Smither
notes the earlier version of the sign grouping from the reigns of Sekhemkare, Khendjer Nimaankhare,
Sobekhotep III, Sobekhotep IV, Wahibre, and Queen Nebkhas. Early writings of
the
second form date to
the following kin gs: Dedumo se and Pentjen as well as Apep i, Sobekemsaf and Kam ose. For the stela with
this form, see Mioso, A Reading
Book,
pp. 12-14, lines 15 and 13. See also W. Barta, Aufbau und
Bedeutung der Altdgyptischen Operformel
(Gluckstadt, 1968), pp. 53 ,
73-73;
C. Bennett, "Growth of the
htp-d'i-Nsw Formula in the Middle Kingdom ," JE A 27 (1941), p. 77; Lapp, Typologie derSdrge und
Sargkammern von der
6.
bis 13. Dynastie (Heidelberg, 1993), pp. 67, 194; G. Rosati, "Note e proposte per
la satazione delle stele del Medio Regno," O riens Antiqws 19 (1980), p.
271;
P. V ernus, "Le Pretre-
Ritualiste," p. 590; "Sur les Graphies de la Formule," pp. 151-152. It seems to be the case that this
development as well as others (dates in lunette, appearance of the khehker frieze at the top of stela,
appearance of the king, and whm
c
nti), may derive from expedition sites such as the Sinai and wadis, where
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It has always been assumed that the Hyksos took Mem phis at the beginning of
Dynasty XV . However, it now seems more plausible that Dynasty XV bega n as a
localized polity in the eastern Delta while the end of Dynasty XIII and Theban Dynasty
XVI existed in the south. When Dynasty XV beg an, the power base of Avaris had
already been established by a presumably w eak Dynasty XIV. Thus, a localized kingdom
was easily established, but there may not h ave been the m eans to proceed southward at
that time. During his reign, Sakirhar referred to himself with both the title hk3-h3swt^
well as parts of the Egyptian titulary, including the Nebty and Golden H orus names.
209
According to R yholt, the next king, Khayan, has seals with the title hk3-hlswt and seals
and monum ents with royal titles in conjunction with his nomen and prenom en.
210
Meanw hile, the following rulers, Apepi (contemporary with Sekenenre, Kamose and
Ahm ose) and Khamud i never use any titles other than the royal Egyptian ones. Thus,
here, there is a progression, which Ryholt believed might represent phases in the H yksos
phenomena, though, in the Turin King-List, all of these Asiatic rulers are categorized as
artisans seemed to have had more freedom for experimentation during the latter part of Dyansty XII (C.
Bennett, "The Writing of htp-di-nsw,"
JE A
27 (1941), p. 157; "Motifs and Phrases on Funerary Stelae of
the Later Middle Kingdom," JE A 44 (1958), p.
121;
O. Berlev, "Review of Egyptian Stelae, Reliefs, and
Paintings from the Petrie Collection, Part II, in R.M. Stewart," Bibliotheca Orientalis 38 (1981), p. 32 1;
Freed, "Representation and Style," pp..20, 22, 78, 79, 100,
111;
R.J. Leprohon, "A Late Middle Kingdom
Stela in a Private Collection," in
P.
Der Manuelian, ed., Studies Simpson, 2 (Boston, 1996), p. 528; S.
Quirke, "Horn, Feather and Scale, and Ships: On Titles in the Middle Kingdom," in P. Der Manuelian, ed.,
Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, 2 (Boston, 1996), p. 669; Ro sati, "Note," p.
271;
Vernus, "Sur
les Graphies de la Formule," pp. 141-152). Franke states that the older form continued after the adoption of
the newer one as far south as Dendera (Franke, "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," p. 147).
There was some archaism of this form during Dynasty XVII as well as in the reigns of Hatshepsut and
Thutmosis III of Dynasty XVIII and in the Saite Period (A. Spalinger, "The Concept of Monarchy During
the Saite Epoch-An Essay of Synthesis," Orientalia 47 (1978), pp. 12-13).
209
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 18, n. 35; 43, 119-120, 121. Von Beckerath lists Sakirhar as a part of
Dynasty XV/XVI since he follows the earlier interpretation of the Turin King-list (von Beckerath,
Handbuch,p. 116).
210
For exam ple, see P.E. Newberry, Egyptian Scarabs (Mineola, New York, 2002), p. 115, PL 117.
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"rulers of foreign lands."
211
The evolution of the Hykso s' denotation from "ruler of foreign lan ds"
{hkl-hlswt)
to "king of Upper and Lower Egy pt" and "son of Re," along with the use of the nomens
and prenome ns, rather than indicating the siege of
all
of Egypt as Ryholt proposes, may
-correspond to the events resulting in the taking of Memphis.
21 2
Based upon the names
alone, one might suggest that the Hyksos began moving southward during the reign of
Sakirhor, taking Memp his under Kh ayan 's rule. In theory, once this latter king had
control of the ancient capital, he decided to adopt the full ancient Egyptian titulary.
213
Also,
only Khayan and his successor, Apepi, are known from inscriptions in Egypt
outside of the Delta. Thus, the invasion of Memp his, which resulted in the demise of
Dynasty XIII, may have o ccurred during the reign of Khayan, w hen this king removed
earlier royal statues from the temples of this region, taking them to his capital at Avaris.
Thus, it may be the case that the traditional view, based upon Manetho, that the first king
of Dynasty XV, Salitis, was triumphantly crowned in Memphis may be no thing more
than a myth.
214
It is possible that the Hyksos kings continued their campaign into Upper Egypt,
possibly taking Thebes from the Dynasty XV I kings for a brief period of
time.
Thus, it
may be the case that the difference between Dynasties XVI and XVII is the presence of
211
Ryholt, Political Situation, ^ . 123-124. See also von Beckerath, Handbuch, p. 112-115.
212
This development is also clear in the list of
kings
composed by von Beckerath
{Handbuch,
pp. 114-115).
For a discussion o f
the
"son of R e" epithet, see D.P. Silverman, "Ep ithet
zi R'
in the Old through the
Middle Kingdom," forthcoming.
M
It may be the case that the first kings of Dynasty XV I also did not use all royal titles. An El Kab graffito
names the "son of Re" Dedum ose without the nomen being within a cartouche (A.J. Peden,
The Graffiti of
Pharaonic Egypt. Scope and Roles of Informal Writings (c. 3100-332 B.C.),
Probleme der Agyptologie 17
(Boston, 2001 ), p. 48). How ever, since the exam ple is a graffito, it may not reflect official doctrine s.
214
For an opposing view, see Bietak, "Overview," p. 55.
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Hyksos activity in the Theban region as Ryholt proposed.
215
In this theory, the fall of
Dynasties XIV , XIII, and XVI are all attributed to the Hyksos kings, with the demise of
the latter two occurring well after the former.
IV. Internal Chron ology of<Dynasty XIII
The internal chronology of Dynasty XIII is very complicated due to the condition
of the Turin King-List as well as the different in terpretations of its content. Each major
study, which has included Dynasty XIII, has produced a different result (see Appendix I).
One of the mo st recent of these exam inations w as that of Ryholt.
216
Thu s, this section
will serve primarily as a review of Ryholt's list of Dynasty XIII kings with discussions of
problems and issues related to it.
IV-.A. Ancient Sources
IV.A.
1.
Manetho and the Length of Dynasty XIII
Revealed through Eusebius (ca. 260-340 A D), Africanus (ca. 160-240 AD), and
Josephus
{Contra Apionem
via the later
Epitome),
the history of Manetho
(Aegyptiaca),
that Ptolemy II Philadelphus originally commissioned in 280 BC, states that sixty kings
ruled in Egypt from Diospolis during Dynasty X III, which endured for 453 y ears.
21 7
It is
likely that the sources for Manetho mistook the 100 for 400 since such an error was
215
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 5-6.
216
Ryholt, Political Situation, p p. 7 1, 72, 209-245 , 284, 315-322.
21 7
Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 44; L. Kakosy, "Egypt in Ancient Greek and Rom an Thought," in
J.M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, 1 (Peabody, MA, 1995), p. 6; Lloyd, "Manetho," p.
464;
von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 17; "Zwischenzeit, Zw eite," p. 1444. For a discussion of
Manetho's work, his sources, and his motives, see Redford, Pha raonic King-lists, pp. 203-259, 297-332.
For a typical early use of Manetho, see Weill, La Fin du Moyen Empire, pp . 8-12, 252-262.
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common in the transcription of documents during this time (453 instead of 153).
218
Besides the number of kings (reportedly from Thebes) and the overall length of the
dynasty, Manetho provides no other specific information regarding the historical figures
of this time period. No netheles s, the time given by Man etho for this period as roug hly
150 years is adhered to by most scholars, even though it was composed over 1000 years
after the end of Dynasty XIII.
22 0
It is possible that if M ane tho 's estimate for the length of
this dynasty is incorrect, then the number is too low.
IV.A.2.
The
urin
King-List as the Source for Reconstructing D ynasty X III
Th e
T urin King-List
is the most important text pertaining to Dynasty XIII, as it
objectively presents the names of many monarchs, for whom there is no other form of
evidence, and it lists these rulers (by prenomens or sometime nomens) in chronological
order with their reign lengths.
22 1
Unfortunately, this document is severely damaged and
must be reconstructed in many places.
22 2
To make things even more complicated, it
appears that lacunae were also found in the earlier renditions (derived from five or more
218
Weigall,
Pharaohs,
p. 138. Greenberg has attempted to argue that the actual length of Dynasty XIII is
69 years (Greenberg, "Rehabilitated," pp. 25-28 ; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p . 3, n.2).
219
Weigall,
Pharaohs,
pp . 141-142; Winlock,
Rise and Fall,
p. 94. For a summary of
the
information in
the various sources for Manetho's writings related to the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate
Period, see Petrie,
History,
pp. 202-205.
220
Malek suggests that Manetho used a list similar to the
Turin King-List
as a source for his work (J.
Malek, "The Original Version of
the
Royal Canon of
Turin,"
JEA
68 (1982), pp. 104-105).
221
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 27.
222
Malek, "The Original Version," p. 93; Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 1; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp . 3, 9.
Note that in this study, Ryholt's reconstruction of
the Turin King-List
is utilized since his analysis of the
pattern of the fibers in the papyrus is a technique which mu st not be ignored in favor of earlier work s. This
method was first used by T.G. W ilkinson
(The Fragments of the Hieratic Papyrus at Turin, containing the
names of Egyptian Kings, with the Hieratic Inscription at the back
(London, 1851)).
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manuscripts in early Dynasty XV III), which scribes copied to make this document.
223
Wh en a scribe encountered one of these areas where information was m issing, he would
write the word, wsf
224
Ryholt also noticed that wsf, which marks the place of a king, is
often paired with a six year regnal length in the
T urin King-List.
5
Thus, this formula
was used when a lacuna was encountered as the place holder for an unknown k ing who
ruled and undetermined number.of years.
In his study of this document, Ryholt has outlined several different types of
mistakes, such as incorrect chronology, parts of names, and reign lengths, which have
affected not only the
T urin King-List
but also the interpretation of it by modern
scholars.
22 6
Several of these mistakes have been made in the Dynasty XIII section, one
of which impacts the identity of the first king of the era.
M any of the Dyn asty XIII kings are difficult to identify, as one can see by
comparing Appendices I-III, whe re the names of rulers and their sequen ces differ from
one scholar to the next.
22 7
A large numbe r of kings are listed in order with their regnal
length in the
T urin King-List,
but there are many fragments and lacunae in this text,
mak ing any reconstruction prelimina ry at best. Likew ise, several of these rulers are not
223
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 31-32. Ryholt suggests that there were four versions of
the
king-lists
prior to that now in Turin. Note that some of the developments from o ne source to another could have
occurred in more than one step per document, reducing the number of previous copies by one or possibly
two papyri. For comments concerning Ryholt's reconstruction of the Vorlage, see J.P Allen, "Turin," p. 52.
224
Helck, Untersuchungen zu Manetho, p. 29 ; Kadish, "Historiography," p. 109; Ryholt, Political
Situation, pp. 10-12,
31-33;
"The Turin Kinglist," p. 141, 147-148; "So-Called Turin Canon," pp. 30, 3 1.
Previously, Redford had a different interpretation, believing that ws/indicated where the scribe wished to
show that a king had been intentionally left out of
the
original manuscript due to political or some other ill-
willed purpo se. See Redford,
Pharaon ic King-lists,
p. 15. See also C. Benn ett, "King Qemau: A
Reconsideration," GM159 (1997), pp. 11-12. However, Ryh olt's theory concerning the appearance of wsf
is more consistent with-the evidence at this time.
225
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 15.
226
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 10-28.
227
Grimal, History, p. 183.
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preserved in the
T urin King-List
though their names have been found on statues and other
228
monuments.
IV.B. The Kings of Dynasty X III
IV.B .l. Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I
Th e Tu rin King-List cites, Khutawyre (Wegaf) as the first ruler of Dynasty XIII
(7.5) with a regnal length of over 2 years and 3 mon ths, while Sekhemrekhutawy
Am enem het So bekho tep I is in line 7.19. With the similarity in the prenom ens of these
kings ( s ® versus ^ ?
0
), scholars such as Ryholt have argued that their names were
switched by mistake in this document.
22 9
Allen notes that Ry holt's hypothetical
reconstruction of the previous version of the T urin King-List places these two rulers in
close proximity (col. XII.5 and col. XIII.4), which may explain further how they became
reversed even with Sobekhotep following the prenomen Sekhemrekhutawy.
230
. Other evidence also suggests that Sekhemrekhutawy A menem het Sobekhotep I
belongs closer to the kings of Dynasty XII than to those of Dynasty XIII, as the
Turin
King-List indicates-. For exam ple, this king used a double name , coupling So bekhotep
with Amenem het. Whether these names mark filiation, as Ryholt argues,
23 1
or not, this
king wished to connect himself with a ruler of this name possibly from Dynasty X II. Due
These rulers include Ameny Qemau (who m ay be listed as Amenem hetre in 7.7), Ini, Neferhotep II,
Senebmiew and Sekhaenre (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 337 , 358-359).
229
Breasted,
History,
p . 211; Ha yes, "Egypt: From the De ath," p. 45; G. Legrain, "Notes d'inspection.
XLIX . Le Roi Ougaf et la plaquette Rubensohn,"
ASAE
8 (1907), p. 249 ; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp.
315-318; Stock,
13. bis
17.
D ynastie Agyptens,
pp. 48-49,
50-51;
Weill,
La Fin du Moyen Empire,
pp. 279-
307;
"Les Successeurs de la Xlle D ynasty a Medamoud,"
REA
2(1929), pp. 145, 155; "Complements," p.
10.
'Titulary- Horus:
mnh-[...],
Nebty:?, Golden Horus:
c
nh-ntrw,
Prenomen:
shm-r
c
-hw-t?wy,
Nomen:
sbk-htp
with double name
imn-m-htt.
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 336. See Schneider,
Lexikon der
Pharaonen,
p . 259; von Beckerath,
Handbuch,
pp . 92-93.
230
J.P. Allen, "Turin," p. 50.
231
See Chapter 6.
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to the fact that the heading for this group of rulers in the
Turin King-List
labels them as
those "w ho followed after" D ynasty X II, it is likely that the first entries in this set of
rulers were related, however distantly to Am enemhet III or Am enemhet IV especially
since three out of four of them have second names with some form of Amenemhet.
232
Other evidence also points to a close chronological link between a
Sekhemrekhutawy (presumably Sob ekhotep I) and the kings of late Dynasty X II. This
prenomen appears in the Kahun Papyri,
23 3
texts which begin in Dynasty XII and do not
span the entirety of Dynasty XIII.
23 4
Also, the same man by the name of Sobekwer
(identified through titles and family relationships), appears both in the
Kahun Papyri
during the reign of a Sekhemrekhutawy as well as in the Semna Dispatches, which are
dated to Am enemhet III,
23 5
indicating that the span between these kings was less than one
generation. Several Nile height records, an inscription type continuin g from Dynasty
XII, were found at Semna and assigned to the reign of Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep
T
236
It should be emphasized that the sources listed in the paragraph above all refer to
232
K.S.B. Ryholt, "A Reconsideration of Some Royal Nam es of
the
Thirteenth D ynasty,"
GM
119 (1990),
pp. 210, 213. Drioton and Vandier suggest that Sekhemrekhutawy Am enemhet Sobekhotep I could have
been the spouse of Nefrusobek, achieving the right to the throne through marriage (E. Drioton and J.
Vandier,
L'Egypte
(Paris, 1975), p. 283).
233
Gardiner, Pharaohs, p.
151;
F.L . Griffith, The Petrie Papyri: Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob
(London, 1898), pp. 25-29 , Pis. X-XI.
234
For the Lahun Papyri, see U . Kaplony-Heckel,
Agyptische Ha nschriften I,
(Weisbaden, 1971); S.
Quirke, "Visible and Invisible: the King in the Administrative Papyri of the Late Middle Kingdom," in R.
Gundlaeh and W , Seipel, eds.,
Dasfriihe agyptische Konigtum
(W iesbaden, 1999), pp. 65-66;
The UCL
Lahun P apyri: Religious; Literary, Legal, M athematical and Medical
(Oxford, 20 04);
The Administration
of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom,
(Whitstable, 1990), pp. 155-173; U. Luft,
Das Archiv von Illahun.
Briefe 1
(Berlin, 1992). . . .
235
F mi±e,Personendaten,p.
336, Do ss. 558 ; Griffith,
The Petrie Papyri,
PL X, line 3; P.C. Smither, "The
Semna Dispatches,"
JEA
31 (1945), pp. 7-8. See also Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 315. Ryholt notes that
this document refers to year 40, presumably of Amen emhet III.
236
Grimal, History, p . 184; Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 3, no. 6. A sealing of this king was
found at Mirgissa (Kemp, "Social History," p. 160).
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a Sekhem rekhutawy w ithout the nom en. Thu s, it is not absolutely certain that these texts
belonged to Sekhemrekhutawy Am enemhet Sobekhotep I. Scholars have listed up to
three possible kings with this prenomen: A menemh et Sobekhotep, one with an unknown
nomen and Horus name KhabaW,'and Pantjeny.
237
It is likely that Pantjeny dates to
Dyn asty XV I since a stela with his name d isplays the later form of the offering
formula.
238
Thu s, he can be eliminated from the possible rulers with this name at the
beginning of Dynasty XIII.
When scholars accept Wegaf as the first king of Dynasty XIII, they often place
(Horus) Khabaw in the
wsfrn Turin King-List
7.6 to explain the early occurrences of the
prenomen Sekhemrekhutawy.
23 9
How ever, an architrave from Tanis may link Khabaw
with Awibre Hor due to the fact that both of their (Horus) names appear in its
inscription,
24 0
though other explanations are possible.
24 1
More conclusively, a bark stand
from Medamud displays the name of Wegaf, w hich appears to have been added to that of
Sedjefakare Amenemhet, and may indicate that the former ruled after the latter, making it
impossible that Wegaf w as the first king of the Dy nasty.
242
For this reason,
237
Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp. 249, 251-254; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 316-317; von B eckerath,
Untersuchungen, pp; 33-36, 46-49; W eill, La Fin du Moyen Empire, pp. 285-286.
238
For references, see note 208. Smither notes the earlier version of
the
sign grouping from the reigns of
Sekhemkare, Nimaank hare Khendjer, Sobekhotep III, Sobekhotep IV, Ibiaw, and Queen Nebkhas (Smither,
"The Writing of the htp-d'i-nsw" pp. 34-35). Early writings of the second form date to the following kings:
Dedum ose and Pantjeny as well as Apepi, Sobekemsaf and Kamo se. Franke states that the older form
continued after the adoption of
the
newer one as far south as Dendera (Franke, "Altagyptische
Verwandtschaftsbezeichhungen," p. 147).
239
For example, see Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 251.
240
P. Montet,
La Necropole Royale de
Tanis, III (Paris, 1960), pp. 71-73, PI. 28; Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 318; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 45.
241
J.P. Allen, "Turin," p. 50.
242
F. Bisson de la Roque and J.J. Clere,
Fouilles de Medam oud
1927, FIFAO 5 (Cairo, 1928), p. 8 5, Fig.
61 ,
PL III; K.A. Kitchen, "Byblos, Egypt, and Mari in the Early Second Millennium B.C .,"
Orientalia
36
(1967), p. 45; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 317-318, 341; J. von Beckerath, "Notes on the Viziers 'Ankhu
and 'Iymeru in the Thirteenth Egyptian Dyn asty,"
JNES
17 (1958), p. 267. Note that Ryholt confirms this
conclusion from a drawing because the photo was not clear enough. However, enough is visible in the
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Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I can likely be reconstructed as the first king
of Dyn asty XIII. .
Quirke has recently argued that the Turin King-List is correct and that time
between W egaf and Sekhemrekhutawy (Amenem het Sobekhotep I) may only be 5-10
years because the-reigns were so short.
243
It should be noted that six out of fifteen kings
with estimated regnal lengths based on relatively solid evidence ruled for at least 12
years.
24 4
Thu s, the actual num ber for all of these kings must be significantly g reater
considering that many of the known and proposed pyramids of the Late Middle Kingdom
likely belong to rulers of this era (making these reigns from 2-4 years or longer based
upon the construction tim e for these pyramids). Thus, it is unlikely that Q uirke's
proposal explains the commonalities between this king and those of late Dynasty X II.
IV.B.2. Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef
The king following the three year-reign of Sobekhotep I is Sekhemkare
(Amenemhet Senebef),
245
who also has the double name, which appears in the
Turin
King-List.
Little is know n conce rning this ruler, but there is a Nile level record dating to
his fourth year at Semna as well as an inscription at Askut dated to Year 3, and his name
photograph (along with the drawing) to determine that the styles differ between the inscriptions of the two
kings. Against this interpretation, see Franke , "Zur Chronologie," p. 249; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 34.
243
S. Quirke, "In the Name of the King: On Late Middle Kingdom Cylinders," in E. Czerny, et al., eds.,
Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred
Bietak,
1
(Dudley, MA, 2006), pp. 264-265.
244
Kings included in the six are: 1. from the
Turin King-List
—First K ing (Sobekhotep I), 2 years 3 months;
Amenem hetre at least 3 years; S ehotepibre, at least
1
year; Reniseneb, 4 months; 2. from N ile records—
Senebef, at least 3 years; Khendjer, at least 3 years.
245
Titulary- Horus:
m h-ib-tiwy,
Nebty: it-shm-f, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
shm-ki-r
c
,
Nomen:
snb.f
with
double name
imn-m-htt.
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 336; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp . 31-33;
Handbuch,
pp. 88-89.
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appears in the
Lahun Papyri.
24 6
Ryho lt suggests that the filiative doub le nam e indicates
that Amenemhet III or IV was the father of this ruler, making Sobekhotep I his half or
full brother.
247
In a statue from Elephantine, a king is named as Sekhemkare Am enemhet.
Ryholt believes that this ruler is the one mentioned in the Turin King-List 1.1 (imn-m-h
c
t-
[r
f
]).
24 8
Ho wev er, it is mo re likely that the statue reflects the double naming of the king
Sekhemkare Am enemhet Senebef, especially since the interchanging of names occurs in
private ex amples.
24 9
For example, one private person, Amen emh et was also referred to
as "Amenemh et R enefseneb" w ithin a single inscription.
25 0
Also , it seems unlikely that
two kings, who reigned w ithin a year or two of one another wo uld have had the same
prenom en as this situation would have been confusing. The vizier during the reign of
Senebef was Khenmes.
251
IV.B.3.
Nerikare
In
the same line as the entry for Sen ebef (7.6), there is a
wsf,
which, according to
246
A. Badawy, "Preliminary Report on the Exc avations by the University of California at Askut (First
Season, October 1962-January 1963),"
Kush
12 (1964), pp. 52-53; Gardiner,
Pharaohs,
p. 151; J .
Vercoutter, "Semna South Fort and the Records of Nile Levels at Kumma,"
Kush
14 (1966), p. 139; M.
Bellion,
Catalogue des Manuscrits,
p. 166 (Pap. Kahun IV.l).
247
Ryholt, "Royal Names," p. 106;
Political Situation,
p. 209. Note that Ryholt rules out Am enemhet III in
a later publication due to his assumption that the king had no living sons upon his death, leading to the rule
of Amenemhet IV, who he believes was not from the royal bloodline (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 209).
248
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 336, 337. See also von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 36.
249
For the known exam ples, see P. Vernus,
Le Surnom au M oyen Empire Procedes d'Expression et
Structures de la Double Identite du Debut de la Xlle Dynastie a la Fin de la XVIIe Dynastie
(Rome, 1986),
pp . 3-77.
250
See Vernus,
Surnom,
p . 9; J. Garstang,
ElArabah
(Lond on, 1901), PI. 8.
251
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 286, Doss. 461; H. Gauthier,
Le Livre des Rois d'Egypte,
II, MIFA O 18
(Cairo, 1912), p. 4; Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," p. 122; Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
p. 3, no. 5; P.
Newberry, "Extract From My Notes IV,"
Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology
23 (1901), pp.
222-223; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 132; Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
p . 57; Weill,
La Fin du
Moyen Empire,
p. 310.
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Ryh olt, indicates a lacuna in the scrib e's source. The num ber of years recorded for the
unknown king is six with no months or days, the type of entry used when the num ber of
years of a ruler whose name was not know n. Since there are a number of rulers of
Dynasty XIII, who are not listed in the
T urin King-List
but are known through
monum ents or seals, some scholars have attempted to place the known nam es into this
position. Ryho lt believes that Nerik are would fit into the initial ws/d ue to the fact that
there are Nile level records at Semna and Askut dated to year 1 of this king.
25 3
Since the
practice of recording the level of the Nile in the Nubian region occurred during late
Dynasty XH -early D ynasty XIII, this king likely reigned during this period. Thus,
placing him in this wsf entry seems logical.
Seals of
a
king Sobek are known and can be dated to early in Dynasty X III
(before Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III). Ryholt suggests that this nomen may
belong to Nerikare or (Horus) Khabaw, since this part of their titularies has yet to be
identified.
5
How ever, one must wonder if this is a nicknam e for Sobekho tep similar to
that of Am eny for Amenemhet (see below).
IV.B.4. Ameny Qemau
In position 7.7 in the
T urin King-List,
there is the name Am enemhetre with a year
252
Ryholt, Political Situation,
pp. 11-12, 192.
253
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 70, 318 -31 9,33 7. Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?,
Prenomen:
wy-kl-r
c
,
Nom en:?. See Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
p. 180. J.P. Allen believes that
this recons truction is possible (J.P. Allen , "Turin," p. 51). Gab olde argues that this king did not exist and
that the incomplete cartouche from which he is known is actually that of Woserkare Khendjer. Gabolde,
"Nerkare a-t-il Existe?,"
BIFAO
90 (1990), pp. 213-222. However, Ryholt notes that a stela from Thebes
confirms the existence of Nerikare (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 337, n. 1).
254
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 34, n. 89. For a drawing of
the
seal, see Stock,
13. b is 17. D ynastie
Agyptens,
pp . 47, 39, Abb. 54. Stock suggested Sobekhotep or Sobekemsaf
as
the full name of
the
king.
However, since all kings with the name Sobekemsaf date to Dynasty XVII, it is unlikely that this seal
represents one of them.
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date of at least 3. Becau se there is no king with this exact preno men , there are different
opinions as to who this ruler might be. Ryho lt suggests that this entry nam es S ekhem kare
Am enemhet, who has been combined with Sekhemkare Am enemhet Senebef in this
study. Ryho lt also Suggests that that Qem au was the son of this king, using the filiative
double name Ameny Qemau,
256
with Ameny being a shortened form of Amenemhet.
257
In this scenario, Qem au's nam e is placed in a wsf lost in a lacuna after Amenemhetre.
Allen suggests that Ameny Q emau is the Amen emhetre of
Turin King-List
7.7
and that his likely father Sekhemkare Amenem het may have been represented by the
same
wsf
entry as Nerikare.
25 8
Ben nett notes that it is possible that the father of Qemau ,
Am eny, may not have actually been a king.
25 9
Nonetheless, he favors Am enemhet III or
IV from Dynasty XII or some other previous ruler by this name as the father of Qemau
rather than placing him within a reconstructed
wsf
entry.
26 0
It is also possible that the
double name of Qem au refers to his grandfather. Significantly, the entry in the Turin
King-List
(7.7) denotes a reign of three or four years, depending upon whether or not a
stroke appears in the lacuna. The presence of the pyramid of Ameny Q emau at D ahshur
indicates that a regnal length of at least 3 years is possible for this ruler.
255
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 214-215.
256
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Ho rus:?, Prenomen:?, Nomen:
kmJwwith
double name
imny.
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 11-12, 192, 337; "The Turin K inglist," pp. 149-150; "A Bead of King
Ranisonb and a Note on King Qem au,"
GM
156 (1997), pp. 97-100; von Beckerath,
Handbuch,
102-103.
257
A private tomb at Beni Hasan (tomb 2), belonging to an Am enemhet (Dynasty X II Kheperkare
Senwosret 1), shows different forms of
the
name, including Ameny, used interchangeably throughout the
tomb (P.E. Newberry,
Beni Hasan,
Archaeological Survey of Egypt
1
(London, 1893), p. 11).
258
J.P.A llen, "Turin," pp. 50-51.
259
Bennett, "Qemau," pp. 11-17.
260
See also the consideration of these kings in Grimal,
H istory',
p. 183; Ryholt, "Royal Names," pp. 107-
109.
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IV.B.5.
Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef
The king listed in 7.8 of the Turin King-List is Sehotepibre, who is thought to be
Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef.
261
Ryh olt, likely correctly in this case, believes that
the double name, Qemau, shown by this king refers to his father and predecessor Ameny
Qemau.
26 2
Ho wev er, it is possible that the name indicates a full statemen t of filiation
(Qemau son of (si) Harnedjeritef).
263
Th e
Turin King-List
assigns at least one year to him
with a maximu m of four years, though this numb er is unlikely in the space of the line and
the associated lacuna; it is probable that the number is on the lower end of this range.
IV.B.6. Iwefni
The king following Qemau and his son in the
Turin King-List
is Iwefni (7.9).
Unfortunately, the papyrus breaks before recording the number of years of this king's
reign, and he is not known from any other source. His familial relationship to those who
preceded, as well as those who follow ed/remains unknow n.
IV.B.7. Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet
After Iwefni, Sankhibre (Ameny Intef Am enemhet), came to the throne (7.10).
265
Ryholt suggests that this king used filiative names to refer to his grandfather, Ameny and
Titulary- Horus:?; Nebty:?, Golden H orus:?, Prenomen: htp-ib-r
c
, Nomen:
si-hrw-nd-hr-itf.
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p.
338. See also von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 39-40; Handbuch, pp.
90-91.
262
Ryholt, "Royal Names," pp. 106-107, 109-110; Political Situation, p. 70. See also Quirke,
. "Investigation," p. 216 .
263
von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 39.
264
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden H orus:?, Prenomen:?, Nomen: Iw.f-n.i. Ryholt, Political Situation,
p.
3 38; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 40; Handbuch, pp.
90-91.
265
Titulary- Horus: s
c
nh-ib-Owyi'shr-tiwy, Nebty: shm-h
c
w, Golden Horus: hk-m3
c
t, Prenomen: s
c
nh-ib-r
c
,
Nomen: imn-m-Iitf with triple names inmyand in-it.f. Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 338. See also
Schneider, Lexikon der Pharaonen, p . 57; von Beckerath, Handbuch, pp.
90-91.
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father, Intef.
266
If the understanding of this triple name is correct, Sankhibre
Amenemhet's father was
not a
king, something, which seems
to
contradict Ryh olt's
theory that filiation always indicates royal parentage in the names of kings. However,
here,
the
lineage
may be
intended
to
indicate that Ameny
was the
grandfather
via the non-
ruling
son, Intef.
Thoug h Ryholt suggests that seals with
the
title " kin g's
son and the
name Intef may refer to the father of this kin g,
26 7
one must take note that this designation
was comm only used
for men
outside
the
royal family
at
this time.
268
IV.B.8.
Semenkare Nebnun and Sehotepibre
The kings
in
lines 7.11
and 7.12
of the
Turin King-List are
Semenkare (Nebnun)
and Sehotepibre.
26 9
Since
the
list only contains
the
name Sehotepibre
for the
latter, there
is some confusion since this same prenomen appears
in
7.8. How ever,
as
mentioned
above, Ryholt amends this earlier occurrence to Hotepibre. One of the reasons why he
266
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 214-215, 338;
von
B eckerath, Untersuchungen, pp .
40-41.
267
Martin,
Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals,
p. 24, numbers 237-238; Ryholt,
Political
Situation, p .
214,
Table
248).
Franke, "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen,"
pp.
308-309; "Review
of
Ward, Essays
on
Feminine Titles of the Middle Kingdom and Related
Subjects," JEA 76
(1990), p.
229;
Egyptian Titles,
Redford, "The Hyk sos,"
p. 2; von
B eckerath, Untersuchungen, pp.
100-101;
Ward, Index,
p. 145;
Essays,
pp . 39-40, 40-44,
120. For a
similar situation
in
parts
of
the
Old
Kingdom,
see K.
Baer, Rank
and
Title
in
the Old Kingdom. The Structure of the Egyptian Adm inistration
in
the Fifth
and
Sixth Dynasties (Chicago,
1960),
pp. 32-22, 45;
C.F.
Nims, "Some Notes
on the
Family
of
Mereraka," JAOS 58 (1938), 638-647.
For
a study with slightly different conclusions,
see B.
Schmitz, Untersuchungen
zum
Titel sA-niswt
'Konigssohn', Habelts Dissertationsdrucke. Reihe Agyptologie
2
(Bonn, 1976). Note that Bietak
has
proposed that Nehesy 's father founded Dynasty
XIV
based upon
his
literal interpretation
of
this title
(Bietak, "Zum Konigsreich," pp. 59-60).
For the
possibility that this title continues
to be
honorific
in
Theban Dynasty XVI,
see
el-Sayed, "Quelques precisions,"
p.
201.
For
general problems with interpreting
titles, see
D. Franke, "Probleme
der
Arbeit
mit
altagyptischen Titeln
des
Mittleren Reiches,"
GM 83
(1984),
pp .
103-124.
269
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
smn-Jc?-r
L
',
Nomen: nb-nwn; Horus: swsh-tiwy,
Nebty:?, Golden hours:?, Prenomen: shtp-ib-r
c
, Nomen:?. Ryholt, Political Situation,
pp.
338-339:
von
Beckerath, Handbuch, pp.
90-91. For the
assignment
of
the Horus name
of
this king from
a
stela from
Gebel Zeit,
see
P.
Mey, et
al., "Installations R upestres
du
Moyen
et du
Nouvel Empire
au
Gebel Zeit (pres
de Ras Deb) sur la Mer Rouge," MDAIK 36 (1980), pp. 304 -305, Fig. 301(301), PI. 380a. See also R yholt,
"A Bead," pp. 97-98.
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chose to place Sehotepibre in this position is the separate occurrences of this name and
that of Nebmm on stelae at Gebel Zeit.
27 0
Ben nett points to the fact that the inscribed
royal stelae of
the
Dynasty XIII kings were found in unassociated contexts and, thus, do
not necessarily point to a chronological connection.
271
Also , it is still poss ible that the
son of Amen y.Qemau, Hotepibre, could, have occupied this position despite the notion
that he likely reigned d irectly after his father.
IV.B.9.
Sewadjkare and Nedjemibre
Little is know n concerning the next two kings in the
T urin King-List
(7.13-14),
979
Sewadjkare and Nedjem ibre. The latter seems to be mention ed in a Dem otic docum ent
in the Carlsberg Papyri in Copenhage n. How ever, Ryholt suggests that this deceased
king, N edjemibenpare
(ndm-Ib-n-pS-r
c
),
actually may be a ruler of the Third Intermediate
Period, since the story containing his name is set in that era.
273
The regnal length of
Nedjemibre can be reconstructed in the Tu rin King-List as seven mon ths(?).
IV.B.10. Khaankhre Sobekhotep II
The nomen of Khaankhre Sobekhotep II (written.as Sobekhotepre) can be found
270
G. Castel and G. Soukiassian, "D epot de Steles dans le Sanctuaire du N ovel Empire au Gebel Z eit,"
BIFAO
85 (1985), p. 290, PI. 262; Mey, et a l., "Installations Rupe stres," pp. 30 4-305; Ryholt, "A B ead,"
pp .
99-100;
Political Situation,
p. 78. In this area, galena mining took place, an activity that continued well
into the Second Intermediate Period, as indicated by the presence there of Dynasty XVI/XV II m onuments
(Sewoserenre Bebiankh and Nebkheperre Inter).
271
Bennett, "Qem au," p. 15.
272
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
swld-kl-r
c
,
Nomen:?; Horns:?, Nebty:?, Golden
Horus:?, Prenomen:
ndm-ib-r
c
,
Nomen:? Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 339. See also von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p .
4 1; Handbuch,
pp.
90-91.
7
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 339.
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in
T urin King-List
column 7.15 followed by the phrase, "son o f
(sf)
and possibly nnl
274
Thus, it is likely that this king was not of royal lineage, as his father's name is not in a
cartouche . The name of the father of Kh asekhem re Neferhotep I appears in a similar
fashion in the
Tu rin King-List.
The regnal length of Sobekho tep II is not preserved .
IV.B.ll. Amenemhet Reniseneb
The next ruler in the T urin King-List, Reniseneb,
27 5
has a regnal length of four
mon ths. In an inscribed bead, this king has a double name, including A menemh et.
276
According to his filiation theory, Ryholt suggests that this king's father was either
Sankhibre Amenemhet, Sehotepibre, Sewadjkare, or Nedjemibre (nomens not known for
the last three). How ever, one must always remember that private people also used
their grandfather's nam es in double naming. This name could also link him to an
ancestor, a family, or a revered predecessor.
IV.B.12. Awibre Hor
The next ruler listed for Dynasty XIII in the Turin King-List (7.17) is Awibre
(Hor) (spelled
iwt-ib-r
c
in this docum ent).
27 8
Aw ibre Hor was buried in a reused shaft
tomb at the pyramid comp lex of Am enemhet III at Dahshur. The location of this tomb,
274
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 215, n. 740; "The Turin Kinglist," p. 144. Titulary- Horus:
sml-tiwy,
Nebty:
dd-h
c
w,
Golden Horus:
kiw-ntrw,
Prenomen:
h^-^nh-r^
Nomen:
sbk-htp.
Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 339 ; Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
pp. 254-255; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 42-
43;
Handbuch,
pp. 90-93.
275
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden H orus:?, Prenomen:?, Nom en:
rn.i-snb,
with double name
irnn-m-
h
c
t.
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 339; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 44;
Handbuch,
pp. 92-93.
276
Ryholt, "A Bead," pp. 95-96.
21 1
Ryholt, Political Situation,]). 216.
. . . . . .
278
Titulary- Horus:
htp-ib-Gwy,
Nebty:
nfr-h
c
w,
Golden Horus:
nfr-ntrw,
Prenomen:
2w-ib-r
c
,
Nomen:
brw.
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 339. See also Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
pp. 134-135; von
Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 44-49;
Handbuch,
pp. 92-93.
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along with the finds inside, suggests to some scholars that the power of kingship had
weakened.
279
No nethe less, as indicated in a later chapter, the tomb of Aw ibre Hor,
though modest, was not devoid of
some
luxury. How ever, one must recognize here that
the state-of the-Egyptian economy as a whole may be more to blame for the scarcity of
expensive items in Awibre H or's tom b, rather than the diminishing power of the king. In
fact, Weigall had even reported that the tomb demonstrated that "more stable conditions
had returned."
280
A princess, Nebhotepti, the child, associated w ith Awibre H or through the style of
her objects, was buried in the tomb adjacent to that of the king.
28 1
Ryholt, following
Hari, has argued that the mother of this princess was the queen and kin g's mother
Nebh otepti, known through seals and a statuette at Semna.
2 2
Ryholt also surmises that
the children of Awibre Hor and Nebhotepti included Khabaw Sekhemrekhutawy, w hose
name is found upon an architrave at Tanis along with that of his supposed father, possibly
indicating a coregency, as well as Djedkheperew. Neither Khabaw nor
Djedkheperew are found in the
Turin King-List,
and Ryholt believes that they are
279
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 171.
280
W eigall, Pharaohs, p. 147.
281
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 217.
282
D. Dunham and J. Janssen, Semna Kumma, Second Cataract Forts I (Boston, 1960), p. 28, PI. 87 A21,
A22;
R. Hari, "Un Reine Enigmatique: Nebon-Hotepti," BSEG 4 (1980), p. 47; E. Hornung and E.
Staehelin, Skarabaen u nd andere Siegelamulette aus Basler Sammlungen, Agyptische Denkm aler in der
Schweiz I (Mainz am Rhein, 1967), pp. 215-216, no. 128. Note that Ryholt's argumentation regarding the
reign to which this queen belongs is circular {Political Situation, p . 218).
283
Murnane,
Ancient Egyptian Coregencies,
SAOC 40 (Chicago, 1977), p. 25. These two kings could also
have been related without ruling sequentially, or one may have been a revered predecessor of the other.
See J.P. Allen, "Turin," p. 50.
284
Titulary- Horus: h
c
-b w, Nebty:
whm-dd,
Golden Horus:
c
nh-mptw, Prenomen: shm-r
c
-hw-tiwy,
Nomen :?; Titulary- Horus: dd-hprw, Nebty: dd-msw, hrw-
c
}(?), Prenomen./...]k -r
c
, Nom en:/ ...]i. Ryholt
suggests that the nomen of Khabaw could be Sobek (Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 38-39, 70, 216-218,
219, n. 755 , 318, 340).
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represented by an unpreserved tra/entry .
28 5
He also claims a chronological link between
Khabaw and Djedkheperew and king Sheshi (Ryho lt's Dynasty XIV) at Uronarti,
286
though reviews of this argument suggest that this conclusion may not be archaeologically
sound.
287
Also , Ryh olt argues that Djedke perew is the king listed upon the Osiris bier in
the tomb of Djer at Abydos along with traces of
Imv
(Hor). Unfortunately, however,
the actual identity of the king in this inscription and its precise date are not clear, and
thus,
the relationship between this ruler and Awibre Hor is far from certain.
289
IV.B.13.
Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet
The king following Aw ibre Hor in the
Turin King-List
is Sedjefakare
28 5
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 11-12, 192.
286
G.A. Reisner, "Clay Sealings of Dynasty XIII from Uronarti Fort,"
Kush
3 (1955), pp. 36; 53 , Figs. 2-4;
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp . 321-322; S.T. Smith, "Adm inistration," p . 207.
287
For a response to the archaeological objections to this theory, see Ryholt "Date of
the
Kings."
288
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 217, n. 747; 286, n. 1033. Other options have also been suggested. For
Khendjer, see Leahy, "A Protective Measure at Abydos in the Thirteenth Dyna sty,"
JE A
75 (1989), pp. 55-
56 ; J. Weg ner, "The Mo rtuary Complex of Senw osret III: A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity and
the Cult of Osiris at Ab ydos ," dissertation, University of Pennsylva nia, 1996, p. 385. Grajetzki b elieves the
Osiris bier dates to Dynasty XIII (Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers,
p. 41). For Djedkheperew, see Leahy, "The
Osiris 'Bed' Reconsidered,"
Orientalia
46 (1977), pp. 433-434. J.P. Allen argues that this bier belongs to
Pantjeni, the Dynasty XV II (Ryh olt's Abydos Dy nasty) king, based upon the space in the inscription for the
throne name Khutawy (J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp. 50-51, 68, n. 10). Von Beckerath believes that the name on
this object is Neferkare (N ebiryra II?) possibly of Dynasty X VI (his Dynasty XV II) but that the bier itself
dates to Dynasty XIII (von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 185). For Dynasty XV III or after, see
Amelineau,
Tombeau,
p. 118. For references to dating this object to the Late Period, see Leahy, "Osiris
.'Bed,'" pp. 426, n. 421. For several options, see M.G. Maspe ro,
Guide to the C airo Museum
(Cairo, 1910),
pp .
176-177. Other names have also been considered by scholars.
289
E. Amelineau,
Le tombeau d'Osiris
(Paris, 1899), pp. 109-115, Pis. 102-104. For Awibre Hor of
Dynasty X III, see Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 286, n. 1033. For Khendjer, see Dodson,
The Canopic
Equipment,
p. 35 , n. 86;
Monarchs,
p. 6 8; Leahy, "The Osiris 'Bed,'" pp. 433-434; "Protective M easure,"
pp .
55-56; J. Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," p. 385;
The Mortuary Temple,
p. 22.
Grajetzki believes the O siris bier dates to Dynasty XIII. Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers,
p .
41.
For the Dynasty
XVI/XV II king Pantjeny, see J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp. 50-51, 68, n. 10. ForNebiriau of Dynasty XVII
(Ryholt's Dynasty XVI), see von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 184, 289.
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(Amenemhet).
29 0
Very little is know n about the reign of this ruler, who occupied the
throne for an unknow n num ber Of years. How ever, this king does possess a nomen with a
double name Kay. Ryholt suggests that a ma gic wa nd
(CG 9433)
displaying the name of
Kay, as a double name w ith Seb, shows that
this
m an also ruled and that these supposed
kings were the father and grandfather of-Amenemhet.
291
Though some scholars have
suggested that the name on.the wand is a version of Sedjefakare,
292
Ryholt argues that
these are separate kings and proposes that both of them w ere included in the same
unpreserved
wsfas
Khabaw and Djedkheperew.
Allen cautiously approaches Ryh olt's conclusion that all royal double names
represent filiation and indicate that both a father and a son ruled.
29 4
It is possible that Seb
and Kay may have been given royal titulary honorarily, which may have h appened in
regard to Montuhotep I in early Dynasty X I.
95
How ever, in this case, the royal ancestor,
Mo ntuhotep was not comm emorated until Dynasty XII, which weakens the argument that
a double name could be used this way.
29 6
It is also possible that all three nam es refer to
Amenemhet
himself.
29 0
Titulary- Horns:
hry-tp-Bwy,
Nebty:
ntr-blw,
Golden Horus:
c
i-phty,
Prenomen:
sd8-ki-r
c
,
Nomen:
imn-
m-filtwith
double name
kty.
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p . 341; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 46;
Handbuch,
pp. 92-93.
-
•
G. Daressy,
Catalogue General des Antiquites Egytiennes du M usee du C aire: Textes et Dessins
Magiques
(Cairo, 1903), pp. 43-44; D. Randall-Ma clver and A.C . Mace,
ElAmrah andAbydos,
I (London,
1902), PI. 43; Ryholt, "Royal Names," p. 110;
Political Situation,
pp. 70, 218-219.
292
Qu irke, "Royal Power," p. 130; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 46.
293
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 208. - ' . . ' ' ' - . .
294
J.P.A llen, "Turin," p. 5
1.
295
Von Beckerath,
Handbuch,
p p. 76-77, n. 2.
L. Postel,
Protocole des Souverains Egyptiens et Dogme Monarchique au Debut du M oyen Em pire
(Turnhout, 2004), pp. 7-54.
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IV.B.14. Khutawyre Wegaf
As discussed above, the next ruler listed in the Turin King-List is
Sekhemrekhutawy (Amenemhet) Sobekhotep (7.19), with both his nomen and prenomen
in a single cartouche. As Ryholt and others have pointed out, this king w as probably
confused with Khutawyre W egaf
(7.5),
29 7
who actually belongs in this position and ruled
for a little over two years (see section IV. B.l . above). How ever, many scholars continue
to argue that the order reflected in the
Turin King-List
is accurate due in part to this
kin g's activity at Medamud where, Dynasty XII rulers had also built monum ents.
298
How ever, Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I also had monum ents there.
299
IV .B.l5 . Woserkare Khendjer
The next entry in the
T urin King-List
includes both the prenomen and nomen of
297
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 13; Stock,
13. bis 17. Dynastie Agyptens,
pp. 48-49; von Beckerath,
"Notes on the V iziers," p. 267.. Titulary- Horus:
shm-ntrw,
Nebty:
h
c
-b w,
Golden Horus:
mry-[,..],
Prenomen:
hw-tiwy-r
c
,
Nomen:
wgi.f
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 341; von Beckerath,
Handbuch,
pp.
92-93. See also Schneide r,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
p . 311.
298
E.A.W. Budge, ed., The Egyptian Sudan, Its History a nd Monuments, 1 (London, 1907), pp. 485-486;
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 171; Grimal,
History,
p. 184; Haye s,
Scepter,
p . 341; Kem p, "Social History,"
p. 160; Save-Soderbergh,
Agypten undNubien,
pp. 118-119; Stock,
13. bis
17.
D ynastie Agyptens,
p . 50;
von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 30-31; Weill,
La Fin du Moyen Emp ire,
pp. 279-307'. Vercoutter
considered the theory about the confusion in the names in the
Turin King-List,
but decides that Wegaf was
the first king largely due to his hypothesis that Semna w as abandoned early in the dynasty when a supposed
dam there was no longer needed (J. Vercoutter, "Le Roi Ougaf
et
la XHIe Dynastie sur la lime Cataracte,"
Rd'E
27 (1975), pp.22 2-2 24, 227-229, 234, PI. 222). See also W. Helck, "Review of von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen zur politischen G eschichte der zweiten Zwischenzeit in Agypten,"
AF O
22 (1968/1969),
pp .
93-94.
299
F. Bisson de la Roque,
Fouilles de Medamoud 1 928,
FIFAO 6 (Cairo, 1929), pp. 3, 4,-58-72, 115-123,
PI. 114; Bisson de la Roque and Clere, Me^awow a'7927, pp. 89-92, 99-100, 103, 105, 117-118, 131-137,
PL 104;
Fouilles de Medamoud 1929,
FIFAO 7 (Cairo, 1930), pp. 78, 89-93, PI. 75. Other kings including
Sobekhotep III were also active at Medamud (Bisson de la Roque,
Medamoud 1928,
pp. 83-94, 124-127;
Bisson de la Roque and Clere,
Medamoud
1927,
pp . 43-47, 83, 87, 105, 118-120, 137-140; Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
pp. 13-14, no. 21). See also Grimal,
History,
p. 183; Weill, "Comp lements,"
pp .
22-23.
299
Lepsius,
Denkmaler
111, PI. 13b; Weigall,
Pharaohs,
p . 212.
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Woserkare Khend jer in a single cartouch e, though the latter is misspelled (7.20). This
king may also have a possible alternative prenom en, Nimaank hare
(ni-mS
c
-n-h
c
-r*),
found in the Abydos stela
Louvre
C. i / .
30 1
He re, according to some scholars, either
Khendjer changed his name at some point, or there are two-kings who u sed this nomen.
However, following von Beckerath, Ryholt notes that the writing style differs between
the nomen and prenomen, and it is likely that the former was a later addition and may
indicate that no king by the name of Nim aankhare Khendjer existed.
30 3
Though
Khendjer's regnal length is not preserved, he likely ruled for more than 3-4 years, since
he built a relatively large pyramid at South Sakkara.
304
Quirke suggests that sequential viziers contemporary with Woserkare Khendjer
were Ank hu, w ho likely held this position during the preceding reign, and his son
Resuseneb
(rsw-snb),
whose mother was Merryt.
30 5
Other scholars believe that Ankhu
served in the reign of Khendjer as well as in reigns before or after w ith the specific rulers
300
Titulary- Horus:/...] -
c
nh, Nebty: w h-mswt, Golden Ho rus:?, Prenomen:
wsr-k3-r
c
,
Nornen: h-n-d-rox h-
d-r. Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 342; "The Turin Kinglist," p. 150. See also Schneider, Lexikon der
Pharaonen, p p. 99-100; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 49-51; Handbuch, pp. 94-95.
301
A. Dodson, "The Tombs of the Kings of the Thirteenth Dynasty in the Memphite Necropolis," ZAS 114
(1987),
p. 42; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 3 1; After the Pyramids. The V alley of the Kings and
Beyond (London, 2000), p. 14; "Tombs of the Kings," p. 42; G. Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah: Deux
Pyramides du Moyen Empire. Edition Photographique de VEdition Originale-Impreimerie de
1'IFAOC
193, 1933 (Cairo, 1986), pp. 26-27 ; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 49; W eill, "Complements," p. 13.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 2 7; Stock, 13. bis 17. Dynastie Agyptens, pp.
50-51.
303
Ryholt, Political Situation,-p. 220, n. 76 1; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 49-50.
304
See Chapter 3, Section III.
305
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 254, Doss. 398; Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 132, 133.
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306
being determined by their chronology of the period. Khen djer's queen was
Senebhenas
I.
307
IV.B.16. Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw
Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw is the ruler listed in 7.21 of the Turin King-List.
Interestingly, the king's p renomen is written within the cartouche w hile the nomen is
denoted afterwards as if it were a title. Some Egyp tologists have argued that this nam e,
Imyremeshaw, w hich means "the overseer of the army," may have been his designation
before he became ki n g/ This title,
imy-rms
c
,
is high-ranking and is often paired with
the title htmw-bity (royal seal-bearer), whe n used in reference to the administrative sector
of the palace.
31 0
In contrast, Ryho lt argues that other private individuals had the name
Imyremeshaw,
31 1
and it therefore does not denote any sort of occupation in this context,
possibly referring instead to a family tradition or an ancestor.
312
No nethe less, there is at
least one instance of Imyrem eshaw 's name b eing deliberately erased, possibly indicating
he was not considered to have been legitimate.
Ryholt believes that the larger text in
Papyrus Bulaq 18 {Cairo CG 58069),
which
306
Franke believes that the vizier Ankhu lived during the reigns of Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet
Sobekhotep I and Khendjer (Franke, Personendaten, pp. 136-137, Doss. 173). Ryholt argues that this
vizier occupied this position in the reign of Khendjer and continued into the tenure of the following king in
order to support his dating of Papyrus Bulaq 118. Ankhu appears in Papyrus Bulaq 118/s (small), 118L
(Large), and 118/131 as well as in Papyrus Brooklyn 135.1446 B and C (Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 14).
307
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 39, 40, 221 .
308
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
snrnh-k3-r
c
,
Nomen; imy-r-ms
c
. Ryholt,
Political Situation, p . 342; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 51-52; Handbuch, pp. 94-95.
309
von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 52.
310
Quirke, T he Administration of Egypt, p p.
62-63;
Titles and
Bureau,
pp. 98-99. For more information on
the title, see Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, pp. 116-129; Franke, "Probleme," pp. 112-113.
Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals, p. 19, no 173.
312
Quirke, "Royal Power," p.
131;
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 221-222.
313
Dodson, Monarchs, p. 68.
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records the accounts during a royal visit to the Theban region, may refer to the family of
an unnamed king, Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw or Sehotepkare Intef.
314
Most scholars
have dated this text, which was discovered in the tomb of the scribe Neferhotep at Dra
Abu el-Naga in 1860, to Sekhemrekhutawy Am enemhet Sobekhotep I due to his close
proximity to Wo serkare Khendjer in many chronological reconstructions of the period,
316
but it is more likely that this king was first in the dynasty. Thus, it is important to note
Ry ho lt's argument- for the dating of this text. First of
all,
he believes that the vizier at this
time was Ankhu; who also served Khendjer; so this unidentified king must be close in
date to him.. A queen Aya is mentioned in the text and is likely a sister or niece of
Ankhu's son-in-law, setting the earliest reign as that following Khendjer, whose wife was
Senebhenas.
31 7
The king, whose visit was recorded in this document, reigned between
three and five years, depending on whether or not both the small and large text within the
papyrus dates to this same individual. No nethe less, if this docum ent concerns activities
at Medamud, it may be more likely to refer to one of the kings, who was active in this
area (as seen through relief) such as Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I,
Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III, Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet; or Khutawyre
3, 4
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 243 -245, 319.
315
This tomb dates to late Dynasty XHI/early Dyansty XVII. Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 7-8.
3 ,6
A. Mariette,
Les Papyrus Egyptiens du Musee de Boulaq,
II (Paris, 1872). See also L. Borch ardt, "Ein
Rechnungsbuch des koniglichen Hofes aus denl Eride des mittleren Re iches,"
ZAS
28 (189 0), pp. 65-103;
F.L. Griffith, "The Account Papyrus no. 18 of
Boulaq," ZAS
29 (1891), pp. 102-116; Helck,
Historische-
Biographische, pp. 10, no. 15; Franke, Middle Kingdom, p . 396; "Zur Chronologie," p. 255; Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
p. 258 ; Hayes, "Notes on the Government," pp . 38-39; Quirke, S, "Administrative
Texts," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 1 (Oxford, 2001), p. 25;
"Investigation," pp. 9-10;
The Administration of Egypt,
pp. 10, 11-13, 22, 124; "Visible and Invisible," pp.
68-70; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396; J. von Beckerath, "D ie Konige mit dem Thronnamen shm-r
c
hw-t5wi,"
ZA S
84 (1959), p. 85;
Untersuchungen,
pp. 47-49, 99. Fragments of a text from the estate of Ankhu were
found with this document.
317
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 193-194.
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Wegaf.
318
IV.B.17. Sehotepkare Inlef and Meribre Seth
Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw
is
followed
by
Sehotepkare Intef (7.22),
3
9
whose
name is written in a manner sim ilar to that of the-previous ruler, and the regnal length of
this king is unknown. The next ruler, Meribre Seth (7.23),
32 0
is also listed on a stela from
Abydos and architectural fragments from Med amu d. Thou gh this king ruled at least four
years (Abydos stela, Cairo
JE
35256), little else is known concerning the events of his
reign.
IV.B.18; Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep HI
For the following ruler in the Turin King-List, Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep
III, both names were written within a single cartouche, though the prenomen of this king
was misunderstood.and misrepresented
in
this d ocument.
321
Though only
a
little o ver
four years
are
listed
for
this ruler's reign
in
the
T urin King-List?
22
Sobekhotep
III is
thought to have been a revolutionary leader, who set out to create his own dynasty, only
318
See Bisson
de la
Roque,
Medamoud 1928,
p .
3.
319
Titulary- Horu s:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
shtp-k}-r
c
,
Nomen:
in-it.f.
Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p . 342;
von
Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 52;
Handbuch,
pp. 94-95.
320
Titulary- Horus:?, Ne bty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
mr-ib-r
c
,
Nomen: sth. Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 342; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp.
53-5A;.Handbuch,
pp. 94-95.
321
Titulary- Horus:
hw^tiwy,
Nebty:
h
c
m-shin.f,
Golden Horus:
htp-ht-w3
c
t,
Prenomen:
shm-r
c
-swld-tiwy,
Nomen:
sbk-htp.
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 17, 343; The Turin Kinglist," p. 150. See also Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
pp. 255-256;
von
Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 54-55;
Handbuch,
pp. 94-95.
322
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 172.
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to have it come to an end with his death.
32 3
He chose to display prolifically the fact that
his parents were not royal in monuments and seal impressions.
324
Detailed information about the family of Sobekhotep III is available on a stela
from Abydos
{Louvre C8),
an altar at Sehel, and an inscription at Wadi el-Hol.
325
Sobekhotep III was born to M ontuhotep and Iw hetibu (w-ht-ibw), who took the titles
"go d's father" and "kin g's mo ther," respectively, once he become ruler.
326
His maternal
grandfather was the low-ranking military official (
c
nh-n-nwt), Dedusobek.
327
Sobekhotep III had two brothers, Seneb and Khakaw (presumably nam ed after Senwosret
III), with the title "kin g's son" as well as a stepfather of unknown name .
32 8
He had a half
sister, Reniseneb, and his wife was Senebhenas, whose father may have been a vizier
named Senebhenaf. This high ranking official was married to a hereditary princess
named Sobekhotep, and was the father of the Queen Mon tuhotep of Dynasty XV I.
329
Sobekhotep III had a second wife named N eni, who bore two princesses, Iwhetibu/Fendy
323
O.D. Berlev, "The Eleventh Dynasty in the Dynastic History of Egypt," in D.W. Young, ed., Studies
Presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky (East Glouster, MA, 1981), p. 370.
324
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 172; Helck, Historische-Biographische, p. 15, no. 23; Ryholt, Political
Situation,
pp . 34, 37, 223 ; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 54.
325
Callender, "Renaissan ce," p. 179; L. Haba chi, "Notes on the Altar of Sekhemre'-sewadjtowe Sebkhotpe
from Sehel," JEA 37 (1951), pp. 17-19; Helck, Historische-Biographische, p. 14, no. 22; Ryholt, Political
Situation, p. 222; H. Wild, "A Bas-Relief of Sekhemre-Sewadjtawe," JEA 37 (1951), pp. 12-16.
326
Franke, Personendaten, p. 190, Doss. 273; Postel, Protocole, p . 49; Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p.
48;
Helck, G eschichte, p .
121;
M.F.L. Macadam, "Gleanings from the Bankes
MSS.,"
JEA 32 (1946), p. 60,
PI. 68; P. Montet, "Le Roi O ugaf a Medamoud," R dE 8 (1951), p. 170; L. Troy, Patterns ofQueenship in
Ancient Egyptian M yth and History, Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern
Civilizations 14 (Boreas, 1986), p. 159; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 54. For further information
concerning the king's family, see Macadam, "Royal Family," pp. 20-28; Petrie, History, p. 211, Fig. 121;
Schmitz,
Untersuchungen zum Titel,
pp .
208-211;
W eigall,
Pharaohs,
pp. 153-154.
327
Franke, Personendaten, p. 439, Doss. 761. For this title, see Section IV.B.19. and Berlev, "Les
Pretendus 'Citadins,'" p p. 23-48.
2
Dodson, Monarchs, p . 68; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 223-224; Franke, Personendaten, p. 363,
Doss.
612; 280, Doss. 448.
329
Franke, Personendaten, p. 388, Doss.
661;
Macadam, "Royal Family," pp. 24-25. Troy believes
Reniseneb was the daughter of Sobekhotep III. Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, p. 159.
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{iwht-ib. wdd.tfnd)
and Dedetanu k, the former havin g the rare hono r of a cartouche.
330
After R esuseneb, who was the son of the vizier Ankhu, served as vizier to Sobekhotep
III,
Aymeru took this position for the remainder of this king's reign as well as that of
Neferhotep I.
331
• The reign of Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III ushered in a time of increased'
1 1 ' )
power of the king of Dynasty XIII. Ryholt has suggested that there may have been
changes to the administrative system at this time as seals and sealings with Sobekhotep
Ill's name may indicate an increase in the number of officials.
333
How ever, an overall
escalation in the frequency of the use of these seals ma y correlate to a rise in the activity
of the king due to his accessibility to additional resource s. Such a phen om enon could
have occurred due to the ruler's leadership abilities, an increase in the power of kingship,
and economic prosperity due to favorable crop yields.
IV.B.19. Khasekhemre Neferhotep I
The most stable period for kingship in Dynasty XIII was an era of about twenty-
six years in which a sub-dynasty ruled Eg ypt. This group of kings is unusual, since it
was made up of a group of brothers.
33 4
The founder of this remarkab le mini-dynasty is
Khasekhemre N eferhotep I, whose nomen and prenomen appear in a single cartouche,
Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
p. 17, no. 25; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 3 9, 40; Troy,
Pa tterns
of Queenship,
pp. 159-160.
331
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 54, Doss. 24. Resuseneb appears on the verso of the
Brooklyn Museum
Papyrus 35.1446,
Franke,
Personendaten,
p . 254, Doss. 398; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 193-194, n.
685.
332
Bietak, "Overview," p. 54.
333
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 297-298.
33
Simpson suggests that there may be an additional two kings (Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," pp. 156-
157).
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followed by " son of Haankhef' in the Tu rin King-List (7.25).
33 5
This ruler, who reigned
for eleven years according to this document, was of non-royal descent and used the same
type of terminology for his parents as for his predecessor in the office of kingship,
Sobek hotep III. There is much kno wn about the family of Neferhotep I since he and his
brother Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV both com missioned inscriptions concerning such
matters.
The family of Neferhotep I was from Aswan and was low to mid status within the
ranking of officials in society.
336
His parents were Haankhef, who held the title "god's
father" as shown in a stela from H eliopolis, and Kemi, "king 's m other."
33 7
They both
appear in royal seals and other monuments with the ruler's nam es.
33 8
The father of
Neferhotep I set up a stela, now in Rio de Janeiro, recording that his paternal
grandparents were Nehy and the lady of the house Senebtisi.
339
Interestingly,
Neferhotep's grandfather was a military official,
c
nhnniwt, the same title that the
335
Titulary- Horus: grg-tlwy, Nebty: wp-ntf
c
t, Golden Horus: mn-mrwt, Prenomen: h
e
-shm-r
c
, Nomen: nfr-
htp.
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 345; "The Turin Kinglist," p. 144. See also Schneider, Lexikon der
Pharaonen, p p. 171-172; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 55-56; Handbuch, pp . 96-97.
336
Schmitz, U ntersuchungen zum Titel, pp. 211-213.
337
Franke, Personendaten, pp.
260-261,
Doss. 410; Helck, G eschichte, p .
121;
Ryholt, Political Situation,
p.
225 ; Troy, Patterns of Queenship, p. 160; Weigall, Pharaohs, pp. 213-214.
338
M. Dewachter, "Le Roi Sahathor et la famille de Neferhotep I," Rd'E 28 (1976), pp.
66-73;
M .
Dewachter, "Le Roi Sahathor-Complements," Rd'E 35 (1984), pp. 195-199; Dodson, Monarchs, p. 68;
Helck, Historische-Biographische, p. 19, no. 27; Postel, Protocole, p p. 49, 103; Quirke, "Royal Power," p.
130;
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 34-37; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," p. 157; Weill, La Fin du Moyen
Empire,
pp. 424-427.
330
K'.A. Kitchen , Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the National Museum, Rio de Janeiro
(Warminster, 1988), pp.
66-71,
Pis. 47-48; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 76, n. 225; 225, 298. Note that
Kitchen thought that Haankhef was the father-in-law of Neferhotep I and that his father and mother (rather
than grandparents) were mentioned in the Rio de Janeiro stela. K.A. Kitchen, "Non -Egyptians Recorded on
Middle Kingdom Stelae in Rio de Janeiro," in S. Quirke, ed., Middle Kingdom Studies (New Maiden,
1991),
p. 87.
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grandfather of Sobekhotep III held.
34 0
An inscription, located at Sehel, identifies his
wife as Senebsen.
341
There is some confusion as to the identity of the children of Khasekhemre
Neferhotep I since the inscriptions at Sehel may show either his sons or his brothers.
Though these figures are labeled as "sons of the king," some scholars interpret the phrase
sl-nswt,
which is used as an honorific title for private people at this time, as being able to
denote brothers of the king, rather than his children. Ryholt interprets this same
inscription to mean that Kemi and Haankhef, who seem to have been named after their
grandparents, were children of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I. He also had a son named
Wahneferhotep w ho is known through an inscription on a wooden shabti found at
Lisht.
34 3
The treasurer at this time was Senebi.
344
IV.B.20. Sahathor
Following Neferhotep, the
Tu rin King-List
names Sahathor as the next ruler
(7.26).
34 5
Sahathor was the son of Haan khef and Kemi and the brother of Neferhotep I
and Sobekh otep IV. Since Sahathor is only known as a king from two ob jects and the
340
Berlev, "Les Pretendus 'Citadins,'" pp. 23-48; Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 246 ; Grajetzki,
Two
Treasurers,
p. 30; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 130; "Thirteenth D ynasty," p. 396;
Titles and Bureau,
p. 100;
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 225-226; Ward,
Essays,
p . 48.
341
Dew achter, "Roi S ahathor et la famille," p. 67; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 227; Spalinger, "Remarks,"
p.
102; Troy,
Patterns ofQueenship,
p. 160.
342
Dew achter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 69; "C omplements."; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 226-
•227.
- •
Clayton,
Ch ronicles,
p. 92.
344
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 374, Doss. 634. . . . -
345
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden H oras:?, Prenomen:
mn-w d-r
c
,
Nomen:
sl-hwt-hrw.
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 384. See also Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
p. 243; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 57;
Handbuch,
pp. 96-97.
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Turin King-List, it is believed that he only ruled for a few mon ths. Since this king may
have lacked a com plete titulary (only the prenomen and nomen are known), scholars
often suggest that he was a coregent of Neferhotep I.
347
Also , some scholars have
pointed to the fact that the absence of Sahathor in the
Karnak King-List
while his brothers
disappear, indicates perhaps that he never ruled alone.
34 8
How ever, the nature of the
Karnak K ing-List is uncertain as it may contain only a selection of the Dynasty XIII
kings.
In another argument in favor of coregency, Ryholt points to an inscription from
Philae where the brothers of Neferhotep I, Sahathor and Sobekhotep IV, are shown along
with his parents.
9
Ryh olt dates this inscription to the reign of Neferhotep I and sugge sts
that it was carved before this king was married. Ryho lt reasons that the king must have
been young , requiring that his brothers serve as coregents with him. He also suggests
that a four-sided block at Karnak assigns the epithet,
di
c
nh mi r
c
("given life like Re"), to
both Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV and argues that this epithet was only used to denote
living rulers; so these kings must have reigned tog ether. Since Sahathor is prior to
Sobekhotep IV in the Late Middle K ingdom, he also may have been a coregent, with
Neferhotep I around year 10 of his reign. Unfortunately, h owever, the evidence for
coregencies in Dynasty XIII is not currently conclusive.
350
For this period, there has been a great deal of confusion regarding the likely
existence of two figures by the name of Sahathor, one being the brother of Neferhotep I
346
L. Habachi, "A Score of Important Officials Serving the Neferhotep Family as Revealed from Three
Objects in the Heqaib Sanctuary," Serapis 6 (1980), p. 47; Hayes, Scepter, p . 343.
347
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 192,216, n.745.
348
Dewachter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 66.
349
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 227 -228, n. 804; 298.
350
Murnane, Egyptian Coregencies, pp. 24-26.
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and Sobekhotep IV and the other a son of Neferhotep I.
351
The brother became a king for
a short period o f the time, while the son did not. How ever, Davies discusses a Theb an
statue carrying the name of a deceased man, Sahathor, without a cartouche . Since this
statue also has the cartouche of Sobekhotep IV, Davies suggests that Sahathor died
without ever having b een a king, arguing that the
T urin King-List
is incorrect. How ever,
if one does interpret these names as referring to two separate individuals, then the
discrepancies in the record are less problematic.
IV.B.21.
Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV
The last king preserved in column 7 of the Tu rin King-List is Khaneferre
Sobekhotep IV, whose regnal length is missing in a lacuna (7.27) (Karnak Offering-List
38).
35 3
How ever, the Debono Stela, as well as a poorly executed schist stela from Wadi
Hamm amat, may indicate that the ruler held the throne at least to year nine.
354
351
Habachi, "A Score of Important Officials," pp. 79-80; Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 228; Simpson,
"Dynasty XIII Stela," pp. 157, 158; Stock, 13. bis 17. Dynastie Agyptens, pp. 59-60.
352
W.V. Davies, "A Statue of the 'King's Son, Sahathor', from Thebes," in H. Guksch and D. Polz, eds.,
Stationen Betrdge zur Kulturgeschichte Agyptens (M ainz, 1998), pp. 1 77-179. A statuette from
Elephantine has a kin g's son Sahathor, born of Kem i. Thus, this inscription is from the brother of
Neferhotep. His name is not shown in a cartouche. S.J. Seidelmayer, "Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine
15/16 Grabungsbericht, IX Ausgewahlte Einzelfunde,"
MDAIK
44 (1988), p.
181,
Abb. 115.
353
Titulary- Horus:
c
nh-ib-tiwy, Nebty: wld-h
c
w, Golden Horus: wsr-bSw, Prenomen:
h
c
-nfr-r
c
,
Nomen:
sbk-htp. Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 348, 350. See also Schneider, Lexikon der Pharaonen, pp. 256-
257; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 57-58; Handbuch, pp. 96-97. The name of this king (Chenfres)
is found in the writings of Artapanus (1
st
Century BCE) as transmitted through Eusebius. This significantly
later source, which is of little historical use, dates the fragmentation of the Egyptian state to before the
reign of
this
king and associates the exodus of Moses to him (Dodson,
Monarchs,
p. 70; Hayes, "Egypt:
From the Death," pp.
50-51;
Helck, Untersuchungen zu Manetho, p. 36; G eschichte, p .
122;
Die
Beziehungen A gyptens,^. 93; Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 25; Winlock, Rise and Fall, p. 93).
Commemorative seals carrying this king's name were produced in the time of this Jewish writer as noted
by Quirke ("Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 395 ).
354
F. Debono, "Expedition archeologique royale au Desert Oriental Keft-Kosseir," ASAE 51 (1951), pp. 81-
82 ,
PI. 15; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," p. 155.
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In the stela from Wadi H ammam at, the sons of Sobekhotep IV are named
including Sahathor, Sobekhotep/Miew and Sobekhotep/Djadja, one of which may have
become Sobekhotep V, as well as Haankhef Iykhernofret, who was named after the father
• I C C
of the brother kings and designated with a double name. The Debono Stela refers to
the parents and brothers of Sobekhotep IV.
35 6
His parents as well as Neferhotep I and
Sahathor receive the epithet, m^-hrw, suggesting that-they may have been deceased. The
king 's wife, Tjin, lady of Atfih, w as the possible m other of prince So bekhotep.
35 7
They
were also the parents of Amenem het (inscribed b ox, Cairo
JE 34407)
and a daughter
Nebtiunet (vase and seal). The vizier during this reign was Aymeru Neferkare. The
likely treasurer of this period was Senebi who was probably placed in this position during
the reign of Neferhotep I.
360
IV.B.22. Khahotepre Sobekhotep V
There is some controversy as to the identity of the next king in Dynasty XIII.'
Ryholt places Merhotepre Sobekhotep after Sobekhotep IV, believing that there is space
for one additional line in column 7 of the
T urin King-List?
61
He suggests that the
355
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 353, Doss. 592; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 229-230; Simpson, "Dynasty
XIII Stela," pp. 157-158.
356
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p p. 229-231.
357
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 353 , Doss. 592 ; Spalinger, "R emarks," p. 102; Troy,
Patterns ofQueenship,
p. 160.
358
Franke,
Personendaten;
p . -89, Doss. 89; Ryholt;
Political Situation,
p p. 230-231.
359
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 55, Doss. 26; Helck,
G eschichte,
p. 123. Habachi dates this vizier to
Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV and Merhotepre Sobekhotep V (H abachi, "Vizier Ibi'," pp. 123-124).
360
Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers,
p. 21.
361
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 230. Titulary- (see Merhotepre Ini below). See also L. Habachi, "New
Light on the Neferhotep I Family, as Revealed by Their Inscriptions in the Cataract Area," in W .K.
Simpson and W.M. D avis, eds.,
Studies in Ancient
Egypt,
Aegean, and the Sudan: Essays in Honor of
Dows Dunham on the Occasion of his 90th Birthday, June 1, 1980
(Boston, 1981), p. 80; Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
p p. 256-257; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," p. 157.
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number of lines would correspond to the pattern of gradual increase in the entries as the
columns in the papyrus proceed.
36 2
How ever, this concept,- which wa s originally
developed by H elck, has been questioned.
Ryholt points to the genealogical seals of a Sobekhotep with a mother named
Nebho tepti, as providing the identity of the missing king .
36 3
Ano ther seal of this type,
which R yholt claims belongs to Merhotepre, carries the name of a "god 's father," w hich
corresponds to neither of the two known from Sobekhotep III or the brother kings.
364
Thus, while wishing to have the use of genealogical seals assigned to an unbroken string
of kings, Ryholt concludes that Merhotepre Sobekhotep was of non-royal origin and that
these seals belo ng to him . How ever, it is possible that the mother of this particular
Sobekhotep was an additional wife of Sobekhotep IV.
36 5
Also , the seal displaying the
prenomen is broken, has some peculiar features, and does not in any way clearly read
"Merhotepre."
66
With so many assump tions, which cannot be substantiated at this time,
it is impossible to confirm Ryholt's placement of this king.
The king following Sobekhotep IV in the
Turin King-List,
who may have been the
son of the previous ruler, was (Khahotepre) Sobekhotep V, who is given 4 years, 8
mon ths and 29 days (8.1). This king is also listed in the Karnak Offering-List (41).
Unusually, in seals, this king 's nam e appears with the prenomen in a cartouche but the
362
Ryholt, Political Situation, p p.
22-23,
24, 29, 3 1, table 25. For opposition to this idea, see Redford,
Pharaonic King-lists, p. 9.
363
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 231-232.
.
3 6 4
It seems that this seal may refer to the father as a king (generically and not by nam e). Thus this seal
type would have been held as a traditional form rather than indicating that the king it refers to was non-
royal.
365
Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, p. 160.
366
W .M.F. Petrie and Qu ibell, Nagada andBallas, I (Londo n, 1896 ), PI. 80.8 5.
367
Titulary- Horus:?. Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
h
c
-htp-r
c
,
Nomen: sbk-htp. Ryholt, Political
Situation, p. 3 53; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 58; Handbuch, pp . 96-97.
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nomen does not have this royal attribute.
36 8
A parallel for this oddity occurs in a
Dynasty XVII stela from Abydos, which also uses this form for king Rahotep, but other
objects of this ruler do show cartouches for both names.
36 9
The only possible example is
the seal showing Nebhotepre as the mother of
a
Sobekhotep (see above).
IV.B.23.
Wahibre Ibiaw
The next king in the
Turin King-List
is Wahibre Ibiaw, who is given 10 years, 8
mon ths and 28 days (8.2). Althoug h a relatively long reign, it contained few
attestations of this king's activities when compared to those of Neferhotep I and
Sobekhotep IV., Thus, it might be the case, that though kingship may have been stable at
this time, signs of the less affluent period (such as a decrease in the ability to com mission
royal mon ume nts) to come were already emerging. It is likely that the vizier of this king
was Ibiaw, who also served into the reign of the following ruler.
371
IV.B.24. M erneferre
Ay
After a decade of rule by Wahibre Ibiaw, the longest reign of Dynasty XIII began
under Merneferre (Ay) (8.3).
37 2
The length of his reign in the
T urin King-List
is
uncertain, since the first num ber is unclear, resulting in the possible years 13, 23 , or
33.
373
How ever, Ryho lt's version of the document show s that the middle number is likely
368
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 233. This phenomenon also occurs in the
Turin King-List
for the
following D ynasty XIII kings: Imyremeshaw, Intef, Ibi, and Hor (?) of 8.23.
369
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 233 , n. 827.
370
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Hora s:?, Prenomen:
w)h-ib-r
c
,
Nomen:
ib-i
c
w.
Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 35 3; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 59;
Handbuch,
pp. 97-98.
371
Franke,
Personendaten,
p . 74, Doss. 62; Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," p. 125. Hayes had suggested that the
vizier Ibiaw w as the same man as the king (Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 51).
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correct at 23 years, 8 months and 18 days.
37 4
Ryh olt argues that Ini was the queen of
Merneferre Ay based on her seal type.
37 5
The son of the vizier of Ibiaw, Senebhenaf,
may ha ve served in this office after the death of his father in the reign of Merneferre
Ay.
376
IV.B.25. Merhotepre Ini Sobekhotep VI
The next king in the Turin King-List is Merhotepre (Ini), who ruled for a little
over two years (8.4),
37 7
likely the same as the ruler (Merhotepre Sobekhotep) whom
•5 -70
Ryholt placed after Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV in column seven.
Stele Juridique,
which certainly dates to after Merneferre Ay, only has the prenomen of the king
Merhotepre,
79
and it is curious why a second king of this name w ould not be
differentiated from the first with the use of his nomen (also the case in the
Turin King-
List entry). Thu s, it is suspected that Ini and Sobekho tep were doub le nomens for this
king, used interchangeably or chronologically.
38 0
Ryholt believes that this king may have
been the son of Merneferre A y because
Stele Juridique
shows that his daughter
372
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen: mr-nfr-r
c
, Nomen: iy . Ryholt, Political
Situation,
p. 354. See also Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
p. 47; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p.
59 ;
Handbuch,
pp. 98-99.
373
Farina,
IIPapiro,
pp. 43, 46; Bennett, "King's Daughter," p. 22; Gardiner,
Royal Canon,
p. 16; Ryholt,
Political Situation, pp . 38, 74-75; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 59.
374
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 71.
375
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 38, 234^235. See also the seal of
the
"great wife," Ini, in Hornung and
Staehelin,
Skarabden und andere Siegelamulette,
p p. 215 , no. 127, PL 211; G.A. Reisner,
Excavations at
Kerma, IV-V,
Ho ward African Studies 6 (Cambridge, Ma ss., 1923), p. 75, Figs. 168[159], 176.
376
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 126-128; Franke,
Personendaten,
p . 388, Doss. 661; Habachi,
"Vizier Ibi'," p. 125; Macadam , "Royal Family," pp. 24-25 ; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 77, 259 , 306.
377
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
mr-htp-r
c
,
Nomen:
ini.
Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 356. See also Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
p p. 138, 257-258; von Becke rath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 60;
Handbuch,
pp. 98-99.
378
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 126.
379
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 2 33, n. 829.
380
von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 60.
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381
(Reditenes) was married to Ini's appointed vizier, Ay, demonstrating that he was on
friendly terms with the former king's family
382
IV.B.26. Sankhenre Sewadjtew, Mersekhemre Ined, Sewadjkare Hori and
Merkawre Sobekhotep VII '
The
T urin King-List
has the names of the next four kings preserved before
breaking for seven lines, according to Ryho lt's reconstruction. The kings in this section
include Sankhenre Sewadjtew (3 years), Mersekh emre Ined (3 years), Sewadjkare
T o r
Q
Q/l
H or t(5 years), • and Merkawre Sobekhotep VII (2 years). This last king is also in the
Karnak Offering List
(45). Two sons o f Merkawre Sobekhotep VII are named in a statue
pair from K arnak (Bebi and Sobekho tep).
38 7
Bebi may have had two stelae set up by
majordomo Ptahaa.
38 8
He is referred to as
s3-nswmf
c
'(true prince) and
sSnswsmsw
(eldest prince), so this probably denotes that he was an actual king's son.
389
IV.B.27. The Remaining Kings
After the break in the papyrus, the following kings are listed (from 8.16-8.18):
381
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 48, Do
Handbuch,
pp. 98-99
Handbuch,
pp . 98-99ss. 12; Mioso,
A Reading
Book,
pp. 20-29; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 306-307.
382 -
383 .
382
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 233-234.
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
s
c
nh-n-r
c
,
Nomen:
swld.tw.
Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 356; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 60;
Handbuch,
pp . 98-99.
38
Titulary -Hor us:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
mr-shm-r
,
Nomen:
ind.
Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 356; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 60;
Handbuch,
pp . 98-99.
385
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, G olden Horus:?, Prenomen:
swld-k3-r
c
,
Nomen:
hrw-i.
Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p . 356; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p .
6 1; Handbuch,
pp. 98-99..
386
Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
mr-k3w-r
c
,
Nomen:
sbk-htp.
Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 356; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p .
6 1; Handbuch,
pp . 98-99.
387
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 235-236. Franke,
Personendaten,
pp. 164, Doss. 228 ; 353, Doss. 593.
388
Franke,
Personendaten,
p . 171, Doss. 239A. Bologna Stela
B.1927
and
CG 20578.
E. Bresciani,
L e
Stele Egiziane del Museo Civico Archealogico di Bologna
(Bologna, 1985), pp. 40-41, 142.
389
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 235-236.
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M er[.. .]re,
Merkheperre, and Merkare.
39 0
The next entry, 8.19 is lost in a lacuna, and the
following entry in the T urin King-List is Sewedjare Mo ntuho tep (8.20)." The son,
Herunefer, and queen^ Sitm ut,p f king Mo ntuhote p are know n through the forme r's coffin
in the British Museum
(EA 2999T).
392
Lines 8.21-8.27 in the
Tu rin King-List
are fragmentary including these rulers:
[.. .Jmosre, •[.. .Jmaatre Ibi, [.. .Jwebenre Hor[,. .], S[.. .]kare,- Seheken re Sankh ptahi, and
[ ]re, and Se[.. .]enre. Ryho lt has argued that the nom en of Seheken re Sankhp tahi,
one of the last of the dynasty, may demonstrate that the capital remained at Itjatawy until
the end when the Hyksos took Memphis.
39 4
The fact that this king inserts the divine
name "Ptah " into his nomen, m ay indicate that he had special ties to the Mem phite city.
Also, Sehekenre San khptahi's name w as found on a treasurer's stela at Mem phis.
395
Ryholt argues that Sankhptahi may have been the son of Se[.. .]kare of 8.24 due to a stela
(Cairo
C G 20600),
which shows a Sankhptahi as a "kin g's son" along with several
"king's daughters." However, relationships are difficult to extract with certainty in this
stela.
396
Four other kings from the Dynasty XIII, besides those already discussed above,
390
For each of these kings, only the prenomen is known:
mr-[:.
.]-r
c
,
mr-hpr-r
c
, and mr-ki-r
c
. Ryholt,
Political Situation, p . 357; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 6 1; Handbuch, pp . 98-99.
391
Titulary- Horns:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen: sw d
c
-r
c
, Nomen: mnt-htp. Ryholt, Political
Situation, p. 357. See also N. Dautzenberg , "Plazierungsvorschlage zu zwei Konigen der 13 . Dyn astie,"
GM 127 (1992), pp. 17-18; Schneider, Lexikon der Pharaonen, pp . 158-159; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen, p .
6 3;
Handbuch, pp. 102-103.
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 236-237.
393
In the order of rulers listed above, preserved names include: Prenomen-/. ..]-ms-[r
c
}, Prenom en-/...7-
m3
c
t-r
c
, Nomen-/&4 P renom en-/.. ,]-wbn-r
c
,
Nomen-
hrw[..
?];
Prenomen-^/..
.]-kS-r
c
;
Prenoxnen-sM-n-r^
Nomen-^
c
nh-pth-i; Prenomen-/..
.]-[..
J-rc, Prenomen-
s[.. .]-n-r
c
.
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 357-359;
von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 61.
394
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 6 9, 79.
95
For bibliography concerning this privately owned stela, see Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 358.
396
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 239.
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are not preserved in the
Turin King-List:
M ershepsesre Ini, Mersekhemre Neferhotep,
Sewahenre Senebmiew, and Sekhaenre.
39 7
It is likely that these kings fit within the
lacunae mentioned above along with other unkno wn kings.
IV.C. Defining the Phases of Dynasty XIII
The rulers of the Dynasty XIII chronology discussed above can be placed into
three primary groups possibly reflecting the nature of kingship over time . The first set
of rulers includes Sekhemrekhutawy A menem het Sobekhotep I through Seth. The initial
kings of this group were likely related in some way to the last rulers of Dynasty XII.
Many of them have double names including Am enemhet, wh ich may refer to a king of
the earlier dynasty . In general, this period is seen as being we ak primarily because little
is know n about most of these rulers. Ho wev er, it should be noted that the majority of the
recognized pyramids of Dynasty XIII likely belong to this group of kings. Also,
Papyrus
Bulaq 18,
dated to this time period,
39 9
demonstrates the orderly operation of affairs
during a visit of
the
royal family to the Theban area, with the normal hierarchy of
governm ent in place. Thu s, though the reigns of these rulers are relatively sho rt, there are
indications of stability with the king at the apex of society.
The next group of kings of Dynasty XIII includes Sekhemresewadjtawy
Sobekh otep III through M erneferre Ay. Sobek hotep III and the family of Neferhotep
3 9 /
In the order of the listing above:
¥xe,m>men-mr-sps-r
c
,
Nomen-wr, Prenomen-mr-xljm-r^
~Nomen-nfr-
Mpi Prenomen-sw3h-n-r
c
, Nomen-snb-mi-iw, and Prenomen sh
c
-n-r
c
,
Nom en-/". ]s. Ryholt, Political
Situation, p. 35 9; von Beckerath,
Unters-uchungen,
p. 63.
39 8
For similar discussions, see Callender, "Renaissance," p.
171;
Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt,"
pp . 746 -747; Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 21 9-220; "Thirteenth Dy nasty," pp. 395-396; Redford,
Akhenaten, p . 99; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp . 34-37, 296-297, Table 288.
399
For the dating of this document along with references, see Chapter 2, Section IV.B.16.
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I/Sobekhotep IV, which followed him, emphasized their non-royal ancestry in their
monuments and sealings.
40 0
They began a period of prosperity which endured through
the reign of Merneferre A y, who held the throne for twenty-three years. Gen erally, the
kings in this grouping had a significant num ber of monuments in comparison to the other
Dyn asty XIII king s. Merneferre Ay app ears to have had a traditional royal funerary
mon ume nt as his pyramidion w as discovered out of context in the Delta. It is possible
that some of the other funerary structures from the Late Middle Kingdom with unknown
owners may also belong to kings within this group.
The. final set of rulers within Dynasty XIII includes those from Merhotepre Ini
until the end. Next to nothing is known about these ephemeral kings, who have few
known m onum ents. These rulers were significantly w eaker than their predecessors. It is
generally thought that they lost the eastern Delta to Dynasty XIV and the south to Theban
Dynasty X VI. They likely became a localized dynasty with little territory beyond the
Me mph ite region by the end of the era. The last of these kings was likely defeated and
overthrown by the Hyksos (Dynasty XV).
It should be noted that there are no attested Horus, Nebty, or Golden H orus names
known for each king following Sobekhotep IV.
40 1
Thoug h this could be due to a lack of
preservation, several kings in this time period ruled for long enough to construct a
number of monu ments. This same pattern is also found for the Dynasty XIV kings.
von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 86.
401
Sankhptahi may potentially be the exception with a possible Golden Horus name, sh
c
-n-pth (Ryholt,
Political Situation, p. 258).
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V. Conclusions
Dynasty XIII cannot be classified as being a part of the Middle Kingdom or
Second Intermediate Period in its entirety. From S enwosret III of Dy nasty XII through
Merneferre A y (the Late Middle Kingdo m), the organization of
the
government remains
little changed even though there was a substantial loss of economic and political power of
the rulers after the reign of Am enem het III. Following Merneferre Ay, the Dyn asty XIII
rulers lost territory
to
other groups of kings, ushering in the Second Intermediate Period.
A recent study by Bennett has changed the current understanding of the
chronological relationships between D ynasty XIII and those of the Second Intermediate
Period. Much data must be restudied in light of the probable overlap between Dynasties
XIII and (Theban) XVI. At this point, it appears that Dynasty XIV em erged in the
eastern Delta soon after the death of Me rneferre Ay. Later, Thebes separated from the
capital at Jtjatawy forming Dynasty XV I. Nea r the end of Dynasty XIII, the Hyksos
(Dynasty XV ) took over the eastern Delta and began to force their way southward,
eventually toppling D ynasty XIII. It is unknown if they made their way to Thebes, but
that area was also facing pressure from the Ku shite kings from Nubia. Dyn asty XVI
transitioned into Dynasty XVII, which began to undertake campaigns against both the .
Hyksos and the Kushites in order to drive the foreign kings out of their country.
Ryh olt's study of the Turin King-List
has,
resolved some of the internal
chronological issues for Dynasty XIII. Here, in this study, we have adopted Ryh olt's
p l a c e m e n t o f S e k h e m r e l t h u t a w y A m e n e m h e t S o b e k h o t e p I a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e p e r i o d ,
switching him w ith Khutawyre
Wegaf.
The known
wsf
entry has also been accepted as
referring to Ne rikare. How ever, proposed missing kings such as Seb, Kay, and others
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have been rem oved, as not every double name has been interpreted as representing royal
filiation.
There are still many mysteries in the lacunae of the Dynasty XIII section of the
Turin King-List.
Interpretation of this document, often d epends upon the goals and
agendas of the authors who examine it There is really no way to prove ord ispro ve any
reconstruction, except through additional work with the original document.
Unfortunately, the state of this text is such that the identity of many of the kings of
Dynasty XIII may never be known.
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Chapter 2
Royal Legitimacy and Succession in Dynasty XIII
I. Introduction
Even if Dynasty XIII is extended a few decades beyond the 150 years assigned to
it, the situation of having over 50 kings in such a limited time must have created crises
related to legitimization and succession. Some of the shortest reigns , which lasted less
than a year, are probably symptom atic of these challenges. In this chapter, the nature of
royal legitimization in Dynasty XIII along with innovations which likely date to this
period will be addressed. Sections will also discuss the analysis of the probable and
proposed methods of succession for Dynasty XIII and evaluate their merits in light of the
evidence available at this time.
II.
Legitimacy in Dynasty X III
In ancient Egyp t, the ruler was a human occupant of the divine office of
kingship.
40 2
In theory, the office of kingsh ip could be corrupted by unqualified or
deteriorating kings due to the failure of the leader to provide for the balance between the
living, the dead, and the gods, resulting in poverty, immorality, and the infiltration of
foreigners.
40 3
During Dynasty XIII, many of the kings had short reigns, sometimes
lasting for little more than a few years. Thu s, the question arises as to how the people ,
402
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 275 ; Posener,
De la Divinite du Pharaon,
Cahiers de la Societe
Asiatique 15 (Paris, 1960), pp. 145-163; Silverman, "Unity and Power," p. 45; "Nature of Egyp tian
Kingship," in D. O'Connor and D.P. Silverman, eds.,
Ancient Egyptian Kingship,
pp .
51 -61.
See also D.
Lorton, "Towards a Constitutional Approach to An cient Egyptian Kingship,"
JAOS
99 (1979), p. 460.
403
Similar concepts are discussed in the
Demotic Chronicle
and other sources from the 4
th
-3rd C enturies
BC .
See J.H. Johnson, "The Demotic Chronicle as a Statement of
a
Theory of
Kingship," JSSEA
13 (1983),
pp .
61-72.
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especially the elite, viewed the individual rulers and how the kings responded to them.
ILA. Divine Birth
Divine birth is a principle of divine kingship which designated the father of
a
king
as the sun god in place of his own biological one. Thus, a ruler did not have to be the sen
of the previous king to claim his right to the throne, giving this opportunity to anyone
with the ab ility to gain the needed support to legitimize his reign.
The development of the notion of divine birth began in Dynasty IV w ith the use
of the term si-r
e
("son of R e") in the titulary along w ith the nomen.
40 4
This phrase itself
suggests that at least some aspect of the king was considered to be divine at the point that
he received it. Ho wev er, the more overt concept of divine birth was not expressed until
much later. Lorton suggests that the "son of
R e"
is not to be taken literally, as it likely
denotes the king's status in comparison to the deity and the latter's duty to protect the
This part of the titulary emerged at the beginning of the reign of Djedefre (Hornung,
Conceptions of
Go d in Ancient Egypt: the One and the Many
(Ithaca, NY, 1982), p. 142; "The Pharaoh," in S. Donadoni,
ed.,
The Egyptians
(Chicago, 1997), p. 286; P. Kaplony, "Konigstitulatur," LA, 3 1979, pp. 641-661;
Kem p, "Social History," pp. 71-72; D.P. Silverman, "Deities and Divinity in Ancient Egypt," in B.E.
Schafer, ed.,
Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice
(Ithaca, 1991) p. 65; "Nature,"
p. 7 1; Silverman, "Ep ithet;" W. Barta,
Untersuchungen zur Gottlichkeit des regierenden Konigs. Ritus und
Sakralkonigtum in Altagypten nach Zeugnissen der Friihzeit und des Alten Reiches,
Munchner
Agyptologische Studien herausgegeben von Hans W olfgang Miiller 32 (Munchen-B erlin, 1975), pp. 32-40;
Bonheme and Forgeau,
Les Secrets,
pp. 63, 73-75, 81-82, 261; Fairman, "Kingship Rituals of
Egypt,
in
S.H. Hook e, ed., Myth, Ritual, and Kingship (Oxford, 1958), p. 77; Robins, "Legitimation," p . 287.
Assmann be lieves that the concepts behind this "representative theocracy" developed in the First
Intermediate Period due to the role played by the nomarchs at that time (Assmann,
Mind of Egypt,
p. 119).
Tobin points out that the king as the son of the sun god was already in existence from the beginning with
the connection between the ruler and the solar Horus (Tobin,
Theological Principles of Egyptian Religion
(New York, 1989), pp. 93-94). See also, Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p.- 274. Teeter dates this component
of the titulary to Neferirkare of Dynasty V. (E. Teeter, "Kingship," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the
Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999), pp. 411-412). However, this title is found earlier in the
reign of Khafre (Silverman, "Epithet"; von Beckerath,
Handbuch,
p. 54, n. 1).
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XV/XVII.
41 1
The composition of this text may date to the Late Middle Kingdom , though
its precise chronological placement is uncertain.
41 2
One of the tales in this papyrus is set
in the court of king Khufu of Dyn asty IVr The mo ther of these infants is a non-roy al
woman married to a priest of
the
sun god.
41 3
A magician named Djedi prophesizes to this
king about the rare conception of triplets, who are the sons of the god Re and will become
the rulers of Dynasty V .
41 4
The story also relates the birth of these children in the
presence of deities, who an nounce their royal destiny.
Regardless of whether or not this story served as a legitimization precedent for the
three brother kings of Dynasty XIII (Neferhotep I, Sahathor, and Sobekhotep IV) as some
have proposed,
41 5
this tale does have some interesting elements, which explain the
divinely ordained kingship principle. For examp le, the magician, Djedi, reveals all the
details of the triplets' birth, including the names of the parents, their location, and the
411
R. Parkinson,
Poetry and Culture in Middle Kingdom Egypt
(New Y ork, 2002), p. 295.
412
Assmann,
Mind of Egypt,
pp. 146, 185; Barta,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 22-29; C. Bennett, "The Structure of
the Seventeenth Dynasty,"
GM
149 (1995), p. 31 ; Berlev, "Eleventh Dynasty," pp. 368-369; H. Brunner,
Die Geburt des G ottkonigs
(Wiesbaden, 1964), pp. 203-206; Kem p, "Social History," p. 77;
Ancient
Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization
(London, 1989), p. 197; L.H. Lesko, "Textual Sources, Middle Kingdo m,"
in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt
(New York, 1999), p. 796; Lorton,
"Towards a Constitutional Approach;" pp. 460- 461 ,46 3; R. Parkinson, "Papyrus We stcar," in D.B.
Redford, ed.,
Th e Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,
3 (Oxford, 200 1), p. 24; Silverman, "Nature," p.
71 .
Quirke dates the preserved copy of the text to Dynasty XV/XVII ba sed on the characteristics of the
hieratic. See Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 130; "Narrative Literature," in A. Loprieno, ed.,
Ancient Egyptian
Literature
(New Y ork, 1995), p. 271 ; "Second Intermediate Period," p. 262. Some scholars attribute it to
Dynasty XV ; Bietak implies that the unprovenienced papyrus was from Avaris (Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p.
115; "Hy ksos," (2001), p. 140; G. Posener,
Litterature et Politique dans VEgypte de la Xlle Dynas tie,
Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes 307 (Paris, 1956), p. 12). Goedicke prefers the end of Dynasty
XVII (H. Goedicke, "Thoughts about the Papyrus Westcar,"
Z AS 11
(1993), pp. 23-36). For a photograph
and transcription of the papyrus, see A.M . Blackman,
The Story of King Kheops and the Magicians:
Transcribed rom Papyrus
Westcar,
Berlin Papyrus 3033
(Reading, England, 1988). For translations of the
text, see Lichtheim,
Ancient E gyptian Literature
1,
pp. 215-222; Simpson,
Literature,
pp. 15-30. For
further bibliographic information, see Bellion,
Catalogue des Manuscrits,
p . 353.
413
This is the first reference to the mother w ithin the divine birth context. Prev iously, only the god, Re was
mentioned as being the father of the king (D.P. Silverman, personal com munication).
414
For a study of
the
possible examples of multiple births in ancient Egypt, see J. Baines, "Egyptian
Twins,"
O r
54 (1985), pp. 461-482. Triplets were rare in ancient Egypt.
415
See Chapter 2, Section 2.II.E.1.
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date. How ever, because these are the children of Re himself, it seems that Khufu accepts
the fate of his dynasty and does not attempt in any way to destroy the triplets. Other
signs, such as the proclamation by the gods during the birth that these babies would be
kings, demonstrate that there is no authority on earth, which can change the divine
decision of Re. The status of the parents of the. triplets is irrelevant, in determining their
future, since these children are the seed of
Re.
According to B erlev, another way in which kings could allude to divine birth was
to show that their parents were not royal.
41 6
Thu s, in certain reigns in ancient Egy ptian
history, the non-royal paternal parent of a king was referred to as the "god's father" (it
fitr).
417
In Dyn asty XIII, a selection of king s, including those possibly linked to the
Westcar Papyrus, used just such terminology to denote their own fathers. The brother
kings; Neferhotep I, Sahathor and Sobekhotep IV; state that they were born to the
comm oners, Haankhef and Kemi w hile Sobekhotep III lists his parents as "go d's father"
Mentuhotep and "kin g's mother" Iwhetibu. Another kin g's mother Iwhetibu and a
god 's father Dedusobek are the parents of an unknown ru ler.
41 9
Also, a Nebhotepti is
cited on a genealogical seal of a Sobekhotep, possibly matched with a paternal seal with
416
Berlev, "Eleventh Dyn asty," p. 365.
417
Berlev, "Eleventh Dyn asty," pp. 363, 366; Postel,
Protocole,
pp . 49-53; A. G ardiner, "The First King
Menthotpe of the Eleventh Dynasty,"
MDAIK
14 (1956), p. 46; E. Graefe, "Die V ermeintliehe
Unteragyptische Herkunft des Ibi, Obermajordomus der Nitokris," SAK 1 (1974), p. 203 , n. 215; Quirke,
"Royal Power," p. 138; Bonheme and Forgeau,
Les Secrets,
p.255. This title may have also been used by
some priests. However, in Dynasty XIII, when "g od's father" is used in conjunction w ith king 's mother,
the emphasis is upon the fact that the paren ts are not from the royal family. See E. Blum entha l, "Die .
'Gottesvater' des A lten und Mittleren Reiches,"
ZAS
114 (1987), pp. 25-28, 31; Franke, "AMgyptische
Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," pp. 309-310.
418
Habachi, "Neferhotep I Family," pp. 80-81; Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 130-131; Ryholt,
Political
- Situation,
p. 285. • ~
419
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 439, Doss. 762; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 246-24 8; A.E.P. Weigall,
"Tomb and Cemetery of Senusert III," in E.R. Ayrton, et
&l,Abydos, P art III
(Lond on, 1904), p. 48, PL
XIII.
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an uncertain reading.
Dynasty X III kings were not the only ones to use the "go d's father" designation.
During the First Intermediate Period, the initial ruler of Dynasty XI also used this title
along with the paternal name to show that he was of non-royal descent.
2
Also,
Amenemhet I, the first king of Dynasty XII, acknowledged his non-royal father,
Senwosret, with this same term.
42 2
Gene rally, the "g od 's father" title in association with
a male, non-royal parent was used by kings w ho wished to distinguish themselves from
their predecessors,"likely due to political turmoil.
42
Then, in order to counteract this
break from tradition, these kings may have used the concept of divine marriage to
legitimize their reigns and connect them to the long line of kings who preceded them.
424
At the same time that a few of the kings used the term "go d's father" w ith the
names of their fathers in seals, they also placed "son of Re" on the seals with their
mo thers' nam es (Neferhotep I, Sobekhotep IV and another Sobekhotep but not
Sobekhotep III).
42 5
This relationship in the seals wou ld seem to point overtly toward the
divine marriage betwe en the mortal (non-royal) mother and the god Re. It is also
interesting that the "son of Re " is usually associated with the prenomen. How ever, in
these seals, this term appears in conjunction with the nomen while the paternal seals
contain the prenom en of the king.
420
O. Tufhell, Studies on Scarab Seals II (Warminster, 1984), pp.
3533,
PL 3564, no.
3533.
421
Postel, Protocole, p: 17; L. Habachi, "God's Fathers and the Role They Played in the History of the First
Intermediate Period," ASAE 55 (1958), pp. 176, 186-188. In the New Kingdom, this term can be used for
the royal tutor (H. Brunner, "Der "Gottesvater" als Erzieher des Kronprinzen," Z AS 86 (1961), pp. 90-100).
See also the "god's father of
Onuris"
in the Second Intermediate Period stela in A. Leahy, "A Stela of the
Second Intermediate Period," GM44 (1981), pp. 29, Fig. 21 .
42 2
Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, p . 255.
423
Baines, "Definition," p. 18; Habachi, "God's Fathers," pp. 167-190.
424
For the New Kingdom and the connection of divine marriage scenes and legitimacy in the New
Kingdom, see Simpson, "Egyptian Sculpture," p. 268, n. 219.
425
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 35, Fig. 2; Postel, Protocole, p. 103, n. 471.
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H.B. F estivals
II.B.l Accession and Coronation
Festivals, involving the appearance of the king, served as a form of legitimization.
The first and most important festivals for a monarch included the accession and
coronation. The accession ideally occurred at sunrise on the day after that on which the
previous king died, while the coronation w as planned on the date of the New Y ear or on
the first day of one of the other seasons.
42 6
Leprohon states:
These occasions were crucial because it was during them that the divine essence
of the sacral office was transferred to the king and the fusion of the pharaoh's
human and divine natures occurred.
427
The right to the throne was affirmed through these ceremonies.
42 8
Thus, in most
cases, the fact that someone successfully became king was sufficient to indicate that he
possessed the royal ka and that he was divinely chosen for this highest office in the
hum an realm. Though th ere are no direct depictions or inscriptions related to such
ceremonies in Dynasty XIII, one should expect that they occurred with the accession of
each new king upon the throne.
II.B.2. The Sed Festival
The sed festival is another event that is important for the legitimization of some
kings. This ceremo ny occu rred after a ruler had been in office for some time, but just
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," pp: 276-277. For more details of the accession and coronation, see C.J.
Bleeker,
Egyptian Festivals: Enactments of Religious R enewal,
Studies in the History of Religions 13
(Leiden, 1967), pp. 95-96; Bonheme and Forgeau,
Les Secrets,
pp. 245-246, 247-248; Fairman, "Kingship
Rituals," pp. 78 -80, 81-83, 96-97, 104.
427
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 276. See also Silverman, "Nature," p. 69.
428
L. Bell, "Luxor Tem ple," p. 257; Brunner, "Die Lehre," pp.
4-11;
G oedicke, "Origin," pp. 126, 127;
Hornung,
Conceptions,
p. 142; Silverman, "Deities and D ivinity," pp. 6 3, 66, 68.
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how long this period was can differ (traditionally after 30 years).
42 9
With its roots in the
reigns of the earliest Egyptian kings, this festival contains ceremonies and ritualized
athletic activities. No nethe less, the primary purpose of the sed festival seem s to have
been to rejuvenate the strength of the king through close contact and the exchange of gifts
with the god s, as well as a reenactment of the coronation.
430
Sekhemrekhutawy Am enemhet Sobekhotep I may have celebrated a sed festival,
as indicated in relief on a doorframe found at Medamud.
431
It is likely significant that
this king celebrated such a festival in his relatively short reign (3? years), possibly
indicating problems in the late Dynasty XH/early Dynasty XIII, requiring legitimization
beyon d the coronation. Ho wev er, it appears that the sed festival scenes of this king were
copied from those of Senwosret III, and it is possible that his participation in such
ceremonies was symbolic rather than being a historical event.
432
Nonetheless, later in
Dynasty XIII, Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI is depicted in a statue wearing a sed festival
A X X
robe, possibly comm emorating his celebration.
For more information on the Sed Festival, see Bleeker,
Egyptian Festivals,
pp. 96-123; Bonheme and
Forgeau,
Les Secrets,
pp . 287-306; Fairman, "K ingship R ituals," pp. 83-85; Lorton, "Towards a
Constitutional Approach," p. 461.
43 0
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 281 ; Teeter, "Kingship," p. 412.
431
Di. Arnold, "Cult Complexes," pp. 82, 83 Fig. 36; J. Revez, "M edamud," in K.A. Bard, ed .,
Encyclopedia of
the
Archaeology of Ancient Egypt
(New York, 1999), p. 476; C. Sambin, "Medamud," in
D.B.
Redford, ed.,
The Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,
2 (Oxford, 2001). For the Medam ud material, see
Bisson de la Roque,
Medamoud 1928,
pp. 3, 4, 58-72, 115-123, PI. 114; Bisson de la Roque and C lere,
Medamoud 1927,
pp. 89-92, 99-1Q0, 103, 105, 117-118, 131-137, PL 104;
Medamoud 1929,
pp. 78,
89-93,
PI.-75. Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I overtook the Senw osret III temple (later usurped by Sobekemsaf
of Dynasty XV II) at this site, including the Sed Festival porch w hile Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III
usurped the lintels.
Statuettes of an unknown Late Middle Kingdo m ruler, dressed in a sed robe, were found at Semna
(Vercoutter, "Roi Ougaf, pp. 227-228).
433
W.V. Davies,
Royal Statue Reattributed
(London, 1981), no. 31.
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II.C. Historical Precedent
II.C.l. The Westcar Papyrus
While Parkinson states that the tale in the
Westcar Papyrus
is based on
"historical" figures of the Old Kingdom, with the addition of some fictional characters,
and is intended to entertain the reader,
43 4
this text may have served to legitimize the
consecutive reigns of the three brothers in Dynasty XIII.
43 5
In other wo rds, the three
Dynasty V brothers in the story serve as a historical precedent for those du ring D ynasty
XIII. Interestingly, there is a king-list in Wadi Ham mam at which may be of the same
"historical" school as
Papyrus Westcar.
Both in this inscription and the literary text,
Khufu is listed with his sons (Djedefre?), Khafre, Bauefre, and Hordedef, the last of
which may not be real historical figures.
436
If Red ford's dating is correct, it is possible
that these texts may be roughly contemporary. Also, there may be a conceptual link
between K hufu's desire in the Papyrus Westcar to learn about the secret chambers of
Thoth and Neferhotep's quest to search the library in the temple at Heliopolis regarding a
text outlining the specifications for the statue of Osiris at Aby dos
(Neferhotep Stela).
437
Interestingly,
The Prophesies ofNeferti,
a text whose story is set in the court of
Parkinson, "W estcar," p. 25; Poetry, pp. 182-192. For the tendency of kings of the late Middle
Kingdom to follow the precedents of
the
Old Kingdom, see Baines,
Visual and Written Culture,
p. 194-195.
43 5
Franke,
Das Heiligtium,
pp . 69-70; Parkinson,
Poetry,
p . 296; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p.
262 . For a general statement concerning the use of fictionalized history for the purpose of legitimizatio ns,
see M. Van B uren and J.E. Richards, "Introduction: Ideology, W ealth, and the Comparative Study of
"Civilizations"," in J.E. Richards and M. Van Buren, eds.,
Order, Legitimacy, and Wealth in Ancient States
(Cambridge, 200 0), p. 9. For a discussion of how the past was used almost exclusively in literary texts to
present the events of the present, see Baines, "Concepts," pp. 131, 136-138; Posener,
Litterature et
Politique,
p . 29.
43 6
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 17-18, n. 32; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," p. 155; D. Wildung,
Die
Rolle dgypticher Konige I
(Berlin, 1969), pp. 164-167. Redford says they were princes who never took
throne; he dates the inscription to Dynasty XII (Redford,
Pha raonic King-lists,
pp. 25 , 237).
437
R.B. Parkinson, "The Dream and the Knot. Contextualizing M iddle Kingdom Literature," in G. Moe rs,
ed.,
Definitely: Egyptian Literature,
L ingua Aegyptia 2 (Gottingen, 1999), p. 68;
Poetry,
pp. 194, 303-304;
Silverman,
Non-Royal Burials.
See Chapter 2, section II.D.2.
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the Dyn asty IV king , Sneferu. In this story, a lector priest states that there will be a
king called, Am eny, who will come from Upper Egypt and take the throne and return the
land to its prope r state. Man y scholars believe that the Am eny spoken of here is
Amenemhet I, who established Dynasty XII after serving as the vizier of king
Mentuhotep Nebtawyre.
439
Unlike in the
Westcar Papyrus,
in
The Prophesies ofNeferti,
the king named in an
earlier time period may actually be a reference to a ruler who, seven centuries later would
take the throne. Its composition during the reign of Amenem het I seems probable, but
the prem ise of using such a work for legitimization is extremely im portant. The reality of
the circumstances, under which Sehotepibre Am enem het I acquired the throne, are
unknow n, and the nature of the
Prophesies ofNeferti
may be truthful, embellished, or
propagandistic fiction.
440
How ever, it does seem that Am eny/Amen emhet I had to have
such stories suggesting that his rise to power was predetermined in the Old Kingdom in
order to legitimize his reign.
441
The similarities between the tale in the
Westcar Papyrus
and the
Prophesies of
Neferti
are interesting. Both are set in Dyn asty IV during the height of pyram id
Do.
Arnold, "Amenem het I," p. 18; Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, pp . 103, 104; Callender, .
"Renaissance," p. 156; Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p, 736; Hallo and Simpson, Ancient Near
East, p. 244; Helck, G eschichte, p. 106; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature 1, pp. 13 9-145. For further
bibliographic information, see Bellion, Catalogue des Manuscrits, pp .
340-341.
Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, p. 259; Hornung, History, p . 50; Leprohon, "Overview," p. 47;
Posener, Litterature et Politique, p p. 22-28; Postel, Protocole, p . 63; Simpson, "Twelfth D ynasty," pp. 453 ,
4 5 4 ; .
Note that Franke stresses the hypothetical nature of this conclusion. Not only was the nickname
Ameny popular, it also could be seen as an ideological allusion to the mythical Menes, the first mortal king,
according to ancient Egyptian sources. See Franke, "The Midd le Kingdo m in Egyp t," p. 736. See also
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 207 , n. 708; Silverman, Non-Royal Burials.
440
Callender, "Renaissance*" pp. 156, 158; Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 736; Kemp,
"Social History," pp. 75-77; Posener, Litterature et Politique, p. 28. Assmann suggests that Amenemhet I
came to power through a civil war (Assmann, Mind of Egypt, p. 117).
441
Hornung, History, p . 50.
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construction under powerful kings. At least for the
Prophesies ofNeferti,
it may be the
case that this text are part of a genre of Middle K ingdom literature, through which kings
justified their acts through prophesy attributed to religious figures of this revered period.
This purpose is less certain regarding the
Westcar Papyrus.
It may be the case that the
small part of the document relating the story of the triplets was an older story revived at
this time for the use of the brother kings, as Quirke suggests.
442
II.C.2. The Neferhotep Stela
The Neferhotep Stela at Abydos also suggests the use of real or derived historical
sources as precedent for the legitimization of the king's actions.
44 3
This inscription
claims that, Khasekhemre Neferhotep and his courtiers read through the manuscripts at
the Temple of Atum at Heliopolis and found a text concerning the means to create a
statue of the god for the Temple of
O siris.
44 4
They undertook this task in preparation for
the king's participation in the Osiris festival at Abydos in year two of his reign.
44 5
This
stela served as a public testament to the literate elite that the king was responsible in his
duties to the gods, something which was expected for a legitimate ruler.
44 2
Quirke, "T hirteenth Dynasty," p. 397.
44 3
Baines, "Conc epts," p. 141.
44 4
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 179; Leahy, "Protective Measure," p. 59. For a bibliography and
translation of
this
text, see
J.H..
Breastead,
Ancient Records of Egypt: The First through the Seventeenth
Dynasties
I (Urbana, 2001), pp. 332-336. For a complete study of
this
stela
{Berlin• 1204)
and the Osiris
Festival, see R. Anthes, "Die Berichte des Neferhotep und des Ichernofret liber das Osirisfest in Abydos,"
Festschrift zum 150 Jarigen des Berliner Aryptischen M useums, Mitteilungen aus der Agyptischen
Sammlung 8 (Berlin, 1974), pp. 15-49.
5
Kadish, "H istoriography," p. 110. Dodson,
Monarchs,
p. 69; Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
pp. 21-
29 , no. 32; B.J. Kemp, "Abydos," LA, I (W eisbaden, 1975), p. 32; A. Mariette,
C atalogue General des
Monuments d'Abydos
(Paris, 1880), pp. 233-234;
Description desfouilles dAbydos
II (Paris, 1880), Pis. 28 -
30 ;
A.E.P. Weigall,
Guide to the Antiquities of Upper Egypt
(New York, 1910), p. 6; Weill,
La Fin du
Moyen Empire.
Eyre suggests that the stela of Neferhotep I at Abydos is the first "konigsnove lle" (Eyre,
"The Semna Stelae: Quotation, Genre, and Functions or Literature," in S.I. Groll, ed.,
Studies in Egyptology
Presented to Miriam Lichtheim
(Jerusalem , 19 90), p. 147). This stela has been used as evidence that the
king was literate (Baines and Eyre, "Four Notes on Literacy," G M 61 (1983), p. 78).
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II.C.3.
The U se of the Nomen Amenemhet
The nomen Am enemhet (or Ameny Q emau) was used by eight of the Dyn asty
XIII kings. In six of these, it was used as components of double names. Regardless of
whether or not this name refers to family members, it directly or indirectly hearkens back
to reigns of Dynasty X II such as Am enem het I and III. In fact, one of the kings in the
Turin King-List
(7.12), Sehotepibre, has the same prenomen as Amenem het I. Thus, it is
likely that the kings of Dynasty XIII deliberately associated themselves with the
successful rulers of the Middle Kingdom, perhaps to legitimize their reigns.
II.D.
Art and Royal Regalia
Another m eans of royal legitimization during Dynasty XIII was the depiction of
kings in royal regalia in relief and sculpture, which related the status of the ruler
according to traditional ideology. There are more than two dozen royal statues dated to
Dynasty XIII, but, unfortunately, few have inscriptions, which identify the king
depicted.
44 6
In general, the art style of Dyn asty XIII initially continued that of Senw osret
III and Am enemhet III with a stylized body and a modeled, somber face with heavy
eyelids and down-turned lips.
447
Statues such as EA 1167 and a head of Khendjer from his funerary complex show
the king wearing a names crown w ith a uraeus upon his brow , as one can see in the
sculptures of other periods including Dynasty XII.
44 8
Other statues depict the king in sed
festival garb such as one depicting Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI from the Cairo Museum
446
Bourriau,
Pharaohs and Mortals,
p 69.
447
See Chapter 1, Section I I .A3 .
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
PI. 5b-c; Bourriau,
Pharaohs an d Mortals,
Fig. 54. For an example of a
statue depicting Amenem het III in a names crow n, see Bourriau,
Pharaohs and Mo rtals,
p. 44, no. 31.
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(JE 37421/CG 42027).
44 9
Relief scenes depicting the king, Sekhemrekhutawy
Amenemhet Sobekhotep I celebrating a sed festival are also found at the temple at
Medamud.
45 0
Thoug h there is some question as to whe ther or not this ruler actually
participated in a sed festival or simply copied the scenes and texts from a monument of
Senwosret III, these depictions as well as those mentioned above all work to connect
these individual rulers with traditional kingship of the Middle K ingdom.
Though most of the royal regalia o f Dynasty XIII continued from the traditions of
ancient Egyptian kingship to that date, the blue crown may have been a new addition,
which may have signaled the need for additional legitimizing paraphernalia.
51
Though
the term for this headgear, khepresh (Aprs), appears at this early date, the determinative of
the crown itself seems to be more in the form of a royal cap than the fully developed
crown of the early Dynasty XVIII.
45 2
Nonetheless, several of the depictions do indicate
that certain details of the crown were developing, including the blue color, the inscribed
curls, and the curled snake. Examples of this crown during the Late Middle Kingdom
and Second Intermediate Period occurred during the following reigns: Sekhemrekhutawy
Amenemhet Sobekhotep I (Medamud),
45 3
Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV (Wadi
Hammamat),
45 4
Menkhaure Senaaib (Abydos),
45 5
Sekhemreneferkhau Wepwawetemsaf
449
Davies,
Royal Statue
Reattributed,
no. 31.
450
Bisson de la Roque,
Medamoud 1928,
pp. 3, 4, 58-72, 115-123, PL 114; Bisson de la Roque and Clere,
Medamoud 1927,
pp. 89-92,99-1 00, 103, 105, 117-118, 131-137, PL 104;
Medamoud 1929,
pp. 78, 89-93,
PL 75.
451
W .V. Davies, "The Origin of the Blue Crown,"
JE A
68 (1982), pp. 69-76.
452
Cairo JE 59635. Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
p. 73.
453
Bisson de la Roque and Clere,
Medamoud 1927,
p. PL 4.
454
Debono , "Expedition archeologique royale," p.
81 ,
PL 15; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," pp. 154-158,
Fig. 151, PL 157a.
455
EX . Ertman, "T
PL 68; Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
p. 47, no. 64; A. Mariette,
Abydos
II (New York, 1998), PL 27.
455
EX . Ertman, "The Cap-Crown of Nefertiti: Its Function and Probable Origin,"
JARCE
13 (1976), p. 64,
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(Abydos?), and several examples from Dynasty XVII (Abydos). Davies suggests
that the khepresh of the New Kingdom, with its association with legitimate kingship and
coronation might be reflective of its use in the Late Middle Kingdom/Second
Intermediate Period when this institution suffered some weakening.
458
H.E. Monumental Architecture
The construction of monumental architecture is a form of visual legitimization
that most kings of ancient Egypt used, since it served as a clearly visible display of royal
power and wealth. For Dynasty XIII, however, most of the rulers were unable to
construct impressive mo num ents. It is clear that some mon archs continued to add onto
Middle K ingdom tem ples and sacred sites such as those at Medam ud, Karnak, Aby dos,
and Mem phis. The most significant of the relatively small structures they built are the
tombs of a few of these sovereigns.
45 9
No nethe less, the quantity and size of the royal
mon ume nts w ere still greater than those of the private officials of the period, and it is
likely that messages of legitimacy were still encoded into the buildings of the Dynasty
XIII kings.
III. Succession
In ancient Egypt, succession occurred in a period of time, which was
Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
p. 48, no. 65. -
457
J.J. Clere, "La Stele de Sankhptah, Chambellan su Roi Rahotep,"
JE A
68 (198 2), PL 4-6; von B eekerath,
Untersuchungen,pp.
188-189, 298, xvii, 15(15).
458
Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p.
5 1;
Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
p. 45, no. 62.
45 9
See Chapter 3.
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myth ologically dangerou s, like birth and death (and creation in general). The passing
of the office of kingship from the deceased king to a successor could erupt into cha os.
Just as a newborn might face dangerous situations such as disease or stillbirth, the new
king could find himself threatened by evil forces, including would-be usurpers or
comp etitors for the throne. Despite the perceiv ed and real dangers associated with
succession in ancient Egypt, the rapid turnover of kings during Dynasty XIII did not
greatly impact the stability of society nor cause harm to the ideological framework of the
royal institution itself.
461
•
Determining the m eans, through w hich the selection of
a
king occurred is one of
the most important issues in the study of Dynasty XIII.
462
Many theories have been
suggested for the mechanics of succession, but none prove to be satisfactory for more
than a few reign s, if at all. In reality, it seems that several innovations ma y have been
developed as different factors emerged.
III.A. Father-to-Son Succession
The Osiris-Horus-Seth myth found in the
Memphite Theology,
463
which has its
roots in the
Pyramid Texts,
may reflect the pattern of normal succession in ancient
Frankfort,
Kingship and the Gods,
p. 101.
461
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 171; David,
Builders,
p . 197; Grimal,
History,
p . 171; Hallo and Simpson,
Ancient Near East,
p. 249; Helck,
Geschichte,
p. 117; Murnane, "Overview," p.
701;
van den Boom,
Duties
of the
Vizier, p. 346 ; Verner,
G reat Monuments,
p. 434; Bourriau,
Pharaohs and Mortals,
p . 5.
462
Q uirke, "Thirteenth D ynasty;" p. 396.
463
Frankfort,
Kingship and the Gods,
pp. 25-30; Kem p, "Social History," p. 72. For the later
Ramesseum
Dramatic Papyrus
from the accession or sed festival of Senwosret I, see Fairman, "Kingship Rituals," pp.
81-83; Kem p, "Social History," p. 72; K. Sethe,
Dramatische Texte zu altaegyptischen Mysterienspielen
(Leipzig, 1928).
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Egyptian kingship.
4 4
The story records that Horu s, the eldest son of the ruler, as the
rightful heir to the divine throne of Osiris through the rules of inheritance; this divine
model sets the program on a royal level. The ancient Egyptians then viewed the
deceased ruler as Osiris, and the heir, preferably the eldest son, becam e Horu s. Thu s,
royal ideological mythology could actually hide the true mechanics of succession,
especially in unfavorable times since the deceased king became Osiris and the living son
Horus, regardless of bloodline.
465
Inheritance usually transferred from father to son, but other possibilities
.. existed.
46 6
In the private sector at Deir el-Medina in the New Kingdom , however, rules
of inheritance prioritized children and grandchildren while brothers and sisters followed
in a secondary position.
46 7
Also, a non-related heir could be appointed,
468
sometimes
through adoption. If a private office was to be transferred to a new family, a formal case
had to be presented, proving the ow ner's right to the position and declaring his wish to
convey it to someone else.
At the end of Dynasty XII, the female king, Nefrusobek came to the throne.
469
She was a daughter of Amenemhet III and may have been the sibling or half-sister of
464
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 274. Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, pp. 68-72; 256-257;
260-261,
263-265,
324-3 25. J.P. Allen argues that the myth established Horus as the end result of the evolution of
the Ennead in that his place as king on earth parallels the sun god's role as the sustainer of life in the
natural world (J.P. Allen,
Genesis in Egypt
(New Haven , 1988), p. 11.) J.P. Allen also notes that Horus
only achieves his position through the death of his father, Osiris (J.P. Allen, Genesis, pp. 33-34). Lesko
also approaches this myth from a mythological point of view, but he still allows for the possibility that the
Memphite Theology may have legitimized father-to-son succession (L. Lesko, "Ancient Egyptian
Cosmogonies and Cosmology," in
B.
Schafer, ed., Religion in Ancient Egypt (Ithaca, 1991), pp. 92-93).
465
Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396.
466
Bonhem e, "Kingship," pp. 240-242; W. Boochs, "Der ehebrechersche Sohn,"
GM
114 (1990), pp. 43 -
45 ; G. Robins, "A Critical Examination of the Theory that the Right to the Throne of Ancient Egypt Passed
through the Female Line in the 18th Dynasty," GM62 (1983), p. 73; Robins, "Queens," p. 105.
467
J.M.A. Janssen and P.W. Pestman, "Burial and Inheritance in the Community of the N ecropolis
Workmen at Thebes," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 11 (1968), p. 165.
468
Robins, "Legitimation," p. 288.
469
G rajetzki, Middle Kingdom, pp.
61-63.
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Am enemhet IV. After her death, Dynasty XIII began. The relationship between the
last kings of Dynasty XII and the first of Dynasty XIII is uncertain.
Titles of two royal women found on scarab seals suggest that there were at least
two normal father-to-son successions in Dyn asty XIII. Both of these wom en possessed
the titles "queen" and "king's mother."
47 1
The first is Neb hotep ti, who m Ryholt assigns
to the reign of Awibre Hor through a circular argument, based on his seal chronology.
472
Ryholt places the second queen, Aa hotepti, prior to the reign of Sobekhotep III without
an exact association with a king.
47 3
No nethe less, from the titles of these two queens,
there is solid proof that the mothers of at least two rulers were the spouses of kings.
Another likely candidate for father-to-son succession was Ameny Qemau and his
possible successor Hotepibre
Saharnedjeritef.
The latter's name can be translated as
"Qemau's son Harnedjeritef' a phrase, which appears in a cartouche. Ryho lt has also
proposed that double names represent father-to-son successions, though there are other
ways of interpreting these in private examples, as will be shown in Chapter 6.
Nonetheless, even if only some of these double names represent this type of succession,
they only occur in the first part of the dynasty, presumably when descendents of the
Dyn asty XII kings remained. Later, how ever, another form, fratrilineal succession
emerges, changing some aspects or emphasizing some of
the
more unorthodox
470
Hayes, "Egyp t: From the Death," p. 43 .
471
Quirke, "Investiga tion," p. 230; "Royal Power," p. 129. Another seal dated to late Dyna sty XII/XIH
appears to be a third example.
• -
• •
472
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 3 8-39, 218, for the bibliography of the seal see 238-239, n. 101.
Fragments of
a
statuette of Queen and Kin g's M other Nebhotepti were found in room LV II of
the
Semna
Fort (Dunham and Janssen,
Semna Kumma,
p . 28, PL 87 A21, A 22; Tufnell,
Scarab Seals,
PI. 64, nos.
3535-3536).
473
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 39, n. 104; 242-24 3. Another possible example is the "king's wife" and
"king's mother," Senet, who lived in the Late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty X III.
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characteristics of the office of kingship.
III .B. Fratrilineal Succession
The myth of Osiris suggests that conflict could ensue between a brother and a son
of a deceased king concerning the identity of the rightful heir. In the
Contendings of
Horus andSeth, the two gods (the son and the brother of the deceased kin g), fight over
the right to the throne without either being the obvious choice amongst the gods, who
debate over the issue.
47 4
Ultimately , Horus ascends to the throne , but the fact that the
rightful heir could be a brother is implied.
475
Fratrilineal succession (fratriarchy) is a system that ancient Egyptian royalty may
have developed during the Second Intermediate Period in order to prevent young children
from inheriting the throne while maintaining the royal power of a single family.
Instead, a king might choose a brother, nephew, or another mature relative to take the
throne upon his death. With this sort of system, the lines of succession w ould have bee n
stable initially, though individual reigns of the successors may have been shorter, relative
to those of father-to-son succession because occupants were of the same generation.
How ever, as the throne passed to successive generations (nephews, etc.), there may have
been some confusion concerning the right to the throne. As the number of eligible male
relatives increased, factions within the family may have emerged.
474
Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature 2, pp. 214 -223; J. van Dijk, "Myth and Mythmaking in Ancient
Egypt," in J. Sasson, ed.,
Civilizations of the Ancient Near E ast 3,
(Peabody, MA, 1995), pp. 1704-1706.
See also Bonhem e and F orgeau,
Les Secrets,
p. 68-70, 256, 265 .
475
Note that one early king, Peribsen identified himself with Seth (rather than having Horus associated with
his serekh), while Khasekhemwy used both Horus and Seth, presumably after he defeated Peribsen.
Normally, it is assumed that there was a civil war at this time and that the state was led by two leaders,
ideologically, Horns and Seth. See S. Quirke, Who W ere the Pharaohs, (Mineola, New York), p. 35.
47 6
Bennett, "Structure," pp. 29-30. See also Bonheme and Forgeau,
Les Secrets,
p. 258.
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Fratrilineal succession has occurred many times over the course of human history.
According to B ennett,
47 7
examples include: the Elamites,
47 8
Assyrians from the 15
th
-14
th
centuries BC,
47 9
later Kushite kings including those of Egyptian Dynasty X XV ,
480
Hsiung-nu (Huns) in Mongolia after
31
B C,
48 1
Russian princes after 10.54,
482
Aztecs,
483
Maya in Post-Classical Period,
48 4
Ottoman Turks after 1603,
485
and modern Saudi
Arabian kings.
48 6
During D ynasty XIII, at least one instance of fratriarchy occurred (the
Neferhotep/Sahathor/Sobekhotep family) from
26
to 65 years (17-43%) of the 150-year
period. -
Bennett suggests that rulers of Dynasty XVII and, possibly, parts of XIII,
consciously chose to institute a practice of fratrilineal succession to create stability in the
office of kingship.
48 7
He theorizes that this concept may have originated from contact
with the Kushite rulers in Nubia, though evolution within Egypt may be a more plausible
hypothesis, considering the internal situation at the time.
48 8
Also, isolated examples of
477
Bennett, "Structure," pp. 29-30.
478
F. Hintze,
The Lost World ofElam
(London, 1972), p.
88ff.479
B. Landsberger, "Assyrische Konigsliste und dunkles Zeitalter," JC S 8 (1954), p. 31.
480
A.J. Arkell, History of the Sudan to AD 1821 (London, 1961), pp. 121, 127; D. Dunham and M.F.L.
Macadam, "Names and Relationships of the Royal Family of Napata," JEA 35 (1949), p. 149; M.F.L.
Macadam, The Temples ofKawa
I.
The Inscriptions (London, 1949), p. 124; D.B. Redford, History and
Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt: Seven Studies (Toronto, 1967), p. 66. Lohwasser notes that
there is only one certain case of fratrilineal succession in Napata (Anlamani and Asp elta). A. Loh wasser,
"Queenship in Kush: Status, Role and Ideology of Royal W omen," JARCE 38 (2001), p. 64. For the most
part, there was a loosely-based collateral system, in which the office of kingship alternated between two
families within which patrilineal succession occurred (L. Torok, "On the Foundations of Kingship Ideology
in the Empire of Kush," in S. Wenig, ed., Studien zum antiken Sudan. Akten der 7. Internationalen Tagung
fur meroitistishe Forschungen vom 14. bis 19 September 1992 in Gosen/bei Berlin, Meroitica 15 (Berlin,
1999),
p. 276).
T.J. Barfield, The Perilous Frontier: Nomadic Em pires and China (Oxford, 1989), pp. 72 ff.
482
G. Vernadsky and M . Karpovich,
A H istory of Russia,
II (New Haven, 1994) pp. 83 ff.
483
N. Davies,
The
Aztecs: a History (London, 1973), pp. 79-80.
484
L. Scheie and D. Freidel, A Forest of Kings (New York, 1990), p. 359 ff.
485
A.D. Alderson, The Structure of the O ttoman Dynasty (Oxford, 1956), pp. 10-14.
486
D. Holden, Th e House ofSaud(New York, 1981), pp. 174, 240, 381.
487
Bennett, "Structure," pp. 25-32.
488
Bennett, "Structure," p. 31.
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brothers taking
the
throne
in
succession
can be
found
as
early
as the Old
Kingdom.
Djedefre and Khafre were both reigning sons of the king Khufu of Dynasty IV.
489
Another exam ple of brother kings
is
that of the Dynasty
XI
rulers, Sehertawy Intef and
Wahankh
Intef, who
were both sons of the god 's father, M entuhotep. Thus,
the
Dynasty
XIII example(s) may have more to do with necessity than with a deliberate modification
of kingship
itself.
Name
1. Khasekhemre Neferhotep
2. Menwadjre Sihathor
3.
Kfianeferre Sobekhotep
4. Khahotepre Sobekhotep
Further M embers
(?):
5. Wahibre Ibiaw
6. Merneferre
Ay
Generation
First
First
First
Second?
Unknown
Unknown
Regnal Length
11.25
less than
a
year
12
4.75
10.75
23.75
Table 2.1. Kings possibly related
to the
fratrilineal line of Neferhotep
I.
In Dynasty XIII, brother-to-brother succession occurred with Khasekhemre
Neferhotep
I,
Menwadjre Sahathor,
and
Kfianeferre Sobekhotep
IV
(Table 2.1).
49 0
Some
scholars have suggested that Sahathor,
who
only ruled
for
days
or
months, served
as a
Habachi, "G od's Fathers," pp. 179, 181.
Quirke, "Investigation," p. 230; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 130; "Thirteenth Dyna sty," p. 396.
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coregent to Neferhotep without ever having occupied the throne alone.
49 1
However, there
is no clear evidence of a coregency, and it is likely that this king died due to his age,
inheriting kingship from his brother after over elev en yea rs. After the reign of the next
sibling ruler, Sobekhotep IV, his possible nephew , Khahotepre Sobekhotep V became
king, a sequence one would expect at the end of the generational line in the pattern of
fratrilineal succession. Benn ett believ es that this line continued to rule through the
reign of Merneferre Ay, due to the relatively long reign-lengths of these kings.
493
Another possible example of fratrilineal succession is Sekhemrekhutawy
Sobekhotep I and Sekhemkare Senebef as both of these rulers have double nom ens
compounded with Amenemhet.
49 4
Also, Ryholt suggests that the (Horus) Khabaw and
(Horus) Djedkheperew were brothers, though there may be some question as to the m erits
of his argument.
495
Finally, an example of collateral succession, in which a nephew
followed his uncle on the throne may have occurred during Dynasty XIII. According to
Ryholt, Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet took the throne after his grandfather,
Sekhemkare Amenemhet V; his uncle, Ameny Qemau; his cousin, Qemau
Saharnedjeritef;
and another possible relative, Iwefni.
496
He argues that this chronology
can be amended, making Ameny Q emau the grandfather of Am eny Intef Amenem het.
Thus,
in this scheme, Saharnedjeritef would have been the uncle of this king rather than a
491
Dewachter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 66; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 192, 216, n.745.
Murnane does not consider this coregency in his list of double-dated monuments for Dynasty XIII
(Murnane, C oregencies, p. 25).
492
Quirke notes that there is no actual evidence for this relationship (Quirke, "Investigation," p. 230).
49 3
Bennett, "Structure," p. 30.
4
'
M
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 209.
495
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 216-218. See also below , Chapter 1, Section IV.B.12.
496
Ryholt, "Royal Names," p. 107; Political Situation, pp. 214-215. Bennett expresses some doubt in
Ryho lt's reconstruction (C. Bennett, "Thutmosis I and Ahmes-Sapair," GM141 (1994), p. 35, n.34).
However, his placement of Ameny Qemau with the prenomen Semenkare is incorrect as it is found in
conjunction with Nebnun in a stela from Gebel Zeit.
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generation al contemp orary. No nethe less, either scenario may suggest some sort of
transfer of the office of kingship through members of an extended family, preference
being shown for father-to-son succession with the alternative option of a brother or, if
dece ased , his eldest ma le heir. - •• - •
Despite the-fact that the ideological system of kingship may have allowed for
fratrilineal kingship at least in some limited circumstances, it would seem that the brother
rulers (Neferhotep I and family) had to go to great lengths to legitimize their reigns. As
with other kings of non-royal birth, Neferhotep gave his parents royal designations after
he was in office ( god's father" and "kin g's mo ther"). In inscriptions, it also appears that
Neferhotep I may have designated his heirs (his brothers) as his sons, which incorporated
them into the traditional hereditary suc cessional pattern. One must wonder if he might
have adop ted his brothers as sons to make this transition easier. How ever, if the
Westcar
Papyrus
does originate from this time period, it may be the case that there were still
doubts as to the legitimacy of this successional procedure.
III .C. Coregency
At the beginning of Dynasty XII, Amenem het I may have founded (or -
reestablished) the practice of coregency.
49 7
Thoug h some scholars do not believe that this
497
L. Berman, "Am enemhet I," dissertation, Yale University, 1985, pp. 173-203. Franke, " The Middle
Kingdom in Egypt," p. 738 ; Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p.
101;
Hallo and Simpson, Ancient Near
East, p. 24 5; Leprohon, "Overview," p. 48; W.K. Simpson, "The Single-Dated M onuments of Sesostris I:
An Aspect of
the
Institution of Coregency in the Twelfth Dynasty,"
JNES
15 (1956), p. 216; "Studies," p.
57 ;
"Twelfth Dynasty," p. 454. .As coregency relates to the Instruction of Amenemhet, see Silverman,
"Non-Royal Burials"; "Unity and Power," pp . 35-37, 40. For evidence of coregencies in Dynasty XII, see
Murnane, Egyptian C oregencies, pp. 1-24; Valloggia, "Amenmhet IV," pp. 113-133; J. Wegner, "The
Nature and Chronology of the Senwosret III-Amenemhet III Regnal Succession. Some Considerations
Based on New Evidence from the Mortuary Temple of Senwosret III at Abydos," JNES 55 (1996), pp. 266-
279.
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method of succession existed for some or all of the Dynasty XII kings,
49 8
others credit
this innovation with the reason for why these twelve nomarchs were able to rule for over
-200 ye ars.
49 9
- • . - , • • -
Generally, the institution of coregency is a successional tool used to inhibit
would-be coups from taking place.
50 0
According to one model, an aging king might
choose an appropriate heir as coregent. This younge r king might then be placed in an
inferior position but with enough power to take the throne easily when his predecessor
died. The jun ior mo narch, under this mo del, was not given full royal titulary nor did he
have any true royal power. Nonetheless, he did gain certain titles which separated him
from the other princes and was often sent to perform military duties away from the
capital, both for his protection and to ensure
the.
sole authority of the regnant king.
5
In an equally viable model for coregency, however, it has been suggested that the
junior ruler played the primary role of king while the older one functioned in more
elusive, possibly ritual roles.
50 2
If indeed such a system existed, it may be the case that
49 8
Callender, "Renaissance," pp. 148-149; Delia, "Study," pp. 187-253; M. Eaton-Krauss, "Middle
Kingdom Coregencies and the Turin Canon," Journa l of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities
12 (1982), pp. 17-20; Franke, "Middle Kingdom," p . 398; W.J. Murnane, "Coregency," in D.B . R edford,
ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 1 (Oxford, 2001), pp.
307-311;
C. Obsomer, Sesostris Ier:
Etude Chronologique etHistorique du Regne, Connaissance de l'Egypte Ancienne 5 (Bruxelles, 1995), pp.
35-161;
E.P. Uphill, "The Question of Pharaonic Co-Regency," DE 49 (2001), p. 82. For additional
sources for and against the coregency of Amenemhet I and Senwosret I, see C. Obsomer, "La Date de
Nesou-Montou (Louvre CI)," Rd'E 44 (1993), pp . 103-140. For the impact of coregency upon art styles,
see C. Aldred, Middle Kingdom Art in Ancient Egypt (London, 1969), p. 24.
499
Quirke, "Royal Power."138; Hayes, Scepter, p. 172; Hornung, "Pharaoh," p. 297; Leprohon,
"Overview," p. 48; Simpson, "The Single-Dated Monuments of Sesostris I," p. 214.
50
A similar system was used by the Inca in order to prevent usu rpation
(H .
J.M. Claessen, "The Balance of
Power in Primitive States," in S.L. Seaton and H. Claessen, eds.,
Political Anthropology: The State of the
Ar t (New York, 1979), p. 189).
501
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p.
281;
D. Lorton, "Terms of Coregency in the Middle Kingdom,"
VA 2
(1986),
pp. 113-120; Murnane, "Coregency," p. 308.
502
Simpson, "The Single-Dated Monuments of Sesostris I," pp. 214-219; Wegner, "Nature and
Chronology," pp. 274-275. Note that Simpson suggested that the junior regent was granted either segments
of
the
pharaonic d uties, or there was combined rule between the two kings. He suggests that, like a sed
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the practice of coregency evolved over time from the first model to the second or that the
titles of the two kings depended upon the circumstances surrounding the reign of the
elder ruler. If he was in bad health, it may be the case that his heir would rec eive the
throne early, taking the authority of the state while leaving his predecessor in a revered
role in the religious realm. In either model, the young er king wo uld develop his authority
with his generational peers, something, which w ould survive the death of the senior king.
In this system, the junio r monarch began counting his regnal years, resulting in two sets
CAT
of dates (those of the older and youn ger king) being in effect at the same time.
The value of such a model may be suggested in the literary m asterpieces,
The
Instructions of Amenemhet I to his Son
504
and Sinuhe.
50 5
From both of these sources, one
may learn that the king may have been assassinated or may have survived an attempt on
his life by members of the court.
50 6
Acc ording to the assassination scenario, in The
festival, this practice may have been used to maintain the power of Horus (the divine institution of
kingship) in an aging ruler (Simpson, "The Single-Dated M onuments of Sesostris I," p. 214).
503
Kemp , "Social History," p. 79. For titles associated with coregency, see Lorton, "Term s," pp. 113-120;
Murnane,
Egyptian C oregencies,
pp. 254, 255, 258, 269. Note that "king's son" was used as an honorary
title by this time and is often found in connection with military leaders and others, who were not related to
the ruler (Franke, "A ltagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," pp. 308-309 ; "Review of W ard,
Essays," p. 229; Redford, "The Hy ksos," p. 2; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp.
100-101;
Ward,
Index,
p. 145; Ward,
Essays,
p p. 39-40, 40-44, 120).
504
K. Jansen-W inkeln, "Das Attentat auf A menemhet I. und die erste Agyptische Koregentschaft,
SAK
18 (1991), pp. 241-264; .,"Zu den Koregenzen der 12. Dynastie," SAK 24 (1997), pp. 115-135. For
references to the issues of coregency and the dating of this text, see Baines, "Definition," p.
2 1;
Murnane,
"Coregency," p. 308. Manetho also suggests foul play at the end of Amenemh et's reign (Callender,
"Renaissance," p. 160). For further bibliographic information concerning this text, see Bellion,
Catalogue
des Ma nuscrits,
pp. 329-330; Silverman, "Non-Royal B urials." Obsomer does not believe that this text or
Sinuhe supports the existence of
a
coregency during the reigns of
these
kings (Obsomer,
Sesostris ler,
pp.
112-133).
R. Parkinson, "Sinuhe," in D.B. Redford, ed.,
The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,
3 (Oxford,
2001), p. 292; Obsomer, "Sinouhe l'Egyptian etl es Raisons de son Exil."
Le Museon
112 (1999), pp. 207-
271.
Bain es was the first among m any scho lars to analyze this story as a literary piece rather than a work
of propaganda (J. Baines, "Interpreting Sinuhe,"
JEA
68 (1982), pp. 31-44). He sees the work as reflecting
basic Egyptian values and beliefs but does not agree that it demonstrates any propag and ists features. For
further bibliographic information, see Bellion,
Catalogue des Manuscrits,
pp. 351-353.
506
C allender, "Renaissance," p . 160; Frankfort,
Kingship and the Gods,
p. 102; Grimal,
History,
pp. 161-
163; Hornung,
History,
p . 54; Lesko, "Textual Sources," p. 796; Simpson, "The Single-Dated M onuments
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Instructions, the deceased Amenemhet I advises his son to have no friends and to trust no
one.
From
Sinuhe,
it is clear that the prince, Senwosret I, was occupied with military
campa igns in the Libyan front. One can imagine the scenario in which Senwo sret
received news of his father's death and rushed back to the Residence to claim the throne.
How ever, with the aid of a coregency, there is little question o ver who the rightful h eir
is .
50 7
Thus, a possible coup d'etat was avoided, and Dynasty XII continued for two
of Sesostris I," p. 216; "Twelfth Dynasty," p. 454; T obin,
Theological Principles,
p. 87. The historical
merit of these and other literary works is questioned by some. See Assmann,
Mind of Egypt,
pp. 138-139;
Assmann and Blumenthal, eds.,
Literatur undPolitik;
J. Baines, "Research on Egyptian Literature:
Background, D efinitions, Prospects," in Z. Haw ass, ed.,
Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First
Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, 2000,
3 (New Y ork,
2003), pp. 5-8; A. Foster, "The Conclusion to the Testament of Amm enemes, K ing of
Egypt, JE A
67
(1981), pp. 36-47; "Instructions of Am enemhet," in D .B. Redford, ed.,
The Oxford Encyclopedia of A ncient
Egypt, 2 (Oxford, 2001), p.
171;
W.J. Murnane, "Response to D.B. Redford (The W riting of the History of
Ancient Egy pt)," in Z. Hawass, ed.,
Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of
the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, 2000, 2
(New York, 2003 ), pp. 15-18; W.K.
Simpson, "Response to J. Baines (Research on Egyptian Literature)," in Z. Hawass, ed.,
Egyptology at the
Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists
Cairo, 2000,
3 (New York, 2003), pp. 45-47. On the other hand, Redford believes that regarding these
works as complete fiction is erroneous. See D.B . Redford, "Th e W riting of
the
History of Ancient E gypt,"
in Z. Hawass, ed.,
Egyptology a t the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth
International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, 2000, 2
(New York, 2003), p. 4. Some scholars suggest
that
The Instruction o f Amenemhet I to his Son
records an unsuccessful attempt to kill the king, which
initiated the ruler's desire to create a coregency with his son, the reasons being evident in the story of
Sinuhe
as this story may show that the king was eventually murdered (Leprohon, "Overview," p . 48;
Murnane,
Egyptian C oregencies,
pp. 249-250). G. Burkard argues that the assassination attempt was
unsuccessful, but there was no coregency (Burkard, '"Al s Gott erschienen spricht er' D ie Lehre des
Amenem het als postumes Ve rmachtnis," in J. Assmann and E. Blumenthal,
Literature und
Politik,
(Cairo,
1999), pp. 153-165). For both sides of the debate, see M. Lichtheim, "Didactic Literature," in A. Loprieno,
ed.,
Ancient Eg yptian Literature
(New York, 1996), p. 248.
507
For a summary of
the
arguments both for and against a coregency, see Posener,
Litterature et Politique,
pp .
65-66, 80-81, 84, 102. Grimal argues that The Instructions of Amenemhet I dates to Dynasty XVIII
and rejects that these are events of that period (N. Grimal, "Coregence et Association au Trone:
l'Enseignement d'Am enemhat Ier,"
BIFAO
95 (1995), pp. 273-280). Note that Simpson believes that since
Sinuhe
fled upon hearing the news of Am enemhet's death, the argument m ight be made that a clear-cut
succession, due to a coregency, may not have occurred. See Simpson, "Twelfth Dynasty," p. 454. Also,
Franke notes that Senwosret would not have had to return suddenly from L ibya at the news of his father's
death, if
the
succession had been solidified by a coregency. See Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt,"
p. 73 8. Kemp thinks that there was instability even with the coregency of
the
two kings (Kemp, "Social
History," p. 79). Leprohon discusses the practice of having an accession ceremony at sunrise on the day
following that on which the previous king died. This tradition might also be a reason why even a coregent
might hasten to return to the capital after his father's death. See Leprohon, "R oyal Ideology," p. 277. Delia
argues that
Sinuhe
does not dem onstrate a coregency (R. Delia, "Doubts about Double D ates and
Coregencies,"
BES
4 (1982), p. 67).
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centuries. Of course, it would be a mistake not to see these literary pieces as prop aganda
in their own right, thus making the validity o f actual historical facts unc ertain.
508
Nonetheless, for our purposes of understanding how a coregency might work, this
illustration of the process is invaluable. In theory, this form of succession may hav e
continued until the last few reigns of the dynasty when, ultimately, a wom an, Nefrusobek
claimed the office of kingship.
An alternative to co regency was for the king to appoint the heir as vizier or to
allow him to take part in administrative duties and military endeavors witho ut actually
crowning him as a ruler.
509
Uph ill sees this option as the preferable alternative for the
interpretation of the early Dynasty XII evidence found in texts such as Sinuhe and the
Instructions ofAmenemhet I or his Son outlined above. Here, the successor is clearly
in a position of some royal power even though there is no direct evidence that he has
been crowned.
Wegner has argued for a coregency between Senwosret III and Amenemhet III of
Dynasty X II due to a control note dated to a year 39 as well as other material found
Note that in Hie Instruction ofAmenem het I, the spirit of
the
possibly deceased king asks his son,
Senwosret, to be his successor and may also refer to how he did not have the time to prepare his son for the
role of king or announce him as his choice (Berman, "Amenem het I, pp. 195-202). Thus, a coregency
would not make sense under these circumstanc es. Some scholars believe that this story may actually have
served as propaganda supporting Senwosret's claim to the throne as well as his authority to punish his
adversaries (Callender, "Renaissance," p. 160; Posener, Litterature et-Politique, pp . 19-20). Posener sees
the work as being political in nature as a means to legitimize the rule of Senwosret I (Posener, litterature et
Politique, pp. 64, 65, 75-76, 85-86). Delia believes that the story simply refers to the normal me ans of
royal heredity and does not reflect the desire to create a system of coregency (Delia, "Study," pp. 196, 229-
230;
"Dou bts," p. 66). Simpson notes that the motives behind
The
Instructions ofAmenemhet I
cannot be
fully understood because the context behind the composition of the story is unkno wn. He suggests that a
balanced approach be taken in interpreting
Sinuhe
and other works (Simpson, "Belles Lettres and
Propaganda," in A. Loprieno, ed., Ancient Egyptian Literature (New Y ork, 1996), pp. 441 , 443). See also
C. Theriault, '"The Instruction ofAmenemhet' as Propaganda," JARCE 30 (1993), pp. 151-160.
509
U phill, "Question," p. 81.
510
Uphill, "Question," p. 82.
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around the temple of the earlier king at South Abydo s.
51 1
In this case the form of
coregency used was that in which the junior ruler played a more active role than the
senior one, possibly taking epithets associated with the deceased, Thus , coregency at this
point and in Dyna sty XIII, if it existed, may be m uch m ore difficult to identify than
originally thought. - - . • - . - . • - - - - -
Some reigns of Dynasty XIII, like those of the preceding Dynasty, may have been
characterized by coregencies. Mu rnane outlines the occurrences of two royal names on a
single artifact as evidence for a coregency. How ever, none of these examples appear
to provide any conclusive'data for the existence of
coregencies,
since they often do not
represent consecutive rulers and do not ha ve double dating (year x of king A , year y of
king B), the most convincing evidence.
513
The first possible coregency is that of (Horus) Khabaw and Awibre Hor, whose
names are found on a limestone block, originally from an architrave.
51 4
Ryholt places
Khabaw after Awibre Hor, presuming that this inscription indicates a coregency or a
chronological link between them.
51 5
Alternatively, Allen suggests that Hor wished to
associate himself with an earlier king like when he did the same with Nymaatre
511
Wegner, "Nature and Chronology," pp. 249-279;
The Mortuary Temple ofSenwosretffl.
Publication of
the Pennsylvania-Yale-Institute of
Fine
Arts Expedition to Egypt 8 (New Haven, 2007) pp. 19, 36-40.
Ryholt believes that there may have been a coregency between Amenemhet III and Amenemhet IV
(Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 209-210). For coregencies between Senwosret III and Amenemh et III and
the latter with Amenem het IV, see also Leprohon, "Am enemhet III," pp. 297-321, 195-197.
5 ,2
Murnane,
Egyptian Coregencies,
pp. 24-26. Note that Callender argues that it is impossible to
determine wh ether double dates refer to two kings ruling at the same time or consecutive king s, under
whic h an official served (Callende r, "Ren aissance," p. 149). .
513
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p.
281;
Murnane,
Egyptian Coregencies,
pp. 1-2; "In Defense of the
Middle Kingdom Double Dates,"
BE S 3
(1981), pp. 73-82.
514
M ontet,
La Necropole Royale,
pp. 71-72, PI. XXVIII; Murnane,
Egyptian Coregencies,
p. 25.
515
See Chapter 1, Section IV.B.12.
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(Amenemhet III) on a faience plaque.
5
A statue base from Medamud displays the names of Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet
and Khutawyre Wegaf. Many scholars, who believe that the position of Wegaf in the
Turin King-List
is correct, state that it is impossible that this ruler and Sedjefakare Kay
Amenem het were coregents. They argue that Wegaf was venerated by A menemhet
through the inscription or that the object was simply reused. How ever, Ryh olt places
Wegaf after Amenemhet because he believes that this king was switched with
Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I.
518
His evidence for this placement
includes the Med amud ob ject linking these two kings . Due to his interpretation of double
names and his theory that those without these are usurpers, he does not believe that these
kings were coregents. How ever, if chronological proximity and the name s of two kings
on a single monument are indicators of coregency, then these rulers must remain
candidates at this time. Ano ther object with two royal names, an ostracon from
Elephantine, dated to the Late Period, pairs Wegaf with a Senwosret from that location.
This significantly later piece is not applicable to the issue of coregencies as it was
probably a scribal exercise.
520
The brother kings may also have used coregencies. Several scholars have
516
J.P. Allen, "Turin," p. 50; A. Erman, "Miscellen,"
ZAS
33 (1895), p. 143. See also Murnane ,
"Coregency," p. 25; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,p.
30.
517
Legrain, "N otes," p. 251, Fig. 251; Murnane,
Egyptian Coregencies,
p. 25; Vercoutter, "Roi Ougaf, p.
227; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 30.
518
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 219-220. For others who place Wegaf within Dynasty XIII, see Chapter
1, Section IV .B.l .
519
Legrain, "Notes," pp. 250-252; Murnane ,
Egyptian Coregencies,
p. 24 ; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p .
341.
520
Dew achter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 66; Murnan e,
Egyptian Coregencies,
p. 24; Ry holt,
Political
Situation,
pp . 192, 216, n.745.
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suggested that there was a coregency between Neferhotep I and Sahathor.
521
In fact, it is
often believed that the latter never actually ruled alone, as his reign was quite short and
his influence almost undetectable. Meanwhile, the names of Neferhotep I and
Sobekhotep IV, who follows Sahathor in the
Turin King-List,
are on two opposite sides of
sandstone block from Karnak. Since the two kings are not necessarily incorporated
into a single design, it is likely that they w ere carved at different times, and the block is
not proof of a coregency.
523
However, Habachi has argued that the Wadi Ham mam at
inscription (the
Debono Stela),
which shows Neferhotep I's names after those of Sahathor
and Sobekhotep IV, may indicate a coregency.
524
Both of these kings are designated with
epithets, which indicate that the rulers were either coregents or deceased individua ls. It is
likely that, since this inscription also includes the deceased parents of Sobekhotep IV as
M r
well as his children, it simply refers to his living and deceased family members.
Though coregency may have existed in Dynasty XIII, there is no concrete evidence to
prove that it played a part in the succession of kings at this time .
526
With the reigns of kings being so short, it may be the case that some rulers in the
Late Midd le Kingdom m ay have served as regents for child rulers. In this way a type of
coregency may have existed. Some of them may have been outside of the royal family
proper and may have usurped the position from the previous royal family.
521
Dewachter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 66; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp . 192, 216, n.745.
522
A. Mariette, Karnak, Etude topographie et archeologique (L eipzig, 1875), PL 8, n, o; Petrie, History, p .
213;
W eigall, Pharaohs, p. 159. See also Dew achter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 71 .
523
Murnane, "Coregency," p. 25.
524
Habachi, "Neferhotep I Family," p. 80. See Chapter 1, Section
IV.B.21.
525
Some scholars have argued that there were no coregencies in ancient Egypt (R. Delia, "A New Look at
Some Old Dates: A Re-Examination of the Twelfth Dynasty Double Dated Inscriptions," BE S 1 (1979), pp.
15-28;
"Study," pp. 187-253; "Doubts."; Obsomer, Sesostris Ier, pp. 35-161). In response, see Murnane,
"Double Dates," pp. 73-82.
526
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 19, 34, n. 87.
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III.D.
Usurpation
It is likely that usurpation occurred during Dynasty XIII, since the normal
successional lines may have been in question, and conditions within Egypt m ay not have
been favorable.
527
There are some indications that high officials including military
leaders may have become kings during this time.
52 8
Usurpations likely occurred during
the reigns of ineffective kings and shortly after the death of others.
Any hostile takeover of this nature must have been supported by at least a sector
of the elite or the military in order to have been successful. Another means of usurpation
was through the support of a powerful cult. In Dynasty XIII, the gods Am un and
Sobek are most prevalent in the names of
rulers.
How ever, it is uncertain as to the power
of such institutions at this time. Interestingly, in the reign of Kheperure Intef of Dynasty
XVII, the cult of Min at Coptos appears to have been punished for their support of the
Hyksos kings, showing that cults of this era could involve themselves heavily in political
matters. Also , at the beginning of Dynasty XII, the cult of Am un took precedence over
that of Montu, possibly indicating that the priests of the former supported the assent of
Amenem het I to the throne.
III.E.
Elective K ingship
In 1933, Junker proposed "elective kingship" as an explanation for the seemingly
Breasted, History, p . 214.
von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp.
87-91;
"Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443.
Lorton, "Towards a Constitutional Approach," pp. 463-464.
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chaotic situation in Dynasty XIII kingship.
530
In this system, each new king was selected
through what may have been some form of
election.
More recently, Lorton has suggested
that such a system may have existed in the Old Kingdom and beyond with a king coming
from a group eligible for the office. This person was then chosen or approved by the
military, cult or some other powerful institution.
The system of elective kingship has also been proposed for the Kushite kings of
Dynasty XX V /
J i
In scenes depicting the coronation, the new king is presented to the
god, Amun of Napata, by the officials, m ilitary and priests. Then, the god accepts the
king, legitimizing his reign. Since this process is masked in ritual, it is unclear if there
was actually some sort of election between eligible heirs or whether this type of scene
simply serves to legitimize the ruler through a religious proceeding.
533
I I I .F .
Selective Kingship
In 1954, Hayes developed his own hypothesis concerning the mechanics of
succession in Dynasty XIII by refining that of Junker.
534
Hayes conducted a detailed
study
of Brooklyn M useum Papyrus 35.1446,
in which two royal decrees (judicial
530
H. Junker and L. Delaporte, Die Volker des Antiken Orients (Freiburg, 1933), pp. 1 03-104. See also von
Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443. A similar theory has often been suggested for the Hyksos
kings (Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p. 113).
531
Lorton, "Towards a Constitutional Approach," p. 462. See also R. Anthes, "The Original Meaning of
mr hrw," JNES 13 (1954), pp. 21-51, 191-192..
532
Torok, "Foundations of Kingship," pp. 274, 276-278.
533
L. Bell identifies the birth room of Amenemhet III at Luxor as the actual or symbolic site for such a
ritual (L. Bell, "Cult of the Royal Ka," pp. 263-270, 273-290).
W.C. Hayes, A Papyrus of
the
Late Middle Kingdom in the Brooklyn Museum (Brooklyn, 1955), pp.
144-149. See also Hayes, "Egypt: From the Dea th," p. 44. For a more recent study, see Quirke ,
The
Administration of Egypt, pp. 127-149. See also Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 11-12, no. 16-17.
For further bibliographic information, see Bellion, Catalogue des Manuscrits, p p. 92-93.
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petitions, Insertions B and C on the recto) were made to a vizier named Ankhu.
Insertion C
cites an unnam ed king, w ho ruled for at least six years while
Insertion B
may
date to year five of the same ruler. Hayes claims that the handwriting of
Insertion B
appears to date to slightly before a third record, verso
Text
A,
w hich he dates to year
1
of
Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III.
53
^ Therefore, he considers that the contemporary
Insertions B
and
C
must date to the reign immed iately prior to
Text A.
After dating his texts, Hayes continues to speculate concerning the king listed in
Insertion C
and presumably
B .
He searches.for a king, who ruled for a period of six years
and who preceded Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. Hayes identifies the unnamed
king as Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf, basing his theory on monuments at Medamud,
which have his name juxtapo sed next to that of Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III,
though he acknowledges that some scholars place Sobekemsaf in Dynasty XVII.
537
Ha yes ' argument then turns to the vizier Ankh u and the kings he served. He notes
that two stelae from Abydo s prove that this official worked under a Nimaankh are
Khendjer II while the larger text in
Papyrus Bulaq 18
refers to a vizier Ankhu serving
under a Sobekhotep, who Hayes equates with Sobekhotep III.
53 8
The smaller text in
Papyrus Bulaq 18 also mentions Ankhu but does not name the king. Noneth eless, Hayes
claims that this text is contemporary with
Insertion B
in the
Brooklyn Museum Papyrus
and, thus, also dates to the reign of Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf.
539
535
Hayes,
A Papyrus,
pp . 71-85, Pis. V-VI.
536
Hayes, "Notes on the Government," pp . 38-39; Haye s,
A Papyrus,
pp . 67, PI. XIII; Hayes, "Egyp t: From
the Death," p. 49.
537
Hayes,
A Papyrus,
pp. 145-146; Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 47. Such a conclusion comes from
the excavator's remarks. See Bisson de la Roqu e,
Medamoud 1928,
p. 5.
538
Hayes, A Papyrus, p p. 73 , 146; Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," pp . 47-4 8.
539
Hayes,
A Papyrus,
p . 73.
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In the course of his reconstruction Hayes devises the following mini king-list:
Woserkare Khendjer I, Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw, Nimaankhare Khendjer II,
Sehotepkare Intef V,
54
Meribre Seth,
542
Seldiemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf and
Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. According to this list, Ankhu may have served
five kings from Khendjer II to Sobekho tep III.
543
Though Hayes states that moving Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf to Dynasty
XV II might result in a collapse of the theory in which Ankhu served as vizier for five
reigns, he continues to focus on Ankh u and his family and the office of vizier.
544
Ankhu's father may have been a vizier, though there is no evidence that Ankhu inherited
his office directly from h im. Resuseneb and Aym eru, An kh u's son s, also were viziers,
the latter serving under another Sobek hotep. An Aym eru, son of Aym eru served under
Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV, and Hayes suggests that he may have been a nephew of
Ankhu.
With such a long string of presumably related viziers, Hayes believed that he
could discern the dynamics of Dynasty XIII kingship.
54 5
It seemed to him that the
viziership was more powerful than the royal throne, since all of the kings appeared to be
unrelated wh ile the viziers passed their office through me mbe rs of the family. Thus, the
succession of viziers seems to have been more stable than that of
kings.
540
Hayes, A Papyrus, pp. 145-147.
541
Note that Hayes reconstructs the name as [Nefer?]ka[re] Intef. The name has been changed here to
reflect the form used by Ryholt. See Hayes,
A Papyrus,
p. 146.
542
The placement of Seth is not discussed, but he is listed in a footnote as one of the potential five kings.
See Hayes, A Papyrus, pp . 147, n. 514. For the placement of
this
king, see von Beckerath, Handbuch, p.
285 (20), and Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 73 (25).
543
Hayes, A Papyrus, pp. 146-147.
544
Hayes, A Papyrus, p. 145.
545
Hayes, A Papyrus, pp. 144-149.
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Returning to Ju nker's earlier model,
54 6
Hayes devised a theory, which accounted
for his findings.
547
He rejected the idea that there was any concept of "popular elections"
as ancient Egyptian society was not "politically advanced " enough. Instead, he suggests
that the vizier or a group of high-ranking officials selected a m an to serve as king for a
specified amount of
time.
This person would carry the titles of king and wear royal
regalia, but would posses no real power.
To illustrate his theory, Hayes refers to Insertions B and C on the recto of the
Brooklyn Papyrus.
54
In these royal decrees, the king command ed the vizier, Ankh u, to
handle judicial dispu tes at Thebes. Thu s, Hayes suggests that the king received these
comp laints and forwarded them to the vizier, the acting seat of power, because h e no
longer had the authority to act injudicial proceedings.
5 9
I I I .F.1. Scholarly Acceptance
Hay es' theory had a profound impact on the study of Dynasty XIII and was
unconditionally accepted for many years.
55 0
In fact, even recently, some general histories
still claim that the viziers of this period controlled the office of kingship du ring Dy nasty
546
Junker and D elaporte, Die Volker, pp. 104-105 . See Chapter 2, Section IV.D .
547
Hayes, A Papyrus, p. 148.
548
Hayes, A Papyrus, pp. 148,171-185, Pis. V, VI.
549
Hayes,
A Papyrus,
p. 79.
530
Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 12 3, 132. F or example, see how this theory frames the interpretations in
W.K. Simpson, "Sobkemhet, A Vizier of Sesostris III," JEA 43 (1957). See also K. Butzer, "Long-term
Nile Flood Variation and Political Discontinuities in Pharaonic Egypt," in J.D. Clarke and S.A. Brandt,
eds., From Hunters to Farmers, (Berkeley, 1984), p. 109; Gardiner, Pharaohs, pp. 153-154; Helck,
Geschichte, p. 118; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp . 86-93; "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443; Ward,
Essays, pp. 47-48; Williams, "Problems," pp. 1224, 1229.
132
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XIII.
55 1
In an article from 1987, Cruz-Uribe restates H aye s' idea that a, family of viziers
had significant control over the country, while kings held the throne for short periods of
time and were "sh uttled on and off the throne, by some, as yet unrecognized, political
procedure."
55 2
In the same article, he cites the reforms of Senwosret III as leading to the
cause of the fall of the M iddle Kingdom-since these administrative changes resulted in
taking power from the many nom archs and placing it in the hands of the viziers, who
eventually held mo re authority than the ruler
himself,
who became nothing more than a
"puppet king."
553
In another publication, Kem p takes a less overt approach to this theory stating that
the viziers maintained the "continuity of govern men t" as the "hereditary principle of
royal succession.. .broke down."
55 4
Thu s, while not suggesting directly that the viziers
appointed kings , this scholar alludes to a scenario, in which these officials somehow
preserved the administrative aspects of the state while kingship suffered a period of
chaos. Me anwh ile, Verner suggests that families, which held important positions, often
vied with one another in order to gain the power of kingship.
55 5
Likewise, Bietak
imagines a chaotic atmosphere where both "usurpers" and "kingmakers" were active.
556
He states:
551
Grimal,
History,
p. 183; Hornung,
History,
p . 70; A.B. Knapp,
The History and C ulture of Ancient
Western Asia and Egypt
(Belmont, CA, 1988), pp . 167-168. See also Gundlach, "Grundgegeb enheiten,"
pp .
8 4-85, 90.
552
Cruz-Uribe, "The Fall of the Middle Kingdom," p. 107. See also Z. Hawass,
Hidden Treasures of the
Egyptian Museum
(Cairo, 2002), p. 34.
55 3
Cruz-Uribe, "The Fall of the Middle Kingdom ," p. 111; "A Model for the Political Structure of Ancient
Egypt," in D.P. Silverman, ed.,
For His Ka: Essays Offered in Memory of Klaus Baer,
SAOC 55 (Chicago,
1994),
pp. 49, 50. For the opposing views, see section IV.E .2. For the possible reforms of Senwosret III,
see Chapter 2, Section 1
.II.A.
1.
554
Kem p, "Social History," p. 154.
555
Verner,
Great Monuments,
p . 434.
556
Bietak, "Ov erview," p. 54.
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substantial criticism of Hayes' theory that the vizier held the power in Dynasty XIII.
560
To be fair, on e must realize that Hayes formulated his idea prior to the chrono logical
analyses of the Second Intermediate Period kings found in the Turin King-List conducted
by scholars such as von Beckerath,
561
Franke,
56 2
and Ryholt.
563
Thus, his knowledge of
the chronology of the period was limited. The problem, non etheless, lies in<the fact that
so many scholars continue to repeat his mistakes in their surveys of history or in their
argumen ts. Even Hayes was not certain of his own conclusion, allowing for the
possibility that the vizier Ankhu really only served under two kings.
564
In reality, there are many essential problems w ith Hay es' theory. First of all,
there is only one king with the nomen Khendjer.
565
Also, scholars currently place
Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf either at the end of Dynasty XIII or the beginning of
Dynasty XVII, and, thus, he plays no part in a reign, in which Ankhu served as vizier and
was not the unnamed king in
Insertions B
and
C
in the
Brooklyn Museum Papyrus.
The main error in Hayes' theory resulted from an incorrect dating of Papyrus
Bulaq 18
to Sekhem resewadjtawy Sobekh otep III, wh en the correct reign is likely to be
prior to his and closer to that of Khendjer.
566
Thu s, it is likely that Ankhu held the office
of vizier for on ly two reigns instead of five,
567
and Insertions B and C date to the reigns
560
Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 3-4, 227-233 ; "Royal Power," pp. 123-139. See also Franke, "Zur
Chronologie," p. 246; O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," p. 6 1; Quirke, "Visible and invisible," pp. 67-68; Titles
and Bureau, p. 85.
561
von Beckerath, Untersuchungen.
562
Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp. 245-274.
563
Ryholt, Political Situation.
564
Hayes, A Papyrus, pp. 146-147.
565
566
See Chapter 1, Section IV.B.15.
O.D. Berlev, "Zamecanija k papirusu Bulak 18," Drevnij Mir (1962), pp. 50-55 ; Quirke, "Royal Power,"
p.
134; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 47-48.
567
Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396.
135
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of one of these two kings.
56 8
Ryholt has re-identified the king in
Papyrus Bulaq 18
as
Imyremeshaw or Intef,
569
which would amend the details of Quirke's argument without
changing his overall conclusions.
Quirke also notes that the significance of the stelae of Amenysoneb from Abydos
cnr\
(Louvre C11-C12),
used by Hayes to date Ankhu to Khendjer is anything but certain.
The first stela names Ankhu, while the second has roughly-carved cartouches of
Nym aatre next to that of Khendjer. It isn 't even certain that An khu served under
Khendjer, since these are two separate stelae, but they are close in time, likely
consecutive.
Ha yes' evaluation of An khu's relatives in the role of vizier may be somewhat
stretched o nce he discusses the family mem bers beyond this official's grandfather and
sons. How ever, it is clear that there was at least a small group of related viziers during
the middle of Dynasty XIII. Nonetheless, Ankh u's role in Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446 in
the decrees is completely normal.
571
Likew ise, the later vizier Aym eru Neferkare (not the
same as Aymeru son of Ankhu), also demonstrates a subservient relationship to
Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV.
57 2
Finally, Ankhu is mentioned in neither the pyramid of
Woserkare Khendjer at Sakkara nor in the temple of Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I at
Hayes' conclusion that the handwriting in
Text
A, which contains the name of Sekhemresewadjtawy
Sobekhotep III, and was later than that of Insertions B and C, still applies under this revised dating of
Papyrus Bulaq 18. •
569
See Chapter 1, section IV.B.16.
570
Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 47; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 134. See W.K. Simpson, The
Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: T he Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and
13 ,
Publications of the
Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition to Egypt 5 (New Haven and Philadelphia, 1974), PI. 80.
571
Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 133, 134; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396; Helck, Historische-Biographische,
pp .
7-9, nos. 12, 13. For a translation of the texts of Amenysoneb, see M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian
Autobiographies Chiefly of the Middle Kingdom (Frieburg, 1988), pp.
80-83.
In genera l, all private
monum ents were theoretically granted by the king in ancient Egypt (Hornung, "Pharao h," p. 283). The
Late Middle Kingdom practices do not appear to have deviated from this norm.
572
Franke, Personendaten, p. 5 5, Doss. 24; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 133; "Thirteenth D ynasty," p. 396.
136
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Med amud . Non etheless, the fact that An khu 's mother is the only elite M iddle
Kingdom wom an to possess a statue at Kam ak and the appearance of this vizier's n ame
on a private stelae (priest of Ameny soneb at Abyd os) show that this official must hav e
been extraordinary.
574
Quirke notes that the king is not mentioned in
Papyrus Bulaq 18,
leading scholars
of the past to believe that the vizier, whose name appears at the tops of several lists of
some day entries, was in control of the administration.
575
However, Quirke has
demons trated that the lists do not represent functional hierarchies but rather are arranged
according to status groupings within general categories. Thu s, the vizier, being the
highest ranking official below the king , always appears at the tops of categories
pertaining to any aspect of his duties. Finally, the king does not appear in the papyrus
because , in effect, all items paid or su pplied to individuals belon g to him.
In general, the well-known viziers of Dynasty XIII are not significantly more
powerful tha n other officials, wh o held this position.
576
Naturally, when the kingdom
was m ore stable, and royal reigns were longer, the viziers were able to benefit from the
prosperity of the nation, but only in the traditional proportion to that which the king
received. Likew ise, the occurrence of a single family within an office over time is not
unusu al in ancient Egyptian history. Acco rdingly, Quirke states that there is no inversion
573
The names of viziers are never found in royal, mortuary inscriptions. Usua lly, officials related to the
treasury/construction administration are the ones whose names appear in such contexts (Quirke, "Royal
Power," pp. 134, 135). '
574
Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, pp. 80-82; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 134.
5
Q uirke, "Investigation," pp. 23-188; The Administration of Egypt, pp. 58-59, 120-121.
576
Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, pp. 215, 216; "Royal Power," p. 135. For directives of a vizier
from the reign of Senwosret I, see W.K. Simpson, Accounts of the Dockyard Workshop at This in the Reign
ofSesostris I [:] Papyrus Reisner
II.
Transcription and C ommentary, Papyrus Reisner II (Boston, 1965),
pp .
20-22, Pis. 27-28, 10.
137
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in the relationship between the royal authority and his bureaucracy. How ever, his
conclusion does not mean that more minor shifts in the distribution of power did not
occur. It is evident that the king did lose some powe r, since royal names ap pear much
more rarely on private monuments than previously, and rulers conducted fewer quarrying
expeditions and produced less statuary and other state-commissioned works.
As discussed in other parts of this thesis, the relationship between the king and the
administrative class appears to have rem ained relatively stable throughout Dynasty XIII,
even though there are isolated exam ples, which seem to push this line. Other items
clearly show respect for the ruler. For exam ple, a staff from the tomb of Sonebnay and
his wife Khons carries the cartouche of the king, Sewahenre.
57 9
This, along with the titles
of the man, such as htmw-bity, denote a high rank and association with the national
admin istration. These sorts of inscriptions clearly show that the highest respect of the
people and their largest claim to rank was through the king and not the vizier.
One reason why viziers have mistakenly been understood to wield so much power
is the fact that many of them had the same or similar names, leading scholars to assume
they held their position for longer than the kings they served.
58 0
Von Beckerath identifies
at least three or four viziers named Aym eru.' One of these was the son of the vizier
Ankhu while another was the son of the hrp-wsht (director of the broad court),
3 / /
Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 136.
578
Quirke, "Royal Powe r," p. 136.
579
O.D. Berlev, "A Contemporary of King Sew ah-en-Re,'"
JEA
60 (1974), pp. 106-113.
580
Stock, like Hayes, did not recognize the fact that there may be more than one A nkhu and Aymeru
(Stock,
13. bis 17. Dynastie Agyptens,
p . 54).
581
von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 98-99. See also E. Delange,
Musee du Louvre: Statues
Egyptiennes du Moyen Empire
(Paris, 1987), pp. 66-68.
138
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Aymeru.
58 2
A third Aymeru was the son of the vizier Ay who had previously been the
governor of El Kab.
58 3
The possible fourth Ay meru had no displayed filiation, but had a
double name including Neferkare.
58 4
Habachi and Dodson have suggested that the
Aymeru with statuary in the Heqaib sanctuary at Elephantine is the same as Aymeru
Neferkare dating to Sobekhotep IV.
58 5
Thu s, there are at least three viziers of the name
Aymeru: Aymeru son of the vizier Ankhu, Aymeru (-Neferkare) son of the controller of
the hall Aym eru and A ymeru son of the vizier Ay.
It also may be the case that there were several viziers with the name Ankhu
though none have filiation displayed in connection with their names.
5
The stela of
a
W epwaw ethotep, indicates that his wife's father, Ankhu, and two brothers, Resuseneb
and Aymeru had held the office of vizier.
58 7
Von Beckerath believes that Ankhu or one
of the Ankhus was likely the son of another vizier since
Cairo Statue 42034
refers to his
mother "viz ier's wife" as well as "vizier's m other."
58 8
Louvre Cll and CI2 of
Amenysoneb
58 9
dates a vizier Ankhu to slightly later than Nimaankhare Khendjer.
590
Likewise, von Beckerath places the Ankhu in
Papyrus Brooklyn, Insertions B and C
just
prior to Sobekhotep III.
59 1
Meanw hile, he believes that Papyrus Bulaq 18 should date to
582
Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 37-38, no. 48. Stela Cairo CG 20690 and Turin Statuette 1220;
Heidelberg Statue 274.
583
Mioso, A Reading Book, p. 21, line 25. Cairo Stela JE 52453.
584
von Beckerath, "Notes on the Viziers," pp . 263-265 . This Aymeru is the same as that with father
Aymeru as shown in a stela from Karnak.
585
Dodson, Monarchs, p. 69; Habachi, "A Score of Important Officials," p. 49; "Studies," pp. 261-278.
586
von Beckerath, "Notes on the Viziers," pp. 263-264.
587
Franke, Personendaten, p . 154, Doss . 207. See also Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, p. 257. Cairo Stela
CG 20690.
588
von B eckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 99. For the evidence of
the
relationship between Ankhu and
Resuseneb in Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446, see Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, pp. 147-149.
Franke, Personendaten, p. 108, Doss. 125.
590
von Beckerath, "Notes on the Viziers," pp. 265-2 67. See also Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, p. 257.
591
von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 99.
139
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Sekhemrekhutawy Am enemhet Sobekhotep I. It should be noted that Ryh olt's
reassignment of the date of Papyrus Bulaq 18 to Imyremeshaw or Intef in his chronology
or the order of the rulers in the
T urin King-List
would alleviate the need to have more
than one vizier Ankhu.
The approach to the Dynasty XIII material after Hayes' study is in sharp contrast
to that of Petrie from much earlier.
592
Petrie took a more unbiased approach. Though,
some of his conclusions are incorrect, the data from his relatively lengthy presentation
can be analyzed easily, correcting for mistakes made due to the lack of information and
the early state of the study of the
T urin King-List
at this time. Thu s, it is necessary to
return to such methods to reevaluate this time period while considering other theories.
Only in this way will the truth of the events of the period ever be discovered, to whatever
degree that is possible.
III.G. Circulating Succession
As noted above, it was Quirke, who effectively questioned H aye s' theory
concerning the existence of a ruling body of viziers and officials that appointed the king
for determined p eriods of time. In the process of criticizing this idea, Quirke de veloped
his own hypothesis based on an anthropological model of kingship,
59 3
a process that
becomes apparent in a later article.
59
Quirke believes that father-to-son succession probably was the ancient Egyptian
Petrie,
History,
pp. 200-227.
Quirke, "Royal Power."
Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty."
140
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ideal, even though this interpretation comes from European "p rimogeniture" m odels.
595
Non etheless, he prefers to acknowledge that other criteria may have been acceptable,
especially in period s when the pow er of kingsh ip suffered. In these cases, he proposes
that "oligarchic structures" may have emerged, resulting in various, viable means of
596
succession.
Toward the end of his study,
59 7
Quirke suggests that the middle, more stable,
portion of Dynasty XIII may have resulted from the practice of circulating succession, a
theory adopted from anthropological literature.
59 8
Quirke explains that the lack of related
kings may have been the effect of
a
system, in which powerful families shared in the
inheritance of the throne.
59 9
The right to the throne would have passed from one group to
the next as the position became open. According to Q uirke, this means of succession
would have stabilized the state, by eliminating the existence of rivals vying for the royal
office since the familial line of kings had broken d own . Als o, reigns would have been
short, for the most part, because the eldest of each family group would have been
preferred.
600
Unfortunately, in his article, Quirke did not compare the evidence from the
middle of Dynasty XIII to the anthropological principles of circulating succession, a form
of a political system, in which power is spread across a specified section of society.
595
Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 137; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396.
596
Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396. See also Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, p. 216.
597
Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 138.
598
See below and J. Goody, "Circulating Succession Among the Gonja," in J. Goody, ed., Succession to
High O ffice, Cambridge Papers in Social Anthropology 4 (Cambridge, 1966), pp. 14-15, 155-169. Note
that von Beckerath m entions the possibility of
terms
of office (von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p.
1443).
599
Quirke, "Royal Pow er," p. 138.
600
Quirke, "Royal Pow er," p. 138.
141
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Thus, here, the focus will be to explain this model and to determine whether or not it
applies to Dynasty XIII Egypt.
M odem and past cultures of West Africa (Ghana, Dahomey, Nigeria, M ali), the
Western Sahara (Kawar and Teda), the Eastern Sudan (Shilluk and Eastern Anu ak), the
East African Coast, South-Eastern Africa (Nyakyusa), Asia (Malaya, Socotra, Summer
and Akkad, and Southern India), the Pacific (Fakaofo and Rotuma), and Europe (Ireland
and Scotland) have all made use of circulating succession. In general, the system
works by rotating access to offices among groups, and is thus found in some
organizations such as the United Nations.
60 2
This form of governm ent can occur in
chiefdoms as well as in states.
A society, which operates according to a system of circulating succession, must
be divided in some tangible way, both vertically and horizontally. For examp le, the
Ganja define their social groups as ruling estate, Ganja Muslims, commoners, strangers,
and slaves.
60 3
The ruling estate is the only group w ith access to the most prestigious of
offices and defines itself
as
the descendents of Sumailia Ndewura Jakpa, who conquered
the area, in which they live.
60 4
Within this ruling class, there are many subgroups,
mem bers of which qualify to occupy local offices called chiefships. Certain chiefships
are eligible to ascend to the provincia l office of division chiefship. From this position,
one might be able to reach the highest leadership position in the nation, the paramountcy,
if one is a member of one of the five eligible divisions.
605
601
Goody, "Circulating Succession," pp. 172-175.
602
Goody, "Circulating Succession," pp. 162, 163.
603
Goody, "Circulating Succession," p. 143.
604
Goody, "Circulating Succession," p. 143.
605
Goody, "Circulating Succession," p. 148.
142
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When a chiefship becomes open, the office moves to another qualifying group.
Within that group, the selection of the next office holder is made based on his seniority
along with other considerations such as his qualities such as intelligence, character, and
phy sical strength. Ano ther important practice adds an economic aspect to the proce ss, as
the candidate must present appropriate gifts to various parties including a committee
compo sed of mem bers of the other group s. Ultima tely, how ever, it is the divisional ruler,
who m akes the final selection. There is nothing to prevent a younger candidate from
presenting himself, but it is generally recognized that one is a better leader if he or she
possesses age, experience, and w ealth.
From the chiefships, the divisional ruler is chosen based on circulating succession
along with demo nstrated skill. The result is an opportunity for prom otion. The benefit of
such a system is that the groups all have an equal stake in the preservation of the
governm ent. The group holding the pow er must perform its duties approp riately,
appointing m embers of the other groups to ranking positions. Meanw hile, the
infrastructure is such, that if a group attempts to harness p ower for
itself,
society breaks
into organized factions. The threat of such conflict often ke eps the system in check.
7
According to Goody, in states, circulating succession is always based on filiation
through the male line.
60 8
In other wo rds, the organized groups are based on descent from
a single heir or a group of such heirs. Thu s, circulating succession m oves from one group
to another, and a son cannot follow his father directly; the office must be turned over to a
more distant relative. How ever, as the right of succession returns, the eldest son or a
606
Goody, "Circulating Succession," pp. 155-158.
607
Goody, "Circulating Succession," pp. 160, 164.
608
Goody, "Circulating Succession," p. 161.
143
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grandson of a former king might then becom e eligible.
Wh en com paring the theory of circulating succession to the mid-Dynasty XIII
evidence, one must anticipate findings that might indicate that such a system is
applicab le. First of all, it must be accepted that circulating succession
is -a
very complex
system. In the Ganja exam ple, it is evident that this form of government n ot only affects
kingship bu t also provid es the structure for more minor offices. Likew ise, as noted
above, states, which use this form of succession, are organized into family groups, based
on one or more predecessors, who established their right to the throne. In Dynasty XIII,
one might also search for groups within the elite class, who migh t hold offices such as
vizier or military positions, which might lead their group to the office of kingship.
It is possible, though unlikely, that a system of circulating succession existed
witho ut leaving any tangible evide nce. No nethe less, it is prudent to search for some
indication that defined group s existed within Dynasty XIII society. First of
all,
one must
examine royal filiation. Durin g the time Quirke proposes circulating succession may
have existed, one finds that kings often em phasize their non-roya l lineage. How ever, this
filiation refers only to the father and the mother, not to some distant relative. Therefore,
multiple non-consecutive kings do not proclaim their relationship to the same direct
ancestor, and no extended familial groups are evident in the royal sector.
The next aspect of society to examine is that of kinship terms in the elite sphere,
forming a tribal group, from which king s might be selected. Franke defines some kinsh ip
terms, which could indicate that there was some concep t of a tribal group. For exam ple,
the term, mhwt, which first appears in Papyrus B rooklyn 35.1446 from the reign of
609
Goody, "Circulating Succession,"
p.
159.
144
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Amenemhet III (late Dynasty XII), refers to the extended family group beyond the
nucleus (father, mother, and children), but it is a term meaning connecting families to a
common ancestor.
61 0
Other words, such as Jbwt, whiit, and h nw encompass various parts.
of com mun ities and house holds, including unrelated parties and, thus, fall outside of
the type of group one would expect for circulating succession.
It is likely that by the Middle Kingdom, clearly defined kinship groups no longer
existed. Franke states:
Ancient Egyptian society was not preferentially stratified by kinship from the Old
Kingdom onward. Social hierarchy and order were determined by rank and
status, not by kinship.
612
For example, in the Old Kingdom, the term s/?^("no bility"),
rhyt
("commoners"),
and
hnmmt
("sun-people," precise meaning unknow n), labeled some of
the
social
classes.
61 3
Commoners were known as nds from the First Intermediate Period and nmhy
in the New Kingdom.
61 4
Franke states that wh en the structure of the political system was
610
A.M. Fathy, "Identical Familial Terms in Egyptian and Arabic: A Sociolinguistic A pproach," in Z.
Hawass, ed.,
Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International
Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, 2000,
3 (New York, 2003), p. 185; Franke, "Altagyptische
Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," pp. 179-203; "Kinship," in D.B . Redford, ed.,
The Encyclopedia of
Ancient Egypt,
2 (Oxford, 2 001), p. 246; J. Lustig, "Ideologies of Social Relations in Middle Kingdom
Egypt: Gender, Kinship, Ancestors," dissertation, Temple U niversity, 1993, pp. 45-65; Troy,
Patterns of
Queenship,
p. 104.
611
Franke, "Kinship," p. 246; "Altagyptische V erwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," pp. 204-210, 245-256, 279-
289; Fathy, "Familial Terms," p. 189.
612
Franke, "Kinship," p. 247. See also Assmann,
Mind of Egypt,
p. 132. Richards states that, in the
Intermediate Periods, "actual authority devolved to powerful provincial kin groups." Here, presumably, the
meaning of kin group is the father-to-son succession of power within local dynasties, rather than extended
tribal groups (Richards, "Modified O rder," p. 38). Note that there may be some traces of kinship lines
(tribes) in the Old Kingdom (Ann Macy Roth, Personal Comm unication).
613
D. Lorton, "Legal and Social Institutions of Pharaonic Egypt," in J.M. Sasson, ed.,
Civilizations of the
Ancient Near East,
I (Peabody, MA, 1995), p. 351 . See also Goedicke, "Origin," pp. 127-128; Doxey,
Egyptian Non-Royal E pithets,
pp. 193-196.
6, 4
L orton, "Legal and Social," p. 351 . See also, D.P. Silverman, "A Reference to W arfare at Den dereh,
Prior to the Unification of Egypt in the Eleventh Dynasty." in
Egypt and
Beyond.
Essays Presented to
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threatened, kin groups did emerge in texts (biographies),
61 5
but the nuclear family seems
to have been more important than distant relatives.
61 6
Thus, an underlying system of
kinship with its corresponding terms are evident in some texts, but a system organized on
such units is missing, making circulating succession improbable in Ancient Egyptian
society after the Early Dynastic Period or possibly the Old Kingdom.
Cruz-Uribe stresses that family groups did exist and are visible in the retention of
certain offices within familial group s. How ever, it must be emp hasized again that the
transfer of these offices followed the patterns of inheritance. Thu s, it was im portant to be
the predecesso r's son or alternatively, brother, rather, than to trace on e's heritage back to
a com mon ancestor. Inheritance differs from "triba l" family grou pings.
Another problem with circulating succession in Dynasty XIII is the related line of
kings Khasekhemre Neferhotep I, Menwadjre Sahathor, Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV, and
possibly Khahotep re Sobek hotep V. The first three of these rulers were brothers while
the fourth m ay have been a son of Sobekh otep IV. Here, there is clearly a roadblock in
the circulating succession theory. By definition, such close relatives could not assume
the throne in turn. Since this block of kings makes up the middle third of mid-Dyn asty
XIII, it is difficult to explain how circulating succession could apply.
The model for D ynasty XIII kingship must not only comply w ith tradition,
however one might define it, but it must also conform to the structure of Egyptian
society. Thou gh circulating succession can appear in states, these entities seem less
LeonardH.
Lesko. S. Thompson and P. der Manuelian, eds., Providence, 2008, p. 328; D. Franke, "Kleiner
Man (nds)—was bist Du?" GM167 (1998), pp. 33-48; Doxey, Egyptian Non-Royal E pithets, pp . 19 1, 196.
615
Franke, "Kinship," p. 247.
616
Franke, "Kinship ," p. 247. For the impo rtance of lineage in non-roy al inscriptions, see Baines,
Visual
and Written Culture, p. 195.
617
Cruz-Uribe, "Model for the Political Structure," pp. 48-49.
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complex and mo re loosely organized than that of ancient Egypt by the M iddle Kingdom .
In fact, societies that use circulating succession appear to be chiefdoms or transitional
chiefdoms/states in their structure, and it is well-known that as states develop , they lose
strong familial associations, becoming organized along lines of class instead.
618
No nethele ss, one -might argue that the only area, in which the patrilineal line is preserved
is in the institution of kingship, and, thus, it is possible that kinship groups related to
distant ancestor rulers may have emerged at the end of Dynasty X II. Evidence does not
exist, however, to move that the Dynasty XIII kings proclaimed their relationship to any
of these predecessors in unprecedented way s.
Just like with H ayes ' theory, that of Quirke has begun to be repeated in
Egyptological literature.
61 9
For example, Murnane suggests it to be a system through
which families of the elite officials, who often trace their lineage to Dynasty XIII royalty,
gained power with "the ebb and flow of their accumulated influence."
62 0
Meanwhile,
Franke states that "a sort of circulating succession" may have existed through a number
of influential families along with the "charisma" and "deeds" of
the
candidate.
621
O'Connor suggests that this system worked well for the late Dynasty XIII to early
618
Claessen, "Balance of Power," p. 23; M.H. Fried,
The Evolution of Political Society
(New York, 1967),
p. 23 5; "The State, the Chicken, and the Egg; or What Came F irst?," in R. Cohen and E.R. Service, eds.,
Origins of the State: The Anthropology of Political Evolution
(Philadelphia, 1978), p. 36; C.W. Gailey,
"Culture W ars: Resistance to State Formation," in T.C. Patterson and C.W. Gailey, eds., Power R elations
and State Formation
(Washington, D.C., 1987), pp. 39-40; E.R. Service, "Classical and Modern Theories
of the Origins of Government," in R. Cohen and E.R. Service, eds.,
Origins of the State: The Anthropology
of Political Evolution
(Philadelphia, 1-978), p. 27. In relation to ancient Egypt, see Richards, "Mortuary
Variability," pp. 3-6, 22. •
619
Callender, "R enaissance," p. 171.
620
Murnane suggests that this system resulted from the reforms in the administration in late Dynasty XII
(Murnane, "Overview," p. 701).
621
Franke, "The Middle K ingdom in Egypt," p. 746.
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Dynasty XVII (Dynasty XVI in this study). However, there is no evidence that there
was any organized circulation between defined groups, and the data for the latest phases
of Dynasty XIII and that of the Theban kings of Dynasty XVI is so fragmentary that there
is no way to prove or disprove any theory conce rning kingsh ip. For the first part of the
period, charisma and accomplishments, within the context of a broader group made up of
the progeny of one or more Dynasty X II kings, were probably the more important factors
in the selection of
a
ruler. After the brother kings, it is unclear how rulers were cho sen,
and it is probably better not to speculate upon the nature of the institution at this time
unless more specific evidence comes to light.
Though one cannot accept the sort of kinship groups necessary for circulating
succession, it is true that some stelae during the Second Intermediate Period provide for
the names of
a
far greater number of relatives including kings or other royal family
memb ers than in other time periods.
62 3
How ever, in no way, are these genealogies used
to justify the right to the throne, the main con cern here. In other wo rds, these texts
simply outline parts of families associated with royalty in one way or another but do not
serve to establish groups, from which a ruler might originate.
From the discussion above, circulating succession cannot explain the transfer of
the royal office in Dynasty X III, but it is possible that so mething similar to the Kushite
(Napata) collateral succession could have occurred. In this system, two eligible groups
alternated in their turn in the office of kingsh ip. Within a grou p, the right to the office
passed from father to son (but not necessarily the eldest son). This system originated
622
O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," p. 61.
Bourriau, "Patterns of Change," pp. 8, 15; Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 11; Simpson, Terrace of the Great
God;
Ward,
Essays,
p . 50.
624
Torok, "Foundations of K ingship," p. 276.
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from a fratrilineal line , in which heirs became scarce and adjustments we re made. This
bilateral system, however, would not have had the same structure as circulating
succession, which would allow for the investment of multiple groups within a society to
function as head s of the state. Thoug h this system does appear to have been stable, there
is no evidence that such a method existed'in Egypt during D ynasty XIII.
IV. Gonelusions
The rapid succession of kings in Dynasty XIII gives rise to questions as to the
means of legitimization of rulers, as well as methods of succession. King ship was a
divine, eternal office, which mortals occupied for a limited amount of
time.
62 5
It is
possible that the kings of Dynasty XIII used idea of divine birth to legitimize the reigns
of the brother kings through the possibly older story of triplets in the
Westcar Papyrus.
626
Also, real and fictionalized historical precedents also may have been used to justify
alternative means of succession as well as to connect kings to the more affluent kings of
Dyn asty XII. King s also legitimized their reigns through representing themselves in
sculpture and relief
as
traditional rulers, wearing royal regalia and taking part in normal
festivals, and by building m onum ents.
627
Ideally, the office of kingship passed from father to son through the rules of
inheritance as it did in the mythological world from Osiris to Horus, according to the
Me mph ite Theology . Ho weve r, for Dynasty XIII, the route to this office remain s
unclear. Mo re than one mod el of succession must have existed from the beginning to the
625
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 275; Posener, De la Divinite; Silverman, "Unity and Power,"
p .
45;
"Nature," pp . 51-61. See also D. Lorton, "Towards a Constitutional Approach," p. 460.
626
Q uirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 397.
627
Baines, "Definition," p. 7; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 137; Simpson, "Egyptian Sculpture," p. 266.
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end of Dy nasty XIII, since kings ascended the throne though it is clear that both father-
to-son and fratrilineal succession ex isted. It is also likely that usurpatio n by regents of
child kings, as well as powerful officials may hav e taken place from time to time.
Coregency is another possibility, but insufficient evidence exists to confirm its usage
during Dynasty X III.
Elective and selective kingship, as well as circulating succession, are methods of
transferring the royal office w hich are the most alien to ancient Egyp t.
62 9
The first of
these suggests some sort of democratic procedure, at least within the elite of society,
while the second implies that officials, such as viziers, were more powerful than kings.
However, the evidence dated to Dynasty XIII fails to support such conclusions.
Circulating succession is an anthropological model which has clear indicators
including easily identified kin groups horizon tally stratified within society. As
mentioned above and elaborated upon further in Chapter 6, no traces of this sort of
system exist within ancient Egyp tian society. . . ..
Though there may be as of yet undetermined methods of succession in Dynasty
XIII, it would seem that the ancient Egyptians had a limited number of options through
which kin gs could be selected. It is not necessary to explain the rapid turnover of rulers
through models of succession. Rather, it is mo re important to acknow ledge the social and
economic conditions of the period. These conditions, which eventually caused the
demise of this group of kings, provide great insight into the situation, which m ay have
von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 87.
H. Junker and L. Delaporte, Die Volker des Antiken Orients (Freiburg, 1933), pp. 103-104.
Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty."
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been dire at times.
63 1
It is likely that some rulers were replaced because they or their
predecesso rs were unable to reverse unacceptab le trends. Since the lengths of most of the
reigns of Dynasty XIII kings can only be estimated, it should not be assumed that they
were all significantly short or that the 150 year length given to the group is necessarily
correct.
1
See Chapter 7
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Chapter 3
The Late Middle Kingdom Royal Fun erary M onum ent Corpus
I. Introduction
In the study of ancient Egyptian history, the size and attributes of royal and
private funerary structures can provide both a synchronic and diachronic measure of the
power held by various social groups.
63 2
The compon ents of the royal funerary
establishments of the Late Middle Kingdom (after the reign of Amenemhet III), in
contrast, remain poorly examined and misunderstood, resulting in an unrealized potential
source of data on Dynasty X III kingship.
In regard to royal pyramids of the period, scholars have noted but have avoided
extensive investigation of the royal pyramid com plexes of the Late Middle K ingdom
perhap s because of the impression that so few of the rulers built such structures. Thoug h
there were more than fifty kings in Dynasty XIII, only five pyramids and one shaft tomb
dating to this period (Fig. 3.1) have been d iscovered and recorded by scho lars. Of these
six tombs, only three are associated positively with the names of Dynasty X III kings; one
or more of the unknow n ow ners of the remaining pyramids may be Am enemhet IV or
Nefrusobek, who were the last rulers of the previous dynasty. Add itional sites, from the
Mem phite region to the Delta, have been proposed as being potential locations for Late
Middle K ingdom royal tombs, though some are better candidates than others.
633
All of the certain late Dynasty X II-Dyn asty X III s ites were excavated betwee n
632
Kemp, "Social History," pp. 86-89, Fig.
82.81.
633
See Chapter 3, Section
XL
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pi I tPTanean Sen
Sakkara
•Cairo
•4-Dahshur
Mazghuna#( i
-Hawara
N
Re d Sfta
Valiey of the Kings • (
Figure 3.1. Map showing the locations of excavated Late Middle
Kingdom pyramids (Sakkara, Dahshur, Mazghuna, and Hawara).
Aby dos is the site of two ad ditional royal funerary structures in the
co rp u s t o b e d i s cu s s ed i n C h ap t e r 4 . T h e Va l l ey o f t h e K i n g s is t h e
location of the tombs of the New K ingdom rulers.
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fifty and a hundred years ago, using less than ideal archaeological methods, and
investigators failed to record integral data concerning items such as ceramics and
fragmentary o bjects. Also , much of the time, these early excavators did not fully
understand the remains of the architectural features they revealed, often leading later
scholars to miss the connections between m onum ents at different sites. Finally, more
recent archaeologists have not returned to work at these royal funerary structures.
Instead, grander and more intact monuments, such as the Dynasty XII pyram ids, have
taken precedence, due to modern environmental threats and the encroachment of villages
upon their elem ents.
This chap ter will focus on the location, structure, and furnishings of the Late
Middle K ingdom royal tombs, providing a comp rehensive description of the architectural
components of these monum ents, correcting and enhancing information found in the
original publications. Additionally, a tomb model found within a Dynasty X II royal
funerary comp lex will be added to this corpus. Finally, a synthesis of this information
will be presented w ith the proposal of
a
tomb typology, w hich will then be used to
evaluate other potential sites for the burials of rulers of this period.
II .
The Development of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tomb Type: The Pyramid
of Amenemhet III at Hawara
In the second half of Dynasty X II, there appears to have bee n a significant shift in
the architectural expression of the ideology of the roya l afterlife. In the tomb of
Senwo sret II at Lahun , a series of corridors leads in a circular pattern from just outside
the sarcophagus chamber to the south, west, north and east, entering the site of the burial
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from the north (Fig. 3.2 left).
634
These passages are not the primary means though which
one would have entered the sarcophagus chamber and may have been a conceptual mod el
of the netherworld as it would be understood in the funerary texts of the New
/ • i f
Kingd om. The following ruler, Senwosret III was likely buried in his tomb at Ab ydo s,
the center of the Osiris cult, rather than in his pyramid at Dahshur.
63 6
During this reign,
unprecedented bent or arced tunnels and corridors, which may be related to Sokar in the
fifth hour of his voyage through the netherworld,
63 7
were added onto both the
substructures of this king's funerary monuments, as well as onto those of some queens
(Fig.3.2 right). Thoug h the funerary mo num ents of these kings lacked characteristics
specific to the Late M iddle Kingdom (Amenemhet Ill-Dyn asty X III) type to be discussed
below, they may provide the precursors in the development of the standardized features
of these later structures.
The first monument to display typical qualities of
a
Late Middle Kingdom royal
tomb type (the
wsht
tomb), including winding corridors, portcullises, and a complex
lowering system for the lid of the sarcophagus, is that of Amenemhet III at Hawara.
639
Petrie explored the substructure of this complex in 1888, before any of the other royal
634
635
W.M .F. Petrie,
Illahun, Kahun andGurob
(London, 1891), pp. 2-3, Plate 2.
E. Homung, The Valley of the Kings: Horizon of Eternity (New York, 1990), p. 26; RoBler-Kohler,
"Konigliche Vorstellungen I", pp. 73-88.
J. Wegner, "South Abydos: Bu rial Place of the Third Senwosret? Old and New Evidence at the Abydene
Complex of Senwosret III," KM T 6 (1995), pp. 69-71; Mortuary Temple, p. 393.
637
Di. Arnold, Tlie Pyramid Complex of Senwosret 111 at Dahshur Architectural Studies, The Metropolitan
Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition XXV I (New York, 2002), pp.
40-41;
Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp.
199,
392. See also D. Eigner, Die Mon umentalen Grabb auten der Spdtzeit in der Thebanischen Nekropole
(Vienna, 1984), pp. 163-183; K.J. Seyfried, "Bemerkungen zur Erweiterung der unterirdischen Anlagen
einiger Graber des Neuen Reiches in Theben-Versuch einer Deutung," ASAE 71 (1987), pp. 244-245.
638
Tombs displaying this feature included those of Senwosret III at Dahshur and Abydos, the queens'
gallery in the Senwosret III pyramid at Dahshur, and Queen Waret II at Dahshur (Di Arnold, The Pyramid
Complex of Senwsoret
111,
p. 41). For similar structures, which lead to the surface, in private tombs of the
Amarna Period, see J. Assmann, "Das Grab mit gewundenem Absteig zum Typenwandel des Privat-
Felsgrabes im N euen Reich," MDA1K 40 (1984), pp. 277-290.
639
Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p. 28.
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funerary establishments had been excavated.
64 0
Am enemhet III also had a pyramid
complex at Dahshur, w ith variations on earlier prototypes, but this monu ment appears to
have been abandoned due to structural problems.
64 1
Though the reasons for the change in
the architectural layout of the substructure between first pyramid at Dahshur and the
second at Hawara during the reign of Amenemh et III are unclear, this new plan marked
the beginning of a trend, which continued well into Dynasty X III.
642
Ni
Lahun
South Abyctos
Dahshur
Figure 3.2. The substructure of the tomb of Senwosret II at Lahun (left)
and the arced tunnels of Senwosret III from South Abydos and Dahshur
(right).
After Petrie, 189 1, PI. 2; Ayrton et al. 1904, PL 36 and Arnold,
2002, Plan 1.
640
W.M .F. Petrie, Kahun, G urob, and Hawara (London, 1890) pp. 5-8; 13-16; B. Porter and R.L.B. Moss,
Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic
Texts,
Reliefs, and Paintings,
IV (Oxford,
1934),
pp.
100-101.
See further below.
641
Di. Arnold, Amenemhet
III,
pp. 83-84.
64z
Both Wegner and Di. Arnold have proposed that the pyramids of Senwosret III and Amenemhet III at
Dahshur predate the tombs of these kings at South Abydos and Hawara (Di. Arnold, The Pyramid Complex
of Senwsoret
111,
pp. 36-37; Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 390). Such a situation is possible if these two
rulers were coregents.
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In the sections below, the elements of the pyramid of Amenemhet III will be
discussed in great detail. Desp ite the fact that there is a division betwee n Dy nasties XII
and XIII, both in modern and ancient lists of kings, Am enemhet I ll' s m onument at
Hawara is linked directly to those of the later period. Thus, the Late Middle K ingdom
royal tomb corpus, as defined h ere, begins with the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Haw ara
and proceed s through much of Dy nasty XIII. Later chapters will address the significance
of the developmen ts of these monuments upo n the understanding of kingship in Dy nasty
XIII and its relationship to this institution in the previous period.
II.A. The Elements of the Superstructure
The pyramid of Am enemhet III at Hawara was built upon a platform and was
composed of a mudbrick core with limestone casing.
43
The monument was 102 to 105
m on each side with a height of 63 m and a slope of 49 degrees.
64 4
A rectangular
enclosure w all, measuring 384.96 by 157.89 m surrounded the com plex with the pyramid
at the northern end.
645
Dividing wa lls extended from the eastern to the western sides of
the enclosure in order to create separate zones for the pyramid, the temple, and the
entrance. On the northern side of the structure, Petrie found the remains of
a
small
chapel.
646
643
The bricks used in the construction of the monument were roughly 45 by 22.5 by 13 cms (A.J. Sp encer,
Brick Architecture in Ancient Egypt
(W arminster, 1979), p. 38). Those making up the houses connected to
the site of the pyramid measured 37.5 by 18 by 12.5 cms (E.P. Uphill,
Pharaoh's Gateway to Eternity
(New
York, 2000), p. 14).
644
Uph ill,
Gateway,
pp. 63-64,
7 1.
W.M .F. Petrie had originally measured the sides as being 101.75 m
(4006 inches) each with an estimated height of 58.01 m (2284 inches) (Petrie,
Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara,
p.
13).
645
M. Lehner,
The Complete Pyramids
(London, 1997), pp. 181-183.
646
Petrie,
Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara,
p. 6.
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To the south of the pyramid, there was an elaborate temple, know n by classical
authors as the "Labyrinth."
64 7
Unfortunately, this structure lay in ruins, and the
investigators often found little more than limestone chips marking its position.
Architectural com ponents such as columns and shrines as well as statues of A menemh et
III, the god Sob ek, and other deities littered the surface. From the descriptions of the
classical writers, as well as evidence noted by Petrie, it seems that this temple resembled
a "Mansions of Millions of Yea rs"
(hwt nt hh n rnpwt),
common in the New Kingdom
though preceded in form by the Dynasty XI tomb of Nebhepetre M entuhotep.
64 8
In fact,
the first use of this term was on a statue of an official during the reign of Khane ferre
Sobekhotep IV of Dynasty X III.
649
ILB.
The Components of the Substructure
Unlike the other elements of the Hawara complex, the substructure of the tomb of
Amenem het III was well-preserved, but many of the passages and cham bers, including
the sarcophagus, were partially flooded at the time of Petrie's work there.
65 0
Though this
complex has some unique features, the structure of the tomb is similar to those of the
others to be discussed in the next sections, and it served as the architectural and
ideological prototype for these later monuments.
I.E.S. Edwards, The Pyramids of Egypt (Harmondsworth, 1961), p.
231;
W .M.F. Petrie, Hawara,
Biahmu, andArsinoe (London, 1889), pp. 4-8; W.M.F. Petrie, et al., The Labyrinth Gerzeh and Mazghuneh
(London, 1912), pp. 28 -35; Verner, G reat Monuments, pp. 430-432. See the plan in Di. Arnold, "Pyramids
of the Middle Kingdom." in Z. Hawass, ed., Pyramids: Treasures Mysteries and New Discoveries in Egypt.
Vercelli, Italy,
2003,
p. 360.
648
For the development of
the
"Mansion of Millions of
Years,"
see Di. Arnold, "Vom Pyramidenbezirk
zum 'Haus fur Millionen Jahre," MDAIK 34 (1978), pp. 1-8; "Cult Complexes," p. 75; Wegner, Mortuary
Temple, pp. 5, 6, 9, 22 4, 228.
649
Habachi, "New Light," p. 26 3, Fig. 262.
5
Petrie, Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, pp. 14-16, Pis. 11-12. The flooding was a result of the high water
table.
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As will be seen below, the other Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs were
constructed by excavating a pit, into which the sarcophagus chamber and all of the
corridors were then placed. In the tomb at Haw ara, a pit was exc avated for the burial
chamber, while individual trenches were dug for all of the surrounding passageways.
651
Here, limestone (bedrock) made this process less difficult than the loose sand often
encountered in the construction of some of the other monum ents. Around the central pit,
a short, mudbrick wall was built with the use of mortar, either to hold back the sand from
above, to help support the superstructure, or both. The quartzite sarcophagus cham ber
was placed in the pit, and the trenches were lined in limestone, creating the layout of the
tomb.
The entrance to the substructure of the pyramid of Amenemhet III was tow ards
the western end of the southern side beneath the encasement stones (Fig. 3.3.A).
652
From
this point, a staircase (24.42 m long and 0.96 m wide; Fig. 3.3.B), made up of small,
shallow steps with narrow ramps on either side, descended into an uneven room (1.7 by
3.77/3.72
m).
65 3
Next, a small passageway led to a portcullis chamber (Fig. 3.3.C), where
a quartzite block (2.64 by 1.78 by 1.82 m) had been maneuvered from its niche to the
right of the passage, possibly with the use of
ropes,
until its western end rested in a space
on the other side.
65 4
In this way, the stone plugged the entrance to the rest of the
Edwards, Pyramids, p. 233 ; Petrie, Kahun, G urob, and Hawara, p. 14; Uphill, Gateway, p . 7 1; Vemer,
Great Monuments, pp. 428-429.
652
Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 182; Petrie,
Kahun, G urob, and Hawara,
p. 14; Verner,
G reat Monuments,
p. 428.
653
This is the lowest point in the tomb.
654
Note that the structure of the portcullis had not yet evolved com pletely. Petrie had difficulty
determining how the stone was moved into place. His drawings show that the descending ram p, found in
the later tombs, was not used at Hawara. For the fully developed form o f the Late Middle King dom
portcullis system, see Fig. 1.7. Note that Lehner mistakenly identified the closed blocking stone as the
third rather than the first (Lehner, Pyramids, p. 182).
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substructure, which began at a higher level behind the blocking stone, the base of which
had become the ceiling of the chamber.
655
How ever, since the area around the portcullis
was com posed of limestone, the tomb had not remained secure as robbers had easily cut a
tunnel around the hard block.
Behind the portcullis, another small corridor led to the southwest turning
chamber, measuring 2.67 by 2.18 by 1.88 m (Fig. 3.3.D).
65 6
This type of room was
designed so that a coffin and other funerary furnishings could be maneuvered around
corners between relatively narrow passage s. From here, a corridor, which was filled w ith
large blocks of stone, continued to the north (Fig. 3.3.E). How ever, the main part of the
tomb e xtended to the east. Just after the turning chamber in the southern wall of the
passage, a niche w ith a socket revealed that a wooden door had once stood in this area.
The niche allowed the door to fall within the lines of the walls when opened so that it
would not stand in the path of the coffin and other items as they were moved through the
tomb after the death of the king. The corridor continued to the east for a total of 30.63 m
(from the sou thwest turning ch amber to that of the southeast; Fig. 3.3.F). The width of
the corridor was 0.97 to 0.99 m except at the eastern end where it narrowed to 0.79 m.
657
At the end of the southern corridor, there was another turning chamber, partially
filled with masonry, measuring 3.59 by 2.25 by 2.28 m.
65 8
At the northern end of this
room, there was a second quartzite portcullis, which had remained in its niche to the left
655
Wegner points to the tomb of Senwosret III at South Abydos as a precedent to this portcullis
configuration as well as the changes in level (Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp.
373-375;
Mortuary Temple, p. 390).
6
Petrie, Kahun, Guroh, andHawara, p. 15.
657
Note that this narrow width matches that of the sarcophagus chest. Thus , the coffin would have fit
through this hallway.
658
Petrie,
Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara,
p. 15.
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i soo
N
SOUTH PASSftSE
D . i
G.
C.
CORE QF I BMCKWOF.K
n R I G I N f t L ' S T Q N E C ft S IN G .
Figure 3.3. Plan of the pyramid of Am enem het III at Haw ara. After Petrie 1890,
Plate 2.
(Fig. 3.3.G). A passageway, w hich was located at a higher level beyond the blocking
stone, ran to the north for 15.33 m (width at 0.97 m; height at 1.59 to 1.81 m ) as it sloped
downw ard; it ended in a third turning chamber, measuring 4.22 by 2.29 by 2.18 m, with
161
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maso nry filling parts of it. At the western end of the turning chamber, there was an
unclosed, quartzite portcullis (3.51 by 1.55 by 1.12 m; housed to the right of the chamber;
Fig. 3.3.H). Fr<5m here , another corridor led 8.54 m to the west (at a higher leve l), ending
in the antechamber (7.85 by 2.28 by 2.32 m; Fig. 3:3.1).
Like the second and third turning compartments, the antechamber was partially
filled with stones.
5
Near the center of this room , there was a small corridor in the floor,
which had been blocked. This passage, measuring 1.82 by 0.92 m, led to the sarcophagus
chamber, which displayed an advance in technology (Fig. 3.3.J). The base was made of
a
monolithic piece of quartzite with interior measurements of 6.79 by 2.39 by 2.35 m.
660
Within this block, a separate sarcophagus and canopic chest had been placed during the
early phases of construction. The sarcophagus, which was decorated with a niched
facade, was placed to the north of the canopic box in the burial chamber. The lid of the
chamber was composed of three sections. Two quartzite blocks covered the southern and
midd le portions of the tomb . These 1.22 meter-high stones were stationary, as they had
been built into the tomb. A third lid section was located in the north and had been
suspended above the chamber, using stone pillars set in niches upon sand (Fig. 3.4 right).
After the deceased Amenem het III had been placed inside, workers must have crawled
into the two small corridors hidden in the floor of the antecham ber. One of them
removed the stone that held the sand in the niche permitting it to pour into the small
cham bers, causing the supports, and thus the lid, to lower slowly. Once the lid had been
659
Petrie,
Kahun, G urob, and Hawara,
pp. 15-16.
660
Later scholars have stated that this block was 100 tons and measured 7 by 2.5 by 1.83 m (Lehner,
Pyramids,
pp. 182-183; Verner,
Great Monuments,
p . 429).
661
Dodson notes that the canopic box was slightly to the west of
the
central axis of
the
sarcophagus in
order to make room for the coffin of Neferuptah (Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p. 28). For the tomb of
Nefeniptah, see p. 13.
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closed, there w as no mechanical w ay to reopen the sarcophagus.
Figure. 3.4. The structure of the saddle roof in the tomb of
Amenemhet III at Hawara (left; after Petrie, 1890, Plate 4) and the
mechanics of the sand lowering system (right).
The roof of the chamber was in the saddle form, composed of two large limestone
slabs (50 tons each), which formed a triangular apex above the sarcophagus (Fig. 3.4
left).
Horizon tal limestone beam s were used across the chamb er below this feature.
Above the saddle roof, mudbricks, some of which weighed 18 to 23 kilograms, were laid,
with the aid of mud m ortar. On top of this layer, a brick arch, was formed using five
courses. Abov e, the arch, which served to help distribute the weight of the pyramid, the
interior of the structure was constructed setting bricks into the sand (7 m thick).
T he t omb i t s e l f ha d be e n r obbe d t h r ough a sma l l ho l e c h i se l e d i n to t he a r e a w he r e
Petrie, Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, pp. 6, 15; Spencer, Brick Architecture, p . 38; Verner, Great
Monuments, p . 429.
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the lid and the base of the sarcophagus met.
66 3
From here, the coffin had been ravage d
and burned. Interestingly, the coffin and funerary go ods (including an alabaster offering
table) of a princess, Neferuptah, were found within the sarcophagus chamber next to the
items of
the
king.
66 4
Some of this wo ma n's objects had mutilated hieroglyphs inscribed
into them (feet of birds and tails of snakes not shown).
5
On other items, the feet and
tails of normal hieroglyphs were chiseled in order to alter them into this form.
Neferuptah 's inscriptions represent the first use of mutilated hieroglyphs in the L ate
Middle Kingdom , something, which became standard in the funerary equipment of both
royal and private individuals of Dynasty XIII.
666
663
Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p . 29, n. 57; Petrie,
Kahun, Gurob, andHawara,
pp. 15-16, Pis. 13-
14;
Verner,
G reat Monuments,
p . 429.
664
Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p. 29; Lehner,
Pyramids,
pp. 182-183; Petrie,
Kahun, Gurob, and
Hawara,
p . 17; Verner,
Great Monuments,
p . 430.
665
Mu tilated hieroglyphs were likewise found on the objects from the sarcophag us within the pyram id of
Neferuptah (N . Farag and Z. Iskander,
The Discovery o f Neferwptah
(Cairo, 1971), p. 55). These
modifications of
the
hieroglyphs prevented them from harm ing the deceased in the subterranean part of the
tomb (H.G. Fischer, " Archaeological Aspects of Epigraphy and Palaeography ," in R. Caminos and H.G.
Fischer,
Ancient Egyptian Epigraphy and Palaeography
(New York, 1976), p. 32; "Hieroglyphen"
LA
II
(Weisbaden, 1977), p. 1195).
6
Mutilated hieroglyphs were also used in royal and private inscriptions found in tombs in the Old
Kingdom. It has been mistakenly stated that the coffin of Nebkhep erre Intef of Dynasty XVII has the last
example of m utilated hieroglyphs (Bourriau, "Patterns of
Change,"
p. 13). However, the coffin and canopic
case of Kam ose also contains mutilated hieroglyphs, though the latter also has regular bird and other animal
signs. Kam ose's funerary equipment is the last royal use of such modified signs until Dynasty XXV .
There are also exam ples of royal coffin and canopic inscriptions without mutilated hieroglyphs during
Dynasty XV II (A. Dodson, "On the Internal Chronology of
the
Seventeenth Dynasty,"
GM
120 (1991), pp.
33-38). Objects from the private tomb of Sonebnay and his wife, Khons have m utilated hieroglyphs.
Cartouches reveal that they lived in the reign of Sewahenre Senebmiew (Dynasty XIII) (Berlev, "A
Contemporary of King Sew ah-en-Re,'" pp. 110-111, Pis. 26-28). For other examples, see Fischer,
"Hieroglyphen," p. 1195; Hayes,
Scepter,
p. 348 ; P. Lacau, "Suppressions et modifications de signes dans
les textes funeraires,"
ZAS5\
(1913), pp. 26-35; V. Maragioglio and C. Rinaldi, "Note sullaPiram ide di
Ameny 'Aamu,"
Orientalia
37 (1968 ), p. 325; T.E. Peet,
T he Cemeteries ofAbydos, Part II—1911-1912,
Memoirs of
the
Egypt Exploration Fund 34 (London, 1914), p. 57, PL 13.53; G.A. Reisner,
Canopies,
Catalogue General des Antiquites Egyptiennes du M usee du Caire 103 (Cairo, 1967), pp. 14, 17, 18, 142,
143, 36 1, 362, Pis. IV, VI, XXX II, LII; D.P. Silverman, "Coffin Texts from el Bersheh, Kom el Hisn, and
Mend es," in H. Willem, ed.,
T he W orld of the Coffin Texts
(Leiden, 1996), p. 138; H.M. Stewart,
Egyptian
Shabtis,
Shire Egyptology 23 (Buckingham shire, 1995), p. 15; N. Swelim and A. Dodso n, "On the Pyramid
of Ameny-Qemau and its Canopic Equipment,"
MDAIK
54 (19 98), p. 327, Fig. 324. J.P. Allen, "Coffin
Texts from Lisht," in H. Willems, ed.,
Th e Wo rld of the Coffin Texts
(Leiden, 1996), pp. 1, 13; Grajetzki,
Burial Customs, p. 58.
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The appearance of a wom an's burial within the funerary complex of the king is
not so unusual in the Middle Kingdom though her proximity to the ruler is unique.
667
How ever, a small pyramid, located by H abachi several kms southeast of the complex at
Hawara in 1936 and excavated by Farag in the 1950's, was found to contain inscriptions
with the nam e of this same Neferuptah.
66 8
The actual location of the prin cess ' burial
seems to have been within her own pyramid as fragments of mummy w rappings with skin
attached w ere discovered there; she likely ou tlived A menemh et III.
66 9
Also, within the
Pyramid of Hawara, there is a corridor leading to the north on the western side of the
monum ent. Di. Arnold has suggested that this hallway m ay lead to the burial chamber of
queens like that of
the
same king at Dahshur.
670
II.C.
The Owner of the Pyramid at Hawara: Amenemhet III
Amenemhet III, who ruled for 46 years, was one of the most successful kings of
the Middle Kingd om. During his reign, Egypt enjoyed great wealth, the office of
kingship had significant po wer, and A menemhet III was able to construct monuments of
the highest quality throughout the country. Two of the most impressive of these
structures included his pyramid complexes at Dahshur and H awara.
W. G rajetzki, "Multiple Burials in Ancient Egypt to the End of the Middle Kingdom." in W. Grajetzki,
ed.,
Life and Afterlife during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period
(London, 2007), pp, 16-
34.
Farag and Iskander,
Neferwptah.
See also Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p . 29; P. Janosi,
Die
Pyramidenanlagen der Koniginnen. Untersuchungen zu einem Grabtyp des Alten und M ittleren Reiches
(Vienna, 1995), pp. 67-70; Grajetzki, "Multiple Burials," p. 24. Farag notes that the average size of the
bricks of
the
pyramid of Neferuptah was 46 by 25 by 14 cms while' Spencer records the brick size as 46 by
24 by 14 cms (Spencer,
Brick Architecture,
p . 38). Note that this pyramid does not have the substructure
design of the Late Middle Kingdom royal type.
Grajetzki,
Middle Kingdom,
p. 58.
670
Di. Arnold, "Dahschur Dritter Grabungsbericht,"
MDAIK36
(1980), pp.
20-21.
See also A. Dodson,
"The Tombs of
the
Queens of
the
Middle Kingdom,"
Z AS
115 (1988), p. 135;
The Ca nopic Equipment,
p .
28 , n. 56.
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Amen emhet III began his first funerary monument at Dahshur. During
construction, this pyramid suffered structural failure due to the underlying soil quality as
well as the weight of the superstructure. Presum ably, at this point, the royal a rchitects
abandoned Dah shur and began work at Hawara where they made radical changes in the
design of the tomb of the king, possibly relating to new ideas regarding the afterlife of
this important figure. Though some of these new features were derived from earlier
pyramids, the overall impact of the new d esign upon the funerary m onuments of later
kings is significant and likely pertains to a culmination in religious experimentation that
would begin again in Dyansty XV III.
671
Compared to the information about Dynasty XIII kings to be discussed in this
thesis, knowledge concerning the reign of Amenemhet III is relatively extensive, and it is
certain that the office of kingship was secure during this point of the Middle Kingdom.
After the death of Amenemhet III, however, the stability of kingship declined
significantly. Am enemh et IV, who may not have been directly related to his
predecessors, took the throne for four years, followed by a daughter of Amenemhet III,
Nefrusobek. After these last two kings of Dyn asty XII, information concerning the
following rulers becomes fragmentary as they were ephemeral, and some appear to have
had little resources for the construction of monuments.
672
III. The Pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer (Lepsius XLIV) at South Sakkara
The most complete of all of the post Amenemhet III pyramid complexes is that of
See Chapter 4 below. Also, see Wegner, "Am duat To mb"; RolMer-Kohler, "Konigliche V orstellungen
I," pp. 73-88.
672
Grajetzki,
Middle
Kingdom, pp. 74-75.
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the Dy nasty XIII king W oserkare Khendjer at South Sakkara. Thu s, it is most logical to
proceed from Amenemhet Ill's funerary establishment at Hawara to a discussion of this
monument, since through it, the conceptual plans of the others, all of which presumably
remained inco mp lete, can be envisioned. Als o, the attribution of this pyramid to
Woserkare Khendjer, is certain, as his name was discovered not only on a pyramidion
within the complex but also in the limestone relief fragments o f his chapel. Thu s, this
monum ent serves as a chronological peg within the Late Middle K ingdom royal funerary
corpus.
Lepsius was the first to note the existence of this pyramid, and de Morgan appears
to have entered the tomb.
67 3
How ever it was not studied in detail until Jequier excavated
the monument in 1929-1931,
67 4
and published it, along with a nearby royal tomb, in a
relatively detailed report.
67 5
Thu s, not only is this structure well-preserved, bu t the
recording of
its
features is also more substantial than those of the other members of the
Late Middle Kingdom royal monument corpus. Nonetheless, the condition of the site is
poor in many areas as are the remains of the other Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary
monuments, having a square mound of mudbrick debris surrounding a large, sand-filled
J. de Morgan,
Carte de la Necropole Mem phite
(Cairo, 1897), p. 6; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 67;
C.R. Lepsius,
Denkmdler ausAegypten undAethiopien
I (Leipzig, 1897), p. 202, PI. 234.
674
The pyramid is in an area, which has a concentration of Old Kingdom private tom bs (G. Jequier,
"Rapport Preliminaire sur les Fouilles Executees en 1928-1929 dans la Partie Meridionale de la Necropole
Memphite,"
ASAE
29 (1929), pp. 153-156; "Rapport Preliminaire sur les Fouilles Executees en 1929-1930
dans la Partie Meridionale de la Necropole M emphite,"
ASAE
30 (1930), pp. 105-107; "Rapport
Preliminaire sur les Fouilles Executees en 1929-1931 dans la Partie Meridionale de la N ecropole
Memphite,"
ASAE 31
(1931), pp. 32-35;
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 1,
39-43;
W eill, "Com plements," p. 11).
675
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah.
For summaries of the work here, see C. Holzl, "Saqqara, Pyramids of the
13th Dy nasty," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology ofAncient Egypt
(New York, 1999),
pp. 711-712; Lehner,
Pyramids,
p p. 186-187; B. Porter and R.L.B. Moss,
Topog raphical Bibliography of
Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings
III (2) (Oxford, 1981), pp. 434-43 5; R.
Stadelmann,
Die Agyptischen Pyramiden,
K ulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 30 (Mainz
Rhein, 1985), pp. 249-252 .
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crater.
676
The pyramid complex of Khendjer had many components including two enclosure
walls,
a north chapel, a mortuary (pyramid) temple, a subsidiary pyramid, and shafts
leading to galleries for the burials of members of the court (Fig. 3.5.A-G).
67 7
Graffiti
within the tomb suggests that the substructure was begun in the first year of Khendjer's
reign with the pyramid being raised in the next two y ears followed by the surrounding
walls and buildings.
678
III.A. The Elements of the Superstructure
The pyramid complex of Khendjer was-constructed on a relatively high plateau at
the edge of the desert. How ever, the southeastern side had to be built up for the later
addition of the brick outer enclosu re wall. In this same area, there was a practically
unused ramped staircase, made of mudbrick, descending toward the east.
679
The staircase
was 2.5 m wide with steps measuring 12 cms in height and 38 cms in depth and was
eventually covered and blocked by the enclosure wall.
680
The pyramid of Khendjer was roughly 52.5 m (100 cubits) on each side.
68 1
The
structure was made of mu dbrick, encased in fine Tura limestone. In the tomb crater, laid
67 6
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 3, 28.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
PI. 2.
678
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 30.
679
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 28, Pis. 22, 24b-c. Lehner suggests that this feature may mark.the
location of the substructure in an earlier plan of the tomb or may have even been a south tomb like that
found in the pyramid of Djoser (Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 186). Note that there is a mud brick, ce remonial
staircase leading to the tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos (Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
pp. 373-374, 393).
680
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 9, n. 1.
681
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 30. Dodson states that the sides are 51.8 m (Dodson, "Tombs of the
Kings," p.
41;
"From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29). I have measured the length in the plan as 55 m.
This same estimate is also found in Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 229. However, he seems to round most figures to
the nearest five.
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bricks and debris were preserved to a height of about half a meter.
68 2
The bricks had
varying amounts of straw inclusions and were 42 by 21 by 11 cms (± 2.00 cm s).
68 3
One
of the bricks in the pyramid structure had a white inscription painted upon it with the date
"year 1, month 3," suggesting that the construction of this part of the funerary complex
began very early in the reign of Khendjer.
684
Figure 3.5.
The Pyramid Complex of Woserkare Khendjer at South Sakkara.
After Jequier, 1986, PI. 2.
Around the mudbrick structure, there was a trench 6 to 7 m wide and 2 m deep
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 28.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 29; Spencer, Brick Architecture, p. 39.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 29.
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that the architects cut in order to provide a foundation for the encasement stones.
Unfortunately, Jequier was able to identify only fragments of these stones, as they had
been removed in earlier times. Non etheless, he did estimate the angle of the pyramid, -
likely with the use of the slope of
a
pyramidion to be discussed later, as
55°,
68 6
a number
coming roughly in the center of those of the more recent studies of this object: 54 °22 '
687
to 56°, making the monum ent around 37.49 m high. In the northeastern corner of
the encasement trench, Jequier discovered a foundation deposit within a small circular pit
lined w ith bricks.
69 0
The deposit included four small vessels with a cone-shaped base.
The inner enclosure wall, which was approximately 77 by 78 m in length, was
located around 8 m from the face of the encasement stones of the pyramid (Fig. 3.5.A).
691
The wall was m ade of limestone blocks in a palace facade pattern, which extended out 3
m in some areas, and was similar to those of some of the Dynasty XII kings.
69 2
Upon
excavation, only a trench and the first layer of stones were preserved in most places.
Interestingly, abutting the outside of the wall in the east, there was a section of a
685
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 30.
686
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 30.
687
J. Rousseau, Mastabas etpyramides d'Egypte (Paris, 1994), pp. 197-198.
688
C. Rossi, "Note on the Pyramidion Found at Dahshur,"
JE A
85 (1999), p. 219.
689
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 30. Based on my measurement of the sides of the monum ent in the plan
at a 55.50 degree angle, the height of the pyramid could be around 40 m. However, here, the excavator's
written estimates will be used above all others. Non etheless, Jequie r's calculation of a height of 37.35 m
has been corrected using his own data in the formula: h=tan A x l/2b where h is the height, A is the slope
of
the
pyram id and b is the base length. An angle of 54.90 would result in a height of
37.35,
so it is
possible that this number has been rounded to 55° in the text but not in the calculation. Jequ ier's incorrect
estimation of the height has been repeated by more recent authors (Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 1929; Lehner,
Pyramids, p. 186; Stadelmann, Agyptischen Pyramiden, p . 249).
69
Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 30, Fig. 24; J.M. W einstein, "Foundation
Deposits in Ancient Egypt," dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1973, p. 85.
691
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 7. Note that Fakhry estim ates the length of the inner wall as being
about 75 m on each side (Fakhry, Pyramids, p . 229).
692
Jequier, "Rapport 1930-1931," p. 33; Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp . 7-8, Figs. 6-7. The Dynasty XII
examples include Senwosret II, Senwosret III, and Amenemhet III (Di. Arnold, T he Encyclopedia of
Ancient E gyptian Architecture (Princeton, 2003), p. 162).
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mudbrick, sinusoidal wall.
69 3
Jequier believed that this wavy w all served as a temp orary
enclosure and was replaced later when time and finances were sufficient.
694
As will be
noted later, this wall is more robust than the other two sinusoidal constructions in the
comp lex. The function of these walls will be considered together with those from other
sites in a later chapter.- The outer enclosure w all was made of mud brick being about 2.6
m wide and measured 122.65 by 125.9 m around its perimeter (Fig. 3.5.B).
69 5
Jequier
only found sections of this wall preserved though it was clear, due to the presence of a
trench, that it originally surrounded the entire complex.
From the middle of the eastern face of the pyramid to the outer wall, Jequier
found the fragmentary remains of a limestone m ortuary temple, measuring roughly 26.25
by 27.5 m, including a courtyard with the dimensions 15 by 25 m (Fig. 3.5.C).
696
Since
the temple was so completely destroyed, it was difficult for the excavators to reconstruct
its plan. Nonetheless, they discovered many architectural fragments, such as sections of
torus molding, decorated columns, and inscribed limestone and granite blocks, leading to
some conclusion s about this mon ume nt. Jequier notes that the fragments from
papyriform columns indicated tha t the hall they occupied was about 4 m in height.
698
Unfortunately, the majority of the temple's relief fragments were in such a poor
state that the excavators did not attempt to record them.
69 9
Nonetheless, he had a few
examples copied, and the fragments show standard themes such as offering bearers, the
693
Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 108; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
Pis. 2, 4a.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 7; Spencer,
Brick Architecture,
p . 39.
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 229; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 6.
696
Jequier, "Rapport
1930-1931,"
p. 32; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 3-4, PI. 3.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 4-6; Verner,
Great Monuments,
p. 440.
698
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 4. Columns from Medam ud from D ynasties XIII-XVII are similar in
form (Bisson de la Roque,
Medamoud
1927, pp. 82, Fig. 59 .7; 84).
699
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 4-6, Figs. 1-5.
171
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offering formula, and cartouches with the names Khendjer. Jequier noted that the quality
of the carvings was sub-standard. Such a reduction in the quality of artisanship has
become synonymous with periods such as Dynasty XIII, in which kingship suffered a
loss of power and economic strength.
At the front of the temple, there was a large doorway leading outside the pyramid
enclosure.
70 0
Jequier suggested that a causew ay, beginning at this point, was visible and
ran in the direction toward the cultivation to the east, as he was able to see the line of two
mud brick walls in the sand. How ever, well before this structure reached the valley, its
path could no long er be traced. Perhaps it is rather a ramp or temporary road leading to
the site as such structures are common whereas formal causeways appear not to be
used.
701
In the middle of the northern face of the pyramid, there was a small chapel
measuring approximately 6.38 by 8 m (Fig. 3.5.D).
70 2
Like the larger, funerary temp le,
this small structure was completely destroyed, and only indications of
the
building
remaine d. At the northern end of the chapel, there were two small ramped staircases, one
leading from the eastern side and the other from the western one, next to the enclosure
wall.
70 3
These features, ma de up of three steps each, led from the ground level inside the
enclosure wall up to a platform at a level 0.56 m high.
70 4
This area was open and
originally led to a darker room covered with a roof supported by columns.
Carved fragments from the structure indicated that it originally include d offering
700
Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 107;
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 6.
701
Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
p. 24.
702
Jequier, "Rapport
1930-1931,"
pp. 32-33;
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 15-17, PL 12.
7
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 15, 17, Pis. 12, 15a.
704
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 17.
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scenes, kheke r friezes, a blue ceiling with stars, and a false d oor made of quartzite.
This latter object was inscribed in sunk
relief,
decorated with blue/green p igment and had
been placed at the southern end of the chapel near the pyram id. An other fragment
included the king's Nebty name, Wahmesut
{wlh-mswi)
while additional pieces of the
door displayed other parts of the titulary. Ano ther set of blocks w ith a portion of the
kin g's titulary, had chisel marks where his name had once been, possibly indicating the
malicious destruction of the ruler's identity. Finally, one fragment showed a part of a
yellow serpent with red, dashed scales.
Other sculpted features were also found in the small chapel. There was part of
a
quartzite statuette of Khendjer, broken at the level of the elbows. Though the
craftsmanship is not as superb as in the reigns of Senwosret III and Amenemhet IV, the
rendering of the facial features resembles that of Late Dynasty XII, although these
attributes are less enhanced (heavy eyes, down turned lips, large ears, etc.). °
Another important find in the chapel was that of fragments of a black granite
pyram idion, m easuring 1.3 m in heigh t with a circular tenon on the base for attaching it to
the pyramid.
70 7
Now in the Egyp tian Museu m in Cairo, this object was inscribed with the
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p. 229; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp . 15-17, Figs. 14, 15; Verner,
Great
Monuments,
p. 440. Note that false doors were already antiquated by this time, having been replaced by
stelae except in the northern chapels of kings (Senwosret I, Senw osret II, Senwosret III, and Am enemhet III
at Hawara) (D i. Arnold,
En cyclopedia,
pp. 89, 163).
7
Robins,
Egyptian Statues,
p. 45; E. Russmann, "Historical Overview ," p. 19; "Aspects," 35-36; C.
Aldred,
Egyptian Art in the Days of the Pharaohs 3100-320 BC
(New York, 1980), p. 138; Bourriau,
Pharaohs and Mortals,
p. 37; Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 229; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," pp. 106-107;
"Rapport 1930-1931," p. 3 3;
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p p. 18-19, PI. 15b-c; Richards, "Modified O rder," p. 44.
707
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 229; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 106, PI. 102; "Rapport 1930-1931," p. 33;
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 19-26, Figs. 16-20, PI. 16. Note that Verner mistakenly places these fragments in
the temple on the eastern side of
the
pyramid (Verner,
Great Monuments,
p. 440). Tenons could also be
square at this time (Di. Arnold,
Building in Egypt: Pharaonic Stone Masonry
(New York, 1991), p. 127).
173
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king's names
70 8
as well as
Coffin Text,
spell 788.
70 9
Spell 788a is found on the coffins of
Awibre H or and Nebhotepti at Dahshur as well as that of a lector priest from Lisht.
710
In the buildings within the complex, there were twenty control marks in both red
and black ink.
7
These inscriptions often record the names and titles of individuals along
with dates. Thu s, through these m arks, it is possible to identify certain peop le related to
the construction of the tomb . The years recorded in this structure ranged from year 1 to
year 5, indicating that this latter date was probably the extent of Khendjer's reign. The
names of officials included the overseers of the southern province, Shebnu and Ameny,
both sons of Nemtynakht, as well as the overseer of the palace, Senebtyfy and untitled
officials Iwsobek, Hawnakht, and Neferhotep.
712
III.B.
The Com ponents of the Substructure
The construction of the substructure had begun by excavating a pit in the sand
measu ring 13 m on the sides and 11 m in depth with a 4 m-wide trench that sloped
upward toward the west,
71 3
Then, the sarcophagus chamber and the other components of
the substructure were placed within it, probably with the aid of brick structures, as will be
seen in other monum ents to be discussed below .
708
Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29.
709
E. Fiore-Marochetti, "On the Design, Symbolism and Painting of Some Xllth D ynasty Tomb
Superstructures,"
GM
144 (1995), pp. 49, 50; M.G. Maspero, "Sur le Pyramidion d'Am enemhait III a
Dahchour,"
ASAE
3 (1902), pp. 206-208; A. de Buck,
The Egyptian Coffin Texts
VII (Chicago, 1961), Spell
788.
710
L. Lesko,
Index of the Spells on Egyptian Middle Kingdom Coffins and Related Documents
(Berkeley,
1979), pp. 54-55, Da2c, Da4c , and L2Li. Da2x and D al e, which both belong to women, display Spell 788.
711
F. Arnold,
The Control Notes and Team Marks,
The South Cemeteries of Lisht 2 (New York, 1990), pp.
176-181; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 10-15, Fig.
18-11.
712
713
F. Arnold,
Control Notes,
pp. 176, 178-179, KH171, 178-179, 112-113, 115.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 33-34.
174
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Figure 3.6.
The Pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer. After Jequier, 1986, PI. 2.
The concealed entrance to the substructure of the pyramid of Khendjer was
located at the southern end of the center of the western side of the pyramid (Fig.
3.6.A).
71 4
The passage descend ed toward the east from an opening found at the level of
the pavement stones, providing the foundation for the pyram id's encasement. The area
defining this entrance, just outside the encasement trench, was lined with six courses of
4
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 3 1, Pis. 32, 37b.
175
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mudbricks with a small brick staircase descending through the center.
715
There were also
two narrow brick staircases descending against the encasement stones (at a right angle to
the previous staircase to the west) toward the entrance in order to allow for an approach
from three sides when lowering heavy funerary equipment.
716
Jequier's plan also shows
a long brick structure leading from the northwest of the interior enclosure wall to the area
of this entrance,
71 7
but he does not discuss this feature.
The entrance and its components w ere constructed of well-worked T ura
limestone.
71 8
From the western edge of the opening in the surface, a ramped staircase
descended towa rd the east. The stairs were shallow and slanted back, ostensibly to allow
a person carrying heavy objects to walk down them easily, while larger items could be
placed alon g the ramps in order to slide them safely through the corridor. In the
limestone feature leading to the opening, as well as in every flat area without a staircase,
including places where the level changes, grooves were cut on each side in order to allow
woo d to be placed to help guide bu lky ob jects, such as the coffin, over the space.
The stairway is approximately 0.9 m wide and extends downward for around 5 m,
providing fourteen steps, before the floor becomes level for a distance of approximately
2.75 m with 1.75 m of this region being a portcullis chamber (Fig. 3.6.B).
7I 9
A quartzite
portcullis stone, measuring around 2.9 by 1.9 by 1.9 m, rested in a ramped recess (with a
slope of 9°) to the south. Acco rding to the excavator, the portcullis was supposed to have
lowered with the use of a system, in which the sand from beneath a stone support could
715
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p.
31,
PI. 38f.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p.
3 1,
PI. 32.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
Pi. 31.
7 8
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 31.
719
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp . 31-32, PL 38.
176
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be released, allowing one end to slide down the quartzite ramp across to a niche in the
northern side of the wa ll.
720
The base of the stone would form a ceiling to the room
below and would have concealed the entrance to the next corridor, which w as positioned
behind it at a level 1.5 m above the prev ious floor (See F ig. 3.7).
Figure 3.7. Plan of
one
portcullis in the tomb of Khendjer. After
Jequier 1986, PI. 8.
Jequier notes that the smaller stone meant to prop up the portcullis was missing,
but the block still remained in its original, pre-burial position.
721
Thus, he surmised that
the mech anisms used to move this particular stone had failed. Since Jequier did not
explain how the sand would have been released from the hole, the supposed sand
lowering system may simply have been a niche for a lever used to start the stone down
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp . 31-32, PL 38.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqq arah, pp. 31-32.
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7 7 7
the ramp had it ever been used.
In the passage after the portcullis, another staircase of the same design as the
79 ' }
previous one stretches again to the east traveling around 13.5 m in thirty-nine steps.
Ag ain, the floor leveled off, for a distance of about 3.3 m including another p ortcullis
cham ber (Fig. 3.6.C). Strangely, halfway b etwe en the end of the staircase and the
western ed ge of the block, there was a recess on each side of the wall. Here Jequier
found evidence for a wooden dou ble door.
724
W hen the doors were opened, they fit into
niches in the walls so that they would be flush and, thus, would not be in the w ay of the
funerary equ ipment brough t in during the interment. This double door system was
similar to the single variety found at Hawara, except that the two planks joined- in the
middle of the corridor. The reason why this doorway w as in between the two quartzite
portcullis stones is unk now n. It may have served to keep peop le from en tering the tomb
prior to burial, though one would h ave thought that the architects w ould have placed the
door at the entrance to the structure. Alternative ly, it is possible that the wooden do ors,
as well as the portcullis, may have served a ritual purpose rather than as a means of
protecting the tomb.
The second portcullis was identical to the first in its mechanics and measured
approxim ately 1.75 by 3 by 1.75 m. How ever, this system operated from a niche to the
north of the passage. Like the previou s portcullis stone, this quartzite block remained in
its original position, never having been moved to rest in its intended place.
722
For the use of levers in ancient Egyptian architecture, see Di. Arnold,
Encyclopedia,
p. 133.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 32, PL 38.
724
Edwards,
Pyramids,
p p. 738-739; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 32, PL 38.
725
See Chapter 5, Section IV for further discussion.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 32, PL 38.
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The next passageway continued in an easterly direction at a level about 1 m
higher than before for about 6.75 m, while the width was the same as all of the other
corridors (around 0.9 m).
72 7
The floor of this hallway sloped dow nward slightly, leveling
off just prior to ending in a square room measuring around 2.25 m on each side (Fig.
3.6.D). This* chamber served to turn the coffin 90 degrees in order to continue through a
passage to the north. How ever, the entrance to this next corridor was hidden in the floor
The passage, which was around 11m long, 1 m wide, and 1 m tall, continued at a
lower level toward the north. The hallway ended with the antechamber, which was
concealed above it (Fig. 3.6.E). Thu s, the entrance to this part of the tomb was throug h
the floor of this chamber, above the level of the ceiling of the previous corridor. This
room measured approximately 9.9 by 2.25 m, the longer section running east/west, with a
height of about 2 m.
Beneath the floor in the center of the antechamber, there was an entrance to
another passage, which had been hidden by pavement stones.
72 9
This new corridor
extended toward the south, measuring 3.75 m in length,
1
m in width, and.l.25 m in
height. The end of this hallway w as blocked by the northern end of the sarcophag us lid
once the body had been placed inside the sarcophagus chamber.
The sarcophagus was made of a single quartzite block w ith niches for the coffin
and the canopic box (Fig. 3.6.F).
73 0
The upper part of the inside of the sarcophagu s
measured around 3.5 m long by 1.25 m w ide by
1
m high. Presumably, this area was
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 32, PI. 38.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 32, PI. 38.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 3 2, PL 38.
730
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 32, PL 38. Fakhry estimated that the stone weighs around 60 tons
(Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 229).
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kept free for funerary items such as weapons and other goods and was used to maneuver
the coffin.
731
M eanw hile, the niches for the coffin and the canopic box rested below ,
measuring approximately 2.4 by 0.8 by 1 m and 0.75 by 0.7 by 0.7 m, respectively.
The lid of the sarcophagus was made of two large pieces of quartzite, the interior
of the southernmost one having a slightly rounded shape (2.25 m long, 3 m wide and 1.5
m tall).
73 2
The northern lid component was abou t the same size as the first but was flat
on its und erside. The profile of this section of the lid was in the form of a truncated
triangle with a rectangular base . The reason for this shape was that the lid originally was
held abov e the base with the use of quartzite block s on its east and west sides. Thu s, this
shape fit best into the saddle roof before the lid was lowered.
7 3
Like the structure of the saddle roof in the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara,
two large limestone slabs were set, leaning into one another on top of the walls around
the sarcophagus in Woserkare Khendjer's tomb. Above the junction of these two stones,
there were eight layers of bricks below an arch.
73 4
This feature was com posed of twelve
courses of bricks, sometimes interspersed with layers of
sand,
which served to relieve the
pressure from the tremendous weight of the pyramid abo ve.
Before the interment, the northern part of the lid would have been propped upon
two, one-meter high granite supports on the eastern and western sides of the
sarcoph agus. Like in the pyram id of Am enem het III at Haw ara, these supports sat
upon sand and caused the lid to remain open with enough space to place the funerary
731
Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p. 33.
732
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqa rah, p p.
32-33,
PL 38.
733
Di. Arnold, Building, pp. 194, Fig. 193.127.
734
Di. Arnold, Building, pp . 79, Fig. 73.27; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqa rah, p. 34; Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229.
735
Edwards, Pyramids, pp .
240-241;
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp .
32-33,
PI. 38; Verner, Great
Monuments, pp. 439-440.
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goo ds, including the coffin, w ithin. This sand lowering system was made com plete by
the presence of two small corridors running from the sarcophagus chamber to the east and
west.
73 6
The first of these passages was located to the east and had a concealed entrance
in the floor of the hidden hallwa y, leading to the antecham ber, discussed earlier. It was
about 6.25 m from the southern entrance of this hallway and was 2.75 m long, 0.8 m wide
and 0.9 m high. Mean while, the western passage had the same dimensions and emerged
from the floor of a small room, measuring 1.5 by 2 m, to the west. From here , another
passageway, m easuring 2.5 m in length and 0.8 m in width extended toward the north,
running to an entrance beneath the floor of the western end of the antechamber.
As was the case with the sarcophagus of Am enemhet III, small stones would h ave
blocked the space between the burial chamber and the small, eastern and western
passages before the burial.
73 7
After the royal mum my had been placed in the coffin, m en
wou ld have been sent into the tight corridors to remov e the stones. Once this occurred,
the sand would flow from beneath the granite supports, holding the lid above the
sarcoph agus. Slowly, the heavy lid would close , securing the coffin w ithin by sealing the
tomb along with the entrance to the northern corridor. Ad ditionally, the supports wou ld
block access from the eastern and western passages.
738
In his monograph, Jequier contemplates whether or not the tomb of Khendjer w as
ever used.
73 9
As noted above, both portcullis stones remained open. However, the lid of
the sarcophagus had been maneuvered into position as if the deceased ruler had been
73 6
Jequier , Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 33, PL 38.
73 7
Di . Arnold, Building, pp. 79, Fig. 73.27; Jequier , Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 33, PI. 38.
Note that Jequier recognized that this system paralleled that of Mazghuna (Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p .
33).
73 9
Jequier , Fouilles a Saqqarah , p . 33.
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placed insid e. In addition, it is important to consider that if the encasement of the
pyramid had been completed, it would have covered the entrance to the king's tomb,
mak ing the lowering of the portcullis stones unnecessary. In fact, the king wou ld have
had to have been buried before the superstructure could have been finished
Unfortunately, no signs of burial goods remained within the sarcophag us.
740
Nonetheless, there was a small, child-sized hole cut into the base of
the
lid in one area.
Here, it seems that robbers had successfully entered the burial. Jequier believed that they
had been able to take everything out of the sarcophagus.
IILC.
The Subsidiary Pyramid
When examining elements of the funerary complex other than the royal tomb
itself, it is important to recognize that there was a smaller pyramid with two burial
chambers, located to the north of the mortuary temp le, just outside of the northeastern
corner of the inner enclosure wall (Fig. 3.5.E).
741
This structure would have measured
approximately 25.5 m on each side, making its sides about half that of the main
pyram id. Ho weve r, the majority of the superstructure was missing , and only a few
courses of bricks were visible. Like the larger mon umen t of Khendjer, this structure was
to be mudbrick with a stone encasemen t. Also , Jequier discovered four or five pieces of
dark granite, which m ay have com prised the sm all pyramidion.
743
Janosi suggested that
there could have been an eastern temple and northern chapel associated with the small
740
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 33.
741
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29; Janosi, Die Pyramidenanlagen, pp .
70-71,
120-
122,
177; Jequier, "Rapport 1930-1931," pp.
33-35;
Fouilles a Saq qarah, pp. 35-39, PI. 32.
742
Fakhry {Pyramids, p. 230) estimates the sides as being arou nd 25 m each. See also Janosi, Die
Pyramidenanlagen, p. 184.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 38.
182
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pyramid, though Jequier did not supply evidence for either building.
As in the larger pyramid, the entrance to the tomb, located on the center of the
eastern side, was concealed in the foundation of the encasement stones (Fig. 3.8.
A).
745
From the surface, there was a ramped staircase with
21
steps leading to the west (at an
angle of
33°).
74 6
At the base of the stairs, the floor becam e increasingly level, ending'in a
portcullis cham ber (Fig. 3.8.B). He re, the quartzite portcullis stone had bee n closed from
its niche to the south, sliding down its quartzite ramp, partially into the space cut out to
hold its end in the north. Like the blocking stones in Khen djer's tom b, this block
provided a ceiling for the chamber, closing off the access to the next corridor at a higher
level.
The second passage also continued in a westerly direction.
747
However, this short
corridor was level, ending in a second quartzite portcullis chamber (Fig. 3.8.C). This
blocking stone had also been positioned in its final resting place from the niche to the
north. How ever, the stone has since cracked in two, and only half of it remains in situ. It
is here that the violators of the tomb broke into the structure by smashing through the
limestone ceiling.
From the second portcullis chamber, a third passageway extends to the west at a
higher level than before.
748
This corridor ends in an antecham ber (the ceiling is not
preserved here), which leads to a sarcophagus to the south at a lower level (Fig. 3.8.D).
Unlike the sarcophagus in the main pyramid, this one does not include a canopic niche.
744
Janosi,
Die Pyramidenanlagen,
p. 177.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 35, PL 32, Figs. 26-28.
Janosi,
Die Pyramidenanlagen,
p. 184.
7
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 35, Figs. 26-27.
748
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p. 230; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 3 7, Figs. 26, 37.
183
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Rather, it only has room for a coffin with a separate box to the south for the canopic
equipment.
74 9
Als o, the lid system is substantially different. The lid remains today in its
original position in a niche in the ceiling. It is held here with the use of six pillars (two
on each end and two in the middle) made up of stacks of uniform bloc ks of stone. The lid
was likely to have been closed w ith the use of levers as the stones were removed.
750
Figure 3.8. Subsidiary Pyramid of the Khendjer Pyramid
Com plex. After Jequier, 1986, PI. 2.
A second quartzite sarcophagus was located to the north of the antechamber (Fig.
3.8.E). He re, the floor is level with the top of the lower section of the sarcophag us, and
the separate quartzite canopic box, which is the same size as the first, is located on the
eastern side of the southern end of the sarcophagus so that it would not encumber the
Dodson m easured this canopic box as 0.65x0.65x0.65 m, though recent checking shows 0.6 m for each
side of
the
cube (Dodson,
The C anopic Equipment,
p. 35).
750
Edwards,
Pyramids,
p. 243.
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placem ent of the coffin. Like the lid in the other chamb er, that of the unuse d
sarcophagus was propped upon five pillars of stacked stones (two on each end and one in
the middle on the eastern side).
The situation in the subsidiary pyramid is directly opposite to that of the main
one. In the Khendjer monu ment, the portcullis remained open while the sarcophagus lid
was lowered. In the smaller pyramid , the portcullis stones were closed while the
sarcophagi remained op en. Jequier decided that a tomb was used w hen its sarcophagus
was closed.
752
Thus, he assumed that the main pyramid was occupied while the
subsidiary one was not. This conclusion w ill prove to be a constant challenge in the
discussion of other tombs later in this chapter.
Another issue surrounding the complex is the purpose of the subsidiary pyramid.
There are two main options: a resting place for queens or a pyramid for the king's ka.
Dodson believes that the location of this pyramid indicates that it is more likely to belong
to the queens of the owner rather than for the ruler's own ka.
75 3
Jequier also.believed that
these tombs were for queens or other family members (without ruling out the ka
theory).
75 4
How ever, he though t that some thing, such as a change in political family,
may have prevented the interment of Khendjer's wives or descendents in this particular
part of the comp lex. Finally, Lehner allows for the possibility that this subsidiary
751
Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p . 35; Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 230; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 37,
Figs. 26, 37.
752
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 3 3, 37.
753
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p.
41;
"The Tombs of
the
Queens," p. 136;
The C anopic Equipment,
p.
35 ;
"From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29;
After the Pyramids,
p. 11. See also Grajetzki, "Multiple
Burials," pp. 24-25.
754
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 37.
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pyramid could be the last example of
a
ka pyramid.
III.D.
Subsidiary Bu rials
To the west of the subsidiary pyramid, there were several roughly hewn galleries
of tombs located within the mortuary complex of Khendjer (Fig. 3.5.F-G).
756
These
galleries were entered through large shafts located between the inner and outer enclosure
walls. At least some of these shafts contained more than one sarcophagus, but all appear
to have been unused, and none contained inscriptions.
The first shaft, measuring roughly 2 by 4 m, was located near the center of the
inner enclosure wall and extended under this structure from the north.
75 7
The outer
sections of the shaft were supported through the use of brick masonry extending
downwa rd for 10 m. From the openin g, the galleries ran to the north and south, housing
space for three burials complete with a sarcophagus and a separate canopic box for each.
The southern end ran beneath the enclosure wall of the main pyramid and had two
quartzite sarcophagi, each with a canopic box to its south with no space between any of
these items. To the north of the shaft, the gallery continued with an additional limestone
sarcophagus and a canopic box in the normal position.
The second shaft was to the west of the first, being only about 6 m away, while
the third gallery was located closer to the (western) outer enclosure wall.
75 8
These two
shafts were very similar to the first in their construction. Ho wev er, their ceilings had
755
Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 187.
756
Dodson, "The Tombs of
the
Queens," p. 135; Jequier, "Rapport
1930-1931,"
p . 3 3;
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p.
38, PI. 32.
Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p . 35; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 3 8, PL 38.
758
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 3 8, PL 38.
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collapsed due to the w eakness of the stone in these areas. Thus, Jequier was unable to
enter them and could not add their galleries to the plan, though he did note that they both
extended to the south.
None of the three shafts had any sign of
a
superstructure.
75
How ever, there were
sinusoidal walls around at least two an d, probab ly originally, all three of them. The
second shaft had a wavy wall, the sides of which were located to the west and north of
the structure.
76 0
This wall also likely continued around the first shaft but may not have
been preserved well enough to detect. The third shaft was surround ed on three sides
(north, east, and south) by sinusoidal walls and by the outer enclosure wall to the west.
The majority of the lines of these walls were preserved.
Interestingly, in the debris to the south of the pyramid, Jequier found a fragment
of an alabaster canopic jar with the name of a queen "Seneb..." inscribed upon it.
Unfortunately, very little of the inscription is preserved, and, since there are no animate
hieroglyphs, it is impossible to determine if it contained any mutilated ones, as might be
expected. These hieroglyph variations occur on objects, which were close to the mumm y
within burials at this time.
76 2
It is also unclear as to exactly where the quee n, associated
with the fragment, was buried. Since the subsidiary pyramid seems to have had two
unused sarcophagi, it is likely that the queen was buried in one of the galleries, which
Jequier was unable to enter. No nethele ss, there is still a chance that the fragments came
from the subsidiary pyramid.
763
759
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 39, PI. 38.
760
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah.
Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p . 35, n. 65; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 28, Fig. 21.
762
Fischer, Archaeological Aspects, p . 32; "Hieroglyphen," p. 1195.
763
Janosi, Die Pyramidenanlagen, p. 70; Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 80.
187
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III.E. Court Cem eteries
In a recent survey of the Sakkara region conducted by Alexanian, Schiestl, and
Seidlmayer, pits to the north and south of the pyramid of Khendjer were noted.
76 4
It is
likely that these tombs are connected to Khendjer in some way, possibly being the burial
locations of
the
mem bers of his court. The southern group extend s south to the
"Unfinished" Pyramid and may also be associated with this monum ent. To the north of
the funerary complex of Khendjer, there were many small sand-filled pits and several
large ones (SAK S4/2, 4, and 5; 35 m in diameter) with fragments of granite, quartzite
and limestone in the debris surrounding them . Me anwh ile to the south, SAK 5/1 and 5/2
were 6.8 by 7.6 m and 16 by 12 m respectively. The former had limestone ch ips,
quartzite, and granite while the latter was surrounded by pottery dating to Dynasty XIII.
The surveyors believe that these tombs were likely mastabas, at least some of which had
been encased in limestone.
Since the funerary complex of Khendjer can be dated to a specific king , it could
be quite important in establishing the chronology of some of the other Late Middle
Kingdom monum ents especially through the use of ceramics. Schiestl notes that the
surface pottery may be mixed from the time of the establishment of the complex until the
abandonment of the cult, making it impossible to establish a specific ceramic corpus for
his reign. Als o, it should be recognized that Je qu ier's work at the site likely d estroyed
the context of any stratified material, if it existed beyond ancient times.
76 5
Thus, the
examination of some of the court tombs could be enlightening even though they too are
764
R. Schiestl, "Neues zur Residenznekropole der 13. Dynastie: Survey in Dahschur-Nord/Sakkara-Stid
und Dahschur-Sud,"
SOKAR
13 (2006), p. 48.
765
N. Alexanian, et a l, "The Necropolis of Dahshur E xcavations Report Spring 2006,"
ASAE
(forthcoming); Schiestl, "N eues zur Residenznekropole," p. 48.
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likely heavily disturbed.
III.F.
The Owner of the Royal Tomb : Woserkare Khendjer
Th e
Tu rin King-List
nam es Woserkare Khendjer in (Ryh olt's) section 7.20 with
both his prenomen and nomen in a single cartouche (the latter name is misspelled).
766
The regnal length is not preserved in this document but is likely to be around five years
as this date is recorded in the pyramid complex of this king, who was either the 17
th
or
22
nd
ruler of Dynasty XIII, depending upon the chronology used (see Appendix I).
Since the discovery of the pyramid complex of Khendjer at Sakkara, there has
been some debate over the origin of this king's nomen . With the complexity of the
period, many scholars have concluded that "Khendjer" is of foreign origin,
7 7
indicating
that this king was not of Egyptian ancestry. For example, Ward points to Ugaritic and
Canaanite parallels to the name and reveals that this name m eans "sw ine" in Semitic
tongues {hnzr). How ever, others have argued that the king was native to Egypt.
Khendjer is one of the few kings, to whose reign a specific vizier can be placed.
Ankhu served in this position during the tenure of this ruler and possibly that of the king
before or after.
770
Unfo rtunately, there appear to have been several viziers by this same
name; debate exists concerning who did what. The name of the queen of Khendjer is
66
Titulary- Horus:/"...]-
c
nh , Nebty: wih-mswt, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:
wsr~kJ-r
c
,
~Novaeit\:h-n-d-rox h -
d-r. See Schneider, Lexikon der Pharaonen, pp . 99-100; Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 34 2; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen, pp. 238-239.
767
Note that this name was incorrectly copied in the Turin King-list as n(y)-dr-r
e
probably due to the
author confusing it with the prenomen,
ny-m3
c
t-r
c
,
of Amenemhet III (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 17,
74).
768
W.A. Ward, "Comparative Studies in Egyptian and Ugaritic," JNES 20 (1961), pp. 34-35. See the
further evidence in Ryholt, Political Situation, p p.
220-221.
769
Stock, 13. bis 17. Dynastie Ag yptens, p. 50.
770
Ankhu appears in Papyrus Bulaq 18/s (small), 18 L (large), and 18/1 as well as in Papyrus Brooklyn
35.1446 B and C. Franke, Personendaten, p . 254, Doss. 398; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 193-194.
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likely to have been Senebhenas I, possibly indicated through the inscription in the
canopic ja r fragment from the funerary comp lex.
771
The complexity of the pyramid establishment of Khendjer would suggest that this
king was relatively powerful for his time. His reign is important for discovering
information concerning the relationship between the office of vizier and the crown itself.
III.G. Later Activity at the Pyram id
Interestingly, Jequier's excavations also revealed the presence of lower class
burials, dating to Dynasty XVIII, in the north and east of the enclosure of the pyramid of
Khendjer at South Sakkara.
772
These simple, non-mum mified interments occurred
beneath the stone of the foundation of the encasement of the pyramid, under the inner
enclosure wall, or within a mound of debris. Objects found in this cemetery included
pottery, amulets, stone vessels, a seal with the name of Thutmosis III (Dynasty XVIII and
in commemorative/decorative seals thereafter), a faience kohl jar with the names of
Am enhotep and Tiye (Dynasty XVIII) as well as blue painted ware ceramics. With the
end of Dynasty X VIII/beginning D ynasty XIX , there were no more tombs until after the
end of the Pharaonic Period.
77
Graffiti from a block in the funerary temple ind icates that at least a part of this
structure was standing in the New K ingdo m. The text from one of these examples refers
to the quarrying of the stone from the structure in year 34 of the reign of an unnamed
771
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 39, 40, 221.
772
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 43-4 8, Figs. 33-39.
773
Jequier, "Rapport 1928-1929," pp. 160-161; "Rapport 1929-1930," p. Ill; "Rapport 1930-1931," p. 36;
Fouilles a Saqqarah, p p.
49-53.
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king.
77 4
Since the text is constructed using full Late Egyp tian gramm ar and the reign of
this king is so long, it has been proposed that the inscription dates to Ramses II .
775
In the publication of the excavation of the pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara,
Jequier noted the presence of additional graffiti including geometrical shapes and boats of
unkno wn period. He also records an early Arabic inscription from within the tom b, •
which M.G. Wiet translated as, "Ask this tomb who destroyed it after its glory "
77
Since there is evidence of the activity of the peop le of Dy nasty XV III at the
pyramid complex of Khendjer, one can be certain that the original pillaging of the tomb
took place no later than the early part of this period. Jequier believed that the first
Til • T1SK
robbing of the tomb occurred during the Hyksos Period, "without doubt", but he
fails to explain any evidence supp orting this claim. Data suppo rting the time of robbing
or destruction of the Dynasty XIII tombs would be very useful and will be discussed later
in this thesis.
IV. The "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (Lepsius X LVI)
Approximately 80 m to the southwest of the pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer at
South Sakkara, there is another mortuary complex, dating to the Late Middle
Kingdom.
77 9
Lepsiu s was the first mod ern explorer to identify this mo num ent as a
774
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 13-15, 43, n. 15, Fig. 12. Note that the tens place in the hieratic of the
year is difficult to read with absolute certainty.
775 i
776
i
775
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 229; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 15.
' My translation of "Demande a cette fosse qui l'a detruite apres sa gloire" (Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 35).
777
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 34-35, 43.
778
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 43.
779
Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra A bu el Naga," p. 29; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 55, PI. 51. For
summaries of the findings, see Holzl, "Saqqara," p. 712; Lehner,
Pyramids,
p . 187; Porter and Moss,
Topographical Bibliography III
(2), p. 435.
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pyramid.
78 0
He seems to have entered the tomb, but his description and measurements
are inaccurate.
78 1
In roughly 1893, de Morgan also entered the tomb as he sketched the
general outline of its interior. Finally, Jequier excavated this incom plete pyram id in
two months during 1929-1931. Similar to other monuments of the time period, the ruins
included an area of compact brick material and debris mounds surrounding a sandy
crater.
IV. A. The Su perstructure
The superstructure of the "Unfinished" Pyramid had only been started; this
monum ent probably never reached a state of completion.
783
The pyramid itself was to
have been 91 m on each side.
78 4
The center of the monument was constructed using
bricks made of mud with straw and other organic inclusions.
78 5
Most of the twelve
remaining courses of bricks were placed with the use of mortar but did not alternate
betwee n headers and stretchers. The bricks ranged from 40 to 44 cms in length, 21 to 23
cms in width, and 12 to 13 cms in height.
78 6
In modern times, the mound representing the
7X7
pyramid stands to a height of about 3 m.
Around the area of bricks, there was a trench, 5.5 m wide and 1.8 m deep, cut in
Lepsius,
Denkmdler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien I. Text,
(1897), p. 202 , PI. 234.
781
Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 67.
782
de Morgan,
Carte,
p. 6; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 67.
783
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 232; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," pp. 107-111; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp.
55-56,
Pls.13,
15. Note that Fakhry suggests that further excavations might lead to the discovery of
pyramid and valley temples (Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p. 230).
784
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p.
41;
"From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29;
After the Pyramids,
p .
11;
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
PI. 2. Fakhry lists the length of
the
sides as being around 95 m (Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p. 230).
785
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 60.
786
Spencer,
Brick Architecture,
p. 39.
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 230.
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order to receive the foundation of the encasem ent stones. Some of the pavem ent
stones of this trench remained in place, being about a cubit in height and connected with
the use of stone butterfly ties. Interestingly, the four outer corners of the pavemen t we re
reinforced with brick masonry,
78 9
a technique that will be met again in other monum ents
including the substructure of S9 at South Aby dos in a later chapter. The enc asemen t
stones themselves seem never to have been laid as Jequier notes that he did not find any
slabs of the correct shape for this purpose.
790
In two of the four corners, where the preservation was minimal, Jequier
discovered foundation deposits.
79 1
At each corner there were two, brick lined holes
containing a variety of objects. From the northwest corner, items included two cone-
shaped vessels, a lid, the body of a large jarstand, two smaller stands, and a group of
miniature metal tools as well as a section of a bovine skull. The foundation deposit
discovered in the southwestern corner contained two conical vessels and two jarstands.
The enclosure wall, measuring 123.5 m on each side, was of the sinusoidal form
and was preserved to a height of
2
m at some points (Fig. 3.9.A.). The wall had a i m
deep foundation trench, unusual since most sinusoidal walls were simply built on the
surface, and was 0.65 m in width. Jequier notes that the bricks we re made of fine silt
with straw inclusions and were sm aller than those used in the pyramid, m easuring 34 by
17 by 8 cms and 36 by 18 by 8 cms. Mud m ortar was used in the areas between bricks in
order to make the surface of the wall smo oth. Despite the fact that Jequier notes that
788
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 60-61, PI. 13, .
789
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p .
61,
Fig. 43.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 61.
791
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 230; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p.
107; Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 62, Figs. 44-
45 ; W einstein, "Foundation D eposits," p. 86.
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there were no traces of color on the walls, a photograph in his monograph, appears to
show that they were whitewashed.
79 2
Like in the complex of W oserkare Khendjer, the
area between the enclosure wall and the encasement stones of the pyramid is at a higher
level, forming a kind of terrace.
7
Figure 3.9. The pyramid of unknown ownership at South Sakkara.
After Jequier, 1986, PL 13.
No indication of
a
causeway leading from the pyramid to the Nile Valley
7
Jequier ,
Fouilles a Saqqarah.
79 3
Jequier , Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 57, PI. 13.
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survive s. How ever, there were structures preserved for the mov emen t of supplies and
construction m aterials. There was also a ramp leading to the northeast from the entrance
to the tomb, which would have served as a road for construction materials, was located
along the northern enclosure wall at the western end.
795
Here, a brick surface, mea suring
5 m in width; ran across the sinusoidal wall. The purpose of this feature is unknown,
though it may have been used to transport the giant lower section of the sarcophagus
base.
796
A more certain doorway in the sinusoidal wall was located in the center of the
western section (Fig. 3.9.B).
79 7
He re, the curves on either side of an opening ended in
more solid rectangu lar doorjambs. This doorway seem s to have been cut through the
wall rather than being planned from the begin ning . Also, the bricks used for the
doorjambs were the same size as those of the pyramid (see below) rather than being the
smaller dimensions (see above) of those of the sinusoidal walls.
The entrance to the tomb, which was located in the center of the eastern side of
the monum ent, had been destroyed, but the outline of bricks was preserved (Fig.
3.8.D).
798
He re, there was flat area, measu ring about 5 m on each side. Since this space
was approximately 5 m down from the terrace surrounding it, the ramp mentioned before,
extended d own ward in order to bring sup plies to the correct level. Also , there was a
ramped staircase made of brick to the north of the entrance, presumably for people not
9
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 56, PI. 13.
795
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqa rah, pp . 57-58, PI. 13.
796
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 58.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 56.
79 8
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp . 55, 57, PI. 13.
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carrying heavy or bulky supplies.
Above the entrance to the tomb, there were two pyramidions of black granite.
800
The pyramidions had been placed across the pavement stones deliberately as they sat
safely upon a debris layer of 10 cms. One of these objects was fully formed, wh ile the
other, which would have been the same size if completed, was truncated at the top. Both
of these pyramidions were similar to that of Woserkare Khendjer in size, production and
material, except that these were not inscribed and had beveled tenons like that of
Amenem het III at Dahshur.
80 1
The incomp lete capstone had red lines on one side,
indicating to the sculptor how it was to be cut. It is likely that work stopped o n this
pyramid at some point, and the stones were placed at the entrance then.
It is unclear why two pyramidions w ere needed for the "Unfinished" Pyramid at
South Sakkara. Some scholars have proposed that one of these capstones was to be used
for a qu een's pyramid, which had never been started.
80 2
Mean while, Verner questioned
whether one of these pyramidions was meant to serve as a votive object.
803
Interestingly,
a miniature pyramidion w as found at the Amenem het III complex at Hawara.
80 4
IF this
one actually w as for votive purposes. Then perhaps V erner's idea may have credence.
Scholars have also suggested that the truncated pyramidion may have been intended to be
topped w ith a precious metal and, thus, would have been the primary capstone for the
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 58, PL 13.
800
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 58-59, Pis. 13, 16-17, 19; "Rapport 1929-1930," pp. 109, PI. 103.
Cairo J54855 and J54856.
801
Arnold,
Building,
p . 127, Fig. 4.39.
802
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 230; Lehner,
Pyramids,
p . 187; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p . 81.
803
Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 441.
804
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 35, PL 27, bottom left; Uphill,
Gateway,
pp. 31-32, 44. Note that Uphill
believed that this small object may have served as the pyramidion of
a
small queen's pyramid.
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monum ent. It is also possible that one or both of these stones may have been intended
to top other "Unfinished" P yramids in the area.
806
Several other features, not detailed here, appear in-Jequ ier's plan. In the south,
near the southeastern corner, there is a small portion of a ramped staircase.
80 8
Also,
there is a strange, thin brick structure leadin g from«the enclosure wall toward the
southeast, paralleling that found near the entrance of Kh endje r's pyram id. Ano ther
feature, which appears in the foreground of Jequier's Plate 14, seems to be an eroded
column base, which sits upon the foundation blocks of the pyram id's encasement.
Clearly, this object is not in its original context and may not even be from this complex.
Jequier stated that he was unable to find any temples associated with this monument.
810
How ever, in his plan, a depression in the center of the northern encasement trench may
indicate the planned location of a north chapel.
IV.B.
The Com ponents of the Substructure
The substructure of the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara is one of the best-
preserved monum ents of the Late M iddle Kingdom corpus, as well as being the most
complex.
81 1
The entrance to the tomb is located in the center of the eastern face of the
pyram id in a stone platform (Fig. 3.9.D). Originally , the entrance itself wa s meant to be
805
Fakhry, Pyramids, p . 229; M. Vemer, "Pyramid," in D.B. Redford, ed., The O xford Encyclopedia of
Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001 ), p. 4 41 .
806
L. Habachi, "Khanta'na-Qantir: Importance," ASAE 52 (1954), p. 477.
807
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
PI. 13.
808
Spencer records the bricks of this structure as measuring 34 by 17 by 8 cms and 36 by 18,by 8 cms
(Spencer, Brick Architecture, p . 39).
809
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, PI. 2.
810
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 57, PL 14.
811
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 4 1; Dodson,
After the Pyramids,
p . 11; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930,"
PI.
1;
Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 63, Pis. 13, 17.
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concealed as limestone pavement stones covered it, blending it into the surface of the
platform.
Within the entrance, there is a gentle slope, leading to a ramped staircase.
81 2
In
this area, there are also grooves, into which workers could slide wooden boards to help
them transport large objects, such as a coffin, to the ramp below . Once past the opening ,
this area was just tall enough for a man and wide enoug h for a coffin. In general, from
this point forward, the substructure of the tomb was mad e with Tu ra limestone, which
was som etimes painted to resemble granite.
813
The ramped staircase, which led to the west, was about 16.5 m long and 0.8 m
wide and included forty-four steps (Fig. 3.9.E).
814
At the base of the stairs there was a
flat area, measuring approximately 3.5 m in length with a portcullis chamber at the end
(Fig. 3.9.F). The structure of the quartzite, blocking stone and the mechanics used to
position it were identical to those of the pyramid of W oserkare Khendjer. The stone,
measuring 3.4 by 2 m, was housed in a niche to the north of the line of the stairway and
corridor. This portcullis sat upon a stone at the edge of
a
quartzite ramp, which led to a
recess in the opposite wall. Once the stone was remov ed, the portcullis wou ld slide into
position, blocking the entrance to the next passage located above the level of the
cham ber. Ho wev er, this particular portcullis stone remained open .
A short passage, measuring 2 m in length and 0.8 m in width, was located behind
the portcullis and ended in a room, with the dim ensions, 3.6 by 2 m.
815
This room was
provided so that the coffin and other long objects might be turned 90 degrees. Starting at
812
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 6 3, Pis. 17, 19.
813
Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 187.
814
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 63, Pis. 17, 19.
815
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 63-64, PI. 17.
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this point, Jequier noticed some black dashes located in rows about 0.1 m from one
another (inconsistently drawn).
81 6
Though he and others thought that these marks may
have been some kind of decoration,
81 7
Di. Arnold later explained that these lines are the
remains of the system used to dress the stone, whereby consistently deep holes were cut
into the blocks, using a grid system (set with the aid of a cubit rod and a plumb b ob ).
8 18
'
After the holes were in place, a chisel was used to cut the stone back a standard distance
until the entire wall was even.
From the turning chamber, a corridor, measuring 12 m long by 0.8 m w ide, sloped
gently dow nward toward the south, ending in a second turning chamber (3.7 by 2 m).
From here, a ramped staircase with four steps descended to the west ending in another
passage way (the latter being 9.5 by 0.8 m; Fig. 3.9.G). The corridor led to a larger room,
measuring D 6 by 2.2 m.
82 0
This room had two doorways; one of these openings ended in
a large storage gallery, measu ring 15.1 by 1.8 m (Fig. 3.9.H). Presum ably, this room was
meant to contain furniture and goods for the king 's afterlife.
The second doorway from the previous room led to a corridor with a shape similar
to that of the gallery described above (Fig. 3.9.1).
821
How ever, this chamber was divided
into two wider areas with a corridor in between. In the first section, there was a ramped
staircase leading down to another level. From the base of the stairs, there was a short,
narrow corridor that terminated in a larger area, the end of which could have been used
816
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 64, PI. 20. Jequier notes that these sm all lines were found only on the
porculli in the tomb of Userkare Khendjer while they are found on the walls and portcullises of this
chamber.
817
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 232; Verner, "Pyramid," p. 440.
818
Di. Arnold,
Building,
pp. 139-140;
Encyclopedia,
p . 59.
819
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 64, Pis. 17, 18.
820
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 64, PI. 17.
821
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 64 , Pis. 17, 18.
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for additional storage. Prior to this extra space, there was a small, four-step, ramped
staircase leading to the west.
From the stairs, a corridor continued to the west for 2 m, ending in a second
portcullis chamber (Fig. 3.9.J).
22
Here, the quartzite blocking stone, measuring around
3.3 by 2 m, was closed. Jequier was fortunate in finding a robb ers' tunn el carved into the
limestone, around the hard quartzite portcullis. Otherwise, there would have been n o way
past this obstacle.
A second corridor continued westerly at a higher level behind the blocking stone
for a short distance of 2 m before encountering another portcullis chamber (Fig. 3.9.K).
This third quartzite block was approximately 3.3 by 2 m and remained in its open
position. From this point, a long corridor extended northw ard, at a higher level, toward
the main sarcophagus chamber.
Approximately, the first 2.8 m of this next passageway sloped gently
downward.
4
It flattened at the point where an antechamb er was found. How ever, the
northern and southern sides of this room w ere at a level below that of the corridor. Thu s,
to the south, there was a short, rampe d staircase leading downw ard. The corridor in the
middle of the antechamber continued to the west where the sarcophagus chamber w as
located.
Like the structure of the tomb
itself,
the sarcophagus chamber of the "Unfinished"
Pyramid at South Sakkara is far more complex than those of the other Late Middle
K i n g d o m r o y a l m o r t u a r y m o n u m e n t s ( F i g . 3 . 9 . L ) . J e q u i e r e s t i m a t e d t h a t t h e m o n o l i t h i c
822
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 64, Pis. 17, 18.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 64, PL 17.
82
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 64, PI. 17.
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base of the quartzite sarcophagus alone weighs over 150 tons, measuring approximately
6.2 by 2.8 m in length and width and 4.2 m in height.
82 5
Un usually, the coffin w as placed
crossways in the sarcophagus so that it would be in the normal north/south orientation
within the east/west con tainer. Instead of lying at the foot of the coffin within the
sarcophagus, the canopic niche sat at the southern end of its eastern side.
The sarcophagus was so large that it took three sizable quartzite blocks to cover
it.
82 6
The two northernmost blocks of the lid were set into place as the substructure w as
built and were encased further by limestone suppo rts. The third block was mo unted
above the sarcophagus to allow it to be filled and was to close using the sand lowering
system. As one would expect, there was a saddle roof here, compo sed of large limestone
slabs. Above the junction of these blocks, there was the expected layer of m udbricks
followed by a mu dbrick arch with sand and debris above. The walls to the sides of the
mobile sarcophagus lid were made of granite.
The sand lowering system w as similar to that of Woserkare K hendjer's tomb, but
there were some differences. Like in Kh endje r's tomb , there were two small corridors
on either side of the sarcophagu s. In the second pyramid at South Sakkara, they extend ed
from ben eath the floor of each end of the antechamb er. M eanw hile, the lid was
suspended above the sarcophagus with the aid of four limestone supports at each corner
as well as two, longer quartzite blocks, which sat on a pile of sand. When the tomb was
to be sealed, workers would have kn ocked out the limestone blocks, leaving the
825
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 64, Pis. 17, 18.
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p . 231; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 64-65, Pis. 17, 18; Verner,
Great
Monuments,
p. 441.
827
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 64-65, Pis. 17,
18.
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sarcophagus on the movable quartzite blocks alone. At this point, workers could be sent
into the corridors to remove the smaller stones blocking the sand, allowing them to pour
into the chambers, resulting in the gradual descent of the heavy lid.
The reason why limestone supports were used along with the standard m oveable
quartzite ones is uncertain . It is possible that the ancient architects were co ncerned w ith
the weight of the stone. Also, this mechanism m ay have been added to prevent an
accidental lowering of at least part of the sarcophagus lid prior to the burial.
When Jequier recorded this tomb, he discussed the fact that the sand lowering
system had been released without the removal of the limestone supports. Thus, the lid
remained op en, and the lowering mechan isms were unusable from that point forward. It
is unclear when this unfortunate event occurred and whether it was the result of careless
construction workers, robbers, or some other group. Jequier believed that no king was
ever laid to rest within this tomb, based upon his assumption that a tomb w as used if the
sarcophagus was sealed, regardless of the status of the portcullis stones.
828
The "U nfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara is unique because it has an additional
sarcophagus, within the substructure of the tomb (Fig. 3.9.M).
82 9
Suggestions for the
purpose of this structure include the possibility that it is a dummy tomb, meant to distract
potential robbers, a ka chamber, or the area for the burial of a queen or some other royal
person.
3
It must be remembered that the Dynasty XII pyramids of Am enemhet III at
Dahshur and Hawara included secondary burials within the substructure of the
828
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 64-65. Dodson believes that the tomb was abandoned due to a coup or
some other significant event (Dodson, After the Pyramids, p. 12).
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 65, Pis. 17, 18; Lehner, Pyramids, p. 187.
830
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 41 ; The Canopic Equipment, p . 35; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el
Naga," pp. 29, 39, n.
17;
After the Pyramids, p . 12; Lehner, Pyramids, p. 187.
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pyramids. How ever, the structures of both sarcophagus chambers in this monum ent
take forms exclusively associated, as far as is currently known, with the burials of kings.
Nonetheless, it is interesting that the spatial relationships between the two sarcophagi of
the "Unfinished" Pyramid and that of the tomb of Khendjer within the pyramid the
subsidiary pyramid are similar (the secondary burial(s) is/are to the northeast of the
primary one).
The secondary tomb in the southern pyramid is located to the northeast of the
antechamber and is entered by using a ramped staircase at the end of the room and
passing through a corridor, measuring about 4.4 m in length. At the end of this
passageway, there is a granite sarcophagus chamber with a limestone, saddle roof.
The upper extent of the base of the quartzite sarcophagus was at the floor level of the
precedin g corridor. A separate canop ic niche was located in the wall to the east of the
southern end of the sarcophagus.
To the north of the sarcophagus chamber, there w as another room, which h eld the
quartzite lid until after a coffin had been placed in its final position. At this point, the
lid would have been positioned over the southern end the sarcophagus against the edge of
the floor of the previous passag e. The position of the lid would also block access to the
canopic equipment in the wall (ca. 0.6 m on each side), though the top of this box w ould
have been visible in its niche. Next, the back room w ould have been empty and could
have received funerary good s. Then , a granite portcullis would have been moved from its
position in the west, sliding along the northern end of the sarcophagus lid, preventing the
Lehner, Pyramids, pp. 179-183. See also, Chapter 3, Section II.B.
832
Fakhry, Pyramids, p . 232; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 109; Fouilles a S aqqarah, p. 65, Pis. 17, 18.
8
Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p . 36; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 65, Pis. 17, 18.
203
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removal of the large stone.
In actuality, the lid remained in the room to the north, and it appears that the
sarcophagus had never been used.
834
How ever, as with almost every monument of this
period, there is some ev idence, to support its use. One of the sides of the quartzite lid of
this second burial chamber had been chipped as if
a
chisel had been utilized to gain
access to the tomb. Jequier thought that it was unlikely that robbers would have taken the
time to place the sarcophagus lid back into its original place.
83 5
Also, in this case, one
would have to assume that the granite portcullis had not been used, leaving the burial
vulne rable. Perhap s, a burial in this chamb er would explain the closing of the second
portcullis stone within the pyramid.
IV.C.
Subsidiary Burials
In the area near the eastern section of the southern side of the enclosure wall, the
excavators found a single tomb shaft, measu ring 3.3 by 2.1 m (Fig. 3.9.C). The tomb was
lined with limestone blocks, and the sarcophagus chamber had a saddle roof of the same
material. The sarcophag us was located in the floor, but there was no evidence that
anyone had ever been buried there.
IV.D.
Court Cemetery
To the west of the "Unfinished" P yramid (300 m ), there is a wadi running
northeast to southwest (SAK S 8) that appears to contain mastaba tom bs, which may
Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 109;
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 65.
835
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 65, n. 62.
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belong to the cou rt officials of the owner of this pyramid or that of Khendjer slightly
further north.
83 6
Many of these tombs are now sandy pits measuring roughly 7-12 m in
diameter with de bris fields of up to 25 m. Ne ar one pit, there was a large, quartzite
sarcophagus. Meanw hile, a railroad trench revealed the walls of
a
brick m astaba which
measures 10.4 by 16.8 m with a vertical shaft of more than 10 m in depth.
IV.E.
The O wner of the P yramid
Jequier believed that the second pyramid of South Sakkara belonged to either
Khutawyre W egaf or Semenkhkare Im yremeshaw, the predecessor or successor of
Wo serkare Khendjer.
837
According to Ry holt's chronology, Khutawyre Wegaf is the
predece ssor of Woserkare Khendjer. Unfortuna tely, howev er, the control notes found in
this tomb date from years 3 to 5,
838
but this king 's reign is only 2.25 years.
83 9
Thus, if
these notes are contemporary w ith the construction of the tomb, it is necessary to look to
one of the kings with a reign of
this
length in order to find a possible owner.
Ryholt proposes that this tomb belongs to one of Khen djer's successors.
84 0
He
suggested that it could be Sem enkhkare Imyremeshaw or Sehotepkare Intef, with a 3-5
year reign, based upon his theory that.
Papyrus Bulaq 18, a
text recording the accounts for
a royal sojourn to the Theban region, belongs to one of them. He also points to a mark,
found on stone used in the complex that has hieroglyphs spelling "W oserkhau".
841
836
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006"; Schiestl, "Neues zur
Residenznekropole," p. 49.
837
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 68.
838
F. Arnold, Control Notes, pp. 181-183, KH12 1-128; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 63, Figs. 46-47.
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 197, Table 136.
840
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 194, 244.
841
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 63, Fig. 47; Ryholt, Political Situation, p p.
80-81,
n. 245.
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Ryholt believes that this crudely, painted inscription is the Nebty name of a king.
Unfortunately, no ruler can be matched with this potential Nebty name due to the fact that
this part of the royal titulary remains unknown for the bulk of the Dynasty XIII rulers.
Non etheless, the Nebty name pattern
X-p
c
wis
characteristic of the period.
Ryholt acknowledges that the use of this name to identify the stone as being for
the "Unfinished" Pyramid project is strange, though he justifies its use due to the
presence of this part of the titulary on the pyramidion of Khendjer.
842
How ever, in this
later object, the Nebty name is not used exclusively and, in fact, appears only once (as
does the Horus name, which is not preserved) while the nomen and prenomen are more
prolific.
84 3
Thus, though the mark at Sakkara could be the Nebty name of the unknow n
king, there may be other explanations, such as an elaborate team mark or other
designation, especially since it is not preceded by the two goddesses, Nekhbet and
Wadjet, w ho normally introduce this titular compon ent. If, how ever, the mark is truly the
Nebty name of the owner of the tomb, then Khutawyre Wegaf m ust be eliminated from
the list of possible rulers, who bu ilt the monument, since his "Two Lad ies" name is
Khabaw CM/w) .
8 4 4
.. -
A few officials are listed in the control notes inc luding, the retainers Nebai (nbii),
lm
(im),
and Seneb-nakht
(snb-nht)
and hall keeper of the enclosure Seneb (snb) as well
as those without titles such as Ameny {jinny) and He ri.. .-nakht (ph... -nht).
Unfortunately, all of these men held relatively minor positions, and, as of now, there are
842
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p p.
80-81,
n. 245 ; 194; Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p . 22, Fig. 18.
843
The presence of
the
Horus name is indicated by a small section of the lower right corner of
a
serekh and
the top of the head and crown of the falcon, which sits above it. See Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
Fig. 17.
844
Note that there are other kings, who have known Nebty names. See Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p .
81 ,
n .
245.
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no inscriptions that tie them to a specific king.
The architectural features of the tom b itself may also provide clues as to its -
owner. The two sarcophagus chambers, as well as the pair of capstones, could belong to
the brother kings Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV, especially since the latter emphasized
his relationship to the former. Both of these kings had relatively long reigns and w ith
their prosperity, visible through m onum ents, it could suggest that they would have been
able to construct significant funerary m onu me nts. How ever, the dual burial chambers are
of two different types (see below ), and a single king may hav e wished to have both styles
in his tomb since it is possible that they are linked to different aspects of royal funerary
religion at this time.
IV.F. Later Activity at the Pyramid
By the New Kingdom, the second pyramid at South Sakkara probably no longer
held religious importance, and there are tombs of this date in the northern areas of the
pyramid.
84 5
How ever, unlike in the complex of Woserkare Khendjer, these burials are
rare. Nevertheless, there was a more extensive New K ingdom cem etery with small
tombs to the west of the site (S AK S
6).
846
No clear signs exist as to who may have first entered the tomb, or who dug the
tunnel around the second portcullis. If Jeq uier 's hypothesis is correct that it was tomb
robb ers, who triggered the sand lowering system, then they were unfamiliar with the
other Late Middle Kingdom tombs and were probably not a part of any sort of large-scale
1
Jequier,
Fouilles a Sa qqarah,
p. 68.
846
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Repo rt Spring 2006."
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 65.
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destruction of these monum ents. How ever, this set of uninformed robbers could have
entered the tomb long after the original ones. Nonetheless, since no one seems to have
been buried w ithin this monument, the identity of any visitors with unseemly motives is
not of the utmost importance.
In the main burial chamber of the tomb, there were several early Arabic
inscriptions, showing that the people of that time were able to get through the blocked
portcullis, though other intruders may have succeeded previously.
84 9
One of these texts
refers to religious themes, while the other speaks of specific sects within the Islamic
movement.
V. The Pyramid of Ameny Qemau (DAS 18)
The funerary monument of Ameny Qemau, located 1.5 km south of the pyramid
complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur, was first excavated in 1957 by Muses of the
Falcon Wing Press in Denver, who was shortly thereafter convicted of crimes such as
antiquities theft and currency smuggling, some of which were later overturned.
85 0
No
proper publication of this expedition appeared, but the identity of the owner, a previously
unknown king named Ameny Qemau (incorrectly read as Aamu
85 1
), was revealed
through the inscriptions on calcite canopic jars . Some of these antiquities were allegedly
848
See Chapter 5, Section VI below .
849
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 66-67 , Figs. 48-49.
850
Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 27; "The Strange Affair of Dr Muses, Or the Discovery
of the Pyramid of Ameny-Q emau,"
K MT 8
(1997), pp. 60-63;
After the Pyramids,
p. 8; J. Leclant, "Fouilles
et travaeux en E gypte, 1955-1957,"
Orientalia
27 (19 58), pp. 81-82; Maragioglio and R inaldi, "Note," p.
326; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ame ny-Qema u," pp. 319-320. For an additional summary of the
monument, see Lehner,
Pyramids,
p . 185.
851
Dodson, "From Dahshur to D ra Abu el Naga," p. 39 , n. 38; "Strange Affair."; S. Gabra,
Chez les
Derniers Adorateurs du Trismegiste. La Necropole d'Hermopolis - Touna el Gebel
(Cairo, 1971), pp. 203-
207;
Maragioglio and R inaldi, "Note," p. 325; Porter and M oss,
Topographical Bibliography HI (2),
p. 890;
Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 129; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qem au," p. 319, n. 312.
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found in M uses ' possession, as he attempted to depart Egypt with them. The pyramid of
Ameny Qemau was revisited by the Italian architects, Maragioglio and Rinaldi, twice in
an attempt to record Muses' findings, they produced a short article published
approximately eleven years after the original excavation of the structure.
IV.A. The Elements of the Superstructure
The construction of the superstructure of the pyramid began with the clearing of
the sand from the natural limestone below.
85 3
Once the tomb builders reached bedrock,
they began to cut three level trenches on the north, south, and west, while they leveled an
area in the east, creating a square, uneven mass of limestone in the center (Fig. 3.10. A).
The trench measured 57.55-57.65 m on the exterior of the western side and ranged from
44.2 m to 45.3 m in length on the interior sides, making them from 5.85 m to 6.5 m in
width. The natural slope of the land made the construction of an eastern trench
unnecessary. Here, leveling, along with the measurement of the trenches led M aragioglio
and Rinaldi to suggest that the pyramid was intended to m easure 100 cubits with 52.4 m
being its actual length. The exterior line of each trench was reinforced with a hasty
construction of bricks and limestone.
85 4
The Italian architects have also suggested that a
hypothetical sinusoidal wall may have b een intended in the outer part of the trench within
meters of the encasement stones. How ever, this plan is unlikely , and the trenches are
within the normal widths for Late Middle K ingdom p yramids, suggesting that the
852
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 325-338. See also Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga,"
p.
27.
853
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 327-328, Pis. 353-356, Figs. 325-312; Swelim and Dodson,
"Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp .
320-321.
854
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 328; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p. 321 .
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monument was to be slightly larger or that a foundation pavement would have extended
beyon d its line. Interestingly, the monum ent was constructed upon a natural limestone
plateau, possibly in order to make it seem taller than it actually was.
855
8
oep
3
o o f t
I
c.
4
U
"» i>V"
J
B.
•
*
rE=i':
Figure 3.10.
The pyramid of Ameny Qemau. After Maragioglio, 1968, PI. 51 .
Bricks from the superstructure, built upon the rock in the center, were still
preserved at the time of recording . No nethe less, there was a great deal of evidence that
suggested that the bulk of the superstructure remained incomplete after the burial of the
king, and it is possible that the casing had never been laid.
856
In fact, M aragioglio and
Rinaldi suggest that the structure may have been finished as a short mastaba rather than a
pyramid. How ever, even the funerary mo num ent of Khendjer wh ich has a pyramidion ,
855
Schiestl, "Neues zur Residenznekropo le," p. 52.
856
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 328, 329; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Am eny-Qemau," p .
323.
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was in a similar state in modern tim es, indicating that these sites suffered much
destruction and that they appeared in poor condition even in antiquity.
Maragioglio and Rinaldi have proposed that the pyramid of Ameny Qemau may
have been designed to have an enclosure wall, a causeway and a subsidiary p yramid,
because such features are found at some of the monuments at South Sakkara and
Mazghuna.
85 7
M ore significantly, they pointed to archaeological evide nce for other
features. M udbrick w alls and debris to the east of the structure have been interpreted as
being the remains of a mortuary temple (Fig. 3.10.B).
858
It is also possible that there is a
foundation for a small, north chapel within the relevant trench (Fig. 3.10.C).
85 9
The
outer side of the northern trench for the encasement of the pyramid turns toward the
north, extending out an additional 3 m, making the trench 9.6 m wide in the area in the
center of the northern side for an extent of at least 8 m. Unfortunately, the northern wall
is not preserved from this point until a section 11.5 m to the east after the trench had
returned to its smaller size.
V.B. The Components of the Substructure
Like the other Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs, that of Ameny Qemau w as
established using limestone blocks in an area cut out near the center of the superstructure
(Fig. 3.10.D).
860
In this case, how ever, since the pit was hewn from lim estone rather than
857
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 328. Note that the "cause way s" at the other monuments are likely
to have been short ramps or roads for the transport of building materials and goods from lower to higher
areas within the com plex.
858
M aragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 338.
859
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 328; Swelim and D odson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Q emau," pp . 319-
334.
860
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," Pis. 57-58, Figs. 13-14.
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sand, the construction of the substructure must have proceeded at a relatively rapid rate.
The area between the natural bedrock and the placed limestone blocks was filled with
debris.
861
Ideally, the tomb would h ave been entered through a ramp, which led down
toward its entrance on the eastern side (Fig. 3.11 .A). However, for some unknown
reason, this ramp was never finished; it had been filled in.
862
Instead, one wou ld enter the
tomb through a small passageway, sealed after the interment of the king 's body with
stone blocks and bricks.
Figure
3.11.
The interior of the pyramid of Am eny Qemau. After M aragioglio,
1968,
PI. 51.
Once inside the tomb via the declining entrance passage, one would continue to
861
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 329-330; Swelim andDodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p.
323.
862
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 329-330; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny -Qemau ," p.
323.
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the west through a short corridor (Fig. 3.11 .B). At this point, there was a quartzite
portcullis stone, which blocked the entrance to the next corridor, located at a higher level
(Fig. 3.1 l.C ).
86 4
Unlike the blocking stones found in Late Middle Kingdom tom bs,
including the others in that of Ameny Qemau, this one appears to have been lowered
from above through a shaft. Though Maragioglio and Rinaldi suggested that, in the
original plan, this portcullis likely was to have operated from the north to the south, it
appears rather, for some reason, an alternative system was used.
From the first blocking stone, a short passage (1.6 by under
1
by 1.1? m) led to
another room (1.3 by 1.4 m; Fig.
3.1
l.D), w hich again was filled with a qu artzite
portcullis stone (1.6 by 2.15 by 1.4 m), blocking a passageway located above the level of
the floor (Fig. 3.11.E).
865
The following corridor and turning chamber were not well-preserved, but their
general plan can be derived from knowledge of similar royal tombs from the period (Fig.
3.11.F-G).
86 6
The passageway was short and continued westward before ending in a
turning chamber of unknown dimensions. This room likely housed a hidden staircase
which may have negotiated a drop of roughly 1.2 m.
Another small corridor then led to the north before encountering the next turning
chamber; it too was in poor condition (Fig. 3.11. H-I).
86 7
This room, which was about 2.1
m in length, had vertical lines like those in the Dynasty XIII pyramids at South Sakkara.
863
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 337; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Am eny-Qemau," pp. 322-
324; Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 438.
864
When Maragioglio and Rinaldi investigated this monument, this first portcullis stone was displaced.
See Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," PL 60, Figs.
18-21.
865
Maragioglio and R inaldi, "Note," pp. 335-336, PL 359, Figs. 315-317.
866
Maragioglio and R inaldi, "Note," p. 334.
867
Maragioglio and R inaldi, "Note," p. 333.
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From here, six steps led downward to a passage which continued to the west (1.74 by 0.9
by 1.75 m).
86 8
This corridor was roofed by a quartzite block w ith a thickness of 0.75 m .
The corridor ended in the antechamber, which had a north-south axis (3.25 by 2.2
by at least 2.2
m).
86 9
This area was the location of the lid of the sarcophagu s prior to the
burial of the king (Fig. 3.1 l.K ). Once the deceased ruler had been interred, the lid was
dragged into place over the sarcophagus in the burial chamber to the south (0.6 m thick),
and a quartzite portcullis was moved into place from the west (2.6 by 0.8 by 2.6 m),
sealing the burial cham ber off from the an techamb er. The lid of the sarcophagu s was at
the same level as the floor of the antechamber (Fig.
3.1
l.L).
87 0
The lid slipped up under
the side walls while the portcullis slid over it, sealing it from all directions as the end fit
into a notch.
87 1
This sarcophagu s type was similar to that in the second burial chambe r of
the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (4.50 by 2.18; Fig. 3.1 l.M ). Like most of the
other sarcophag us bases of the period, this one included both a niche for the coffin and
another at the southern end for the canopic equipment.
72
Unfortunately, the entire tomb, including the burial chamber, had been robbed in
antiquity, leaving only the canopic material behind.
87 3
As far as is know n to date,
fragments of a few objects were discovered, and only a small portion of those can be
found in the Egyptian M useum in Cairo today.
87 4
It is possible that some of these
artifacts were lost in the process of the legal proceedings against Muses.
868
It is likely that these staircases were hidden beneath floor blocks.
869
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 332.
870
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra A bu el Naga," p. 27; "Strange Affair," p . 62.
871
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
K ings," p. 40;
After the Pyramids,
pp. 8-9.
872
Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p. 30; Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 331; Swelim and Dodson,
"Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 323, 325.
873
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra A bu el Naga," p. 27; Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "N ote," p. 332.
874
Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 325-328.
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In his excavations, Muses found a fragment of what may have been an offering
table.
87 5
He also discovered portions of the four canopic jars,.tho ugh there were .
conflicting reports as to whether or not the lids were recovered.
87 6
Nonetheless, the
calcite vessels, or parts
thereof,
were inscribed with standard texts (in four columns),
filled w ith blue-green paint, and they included the nomen of the king, Ameny Qemau.
According to Dodson, the morphology of the canopic jars in the tomb of Ameny
Qemau shows that the style was unchanged from late Dynasty X II. Likewise, the texts
reflect the same continuity, with the structure of the word
stp-sl,
I n *> , with the word
spelled out at the beginning, as well as the use of imt/t instead of the later hr.t/t, found
during the time of Aw ibre Hor.
7
Like in the funerary texts found on objects of
Neferuptah in the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara, as well as the texts in her own
monum ent, the hieroglyphs in the sarcophagus chamber of Ameny Qemau w ere of the
mutilated style of the period.
V.C. The Ow ner of the Pyramid: Ameny Qemau
Fortunately, due to the discovery of canopic jars carrying the name of Ameny
Qemau, the owner of the Late Middle K ingdom royal funerary monument at Dahshur is
known. How ever, there are no other monuments or objects containing his name, and he
875
Dodson, "Strange Affair," pp. 62-63; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 324-325.
876
Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p. 326.
77
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 40;
The Canopic Equipment,
p. 30; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el
Naga," p. 27; "Strange Affair," p.
6 2;
After the Pyramids,
p. 9; L. Habachi, "Review of Untersuchengen zur
politischen geschichte der Zweiten Zwischenzeit in Ag ypten,"
Cd'E
85 (1968), pp.
80-81;
Swelim and
Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qem au," pp. 325-326. For other examples, in which the nomen is found on
canopic equipment without the prenomen, see Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qe mau," p . 329.
878
Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Q emau," pp . 326-327. Note that the royal inscriptions are
only represented by a handful of
examples,
and any conclusions based on them must be treated w ith great
caution.
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is not listed as such in the
T urin King-List.
Thus, the relative placement of this king
within Dynasty X III cannot be established with certainty. Non etheless, Ryholt has
suggested that the royal name (Sankhibre) Ameny Intef Amenemhet may refer to Ameny
Qemau as the grandfather of this ruler (Amenemhet, son of
Intef,
son of Am eny). Thus,
he places Am eny in a position prior to both Intef and Sankhibre Am enemhet. How ever,
the interpretation of this type of double (or triple in this case) name is not certain, as will
be shown later. Am eny could also have been a nickname for Am enemhet, of which there
are several options within the Turin King-List.
Maragioglio and Rinaldi suggested that the pyramid of Ameny Qemau w as
constructed after those at Mazghuna, and due to the state of completion, they surmised
that Ameny had had a relatively short reign.
87 9
Nonetheless, the architectural sequence of
the Late Middle Kingdom tombs is unclear. Given the size of the monument, it is likely
that this king had at least a norma l regnal length for the first part of Dynasty XIII. Very
little information concerning Am eny Q emau remains in the poor record, which exists
from the excavation s of his funerary structure. Thoug h the architectural remains likely
suffered greatly due to the elemen ts, since the Italian architects visited the site, this
location certainly is a prime cand idate for future research. Screening of the spoil from
the excavations would likely unearth ceramic material and other remains, which might be
useful in the study of the kings of this period . Als o, further ex amina tion of the site might
reveal more about the final plan of the structure, such as evidence for the existence of
periphery buildings attached to the pyram id.
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 325-326.
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V.D.
Later Activity at the Pyramid
Unfortunately, there is not a lot of information concerning the cultural material
(such as pottery, statuary, small object, and etc.) found during the excavations of the
pyramid of Ameny Q emau. It is known that the monument w as in the midst of Old
Kingdom mastabas.
88 0
No m ention of any New Kingd om or later activity exists at the
site, yet Maragioglio and Rinaldi suggest that the monument was used as a source of
limestone sometime from the New Kingdom to the Arab Period.
88 1
Thus, without any
ceramic or other evidence, it is currently impossible to determine the date(s), in which
this tomb was looted and destroyed. One must also remember that the ruins of the
substructure of the pyramid remained uncovered and unprotected from the time Muses
excavated them un til (and after) the Italian architects returned to the site. Th us, modern
damage is also a consideration.
VI.
The Pyramid at North M azghuna
In 1910-1911, Mackay excavated two large monuments, the first of which is 1.4
kms south of Dahshur, in a place he called Mazghuna after the name of the train station
adjacent to the site.
88 2
According to a resident of a nearby v illage, de Morgan had
explored this monument previously, but, unfortunately, there is no record of his w ork
Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p . 320.
881
Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 3 31, 338.
882
Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 27; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 37; Porter and Moss,
Topographical Bibliography IV , p. 76. Note that Jequier wrote that the name of this area was actually Gisr
Dahshur (Jequier, Fourths a Saqqarah, p. 67). For recent summaries of
this
material, see C. Holzl,
"Mazghuna," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt
(New York, 1999), p.
475;
Lehner, Pyramids, pp . 184-185.
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there.
883
VI.A. The Elements of the Superstructure
In his monograph concerning the site, Mackay reported that there was no
indication of a formal superstructure at North M azghu na, though he was-convinced
that there was a limestone pyramid due to the presence of fragments of this material on
the flat surface.
885
Also, Mackay was not able to excavate a large portion of the area
above the tomb , due to the presence of a Cop tic Christian cemetery. Thu s, either the
entire pyramidal feature had been removed through quarrying or intentional destruction,
or the plans for above-ground building were never im plemented due to some unk nown
circumstance such as the sudden death of the king.
Though there was no pyramid, Mackay did find evidence of two architectural
features in the area. He records a mu dbrick wall, running no rth/south, to the northeast of
the tomb and states that it may have been used to flatten the area by serving to retain sand
and debris. The wall was constructed of alternating headers and stretchers up to twelve
courses in height and was 0.95 m wide and 15.39 m long.
The second component of the com plex, the causeway or supply ramp, was a large
structure, measuring 43.74 by 116.43 m and began about 3.63 m east and 3.45 m north of
the entrance to the tomb .
88 7
The northern and southern extents of this feature were
composed of two walls, each with debris filling the space between; the former was wider
883
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p . 50.
884
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 28.
885
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
pp. 50-51, 55.
886
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 55 , PI. 49.
887
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p . 55, PI. 49. Spencer seems to have confused the causeway/ramp with the
outer wall, describing the construction of
the
former as the latter (Spencer,
Brick Architecture,
p. 49).
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and had smaller walls running east-west for support. The 11.68 m between these two
structures was filled with debris, making a solid surface.
VLB.
The Components of the Substructure
The entrance to the tomb was on the eastern side of the structure, with a poorly-
preserved, ramped stairwell leading from the north.
88 8
There were ten steps descending a
passage, measuring 0.96 m wide by 4.56 m long (Fig. 3.12. A). The steps were cut into
the stone and were 0.53 m w ide by 0.43 m deep by 0.09 m h igh with a ramp on either
side of 0.22 m. The height of the passage ranged betwe en 1.90 and 1.93 m.
At the base of the steps, the staircase turned to the west with flat stones on either
side measuring roughly 2.61 by 0.81 m each.
889
The descent through the space between
the two stone blocks began as a ramp extending 3.78 m leading to thirty-one steps,
measu ring 0.53 by 0.38 by 0.09 m with a ramp of 0.22 m on either side. All of the
roofing bloc ks in this one were found in situ (Fig. 3.12.B). The level dropped 0.14 m and
then a ramp procee ded for another 1.06 m. At the end of this passa ge, there was clear
evidence that a wooden door was to have been p laced in this area due to the presence of
sockets and a bolt notch (Fig. 3.12.C). This door worked m uch in the same way as that at
Haw ara with a niche on the southern side for the closing of the door. M eanw hile, when
the door was opened, it fit into a niche in the northern wall, preventing it from narrowing
the corridor.
The presence of
the
door, as well as the ramps without steps, seems strange when
Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 232; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 51.
889
Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 232; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 51.
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comp ared to the monum ents discussed before and after this section. A door in this
position must have either served in the construction process to keep out intruders, or it
may represent some sort of religious sym bolism related to the kin g's afterlife. The ramps
may have provided safety for the mumm y after the tomb was to be sealed. Mean while,
the workers must have used some sort of rope ladder across the slippery stone in order to
carry out their work below.
Figure 3.12. The substructure of No rth Mazghu na. After Petrie 1912, PI. 47
At the base of the staircases, there was a room with the dimensions of 1.97 by
1.61 by 3.8 m, where a quartzite portcullis stone, measuring approximately 4.5 by 2.01 by
1.79 m, would have been positioned to block the remainder of the tomb (Fig. 3.12.D).
890
The portcullis rested in a chamber, which was 1.63 m above the floor on the northern
side. From this point, the stone would have been po sitioned down a ramp, creating the
ceiling of the chamber and blocking the entrance to the next section of the tomb.
The portcullis was to block a passage, which was 1.64 m above the surface of the
1
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p .
5 1,
Pis. 47, 48(C).
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floor of the previou s chamber (1.12.E). This corridor led from east to west, measuring
1.58 m long, 0.96 m wide and 1.4 to 1.59 m in height as the floor sloped downward 0.19
m. The ceiling was made of a single quartzite slab. This short passage en ded in another
chamber, measuring 2.38 to 2.41 m from east to west, 2.95 m north to south, and 2.37 to
2.38 m in height (1.12.F). In the southwest of this room , there was an entrance to a
corridor, extending 1.47 m to the south, being 0.97 m wide and 2.11 m high ending in a
portcullis room (Fig. 3.12.G-H).
The area for the portcullis stone, which was never used, was 1.76 m (north to
south) by 1.52 m by 3.75 m high.
89 2
The quartzite blocking stone itself is 2.96 by 1.69 by
1.79 m and sits in a recess to the east of its intended position. The mechanism used for
sealing this chamber was the same as that of the first portcullis discussed above as the
stone would have slid dow n the ramp to block the next section.
Once again, the corridor running south from the portcullis was 1.43 m above the
previous floor level (Fig. 3.12.1).
893
This passage was 1.59 m long and 0.98 m wide . The
corridor was set at an incline with the north being 1.47 m high while the height of the
southern end was 1.36 m.
At the end of the passageway, there was another room w ith an east-west axis,
894
measuring 4.93 by 2.51 by 2.13 m (Fig. 3.12.J). Mackay n ote dth at the floor appeared to
have been damaged when robbers dug into it, searching for the entrance to a non-existent
secret passag e. At the southw estern corner of this room, there was a set of two steps built
into the floor, leading west followed by a ramped staircase descending to the north.
891
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 52, PI. 47.
892
Petrie, et al ,
Labyrinth,
p. 52, PI. 47(F).
893
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 52, PI. 47(G).
894
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 52, PI. 47(H).
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There was a ledge on the western wall, measuring 29 cms deep and was at a height of
approximately 3.8 cms above the level of the floor of the room.
The ramped staircase descended at an angle of 24° and was 0.85 m wide with
steps of
0.41
m in width, 0.41 m in depth and 0.16 m in height.
89 5
From the base of the
steps, a hallway extends in the same direction for an additional 8.33 m, the width being
0.99 m with a height of 1.69 m (Fig. 3.12.K). This passage had a roof compo sed of eight
blocks of limestone, and the floor was 6.3 cms below that of the area prior to the last
portcullis. At the end of the corridor, there was a room m easuring 3.3 by 2.69 by 2.38 m
(Fig. 3.12.L).
89 6
In the northwest of this chamber, there was a passageway leading w est
for 2.06 m being 0.97 m wide and 1.59 m high and was covered with a quartzite block
(1.12.M.).
The corridor ended in a large chamber measuring 9.16 m from north to south and
2.67 m east to west (1.12.N-P).
89 7
In reality, this room was conce ived as two separate
areas, the antechamber and the burial camber divided from one another by a quartzite
portcu llis. In the antechamb er, the floor wa s set to decline toward the sarcopha gus.
He re, the lid was found in its pre-burial position . It was a finely smo othed q uartzite
block measuring 4.23 m by 2.6 m and was 0.77 m thick, having flat ends and the arched
center commo n at this time. There was fine sand in the antechambe r, and Mackay
believed that it had been placed there deliberately or had fallen into the area during the
building process and had not been removed.
898
O nc e d i e body w a s p l a c e d i n to d i e t omb, t he l i d w ou ld ha ve be e n pos i t i one d ove r
895
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 5 2, PI. 47(J).
896
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 5 3, PL 47(K).
897
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 53, PL 47 (M).
898
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 54, PL 47.
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the sarcophag us. A quartzite portcullis stone, measuring 3.21 (as estimated by the
excavator) by 2.62 by 0.61 m would have been m aneuvered dow n a quartzite ramp from
the west with the aid of a lever in a slot cut for this purpose.
89 9
This large block fit into
niches in both the roof and the eastern wall, fully sealing the remainder of the tomb.
The burial chamber itself has a saddle roof made of limestone (Fig. 3.12.P).
900
The sarcophagus was carved from a single slab of quartzite and measured 4.75 by 2.63 by
1.83 m , the southern end lying beneath the w all; the niche for the body w as to the north
of that for the canopic bo x. The former measured 2.38 to 2.39 m long, 0.94 to 0.96 m
wide and 1.17 to 1.18m deep while the latter was roughly square with the sides
measu ring 0.66 to 0.68 m and had a depth of 0.76 to 0.77 m. The sarcoph agus also had
small holes meant for the reception of tabs on the lid.
To the north of the burial chamber, there was a corridor 1.17 m long, 0.7 m wide,
and 0.66 m high, leading to a room with a floor surface at a level 1.50m below (Fig.
3.12.Q).
901
This chamber was on an east-west axis and measu red 4.70 by 1.49 m and
was 2.16 m in height. The entrance between the passage and the room was to have been
closed with a thin stone block.
Mackay does not propose a use for this room behind the burial chamber. Perhaps,
it contained funerary equipment, such as weapons and disassembled furniture (See the
tomb of Awibre H or below). One should note that the width and height of the corridor
would have limited the size of the material, which could have been placed in this area.
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p p. 53 , 54, Pis. 27, 28.
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 53 , PI. 27, 28.
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p . 54, PL 47 (N, O ), 48.
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Like the antechamber, there was clean sand fill within this room.
Interestingly, there were some m arks in the tomb at North M azghuna.
90 3
The
quartzite blocks had all been painted red, and some had carefully dra w a black h orizontal
lines (about 19 cms apart) with less well-rendered vertical ones (approximately 10 cms
apart) between them. These lines even appear in places where they would not have been
visible once the tomb was sealed. It is possible that these mark s were used to help dress
these stones similarly to those on limestone surfaces in the "Unfinished" Pyramid at
South Sak kara. In the area of the entrance of the tom b, there were two quarry marks
written with black charcoal.
90 4
There was also a team mark on the back of
a
limestone
block in the western wall of the first portcullis chamber as well as two others in from
unspecified locations.
905
Mackay found no signs of offering goods or human remains, and the portcullis
stones had not been moved into their final positions, but he thought that the second
portcullis had once blocked the passage since the wall was not completely preserved
between this area and the hallway to the west.
90 6
He surmised that robbers had made a
hole because the passage was blocked. Ho wev er, it is difficult to understan d why the
portcullis would have later been moved back into its initial open position once the
"robb ers" had invaded the tomb. The tomb itself seemed to have no structural flaws, and
the workm anship is comparable to those of the other sites. Thu s, either the own er
decided to be buried elsewhere, or the political situation was such that a group of people
902
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 54, PL 47.
903
Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 232; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 54.
904
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 52 , PL 49.
905
F. Arnold, Control Notes, p. 175; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 5 5, PI. 49, middle.
906
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 58.
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or the successor to the throne did not allow h im or her to be interred in the finished
tomb.
90 7
As a result, there was no indicative crater above, since the integrity of the
ceiling had been maintained. Like that in the "Unfinished" Pyramid, this condition may
have been due to the fact that the tomb had probably never been occupied. Thus, the
destruction found at the other monuments was not necessary here as will be seen below.
VI.C.
The Ow ner of the Pyramid at North M azghuna
Mackay believed that the tomb belonged to Amenem het IV or Nefrusobek,
picking the former over the latter due to the fact that the pyramid at North Mazghuna
resembled that of Amenemhet III at Hawara.
90 8
However, this conclusion is only one of
the possibilities as to who built the tomb.
909
Dodson suggests that this pyramid belonged to either Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef or
Khaankhre Sobekhotep II based upon his chronological analysis of the sarcophagi and
geographical placement of the tomb s.
91 0
He chooses these two kings due to their position
between Am eny Qem au and Khendjer w ith the South Mazghuna pyramid (see below)
falling between this monument, and the reign of Khendjer.
907
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 28.
908
Edwards, Pyramids, p. 236; R.N. Gillam, "Sobekneferu," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford
Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p.
301;
Griraal, History, p .
171;
Petrie, et al., La byrinth,
p.
37. Verner also seems to believe that this tomb belonged to Nefrusobek though he acknowledges that
most scholars currently date the monument to Dynasty Xlll (Verner, Great Monuments, p. 433). He claims
that this monument is later than that of North Mazghuna due to the complexity of
the
corridors. Others
have also repeated the possible late Dynasty XII dating of this monument (Bell, "Climate," p. 260;
Callender, "Reign of Sebekneferu," p. 229).
09
Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p .
141;
Dodson, Th e Canopic Equipment, p . 29, n. 61 ; W. Grajetzki, "Zwei
Pyramiden der
13.
Dynastie bei Mazghuna und die ungeklarte Frage des Besttattungsortes von Amenemhet
IV. und Sobeknofru," Sokar 5 (2002), pp. 23-27.
910
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 3 1, 38.
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VII.
The Pyramid at South Mazghuna
Mackay chose to investigate the South M azghuna pyramid, located 40 m from the
previously discussed monument at this site, because there was an area with limestone
chippings around a large crater filled with wind blow n sand. It appears that only the
depression was fully investigated while the remains of the periphery structures were
excavated on a more selective basis. Thus, though there is a considerable am ount of
information p ublished on the work and details of this site, there is still potential for future
exploration here.
VILA. The Elements of the Superstructure
Excavations revealed the method of constructing the tomb, a process familiar after
the discussion of the pyramids above. Four trenches, aligned with the cardinal
directions, surrounded a nearly square area, the exterior of
the
northern and western sides,
measuring around 55.67 m and 55.40 m respectively, making this monument roughly 100
cubits like that of Ameny Qemau (Fig. 3.13.A).
91 3
How ever, in this case these trenches
were built into the hard, sandy, desert floor, rather than into limesto ne. Large , roughly
cut limestone blocks in the bottom of the trench existed in at least two co rners. Over
these and around the edges of the trenches, were mudbrick w alls, one brick in thickness,
coated with whitewashed mud plaster in order to preserve the integrity of the sand after
soil had been remove d. These walls gradu ally leaned into the sides as they rose, an effect
911
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
pp. 232 -233; Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
pp. 41-50. For other summaries of the
pyram id's e lements, see HQlzl, "Mazghuna," pp. 474-475 ; Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 184.
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p.
4 1;
Porter and Moss,
Topographical Bibliography IV,
p. 76.
913
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 2 8;
After the Pyramids,
p. 10; Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 41.
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achieved by carefully placing the edge of each brick slightly back from that of the one
below . Outside of the trenches, there was a surface, extending 3.00 cubits out around the
entire extent.
In the area in the center, where the tomb pit lies, there were some bricks, which
measured 46.48 by 23.37 by 12.95 cms,
91 5
still in place in the superstructure. Ma ckay
found bricks one or two courses high, usually on their sides in the sand. He believes that
the monument at South Mazghuna was a mudbrick pyramid with limestone casing.
916
Such a structure is probable due to the parallels of the Late Middle Kingdom royal
monuments.
The monum ent of South Mazghu na had a complete enclosure of the sinusoidal
type, measuring 76.61 to 77.72 m on each side (N. 77.72, S. 76.4, E. 76.61, and W.
76.63? m; Fig, 1.13.B). This wavy wall was 1.05 m wide and still stood up to 1.52 m
high.
91 7
M ackay e xcavated this feature by following the structure along its outer face.
The southern and eastern walls were intact, while the other two only extended part of the
way toward the northwestern corner. There were two different sizes of bricks; one
measured 3 by 16 by 9 cms, and the other, 32 by 17 by 11 cms. Both were made from
alluvium soil mixed with sand,
918
and were usually laid as stretchers in the wall. The
curves averaged 3.71 m across and 1.04 m deep, and the wall had a thin coat of
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 41.
Spencer calculated the dimensions of bricks at 46.5 by 23.5 by 12.5 cms (Spencer, Brick Architecture, p.
38).
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 41. Other scholars have also repeated this conclusion based on Mack ay's
publication. See N. Swelim, T he Brick Pyramid at Abu Raw ash Number "I" by Lepsius: A Preliminary
Study (Alexandria, 1986), p. 72.
917
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p p. 41, 47, Pis. 39, 44.
918
Spencer states that the bricks were 30.5 by 15.5 by 9.5 cms and 32.5 by 17 by 10.5 cms (Spencer, Brick
Architecture, p. 38).
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whitew ashed plaster. The southern section of the enclosure had been set into a trench in
order to place it at an even level w ith the rest of the structure as the surface w as at a
higher level in this location.
In the southern wall, near the eastern corner (18.8 m), Mackay discovered a
blocked entrance into the enclosure wall, measuring 3 .71 m (Fig. 3.13.C).
919
The
entrance led into a room measuring, 7.52 by 6.86 m, the north/south section being the
longest. An other entrance, measuring 3.96 m, was located on the same line as the first in
the northern wall. A second cham ber to the east shared a wall with the entrance room .
The means of access to this room is unknown since its southern end was disturbed on
both the eastern and western walls. Nonetheless, this room was 7.52 by 2.64 m. All of
these white, plastered walls were made with bricks measuring, 29 by 15 by 9 cms and 31
by 16 by 11 cms , a size essentially identical to those in the sinusoidal wa ll. On the
ground in this area, there was a large concentration of limestone chips, some of which
contained control notes from the construction of the tomb.
92 0
These dockets, originally
translated by Gardiner and later modified by F. Arnold, record the delivery of unnamed
items by the "expeditionary forces of the southern province" (three examples), dating
from y ears 2 to 3 of an unnamed king, and a "Seneb " (one piece). Mackay believed that
this entrance had been blocked either after the burial or during the destruction of the
tomb.
In the eastern side of the sinusoidal enclosure wall, there was a second building,
919
Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 233; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 47; Verner, G reat Monuments, pp. 432-433.
920
F. Arnold, Control Notes, pp . 174-175; Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 9-10, no. 14; Petrie, et al ,
Labyrinth, pp. 47-48.
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which is almost centered, being 0.46 m closer to the northeastern corner (Fig. 3.13.D).
Mac kay assum ed that this structure was a funerary chapel. It had an entrance, on the
eastern side, which led to the largest room . This chamb er measu red 8.45 by 6.22 m and
had a surface, composed of plaster over a layer of bricks, which was 0.96 m below the
base of the wavy wall. » -
Figure. 3.13.
The Pyramid at South Mazgh una. After Petrie 1912, PI. 39.
At the back there was another entrance, measuring 0.88 m, offset to the south
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p p. 48, Pis. 39, 41, 4 5.
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from the main doorway and extending back in the direction of the tomb . This small
area was 1.66 by 4 m with a vaulted roof made of larger bricks with straw inclusions and
may have held a statue of the deceased ruler.
In his report of his findings at South Sakk ara, Jequier notes a statuette fragment,
broken at the waist and missing its head and arms, now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo
(no. 54493). It reportedly originated from the pyramids at M azghu na.
92 3
It is likely, but
not certain, that this object came from the back chamber of the chapel of this tomb since
the northern monument appears to have remained em pty. Nonetheless, the statue
paralleled that of Khendjer, since it was made of black granite and was of similar size and
style.
924
The southern wall of the main room also had an entrance, which led to two
smaller rooms, the latter having a vaulted roof.
925
Originally, these two rooms had been a
single chamber mea suring, 2.18 by 6.22 m. The doorway had been filled w ith bricks,
sealing the roo ms.
Finally, in the northern part of the building, there was a doorway (1.05 m wide) in
the northern wall of the structure leading to two small room s. These chambers were
similar to the ones in the south, measu ring 2.83 by 2.11 m and 2.67 by 2.11 m. While the
floor of the first chamber w as at the same level as the main room to the south and all of
the adjoining ones, the surface in the northwestern area was 0.15 m lower than the others.
The brick sizes were 31 by 16 by 11 cms, 30 by 15 by 10 cms, 34 by 15 by 11 cms, and
922
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 48, PL 39, 41.
923
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 67.
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
pp. 18-19, 67, PI. 15b-c.
925
Petrie, et al,
Labyrinth,
p . 48, Pis.
39,41.
926
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
pp. 48-49, Pis. 39, 41.
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38 by 20 by 9 cms and were made of alluvium soil mixed with sand. Mackay found no
evidence of bonding between the walls of this structure and those of the enclosure, and,
therefore, believed that the former was built before the latter.
It is likely that the mudbrick structure is actually an economical version of
a
funerary temple or chapel, especially since the rooms are roughly in line with the burial
chamber to the west.
92 8
Though there is no evidence to prove the hypothesis, it is
possible that the small isolated room in the north of the structure may have served the
same purpo se as the northern chapel did at the pyramid of Khendjer. Ho wev er, in the
latter monument, it appears that the northern chapel was inaccessible from the exterior of
the complex.
VII.B. The Components of the Substructure
Mackay, like other excavators of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs, had a difficult
time with sand pouring into the pit as he proceeded 2.74 m to the roof and beyond. In
these difficult surroundings, the ancient Egyptians developed procedures in order to
facilitate their work in these difficult surroun dings.
92 9
The original pit itself was dug by
removing the loose sand and penetrating about 1.4 m of compacted soil through a layer
with a high concentration of tiny stones and into another of
clay.
The removed looser
sand was placed just outside the pit area w hile the lower levels were cast just beyond
wh ere the sinusoidal wall was constructed. In the plates from the exca vations at
Mazghuna, there is another feature, which must have been used to help control the sand
927
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p . 48.
928
Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p. 233.
29
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 42.
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walls of the pit. He re, like in other mo num ents, brick lines the trench and the
stonework.
The entrance to the tomb was centered in the southern part of the pyramid, near
the trenches (Fig. 3.13.E). From here, a ramped staircase led northwa rd and dow nward
(22° 30 ') approximately 4.88 m, at which point the passage continued for 0.84 m at the
same level (1.13.F).
93 1
The stairs measu red 37 cms across with smooth surfaces of 28
cms and 25 cms on the eastern and western sides, respectively. The steps were narrow in
depth, measuring 11 cms each, and the final step dropped down 13 cms. The entire
staircase was sculpted into stone after it was placed in the entrance corridor.
At the base of the entrance corridor, there was a chambe r with the dimensions 1.4
m (N/S) by 1.14 m (E/W), where a granite portcullis stood (Fig. 3.13.G).
932
Though the
stone blocked the passage, it was still about 0.36 m short of where it was designed to rest.
The large portcullis, measuring 2.63 by 1.49 by 1.45, sat on limestone with an uneven
line cut down the middle to reduce friction, and a strip of granite (on the northern side).
These elements were cut at an angle of
4°
15',
declining from east to west, allowing for
the movement of the portcullis into place with the use of levers. Like in the other tomb s
discussed previously, this stone provided the ceiling to this room.
On the opposite side of the portcullis, the entrance to a corridor was entered at a
greater height.
93 3
From here, a second ramped staircase continued dow nwa rd (18°) to the
north, extending 2.79 m (Fig. 3.13.H). There were eight steps, each measuring 0.11 m in
de p th a n d 0 .39 m in w id th w hi l e , on e i t he r s i de , t he r a mp w a s 0 .27 m w ide . A t t he e nd o f
930
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, Pis. 42, 43.
931
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p . 42.
932
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp.
42-43,
PI. 39.
933
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp.
42-43,
PI. 39.
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the staircase, there was a 0.13 m ledge, followed by a 0.84 m- long corridor.
The hallway ended at a room, measuring 1.4 m east-west and 1.14 m north-south,
that held a granite portcullis much like the previous one, with the dimensions of 2.65 m
by 1.59 m by 1.45 m (Fig. 3.13.I-J).
93 4
T hough the passage remained open, it was clear to
the excavators that the principles used for the lowering of the stone were identical to the
previous one. How ever, this particular example would have descended from the west,
rather than the east, at an angle of 6° 15'.
Once again, a corridor, located at a higher level ran northward, but it was in such
poor condition that Mackay w as unable to acquire its measurements.
93 5
This passage led
to a rectangu lar room that was equally destroyed (Fig . 3.13.K). Ho weve r, at the eastern
end, the floor level dropped 1.04 m downward via one cut-in step measuring, 0.42 by
0.35 by 0.1 m, presumably with a 0.49 m drop leading to it, and a large stone, measuring
1.08 by 0.2 by 0.5 m, placed inside of the next corridor (Fig. 3.13.L). Arou nd the steps
on the eastern and southern walls, there was a ledge (0.15 to 0.16 m on the south and 0.22
to 0.23 m on the east) along the line of the hallway, the walls being cut back slightly, at
the height of the floor of the rectangular room.
The corridor was 10.29 m in length, 1.07 to l.0 8 m in width at the bas e, and 1.07
to 1.09 m at the top, running from the south to the north (Fig. 3.13.M).
936
In this area, six
preserved roofing sto nes, all of which were set at a lower level than tha t of the area with
the ledge, covered most of the hallway. Interestingly, the height of the midd le section
(four blocks) of
the
ceiling of the corridor was 0.10 to 0.22 m higher (1.63 m) than the
934
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 43 , PI. 39.
935
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p . 43, PL 39 , 40.
936
Petrie, et al,
Labyrinth,
p. 43, PL 3 9,4 0.
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other areas (1.41 to 1.53 m) for a length of 4.13 m. The eastern and weste rn walls we re
constructed on top of the floors using three courses of stone blocks,
93 7
ranging in size
from 1.59 to 1.98 m in length and from 0.48 to 0.64 m in width .
At the end of
the
corridor, there was another area with a ledge on the eastern side,
measuring 1.75 m in height and 0.25 m in width (Fig. 3.13.N).
938
A small staircase, made
up of three steps, ascended approximately 0.89 m from the northern end of the hallway
toward the west. The depths of the steps were 0.19, 0.23, and 0.25 m from b ottom to top
with the second being cut into two sections of stone, and stabilized with a wooden
dovetail cram p.
At the top of the stairs, there was an antechamber with the dimensions, 9.00 to
9.04 m east/west, 2.11 to 2.15 m north/south, and 1.62 to 1.66 m in height (Fig.
3.13.0).
93 9
Six of the original nine roofing blocks were still in place, measuring 4 .47 m
in length and 0.49 to 1.21 m in width. Mack ay noted that this room seem ed to have been
filled with small limestone blocks as many of the same size were found within the walls.
On the eastern side of
the
southern wall of the antechamber, there was a charcoal
sketch of what Mackay believed to be a king on a funerary bier. He dates the drawing
to some time later than the burial, possibly at the time when the tomb w as destroyed due
to his assessment that some plaster had fallen from the wall before the charcoal had been
applied as it was on both this substance and the bare stone. Ho wev er, the pho to in the
publication seems to indicate that this "plaster" may h ave been gypsum mortar used to
937
Mack ay records the courses as 0.53, 0.64, and 0.48 m thick on the eastern wall from bottom to top and
0.53,
0.56, 0.57 m thick on the west side (Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 44).
938
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 43-44, PI. 39 ,40 ,44 .
939
Petrie, et al ,
Labyrinth,
p p. 44-45 , PI. 40 (N).
940
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 44, PI. XLIV.
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slide the large stones into place. At Aby dos, such blotches of this substance exist even on
the smoothed interior surface of the limestone in a similar
tomb.
94 1
Until further research
is undertaken at South Mazghuna, it is probably best to keep the dating of this drawing
open.
Mackay did not understand the architectural purposes of the elements of this part
of the tomb ,
94 2
but it is clear that the sarcophagus of the South Mazghuna monum ent had
the same sand lowering system as tombs of Amenemhet III at Hawara and the pyramids
at South Sakkara (Fig. 3.13.Q).
94 3
As one would expect, there are two small corridors
leading to the eastern and western sides of the sarcophagus to allow a person to trigger
the flow of sand from beneath the sup ports of the mobile lid componen t. The first of
these portals is located in the middle of the long hallway, which leads north from a
destroyed room to the antechamber (Fig. 3.13 M ).
94 4
Next to the western wall of the
large corridor 4 m from the northern extent of the tomb, is a square hole 0.5 m east/west
and 0.73 m north/south. It had been designed to be covered by a thin limestone cap,
sitting on narrow supp orts, while blend ing it into the rest of the floor. The small corridor,
which runs from east to west, is 3.44 m long, 0.7 to 0.74 m wide, and 0.91-0.92 m high.
The entrance to the second portal, which is located in the southwestern corner of
the antechamber, was 0.86 m north/south, 0.85 m east/west, and 0.91 m deep (Fig.
3.13.P).
94 5
The first section proceeds from north to south, measuring 3.65 m long, 0.8 to
0.86 m wid e, and 1.08 to 1.1 m deep . This passage ends with the entrance to a second
941
These observations are from my excavations of S9 at South Abydos in
2003.
942
Edwards, Pyramids, p. 236; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 44-47, 49-50, Pis. 40, 41, 44.
943
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 28-29.
944
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 44, PL 40 (O), 44.
945
Petrie, et al , Labyrinth, p . 45, PI. 40 (Q and R).
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corridor in its floor. The dimensions of the passage, which travels eastward toward the
burial chamber, are 3.15
94 6
by 0.77 m with a depth of 0.95 m .
Within the second passage, Mackay discovered several objects, including a single
alabaster, vessel resembling a duck.
9 7
This vessel, which was 0.46 m tall with a rim of
0.11 m and a maximum diameter of 0.24 m, had been sliced in half and reassembled in
ancient times. In this same location, Mack ay found two limestone lamps.
In order to reach the sarcophagus, one has to enter a hidden passage located near
the center of the antechamber, along the northern wall (Fig. 3.13.0).
9 8
Two steps, one
each on the east and west of the entrance descend to a third, which sits upon the floor of
the corridor. From here a passage leads to the south and measu res 2.09 m in length, 1.06
m in width, and 0.85 m in height.
The burial chamber is well-preserved in the north, but poorly in the south.
Nonetheless, it is clear that the room had a saddle ceiling.
9 9
The height of the roof above
the sarcophagus would have been 1.08 m. The sarcophagus chamber was 4.10 m in
length (north/south) and 2.88 m in width (east/west) and was made of
one
single piece of
roughly he wn qu artzite with two additional slabs for the lid. To the east and west of this
northern lid there are quartzite supports measuring 0.89 by 0.34 by 0.95 m (eastern) and
0.89 by 0.34 by 1.05 m (western). The interior of the sarcophagus had two nich es, the
northern one for the coffin and the southern for the canopic box. The former m easured
No te that Ma ckay lists the length of this pass age in two places, the first of which is repeated here . The
other measurements at 2.35 m must ex clude the area of the entrance so as not to double count the area
within both passages though they are at different levels (Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 45, PI. 40).
7
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p p. 45-46, Pis. 43, 46. For parallels, see Bourriau,
Pharaohs and M ortals,
p .
141.
948
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
pp. 44, 45 , Pis. 40, 44.
949
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p p. 46-47, Pis. 40,
41;
Verner,
G reat Monuments,
p . 432.
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2.4 to 2.43 by 0.9 to 0.92 by 1.04 to 1.06 m w hile the latter was 0.72 to 0.73 m on each of
its four sides with a depth of 0.7 to 0.72 m. The sou thern lid block (2.23 by 2.11 by 1.4
m) was fixed in place and had a space hollowed out on the inside that measured 0.43 m,
allowing for the deposit of the canopic box. The second (mobile) lid componen t
appeared to be lodged into the northern wall (southern limit'of
the
antechamber, 2.59 by
2.01 by 0.99 to 1.57 m) in the entrance corridor. Inside the sarcophagus w ithin the
debris, Mackay discovered a piece of a calcite koh l pot and a sm all, steatite inlay.
950
Figure 3.14.
Plan of the sarcophagus of the pyramid at South Mazghuna.
No te that the mobile com ponent of the lid to the left is out of position . After
Petrie 1912, PI. 41 .
Mackay's description of the position of the mobile quartzite lid component has
caused some deg ree of confusion (Fig. 3.14). He states that, "the southe rn side wall of
the great northern chamber (the antechamber) thus improperly included this block in its
951
mason ry." Meanw hile, later in the publication, he explains that this stone would have
been pushed into place from the second passage and argues against it ending in this
950
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 40; "From Da hshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p . 29;
After the Pyram ids,
p .
11; Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p . 46.
951
Petrie, et al,
Labyrinth,
p. 46, PL 41.
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position, due to robbers sliding it such an inconvenient distance. How ever, the plate
shows this stone as being lodged within the limestone with its thicker end being further in
the structure of the wall, making it impossible that this stone was meant to move from its
• • 953
current position.
Entrance size
Width
Coffin
0.90
Entrance
Passage
Open x 1.06
1.06
Corridor 1
0 .50x0 .73
0.70
Corridor 2A
0 .86x0 .85
0.80
Corridor 2B
0.80x0.76
0.76
Table 3.1.
Size comparisons between the width of
the
coffin (measurements for the
space allowed within the sarcophagus) and that of the passages leading to the
sarcophagu s chamber at South Ma zghun a. The entrance passage clearly displays the
proper dimensions for the transport of the funerary equipment.
The unclear description provided by Mackay has led to at least one incorrect
reconstruction of the tomb, other than his own. Lehner suggests that both of the quartzite
stones are in their intended and permanent positions and that a third missing stone would
have been positioned between them, using the sand lowering system, paralleling H awara
in the way in which that lid functioned. Ho wev er, in the Haw ara exam ple, the part of
the lid closest to the northern passage is the one controlled by the sand lowering system
with the second and third being in their fixed position. In this way, the canopic chest and
the coffin could be placed into the sarcophag us through the opening below the lid. Once
the burial was complete, the sand lowering system would be activated, causing the
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 50.
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
PL XLI.
Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 184.
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sarcophagus to seal and the burial chamber to be closed off from the corridor leading to
the antechamber. The problem w ith placing the mobile lid component in the middle is
that there would have been no way to insert the deceased king into the tomb since the
burial chamber would have been sealed with the stone in the passage. Since the main
passage has the dimensions necessary to carry the coffin into the chamber, this was
certainly its purpo se (Table 1.1). M eanw hile, the other corridors had been used to initiate
the sand lowering system and had provided for the flow of sand allowing for the closing
of the mobile section of the lid.
955
VII.C. Court Cemetery
To the north of the pyramid at South M azghuna, there are a number of pits (DA S
54), indicating the existence of a cemetery.
956
Currently, these burials are represented by
pits,
but they may have originally been mastaba s or shaft tomb s. Unfortunately, now ,
how ever, the area is heavily disturbed. These tomb s could also be associated with the
pyramid of North M azghuna, but they are closer to the southern monum ent.
VII.D.
The Owner of the Pyramid at South Mazghuna
Mackay believed that the pyramid at South Mazghuna belonged to either
Amenhotep IV or Nefrusobek, favoring the former over the latter, due to the similarities
with the tomb of Hawara and the fact that this monument was smaller than that at North
See also Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p. 33.
956
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Exca vations Report Spring 2006;" Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p.
233. Recently, Schiestl discovered a beer jar rim, dated to Dynasty X III, in this area (Schiestl, "Neues zur
Residenznekropole," p. 52).
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Mazghu na. How ever, Jequier later proposed that this monum ent and the one to the
south are so similar in architectural features to those of South Sakkara, including that of
Khendjer, that the Mazghuna monuments probably date closer to the reign of this king
than to the end of Dynasty X II.
95 8
Ho wev er, in light of the architectural characteristics of
the entire corpus, this relationship is not as significant as it might seem at first. The
similarities between this monu ment and S9 at South Ab ydos, to be discussed below, seem
to suggest that these tombs are of similar date, likely having been constructed relatively
early in Dynasty XIII.
Fakhry has suggested that it is possible that material from the potential court
cemetery m ay contain inscribed objects with the nam e of the king, who bu ilt the
com plex. Potentially, the name of the owner of both this tomb and that at North
Mazghu na could be revealed by items such as control notes from elements of the
complexes themselves. Modern re-excavation of these pyramids and their peripheral
funerary installations would certainly be welcomed and could become essential
components of the study of D ynasty XIII kingship.
VILE. Later Activity at the Pyramid
It appears that the pyramid at South M azghuna had been disturbed during Dynasty
XV III. Several burials were located around the sinusoidal walls while others including
957
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p. 37. Note that the dating of South Mazghuna to Amenemhet IV still appears
in some recent publications, though authors usually allow for the possibility that the monument belongs to
Dynasty XIII (Bell, "Climate," p. 260; Callender, "Reign of Sebekneferu," p. 229; Verner, Great
Monuments, p. 432).
958
Jequier, Fourths a Saqqarah, p. 67. Currently, most scholars believe that this monumen t should be
dated to Dynasty XIII (Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p.
141;
Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p . 29, n. 61 ;
Grajetzki, "Zwei Pyramiden," pp. 23 -27; Hayes, Scepter, p. 341).
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two tombs dated to the reign of Thutmosis III were within the pit for the substructure of
the monument.
95 9
The placement of these burials caused Mackay to believe that the
superstructure of the tomb had been completely destroyed prior to this king's time in the
Second Intermediate Period or early New Kingdom.
VIII. The Shaft Tomb of Awibre Hor at Dahshur
The last example of a "certain" Dynasty X III royal tomb is that of Awibre Hor,
who was originally thought to have been an insignificant coregent of Amenemhet III of
Dynasty XII, since he was buried in a renovated shaft tomb within the earlier king's
abandoned funerary complex at Dahshur.
96 0
The shaft was located in the outer row of
tombs found between the two temenos walls on the eastern side of this pyramid.
96 1
This
tomb w as excavated by de M organ in the spring of 1882 with the help of Legrain and
Jequier, the last of whom would later work at South Sakkara at the pyramid of Khendjer
and the second mo nument of unknown ownership discussed previously.
962
959
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p . 49.
960
S. Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor. Essai d'interpretation du materiel decouvert par Jaques de Morgan a
Dahchour (1894),"
BIFAO
101 (2001), pp. 12-39; Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29;
Weigall,
Pharaohs,
pp. 147-149. For further bibliography on the elements of
the
tomb and objects within,
see Porter and Moss,
Topo graphical Bibliography HI (2),
pp. 888-889. Note that a few years after the tomb
was excavated, Petrie m istakenly reported that it was a pyramid at Dahshur, though he did recognize that
the king belonged to Dynasty XIII, despite the misinterpretation of the name as Rafuab (Petrie,
History,
p .
208).
961
J. de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894
(Vienna, 1895), pp. 86, Fig. 205. A loose English
translation of some of this report can be found along with selected photos and plans in R.L. Cron and G.B.
Johnson, "De Morgan at Dahshur: Excavations in the 12th Dynasty Pyramids, 1894-'95 Part Two ,"
KM T
6
(1995), pp. 58-60.
962
de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894,
pp. 84, 87, 90,
91,
Fig. 209. As the excavations
commenced, a statuette within the debris yielded the name of the unknown king, Awibre Hor.
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VIII.A. The Elem ents of the Superstructure
It is unknown as to whether or not there was a superstructure above the tomb of
Awibre Hor, but it is likely that his architects envisioned the pyramid complex of
Amenemhet III as an important part of
the
later kin g's tom b. In other wo rds, this later
and less-powerful ruler likely hoped to acquire the benefits of the entire Amenemhet III -
funerary complex by being buried within its wa lls. Such a concept wou ld eventually
lead to the burial of rulers beneath the natural pyramid within the Valley of the Kings in
the New Kingdom . In the Late Middle Kingdom, it also became the practice of some
4
priests at Sakkara to extend the lengths of the corridors to allow their burial shafts to lie
beneath the walls of the Old Kingdom pyramid enclosure or even within the courtyard of
pyram id com plex of Teti in order to attempt to receive increased status in the afterlife.
964
VIII.B. The Architectural Components of the Shaft Tomb of Awibre Hor
Before the burial of King Awibre Hor, ancient engineers had modified a Dynasty
XII court tomb in order to contain the elements desired for the royal interment.
965
The
original part of the tomb included a shaft measuring 2.7 by 1.49 m with a door, which had
a limestone lintel and lead to a chamber with the dimensions 2.7 by 1.4 m (Fig. 3.15.A-
B). This room had a vaulted ceiling, which had collapsed by the time of modern
Concerning the tomb of Aw ibre Hor, Clayton states, "This site was presumably chosen to indicate
solidarity and continuity with the previous dynasty" (Clayton,
C hronicles,
p. 91).
964
D.P. Silverman, "Middle Kingdom Tombs in the Teti Pyramid Com plex," in M. Barta and J. Krejci
(Praha, 2000) pp. 267; 268, n. 32; 269; 271-272; Silverman, "Non-Royal Bu rials." One of
the
gallery
tombs extends beneath the walls of
the
inner enclosure of
the
pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara, and
all three are within the complex . For the
965
de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894,
pp. 88, 101-102, Figs. 208, 242, 243; Dodson,
"Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 42; Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga ," p. 30; Dodson,
After the
Pyramids,
p. 13.
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excav ations. From this point, a new section had been added to the south of the original
tomb via a shaft to the south of the entrance (me asuring 6.1 by 2.4 m; Fig. 3.15.C). An
antechamber, measuring 2.77 by 1.33 m, was the first of
the
two new rooms (1.15.D). It
is here that the sarcophagus lid was stored until the time of the interment.
966
Next, at a
lower level, the architects created a burial chamber with a limestone, saddle-roof
(1.15.E).
96 7
The sarcophagus cham ber mea sured 2.95 by 1.26 m, excluding the canopic
box niche in its southern end. The walls of both room s were covered in plaster.
A
B
y
Figure 3.15. Plan of the shaft tomb of Aw ibre Hor. After de M organ 1895, Fig.
243.
The sarcophagus room , which was made of quartzite (described as sandstone by
de Morgan), did not have an unfamiliar arrangement after the discussion of the Late
Middle Kingdom monuments above.
96 8
Though the canopic box was not included in the
sarcophagus, this container was found in the center of the southern end of it in the
966
Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30.
967
Di. Arnold, Building, p p. 194, 195, Fig. 194.191.133; de Morgan, Fouilles aDahchour Mars-Juin 1894,
p.
102, Figs. 243-244; "Tombs of the Kings," p. 42; After the Pyramids, p. 13.
968
de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, p. 102, Fig.
211;
Dodson, The C anopic Equipment, p .
31 , Fig. 38.
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expected position . Once put into its place , the sarcophagus lid was even with the floor
much like that of Ameny Qemau.
969
VIII.C. The Co ntents of the Tomb of Awibre H or
The real significance of the tomb of Aw ibre Hor is not the architectural features
but, rather, the fact that the tomb had lain relatively undisturbed, and that excavators
found some of the items buried with the king still in place. In fact, the mum my of
Awibre Hor, though little more than a decomposed skeleton, is the only royal example
found to date from the entire Middle King dom . Considering that the excavations of the
other Late Middle Kingdom tombs have only recovered fragments of a few objects, the
nature of the cultural material in the tomb is of the utmost importan ce. Unfortunately, the
tomb had been robbed; the violators successfully punctured a hole in the ceiling of the
sarcophagus chamber, and parts and pieces of some of the tomb equipment were found
dispersed chaotically around the chambers.
971
The antechamber contained the wo oden ka statue of this king within a naos, both
now in the Egyptian M useum in Cairo (JE 309 48).
97 2
Interestingly, the position of this
statue (1.35 m in height) within the antechamber paralleled that of the body in the
sarcophag us; it was on its back with its feet to the south. The majority of the we ll-
carved statue was made of one block of wood, w hile other parts were attached, and the
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 42;
After the Pyramids,
p . 13.
970
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 42; "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30;
Monarchs,
p. 68;
After the Pyramids,
p. 13.
971
de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894,
p. 90.
972
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp . 17-26; de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894,
pp. 91-92,
Figs.
211-216, Pis. 233-235 ; Dodson, "From Da hshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30.
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joins w ere hidden using a thin coat of gray plaster over the entire wo rk. Certain
features of the statue, such as the nails, ey elids, and belt, had been covered in gold leaf.
The ka arms, eyes, and beard were all detached and lay in the naos.
The naos, which held
the ka
statue,
had
inscriptions
on its
forward-facing wooden
planks, which flanked the image of the king.
97 4
These inscriptions were attached to the
wooden naos, using a technique found throughout this tomb as well as in the deb ris from
the Late Middle Kingdom tomb S9, to be discussed below . A layer of plaster, placed
over the wood, was covered in gold leaf, and the hieroglyphs were etched into this
material. In this case , the inscriptions, which include the kin g's complete titulary, had
been painted green.
Figure 3.16. The contents o f the tomb of Awibre Hor. After de Morgan,
1895, Fig. 211.
Th e ka statue did not stand directly upon the base of the naos as there was a niche
between it and the platform for the figure.
975
This area was packed with wood shavings,
973
This thin plaster coat fell
off
the statue during excav ations.
974
de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894,
pp.
9 1,
Figs. 213-214. For a discussion of the text
and paleography
in an
argument
for
the dating
of
this king
to
Dynasty X II,
see
Aufrere, "Le
roi
Aouibre
Hor," pp. 17-21.
975
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 29-30; de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894,
p. 92.
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containing m iniature woo den vessels. In all, there were fourteen different types of
vessels, ranging in frequency from one to fifteen; all were painted w hite.
7
Interestingly, there was a second ka figure within the tom b.
97 7
In the debris in the
shaft, de Mo rgan discovered a poorly preserved ka statuette. This wooden figure, which
was covered in gold leaf and had quartz eyes, provided the first sign of
the
name and
status of the occupa nt of the tomb with its inscriptions. As with the larger one, this figure
was in a naos proportioned to its size, the fragments of which were found in the tom b. It
too was inscribed w ith green hieroglyphs into gold leaf.
An interesting group of alabaster objects was comprised of two stelae, an offering
table, and a vessel. From the western side of the antechambe r, there was one small
calcite stela containing an offering formula,
978
and one larger stela with a text of fourteen
lines of
Pyramid Texts
(PT 204-205) came from the naos in this same room.
97 9
Also,
there was an inscribed canopic jar.
98 0
Finally, de M organ found the pieces of an offering
table, displaying an offering formula, in and around the naos in the antechamber.
981
All of the inscriptions mentioned above displayed blue, mutilated hieroglyphs.
982
976
de Morgan, Fourths a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, p. 97, Fig. 226. Note that the number of these vessels
in tombs of the royal family may have been standardized between 59-62 and that they may correspond to
the number of goods in the offering formula found on offering tables such as that of Neferuptah (Aufrere,
"Le roi Aouibre Hor," p . 29).
977
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 14, 17-26; de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 18 94, pp. 90,
95 , Fig. 209, 220.
978
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 27-29; de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 189 4, p. 94, Fig.
218; Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30.
979
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 16, 26-27; de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, p. 94,
Fig. 217; Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, p. 20; Burial Customs, p. 57.
980
de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894,
pp. 91 , 95 Fig. 210. Note that there were fragments
of
two
of these jars found throughout the tomb (B. Liischer,
Untersuchungen zu dgyptischen
Kanopenkasten, H ildeshceimer Agyptologische Beitrage 31 (Hildesheim, 1990), pp. 24, 27). See also
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," p. 14.
981
de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, p. 95 , Fig. 219.
982
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 37-38; de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, pp. 91 , 94-
95 , Figs. 210, 217-219 . See also Chapter 3, Section II.B for references for mutilated hierogly phs.
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Due to the presence of the disfigured signs, it is likely that these objects were meant to be
close
to the
body.
In
Dynasty XIII animated signs, such
as
snakes, birds
and
humans
were mutilated to prevent them from coming alive and harming the deceased. It is
interesting
to
note that both
the
large
and
small naos statues
had
normal hieroglyphs
indicating their location away from sacred space surrounding
the
body
itself.
De M organ found countless pieces of staves and other objects throughout the
tomb. There were
so
many,
in
fact, that
he was
only able
to
reconstruct
a
handful
of
examples. Also, he did not report on the frequency of the types , and, thus, there is only a
very incomplete record of these objects. Typ es included
a
staff topped with
a
wooden
head
of
Horus;
mekes,
was
(1.55 m in
height), dam,
and awat
staves;
a
flail;
a
granite
mace; two broken arrows, part of a dagger, and a sheath.
98 4
The scepters, staves, and
weapons came from
the
naos,
the
coffin,
and a
case, which
was
found
out of
context
on
the western side of the antechamber.
985
All of these objects were made of wood and were
decorated with gold
leaf.
In
the
naos
and
around
the
tomb, there were many ceramic pottery vessels.
From the text, it is certain that many of these pieces were Nile C, including jars, plates,
and cups.
9 7
Unfortunately, however, this important ceramic evidence, tied
to a
specific
983
de
Morgan, Fouilles
a
Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894,
pp.
96-97, Figs. 221-225. Note that
de
Morgan
believed that
the
staves
had
been broken during
the
funeral
and not by
robbers. These objects
are
similar
to
those
of
Dynasty
XII
princesses, Senebtisi
and
Neferuptah (A.C. Mace
and
H.E. Winlock,
The
Tomb
of
Senebtisi atLisht (New York, 1916),
Pis.
29-32; Farag
and
Iskander, Neferwptah,
pp.
34-36, 66-69, 82-89,
Pis. 27a,
31b, 38,40,49 ,
52).
de Morgan ,
Fouilles
a
Dahchour Mars-Juin 1
894 , pp. 96-100, Figs . 221, 223-225 . For information on
staves,
see
H.G. Fischer, "Notes
on
Sticks
and
Staves," MM J13 (1978),
pp. 5-32; A.
Hassan, Stocke
und
Stdbe im Pharaonischen Agypten bis
zum
Ende des Neuen R eiches (Berlin, 1976).
985
de
Morgan, Fouilles
a
Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894,
p.
96; Dodson, "From Dahshur
to Dra Abu el
Naga,"
p.
30.
986
de
Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894, p.
98, Figs. 227-228.
987
The
fabric typ e, Nile
C, is
characterized
by
silt clay with large straw inclusions.
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king of Dynasty XIII, who is known in the
Turin King-List,
w as poorly recorded and
provide s no significant information such as fabrics and types. Other objects found in the
naos included: basketry, a wooden box, and tubular faience bead s.
988
The burial chamber contained a coffin decorated with an eye panel and a golden
band of inscriptions on a flat lid;
98 9
the signs of birds and snakes were truncated . Inside
of the coffin, the body was heavily decayed, leaving only a skeleton, and most of the
jewels had been taken.
99 0
Non etheless, some objects were found within the context of the
coffin.
One of the most exciting items found within the coffin was the mummy mask (in
fragments). This object was made of wood and had gilded plaster over it, mak ing a
more economical mask in the style of the golden one of the later king of great modern
fame, Tutankhamun. The mask shows the king with a nemes headdress, the uraeus
having broken off (fragments of this uraeus may have been found in the coffin
992
). The
eyes were made of stone and were placed into metal sockets and were surrounded by
large, black-lined eyelids.
As mentioned above, the mummy also had other objects in its vicinity such as two
de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894,
p. 91.
989
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 33-34; de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894,
p. 101,
Fig. 241, PL 136; Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p. 3 1; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30.
de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894,
p. 98. Dodson notes that this skeleton, which belongs
to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, fell victim to the experiments of
a
French anatomist, D.M. Fouquet, w ho
cut through the skull, damaging the facial area (Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30;
After
the Pyramids,
p. 14).
991
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 1-41; de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894,
p. 98, Fig.
229; Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 42;
The Canopic Equipment,
p. 3 1; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el
Naga," p. 30;
After the Pyramids,
p . 14; S. Ikram and A. Do dson,
The Mummy
in
Ancient E gypt
(London,
1998),
p. 169. This mummy m ask does not have the feathers and small face found in Late Middle
Kingdom through early Dynasty XIII private examples. See Ikram and Dodson,
Mummy,
p. 169.
992
de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894,
p. 100, Fig. 234, 235.
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staves and a flail.
993
Ad ditional objects included a woo den mallet, two small calcite
vessels, two falcon c ollars (with carnelian and faience), a fragment of a dagger, and a
beaded sheath, ten sizeable golden needles, a wooden vulture head, two gilded wo oden
beads displaying Aw ibre Hor's cartouche, inlaid wood, and countless fragments of gold
leaf.
994
The mum my had gilded, wooden bracelets, with carnelian and faience beads,
around its wrists and ankles and had had golden covers over its nails.
995
The four, hum an-headed canopic jars were found w ithin a box, w hich matched the
coffin in its exterior design.
996
Interestingly, the box was sealed with the name
Nym aatre, which was the prenomen of Amenem het III, leading de Morgan to believe that
Aw ibre Hor was a co-regent of this king.
99 7
It is unclear if this name was used
honorifically, com mem orating the Dynasty XII king or if the name belongs Sedjefakare
Am enemhet of Dynasty XIII since it is possible that he may have used it early in his
998
reign.
The shape and size of the canopic jars continues that of late Dyn asty XII. Like in
the funerary material of Am eny Qem au, the hieroglyp hs are mutilated. Also , the wo rd
The nomen of Awibre Hor appears on the Hapy and Q ebehsenuef vessels while the
993
de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894, p. 98.
994
de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894, pp. 98-100, Figs. 230-233, 236, 239, 248 , PL 138C
995
de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894, pp. 99, 100, PI. 138D; Dodson, "From Dahshur to
Dra Abu el Naga," p . 30.
996
de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 18 94, pp. 102, 105, Figs. 246, 247; Dodson, T he Canopic
Equipment, p. 32; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30 ; "Canopic Jars and Chests," in D.B. R edford,
ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, I (New York, 2001), p. 232; Reisner, Canopies, pp. 11-14,
17-18,
Pis. 14, 16.
997
Cron and Johnson, "De Morgan at Dahshur," p. 60; de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894,
pp .
105, 125-128. Murnane does not discuss this seal because it does not have a double name . How ever,
he dismisses the occurrence of a coregency between these two kings, whose names both appear on a
faience plaque (Murnane, Egyptian C oregencies, p. 25).
998
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 42; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp.
30-31;
After the
Pyramids, p. 14. For uses of this seal in Nubia after the reign of Amenem het III, see S.T. Sm ith, Askut in
Nubia: The Economics a nd Ideology of Egyptian Imperialism in the Second Millennium B.C. (New York,
1995), pp. 70-71. See also Weill, La Fin du M oyen Empire, pp. 482-484.
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prenomen is on those associated with Imseti and Duamutef. The texts are found in
three columns on each jar and are similar in form to those of Sobekemsaf II of Dynasty
XVII.
1000
Do dson notes that the quality of the detailing on the lids is much lower than
those found in the complexes of Senwosret I and Senwosret III of Dynasty XII, as one
might expect.
1001
VIII.D.
The O wner of the Tomb: Awibre Hor
Scholars know very little concerning the reign of Awibre Hor, who occupies
position 7.17 in the
Turin King-List
according to Ryho lt's transcription. Only a handful
of other objects have been found outside of the location of the tomb, and most of these
are withou t provenien ce. In essence, it appears that Aw ibre Hor reigned for only a short
time, estimated by Ryholt at up to 1.5 years, and he may not have had the resources
necessary to build his own pyram id or may have died prior to its construction.
The nature of Aw ibre Ho r's tomb in relation to other royal tombs of the Late
Middle K ingdom is unclear at this time. It could be the case that Aw ibre Ho r's short
reign resulted in his tomb provisions being less elaborate than the other kings of the
period.
1002
In fact, Kem p notes the similarity between the funerary e quipmen t of this
king and the provisions of D ynasty XII court burials, implying the low political/economic
status of Awibre H or.
1003
It is possible that this ruler had a familial or ideological
connection to Amenemhet III, due to the placement of his tomb w ithin this k ing 's
Dodson, The C anopic Equipment, p . 31; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qem au," pp. 319-
334.
1000
Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p. 32.
1001
Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p . 32.
1002
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 83.
1003
Kemp, "Social History," p. 149. See also Williams, "Problems," pp. 108, 1224-1225.
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funerary complex, making his burial in this location both symbolic and significant.
1004
A
female mem ber of the court, possibly a daughter of Awibre H or (Nebhotepti), was buried
in the tomb next to his, continuing the M iddle Kingdom practice of associating w omen
with the king in death.
Aufrere has argued that there were two k ings by the name of Hor, who had the
prenomens
}w-ib-r
c
(tomb) and
Jwt-i'b-r
c
(Turin King-List
8.17).
1005
He believes that the
first of these was a king of Dynasty XII between Senwosret III and Amenemh et III, while
the latter was a ruler dating to Dynasty XIII. His argum ent is based upo n the location of
this tomb, the Nymaatre (the prenomen of Amenemhet III) seal on the canopic box of
Awibre Hor, art and writing styles, as well as sealings and a plaquette which he argues
puts these names in juxtaposition, indicating a chronological relationship amongst the
three kings. Ho wev er, this evidence is not convincin g, as the seals contain phrases
connected to the god, Re, (such as
mn-kJ-nfrand h
c
-k
c
-r
c
)
which may not necessarily
correspond to royal nam es. The plaqu ette, how ever, is interesting, as it appears to
have the nomen H or and one side and the prenomen Nym aatre on the other.
1007
If these
kings were linked, it is unclear why the forms of their names would not match.
Aufrere argues that Awibre Hor (in discussion for Dyansty XII dating) would not
have chosen to be buried in the pyramid of Am enemhet III if
the
latter was buried at
Hawara, because he would not have been in the correct location for the cult of the earlier
1004
For a discussion on the question of whether or not additional kings had shaft tombs similar to that of
Awibre Ho r, see Chapter 3, Section XI.C.
1005
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre H or," pp. 1-41.
For a description of these seals and the argument that they are not royal, see Ryholt,
Second
Intermediate
Period, pp . 62-63. See also Hornung and Staehelin,
Skarabden und andere Siegelamulette,
p .
205, no. 69.
1007
Erman, "Miscellen," p. 143.
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king, and the site had been abandoned after the first kings of Dynasty XIII.
1008
However,
it should be noted that cultic activity continued to take place at the Dahshur Pyramid into
Dynasty XIII.
1009
IX. The Tomb Model
A limestone, architectural mod el of a tomb w as found by a German expedition,
that Di. Arnold directed, at the funerary complex of the Dynasty XII king, A menem het
III at Dahshur.
1010
Thou gh this object has often been overlooked in studies of the
pyramids, Di. Arnold had suggested that it is possible that the object dates to Dynasty
XIII.
1011
The object appeared in a special exhibit held at the Egyptian Mu seum in Cairo
in 2003,
1012
and that the mo del's plan clearly fits into the Late Middle K ingdom g enre of
architecture, whether that includes the end of Dynasty XII or not.
Some scholars, including Di. Arnold, have at times attempted to argue that the
miniature tomb provides a schematic plan, presumably later modified, for the
substructure of Amenemhet Ill's pyramid at Hawara.
1013
Mean while, others have stated
that the sand lowering system found in the model indicates that it belongs exclusively to
1008
Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," p. 11.
1009
Do. Arnold, "Zur Keramik aus dem Taltempel der Pyramide Am enemhets III. in Dahschur," MDAIK
33 (1977), pp. 21-26.
1010
Di. Arnold and R. Stadelmann, "Dahschur: Zweiter Grabungsbericht," MDAIK
33
(1977), p. 16, PI.
13b.
1011
Di. Arnold,
Amenemhet III,
pp. 87-88, PI. 67. Other scholars, such as Ryholt
{Political Situation,
pp.
82-83);
Stadelmann Agyptischen Pyramiden, p. 245), and Verner (Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 69), allow
for the dating of
this
object to Dynasty XIII.
1012
Note that in the catalogue, the model is dated to Dynasty XII (Hawass, Hidden Treasures, p. 34).
1013
Di. Arnold, Amenemhet III, pp. 87-88; Building, p p. 9-10; Lehner, Pyramids, pp.
181,
227. More
recently, Di. Arnold has suggested that this object may be a "demonstration sample" (Di. Arnold,
Encyclopedia, p. 152).
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the Dynasty XIII corpus, but the same exact system was used in the Haw ara complex
indicating that this technology existed in the reign of Amenemhet III.
1015
Nonetheless,
since the context of the model provides evidence that it is later than the valley temple of
this king, it is likely that this object d ates to a reign after h is death .
Figure 3.17.
The tomb model from the funerary complex of Am enemhet
III at Dah shur. After Arno ld,
1991,
Building, Fig. 1.6.
Ryhol t notes that Dynasty XIII monuments in the area (Ameny Qemau and the
For example, see Ryholt,
Political
Situation, pp.
82-83,
n. 254.
D i. Arno ld , Encyclopedia, p. 134.
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unexcavated tombs thought to date the this period) may have been planned and executed
from the pyramid complex of Am enemhet III at Dahshur, since this is the location where
the model was found, as well as being the site of the tomb of Awibre Hor.
1016
The use of
Dynasty XII funerary installations and their associated towns was probably typical in the
construction of the Dynasty XIII mortuary com plexes.
1017
Thu s, the fact that such a
model would be found in the confines of Dynasty XII funerary architecture is not
surprising.
Desc ribing the plan of the tomb m odel is somewhat difficult due to the fact that
the rendering is schematic, not exact. Thu s, one must take certain liberties, based on
knowledge gained from studying the other complexes, in order to interpret the
architecture represented in the model.
18
Since the Late Middle Kingdom tombs, which have features similar to this mo del,
always have the canopic niche to the south at the far end of the sarcophagus chamber,
wh ile the coffin is near the antecham ber, the entrance of the tomb represented by the
model would likely have been on the eastern side of the monument (Fig. 3.17).
The entrance, as shown here, has a staircase leading from the surface, descending
northward towa rd the substructure of the tomb (Fig. 3.17.A). From here, a doorway to
the east (Fig. 3.17.B) appears very small in comparison to the other components of the
tomb.
This phenomenon must simply be interpreted as the language of the model. Most
likely the architects wished for the object to portray the layout of the tomb and its
6
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p p. 82-83. See also Chapter 5, Section V.B .
7
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 294.
8
The model is 0.36 m long by 0.11 m wide by 2.72 m in height (Hawass,
Hidden Treasures,
p. 34).
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features rather than being an exact to-scale replica.
From the entrance, a corridor continues to the east until a turning chamber is
reached (Fig. 3.17.C).
1020
The walls wide n at this point and slots for the block s of the
ceiling are visible. From this chamber, a staircase leads to the north (Fig. 3.17.D). He re,
one might have expected a ramped staircase. How ever, the size of the model, might have
precluded adding this detail.
At the end of the stairs, there is another turning chamber as the eastern wall
widens and another set of slots for the slabs of the ceiling blocks ap pears. The co rridor
continues for a short distance to the west. At that point, there is a wo oden portcullis
(symbolizing quartzite; Fig. 3.17.E), shown in its preburial niche. Though the receiving
niche across from this feature is not shown, one must assume that the shape of the model
has been abbreviated, as it has in the case of the turning chamb ers. Thus this portcullis
works in exactly the same way as the real ones in the Late Middle Kingdom tombs.
The passage continues at a higher level behind the portcullis stone, immediately
reaching a turning chamber (Fig. 3.17.F). From here the tomb co ntinues to the south,
whe re there is a large, rectangular antech amb er (Fig. 3.17.G). In the center of this floor,
there is an entrance to a corridor running south to the sarcophagus chamber (Fig. 3.17.H).
The sarcophagus itself is not shown, but entrances to two small rooms are found in the
floor and wall of the antechamber, leading to two small rooms beside the sarcophagus
cham ber. Two do ors then lead to the sides of the sarcophag us, forming the structure
1019
For the accuracy of the models as well as the nature of other types of structures such as houses and
estates, workshops, granaries, and ships, see Hayes, Scepter I, pp. 262-274; S. D'Auria, P. Lacovara, and C.
Roehrig, Mummies and Magic (Boston, 1988), pp. 112-116. Note that, in Figure 59, of
the
latter
publication, the peop le are taller than the building. The door, which is painted on on e side, is much smaller
than they are.
1020
For the definition of "turning chamber," see Chapter 3, Section II.B.
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needed to create a sand lowering system for lowering the lid of a sarcophagus (Fig. I-J).
As noted above, the size and appearance of aspects of
the
tomb mod el are not
identical to their life-sized originals. How ever, here, it is important to remem ber that this
model may have served as a general guide for the laying out of the limestone blocks at
the base of the excavated pit rather than being an exact blueprint for the details of the
tomb . No neth eless, it is quite fortunate that this tomb mode l was found, as it adds a sixth
example to the corpus of royal Dynasty XIII tombs.
The location of the monument depicted in the model is unknow n. It is possible
that someday one of the proposed sites (see section XL) or an unknown monument from
Hawara or Dahshur will be excavated and will match the design of this model. However,
it could also be the case that the tomb was never constructed at all and that it only
remained in the planning stag es. Also , it is possible that the model was intended for
ritual pu rposes.
1021
X. Characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Monuments
The first person who attempted to define the characteristics of four of the Late
1 099
Middle Kingdom pyramids was Jequier in 1933. In his generalized comparison of the
pyramids from South Sakkara and those of Mazgh una, Jequier commented on aspects
such as the use of bricks, general plan, portcullis type, quartzite sarcophagus style and
mechanics, and dashed "decoration." How ever, until the present study, there has been
neither a detailed description of all of these monum ents in a single publication, nor a
1021
For the resemblance betwee n this model and tomb S10 at South Abydo s, see Chapter 4, Section IV.
Though these are not the same tombs, many of their architectural features, and a little over half of their
plans, are identical.
1022
Jequier,
Fouilles a Saqqarah,
p. 67.
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comp rehensive analy sis of the similarities, which they share. Specifically d efining the
nature of the corpus is imperative in order to determine whether or not further
monuments belong to the group and what certain trends may be significant in the
development of kingship in D ynasty XIII.
X.A. The Elements of the Superstructure
The visible components of the Late Middle K ingdom royal tombs are not
distinctly different from their Old and Middle Kingdom counterparts except for the use of
sinusoidal walls. The presentation here provides an overview of the plans of the above-
ground portions of the royal funerary complexes from the Late Middle Kingdom.
There are several characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary
monum ent corpus that indicate that these structures were envisioned as pyramids w hether
or not they were comp leted. First of all, the elaborate design of the brickw ork abo ve the
sarcophagus chambers would have been capable of supporting the considerable weight of
a significant su perstructure. Outside of the brick core, there was to have been a fine
limestone encasem ent for each pyram id. In several cases, such trapezoidal encasem ent
blocks were found above flat foundation stones in trenches, where ritual deposits were
sometimes hidden. Also, pyramidions from such monum ents have been found both in the
complexes (Khendjer and the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara), as well as
elsewhere (Merneferre Ay in the Delta).
A r ou nd t he py r a m id s t r uc tu r e , t he r e w a s t o be one o r tw o e nc los u r e w a l l s . I n
some cases, these structures were first built in the form of sinusoidal walls. How ever, if
there was enough time before the death of the king, these temporary structures could be
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replaced with more durable (niched facade) stone or whitewashed, mudbrick w alls.
Sometimes, the foundations of these trenches included large, uncut natural boulders.
Even more tenuously built sinusoidal walls could appear around areas of
construction. These walls were poorly made, using bricks and brick parts to form the
general structure of the wall while add ing mu d plaster to fulfill the curved shape . 'It is
possible that these walls were used as an economical alternative to straight walls since
much stability could be obtained quickly using this shape with less brick s. The bricks of
these structures as well as those of the enclosu re walls differed in size from those used in
the pyramids.
On the eastern side of the outer enclosure, there was often a temple or cult
structure. These constructions cou ld be either limestone or mudbrick with the former
option having painted inscriptions. In the most complete examples with limestone
temp les, a decorated (includ ing a false door), northern chapel is also present. In both of
these structures, it is likely that there were statues of the deceased king.
Another com mon feature of the Late Middle K ingdom royal pyramids is the
presence of subsidiary burials. The monum ent of Khendjer has both a subsidiary
pyramid and shaft tombs with galleries in his complex, while the "U nfinished" Pyramid
also had a less elaborate shaft tomb. The other locations of these mortuary comp lexes
may also have had contemporary burials, but the excavation techniques of the times as
well as the interests of the expeditions often did not lead to investigations of the
surrounding areas where such tombs m ay be located (See section X I. Below).
The final feature of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs is a causeway or
road leading in the direction of the Nile Valley. M ost of the time, such a feature is only
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visible for a short distance from the tom b, and its destination cannot be determine d. For
this reason, it is uncertain as to whether or not these tombs had valley temples or whether
some or all of these kings established their cults in their p redec essors'm onu me nts
nearby. It may be the case that such short causeways/roads are actually ramps used
during the construction process.
X.B.
The C omponents of the Substructure
It is in the substructures of the Late Middle Kingdom royal monuments that this
corpus can truly be differentiated from those of other time periods. Th us, this
information is important to compile so that a standard may be set for determining whether
further mon ume nts should be included in this group. Obv iously, there is differentiation,
but the common characteristics and restriction in choices in specific elements provide one
with a clear idea of what a Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monument should
encompass.
X.B.1. Layout
For the pyramid of Amenemh et III at Hawara, the building of the substructure
began with the excavation of one rectangular trench for the sarcophagus chamber and
separate channe ls for each of the corridors leading to it. In the remainde r of the
mo num ents, a single trench served to delineate the space for the entire structure. He re, it
was limestone blocks which were used to separate the individual components of the
tomb. In these monuments, bricks were used to support the limestone elements as well as
to outline the trench and control the surrounding sand (where applicable as some
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pyramids were set into stone plateaus).
The entrance to the substructure of the Dynasty XIII monum ents was somewhat
inconsistent. The most comm on side for the entrance was the east (subsidiary pyram id of
Khendjer, A meny Qemau at Dahshur, North M azghuna, South Sakkara, and the tomb
model from Dahshur) while a single example is present from the west (Khendjer) and two
from the south (Hawara and South Mazgh una). None of the monuments have entrances
on their northern side, possibly indicating that this area was deem ed as being
inappropriate for it.
In some cases, the entrances to the tombs in the Late M iddle Kingdom royal
funerary monum ents were beneath the superstructure, meaning that the m onuments
wou ld have had to have been comp leted after the death of the king. How ever, in other
cases, the entrance was hidden und er a portion o f the encasement of the pyram id. It is
unclear at this point whether these choices were deliberate or whether they reflect the
status of
the
completion of the tomb at the time w hen the king died.
The structure of the staircases in the Late Middle Kingdom tombs is always the
same, with the exception of the tomb model (a factor of its size and purpose) and perhaps
the pyram id of Am eny Qemau. The stairs are normally narrow and shallow and are cut
into the limestone after it is in position. On either side of the steps, there is a narrow
ramp, which was likely used to slide the coffin and other heavy equipment down the
stairs with the use of men and ropes. At the tops of
steps,
some excavators noted ridges
or notches that could be used to help position the heavy coffin onto the stairway .
Interestingly, in a few complexes, this type of stairway was found outside the tomb,
which was made of mudbrick.
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In some of the Late Middle Kingdom pyramids, there are passages hidden b eneath
false floors in corridors with dead en ds. The stones of the false floor could be removed,
revealing either a drop to the surface below o r a staircase. M eanw hile, other hidden
passages were blocked by portcullises.
X.B.2. Portcullis Types
There are two types of portcullis stones that are always m ade of a hard stone,
mo st common ly quartzite but sometimes also granite. The first variety, Type A, is found
in every tomb and is positioned so that it blocks a hidden passage above the level of the
floor of the previous room (Fig. 3.7).
1023
The large stone sits in a niche to the side of the
chamber housing it. The length of one side of the stone is positioned upon a gently
sloping ramp usually made of polished quartzite. The end is propped upon a piece of
limeston e, which is often found in a small niche of its own. When the tomb was to be
closed, the limestone was smashed, allowing the stone to move down the ramp with the
aid of small levers. At the end of
the
ramp, there was a smaller niche in the opposite
wa ll, wh ich housed the end of the stone. Thu s, the base of the stone performed as the
ceiling of the portcullis chamber while blocking the rest of the tomb.
Type A portcullis stones were not randomly placed within the tomb. It is clear
from the ir positions that a certain plan was usually followed. In most of the tomb s there
are two T ype A portcullis stones (Khendjer m ain and subsidiary, Mazghuna N orth and
South, while the pyramid of Ameny Qemau had one Type A, one Type B, and one
portcullis that dropped from the ceiling, the tomb model had one Type A variety, and the
1023
Di. Arnold, Building, p. 223; En cyclopedia, p. 224.
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unfinished monum ent at South Sakkara had three Type A and one Type B p ortcullis).
There seem to be several rules for the position of these portcullises. First of all, wh en
there is only one Type A portcullis, it is housed to the left of the corridor preceding it
(model and Ameny Qemau, though the plan of the latter may have originally had another
Type A blocking stone before the one mentioned here). If there are two or more
portcullis stones of Type A, they always alternate the sides from which they slide into
position. With two stone s, the first normally sits in a niche to the right of
the
passageway
while the second is placed to the left (North and South Mazghuna, and Khendjer main).
The subsidiary pyramid at the complex of Khendjer is the exception to this rule with the
order being left and then right. It is possible that since this tomb was not mean t for the
king himself that there was more flexibility w ith the arrangement. In the "Un finished"
Pyramid at South Sakkara, there was one portcullis stone at the base of the ramped
staircase leading from the entrance and two along the same line closer to the sarcophagus
chamb er. Their order alternated directions starting with the right.
In all of the tombs, except for the model and the pyramid of Ameny Qemau, there
is always a Type A portcullis located at the end of the entrance, often at the base of a
ramped sta ircase. In three of the tombs, two Type A portcullis stones are located along
the entranceway (Khendjer main and subsidiary and South M azghuna) w hile the
"Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara has all of its Type A portcullis stones along the
same axis even though the first and the last two are separated by corridors leading in
other directions.
It is unclear why five of the tombs have two portcullises in close proximity to one
another and/or are along the same corridor. Also , often, one or both of these block ing
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stones remained in its original position. Thu s, it is likely that the placement of these
stones had some sort of religious significance related to the king 's passag e to the afterlife.
Though these "do ors" never reached a state of consistency in their placement, there are
enough correlations to propose some religious significance in the architecture of
the
tomb
at this time.
The second portcullis style, Type B, is only found in tombs with sarcophagi of
Type 2 (see below ). In each case, only one of these blocking stones is found. Tom bs
containing this type of stone include the pyramid of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur, North
Mazghuna, and the secondary tomb in the ""Unfinished" Pyram id" at South Sakkara.
Type B is always located just to the north of the sarcophagus and has a pre-use niche to
the west with a receiving niche to the east. The portcullis slides horizontally with its base
at the level of the floor of the antechamber.
In the two cases where this type of portcullis seals the main burial, the large stone
blocks the sarcophag us chambe r from the precedin g corridor. Ho wev er, in the
"Unfinished" tomb at South Sakkara, the portcullis, still forming the northern wall of the
chambe r, is located at the opposite end from the passage leading to the burial. It seems
irrational to place the portcullis behind the burial. How ever, here, it may have bee n more
important that the structure of the burial chamber and the placement be directionally
sound (according to religious tenets) than that the security system would work in a logical
fashion.
Another interesting element in three of the tombs was the insertion of wooden
doors. In the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Haw ara, a single wooden door blocked the
extension of the first corridor from the rest of the tomb. A niche would ha ve housed the
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door when it was open in order not to block the path while a bolt secured it when closed.
Within the tombs of Khendjer and North Mazghuna, there is a small niche on either side
of the wall, indicating the presence of double doors. When these doors were open, they
fit into the niche s and were flush with the walls. In the pyramid of Khendjer, the wo oden
doors are located just prior to the second portcullis while in that of North Mazghuna, they
are found prior to the first. Both of these doorways are located at the base of a long
ramped staircase.
X.B.3. Sarcophagus Types
The core of each mortuary structure is similar in the complexes except for those
meant to receive two burials. In the pyramids of Khendjer, South Mazghuna, North
Mazghu na, Ameny Qemau, and the model, the approach to the tomb follows the pattern
of corridors leading to the north on the eastern side. From here, the hallway turns to the
west and then approaches the sarcophag us cham ber from the north. In all of these tombs,
except for that at North Mazghuna, where there are additional passages, this core
structure is attached to the entranceway via a corridor running in that direction.
The type of sarcophagus found in the tombs of the Late Middle Kingdom has
often been recog nized.
1024
In the main burial chamber, presumably m eant for a king, the
sarcophagus always includes a niche for the coffin with a second for the canopic
equipm ent at the foot. Secondary and sub sidiary burials have matchin g cases for these
comp onents but are not usually found in the same block of stone. The preferred material
for the construction of the sarcophagus and its chamber was quartzite, though granite is
1024
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 27; "Strange Affair," p. 62.
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also found o ccasionally. Due to the fact that the sarcophagi were architectural
components rather than free-standing objects, they do not have any decoration or
inscriptions.
The sarcophagus itself
is
always aligned so that the coffin within sits to the north
of the canopic niche. From Awibre H or's tom b, it is clear that the king 's head was meant
to be at the north end of the coffin, and, thus, the canopic eq uipmen t was located at the
feet. If a configuration prevented the canopic niche from being to the south of the feet of
the deceased person, then the canopic container wo uld be positioned to the east of the
southern end of the coffin.
There were three basic types of sarcophagi found w ithin the Late Middle
Kingdom royal tomb complexes. Type 1 is the most complex, requiring careful
engineering to accommo date the closing mechanisms. In this type, found at Khe ndjer's
pyramid, the "Unfinished" Pyramid, South Mazghuna, and the tomb model, the bottom
portion of the sarcophagus was m ade of a single giant slab of quartzite. The lid was
composed of two or three (Hawara and "Unfinished" Pyramid) large pieces of the same
material. In the two-piec e lid variety, the section of the lid over the southern part of the
tomb would be fixed into place during construction. The underside of the stone wa s
usually convex in order to facilitate the placement of the canopic box and other
equipment into this end. Mean while, the second part of the lid was positioned above the
sarcophagus by propping it upon two quartzite support stones, one being one each side
(east and west).
The structure of the tomb provided for an antechamber to the north of the
sarcoph agus. From the floor of this room, a small corridor led to the edge of the bottom
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section of the sarcophag us. Thu s, wh en the coffin was broug ht into the an techamb er,
workers maneuvered it through the corridor and into the sarcophagus.
1025
Onc e all of the
equipment was in place, a sand lowering system allowed the mobile section of the lid to
be positioned.
The sand lowering system in its form here first appeared in the pyramid of
Amenem het III at Hawara, with three quartzite lid blocks.
1026
In this type, the suppo rts
holding the mobile part of the lid in its position above the base sit in a niche filled with
sand. To the east and west of the sarcoph agus, there are small passa ges, which lead to the
antechamber or a side passage, either directly or through two corridors at right angles to
one another. These entrances to these passag ewa ys are usually in the floor of the rooms
or hallways, from w hich they originate. At the other end near the sarcopha gus, there was
a limestone blocking stone preventing the sand from pou ring into the corridor. Wh en the
sarcophagus lid was to be closed, a man would have been sent into the corridors to
remove the block and the sand would have poured into the chamber. As the level of the
sand lowered, the supports and the lid would gradually hav e maneuv ered until the lid
came to rest gently upon the base of the sarcophagus. Once in this position, there would
be no way to mo ve the heavy lid.
The sarcophagus chamber itself was often made of hard materials like quartzite
and granite. How ever, there are cases where only limestone was used. The ceilings were
also limestone, being of the saddle variety. Above the roof, bricks were laid to fill in the
gap between the limestone and a series of brick arches used to keep the pressure of the
1025
Excavators have only found the coffin of Awib re Hor. Those from the pyram ids are missing or were
not preserved. See Chapter 3, Section VIII.C.
Di.
Arnold,
Amenemhet III,
pp. 86, n. 210;
Building,
p p. 75, 78;
En cyclopedia,
pp. 14, 134; Dodson,
"From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 26 ; Holzl, "Mazghuna," p. 474.
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superstructure off of the ceiling.
The more complicated, "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara contained a
variation on the Type 1 sarcophagus in the main burial chamber. Here, the quartzite
sarcophagu s was massiv e, requiring three stones for the lid. The placemen t of the
sarcophagus was along an east-west axis rather than the normal north/south.
Nonetheless, it was so large that the coffin fit within it sideways, keeping its north/south
orientation. The canop ic niche was the east of the southern end of the coffin. This
sarcophagus also had four limestone supports in addition to the two granite ones used in
the sand hydraulic system . These softer suppo rts were meant to have been destroyed
prior to triggering the closing device.
The Type 2 sarcophagus was found in the pyramid of Ameny Qemau, that at
North M azghuna, and the secondary burial chamber of the "Unfinished" Pyramid at
South Sakkara. This variety is much simp ler than that of Type 1 discussed above. In two
of these tombs (Ameny Qemau and North Mazgh una), the base of the sarcophagus is
made of
a
single slab of quartzite and has niches for the coffin and the canopic equipm ent
in the preferred position s. The lid was also made of a single piece of quartzite but was
less massive than those of Type 1. The undersides could be concave, and the ends had a
traditional rectangular form. Before the burial, the lid was housed in the antecham ber to
the north. Once the coffin and other items were placed into the tomb, the lid wou ld be
maneuvered over the sarcophagus, which w as at floor level. Finally, the Type B
portcullis would be slid from the west, sealing the chamber as the lid was in contact with
the walls and inserted into niches and, thus, could not be removed.
Once again, the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara has a variation of the
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Type 2 sarcophagus in the secondary burial chamber. How ever, there are a few
interesting features. First of all, the canopic nich e is not in the sarcoph agus, but is in the
wall on the eastern side at the southern end. Secondly, the room for the lid and the
associated Type B portcullis stone are not found in the corridors leading to the chamber
but rather behind them . As discussed abo ve, this strange configuration allow ed for the
portcullis and the lid to lie to the north of the chamber as it does in the other examples.
Once the lid was in place, it blocked most of the space in the wall, where the canopic box
was kept.
The last sarcophagus group found in the Dyn asty XIII royal tombs is Type 3.
This form, found in the subsidiary pyramid and possibly in the galleries of Khendjer's
complex, always has separate containers, made of quartzite or limestone, for the coffin
and the canopic material. The canopic box is found either to the south of the coffin or on
the eastern side at the southern en d, following the pattern in the other types. In the
subsidiary pyramid of Khendjer, the lids of the two sarcophagi were flat and were
suspended in the air in a niche in the ceiling. They w ere supported by five or six pillars,
made of uniform limestone stacks of blocks, around the perimeter. Levers would have
been used to lower the lids.
XI.
Other Proposed Sites
1027
One of the greatest mysteries of the Late Middle Kingdom is the location of the
missing tom bs of the num erous Dynasty XIII rulers. Scholars have identified a num ber
1027
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 80, n. 242; Swelim, The Brick Pyramid, pp . 18, 73-74; "Pyramid
Research from the Archaic to the Second Intermediate Period: Lists, Catalogues and Objectives," in
Homma ges a Jean Leclant I: Etudes Pharaoniques, Bibliotheque d'Etude 106/1 1994), p. 343; Swelim and
Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p . 334.
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of unexcavated mou nds and out-of-context pyramidions as potential monum ents of this
period. Though some of these structures provide little evidence of Late Middle K ingdom
activity, others are likely to be the sites of the burials of Late Dynasty XII/Dynasty XIII
rulers. Belo w, these possible locations for funerary establishments in both the Mem phite
region and the Delta will be described and evaluated as to their relevance to the Late
Middle Kingdom royal corpus investigated in earlier sections (Fig. 3.18).
Figure 3.18. Map showing the locations of the potential Late M iddle
Kingdom royal funerary monuments.
XI.A. The Memphite Region
The M emphite region is the most likely area in which to find Late M iddle
King dom roy al funerary co mp lexes. It is here that the kings of Dyn asty XII built the
majority of their monuments near the capital of Itjatawy.
1028
Scholars have suggested
Grajetzki,
Middle
Kingdom, p. 74
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that five sites within this region may have one or more Dynasty XIII monuments (from
north to south): Abu Roash, A busir, Sakkara, and Dahshur.
XI.A.1. Abu Roash (Lepsius I)
Abu R oash is a site, located 9 kms north of Giza, with monum ents dated primarily
to Dynasties I-V.
1029
He re, a mud brick pyram id (Lepsius I) is located near the edge of
the cultivation. Though Dodson o riginally theorized that this monum ent might belong to
the Late Middle Kingdom corpus, ° Swelim has recently suggested that the tomb may
be a non-funerary pyramid from the end of Dynasty III.
1031
Others believe that the
monum ent is a mastaba from the period w hen the site was most popular.
1032
Thus,
Dodson has recanted his original theory and no longer attributes the structure to Dynasty
XIII.
1033
It is unlikely that any Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary m onuments w ere
constructed in this northern location within the M emphite region.
XI.A.2. Abu Ghurob
Abu Ghurob is adjacent to the site of Abusir to the south of Giza. Abusir is the
1029
M. Valloggia, "Le Com plexe Funeraire de Radjedef a Abou Roasch: Etat de la Question et Perspectives
de Recherches,"
BSFE
130 (1994), 5-17; E. Chassinat, "A Propos d'une Tete en Gres Rouge du roi
Didoufri (IVe Dynastie) Conserve au Mussee du Lou vre,"
Monumnets et Memoires Publies par VAcademie
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres
25 (1921-1922), pp. 53-75.
1030
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 43 ; Lepsius,
Denkmdler Text
(1897), pp. 21-22.
1031
Swelim,
The Brick Pyramid,
pp. 2-3, 80-87. These pyramids served as the locations of the cults of the
living kings of
this
period (H. Papazian, "Dom ain of Pharaoh: The Structure and Components of the
Econo my of Old Kingdom Egypt , " disserta t ion, Univers i ty of Chicago (2005), pp. 101-108; S.
Seidelmayer, "Town and State in Early Old Kingdom: A V iew from Elephantine," in A.J. Spencer, Aspects
of Early Egypt
(London, 1996) p. 122).
1032
For exam ple, see I.E.S. Edwards, "Abu Roash," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of
Ancient Egypt
(New York, 1999), pp. 82-83.
1033
Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p. 30, n. 63; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 31 . See also
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 80, 242.
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location of pyramids of the Dynasty V kings while Abu Ghurob contains at least two sun
temp les, a special royal construction of the period. As one might expec t, the activity
at these two sites originates primarily from Dynasty V with occasional material from the
end of the Old Kingdom as well as the Middle Kingdom and the Late Period.
XLA.2.a. Lepsius XXVIII
Lepsius first identified pyramid XXVIII, located to the south of the valley
component of Ne userre's (Dynasty V) sun temple at Abu Ghurob and o riented to the
local directions.
1035
In 1907, Borch ardt opened test trenches in the vicinity of the moun d,
which m easures around 95 m on each side and was made of
clay,
brick, and limestone
fragments with some quartzite, granite and basalt.
1036
Some of the sondages produced
late Old Kingdom tom bs and Late Period faience fragments. This investigation also
revealed a possible Middle Kingdom dark, red-slipped sherd at the bottom of one of the
trenches, indicating that the mou nd could be associated with that time period. Due to this
evidence, as well as the appearance of the clay, Borchardt suggested that it was a
manm ade mound. Later, however, a Czech geophysical study concluded that the mound
1034
F.W. Von Bissing,
Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-user-Re I
(Berlin, 1905); Ricke, H.
Das
Sonnenheiligtum des Konigs.
Beitrage zur agyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde herausgegeben
von Herbert R icke 7 (Gottingen, 1965).
1035
Lepsius,
Denkmaler Text
(1897), pp. 137-138;
Denkmaler aus Aegypten undAethiopien, Blatt
I (Berlin,
1897), PI. 32. L. Borchardt,
Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Neuserre
(Leipzig, 1907), pp. 6, Fig. 3, PI. 2; L.
Borchardt , Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs S'AAHu-rea, Wissenschaft l iche Veroffent l ichung der Deutschen
Orient-Ge sellschaft 14 (Leipzig, 19 10), pp. 1 47-148, PI. 142; V. Maragioglio and C. Rinaldi,
L'Architettura
Delle Piramidi Menflte
7 (Rapallo, 1970), PL 5. Note that Dodson refers to these pyramids as being at
Abusir (A. Dodson, "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids at Abusir?,"
VA
3 (1987), p. 232). For an aerial
photograph, see H. Ricke,
Das So nnenheiligtum,
frontispiece.
1036
L. Bares, "Note to the Thirteenth D ynasty at Abusir,"
VA
4 (1988), pp. 117-118; Borchardt,
Grabdenkmal,
p. 147, PL 142; Dodson, "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyram ids," pp. 231-232.
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was natural.
1037
More recently, Dodson proposed that Lepsius XXVIII may date to Dynasty X III,
though he was cautious in making the Late M iddle Kingdom identification, noting that
this monum ent could be related to Ne userre's sun temple.
1038
Bares also exercises doubt
concerning this date for the mou nd and proposes that this area may have served as the
deposit site of clay removed to construct Late Period shaft tombs around 1 km away.
3
How ever, according to this same scholar, Verner noticed con necting walls at the southern
and western sides of the mound in 1987, indicating that this feature is unlikely to be
natural.
1040
Non etheless, in a later article, Dodson notes that Verner has since dismissed
the hypothesis that this monum ent belongs to D ynasty XIII altogether.
1041
Though the
mound labeled Lepsius XXV III may display some of the aspects of Late M iddle
Kingdom tombs in its composition, it is likely related to the Dynasty V activity in the
vicinity.
XI.A.2.b. Lepsius XVI
In the area between the sun temples of Neuserre and Userkaf at Abu G hurob,
there is a second square m ound, which Dodson considers to be a possible Dynasty X III
pyramid.
1042
This structure measures app roximately 75 m on each of its four sides and is
1037
M. Verner, "Excavations at Abusir: Season 19 78/1979 -Preliminary Report," Z AS 107 (1980), p. 169;
M. Verner and V. Hasek, "Die Anwendung goephysicalischer Methoden bei der archaologischen
Forschung in Ab usir,"
Z AS
108 (1981), pp. 75-76 . For this theory and additional schola rs' ideas with
referen ces, see Bar es, "Abusir," pp. 118, 120, n. 118. See also Ryh olt, Political Situation, p. 80, n. 242 .
1038
Dodson, "Tw o Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids," pp. 231-232.
1039
Bares, "Abusir," p. 118.
1040
Bares, "Abusir," p. 118.
1041
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 39, n. 28.
1042
Lepsius, Denkmaler, Blatt (1897), pp.
130-131,
138; PI. 32; Dodson, "Two Thirteenth Dynasty
Pyramids," p. 23 1; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 3 1.
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aligned according to the local directions. It is mad e up of bricks and small lim estone
chips,
and it sits in the desert near the line of cultivation, a characteristic, which Dodson
identifies as common in the Dynasty XIII corpus.
In response to D odso n's argument, Bares states that the location of Lepsius XVI
is much like those of the sun temples of Userkaf and Neuserre and that one m ight expect
another sun temple in this area.
1043
Non etheless, he does give more credence to the
possibility that this mound might be a pyramid of the Middle Kingdom than he does with
regard to Lepsius XX VIII even though there are no walls or ceramic vessels to
corroborate this conclusion . In the end, it is very unlikely that this mon ume nt represe nts
a Dynasty XIII royal funerary establishment, not only due to the lack of evidence
pointing to such an identification, but also the monument's size, which does not fit the
two ranges found in the Late Middle Kingdom structures (52-56 m and 91-105 m).
XI.A.3.
South Sakkara
Sakkara, located to the west of the Early Dynastic Period and Old Kingdom
capital of Memphis, is a site with royal activity in Dynasties II-VI and VIII-IX and
private patronage throughout ancient Egyptian history. The Dynasty XIII, king Khendjer
as well as another unknown ruler from the Late Middle Kingdom chose to construct their
funerary monuments at the southern extent of this site (southwest of Memphis proper).
XLA.3.a. SAK S 3
One hundred meters to the north of the pyramid of Khendjer, the Free University
1043
Bares, "Abusir," pp. 118-119. See also Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 82.
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of Berlin expedition, including Alexanian, Schiestl, and Seidelmayer, identified the
remains of a pyramid, which had not been completed.
1044
Only the substructure remains
with its entrance on the eastern side. The sand-filled pit is 25 by 20 m with 2 m-w ide
piles of debris, composed of
sand;
brick fragments; and quartzite and limestone chips,
surrounding it. Thou gh this site had little diagnostic pottery, it is likely to be a Late •
Middle Kingdom royal funerary monum ent.
XI.A.3.b. Lepsius XLV (SAK S 5)
Jequier reported that Lepsius XLV (about 70 m on each side), which is located to
the west of that of Khendjer and north of the "Unfinished" Pyramid, may also date to the
Late Middle Kingdom.
1045
The debris around the site contained bricks, and there was
also a sinusoidal wall visible at the time he was there, but he was unable to find a tomb.
In 2006, the Free University of Berlin survey team was unable to find any signs of a
pyramid in this area, and they were unsure as to the function of the monument Jequier
had described. Non etheless, it is possible that this monum ent that no longer visible
from the surface. If it can be relocated, perhaps excav ation may reveal that its features
have become covered.
XLA.3.C.
SAK S 7
To the south of the southeastern corner of the "Unfinished Pyramid" at South
1044
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006;" Schiestl, "Neues zur
Residenznekropole," p. 47.
1045
Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 111. Note that Swelim mistakenly lists this pyramid using Lepsius'
number for that of Khendjer (XLIV instead of XLV) (Swelim , "Pyramid Resea rch," p. 343). He refers to it
as the "Demolished P yramid."
1046
Schiestl, "Neues zur Residenznekropole," p. 48.
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Khendjer
"Unfmishedlgl
Pyramid
B
Senwo sret III El
H Lepsius L
13 Sneferu(Red)
Amen emhet II ^ *£l a—
Lepsius LIV
Sneferu (Bent)^*
g|]—•
Amenemhet III
(Awibre Hor)
DAS 2 H
DAS 17
B
a
Ameny Qemau
North
a
1 - .S ou th j
I
km
Sakkara
Dahshur
Mazghuna
Figure 3.19. Map showing the location of known and selected potential Late
Middle Kingdom royal pyramids at Sakkara, Dahshur, and Mazghuna. After
D o d s o n ,
From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga,
p . 26 .
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Sakkara, there is a sunken, sandy area measuring approximately 25 by 28 m surrounded
by spoil heaps with lengths of 55 m.
1047
Schiestl suggests that this ruined monum ent may
have been a pyramid with 52.5 m sides, making it 100 cubits. Interestingly, there was an
accumulation of quartzite fragments in the northeast corner of the monument, and
Dynasty XIII ceramics were found.
XI.A.4.
Dahshur
Dahshur was first used as a royal cemetery during the reign of the Dynasty IV
king , Sneferu, wh o built two pyram ids at the site (Fig. 3.19). Later, three Dynasty XII
rulers, Amenem het II, Senwosret III, and Amen emhet III each constructed their own
mortuary complexes around and between the Old Kingdom mo numen ts. The southern
part of the site is the location of the pyramid of the Dynasty X III king, Ameny Qemau,
discussed in a previous section, while A wibre H or of the same era was buried w ithin the
walls of the pyramid enclo sure walls of Am enem het III. It was in this com plex, that an
architectural model of Late Middle K ingdom style royal tomb substructure w as also
discovered. Since Dahshur represents the center of the field of known D ynasty X III
pyramids, this site is very likely to house additional Late Middle K ingdom royal
monum ents and tombs. ° Below, the proposed positions of such structures, which have
been noted by multiple scholars in the past, will be reviewed.
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006;" Jequier, Fouilles a
Saqqarah, PI. 1; Schiestl, "Neues zur Residenznekropole," pp. 46-47.
1048
Dodson suggests without explanation that Sobekhotep IV may have had a pyramid in the
Dahshur/Sakkara area (Dodson, Monarchs, p. 70).
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XI.A.4.a. Lepsius LIV
The first potential Dynasty XIII royal funerary site at Dahshur is located
approximately 125 m to the southeast of the pyramid of Amenemhet II (Fig. 3.19).
1049
This location is made up of
a
mound of limestone debris, measuring about 40 m square, a
causeway, and the eastern side of a sinusoidal enclosure w all.
1050
Even without
excavation, the appearance of this last component suggests that this tomb likely dates to
the Late Middle Kingdom.
Interestingly, it was at Lepsius LIV that an Egyptian Inspector by the name of
Moussa discovered a small fragment of limestone containing the cartouche of an
Amenemhet.
1051
There are three likely possibilities as to the identity of this king out of
those with the same name. The relief may refer to Am enemhet IV or an Amenemhet of
Dynasty XIII, making this tomb datable to late Dynasty X II to early Dynasty XIII. The
fragment, however, could have actually com e from the tomb of Amenemhet II, meaning
that the owner of Lepsius LIV is still unknow n.
1052
Unfortunately, several scholars have
noted that this area was severely impacted when an oil pipeline was installed in 1975, and
1049
Di. Arnold and R. Stadelmann, "Dahschur. Erster G rabungsbericht,"
MDA1K 31
(1975), p. 174; Fakhry,
Pyramids,
p. 217; Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 184; Lepsius,
Denkmdler Text
(1897), p. 207 ; Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 82; Stadelmann,
Agyptischen Pyramiden,
p . 249; R. Stadelmann and N . Alexanian, "Die
Friedhofe des Alten und Mittleren Reiches in Dahschur. Bericht uber die im Friihjahr 1997 durch das
Deutsche A rchaologische Institut Kairo durchgefflhrte Felderkundung in Dahschur,"
MDAIK
54 (1998), p.
313.
1050
Di. Arnold and Stadelmann, "Erster Grabungsbericht," p. 174; Stadelmann,
Agyptischen Pyramiden,
p .
249.
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 41; "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 2 7;
After the Pyramids,
p. 8. See also Swelim, "Pyramid Research," p. 343, n. 316.
1051
Di. Arnold and Stadelmann, "Erster Grabungsbericht," p. 174; Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el
Naga," p. 39, n. 36; Swelim, "Pyramid Research," p. 3 43, n. 316.
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp . 27, 39, n.27; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 8 2, n.
252.
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it may no longer be possible to excavate this important site.
1
XI.A.4.b. Lepsius LV
Dodson originally noted that Lepsius recorded monument LV as being a 30 m
square of debris, making up a stone pyramid.
1054
Dodson thought that this monum ent
was not known currently and that it, like Khendjer and others, had been mistaken as a
stone structure (rather than being stone encased brick). How ever, Dodson later stated
that this monument (a mastaba) actually belongs to Saiset of Dynasty XII.
1055
Thus,
Lepsius LV is definitely not a Late Middle K ingdom pyramid.
XI.A.4.C. DAS 2
To the northeast of the tomb of Ameny Qemau (250 m), there is an unexcavated
pyramid, discovered by D i. Arnold and Stadelmann, who though t it might date to
Dynasty XIII (Fig. 3.19).
1056
The remains of this monument m easured approximately 20
by 20 m. The pyramid clearly had had a limestone casing surrounding the mudbrick
core, with the subsurface being m ade up of limestone , quartzite, and granite. Such
components w ould suggest that this debris may indeed represent a royal monument
dating to the Late Middle Kingdom, even though ceramics, which would support this
Dodson,
After the Pyramids,
p . 8; Lehner,
Pyramids,
p . 184; Stadelmann,
Agyptischen Pyramiden,
p.
249.
1054
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
K ings," p. 4 1; Lepsius,
Denkmdler
Text (1897 ), pp. 207-208.
Dodson, "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids," p. 231 , n. 232;
The Can opic Equipment,
p . 30, n. 63;
Porter and Moss,
Topographical Bibliography III
(2), p. 898; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 80, n. 242.
1056
Di. Arnold and Stadelmann, "Erster Grabungsbericht," p. 172, Abb. 3 ; 174; Stadelmann and Alexanian,
"Die Friedhofe," pp. 312, 313, Fig. 311. See also Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," pp. 36,
41;
"From
Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29;
After the Pyramids,
p. 13; Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 187; Porter and
Moss,
Topographical Bibliography III
(2), p. 890; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 81-82; Swelim, "Pyramid
Research," p. 343.
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dating, have not been found. Ryholt has proposed that this tomb may belong to one of
Ameny Qe mau 's relatives including his father, son, or nephew (according the Ry holt's
chrono logy: Sekhem kare Am enemh et V, Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef, or Sankh ibre
Amenem het VI) due to its proximity to his py ramid.
1057
It is important to note that the dimensions of DAS 2, as they now stand, are
smaller than those of the subsidiary pyramid in the funerary complex of Khendjer at
South Sakkara. It is likely that this debris moun d represents only the location of the
substructure pit rather than the entire monumen t, which may never have been begun.
Otherwise, it would have been difficult to construct the winding corridors of the Late
Middle Kingdom royal tomb type, as defined in this study, within the confines of such a
small superstructure. If it is the case that this mo num ent is encom passed co mpletely by
its visible remain s, then the plan of the substructure likely differs substantially from w hat
one might ex pect and may be difficult to identify as a royal tomb of this period w ithout
inscriptional evidence.
XI.A.4.C. DA S 16
An unexcavated pyramid, which w as first identified by D i. Arnold and
Stadelmann and may date to Dynasty XIII, lies just to the west of DAS 2 (Fig. 3 .19).
1058
The remains include some brick as well as the outer outline of a substructure with m any
similarities to that of Am eny Qem au, including an entrance on the eastern side. Materials
visible on the surface included limestone , quartzite and diorite. It is very likely that this
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 81-82.
1058
Stadelmann and Alexanian, "Die Friedhofe," pp. 312-313, Figs. 31 1, 319, PL 352.C.
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tomb belongs to the Late Middle Kingdom corpus.
Despite the fact that this tomb is more likely to be a Late M iddle Kingdom royal
pyramid than D AS 17 (below), the former has been overlooked due to the fact that Di.
Arnold an d Stadelm ann did not publish it with the other two in 197 5. It is not until
Stadelmann and Alexa nian d escribe the details of JDAS 16 and their doubts ab out DA S 17
that the situation becom es clear. How ever, it should be noted that almost all of the
summaries of the Late Middle Kingdom monum ents were published prior to this later
article, and so most refer only to DAS 2 and 17.
XI.A.4.e. DAS 17
According to Stadelmann, DAS 17 is a poorly preserved formation located on a
plateau at Dahshur and is 30 by 37 m .
1059
The area is heavily pitted without any defined
areas or certain fragments of limestone from architecture. Unfortunately, th is monum ent
has been use d for military e xercises, and it is likely that if there was any significant
architecture here, it is now heavily dam aged. No neth eless, the surveyors were least
certain regarding the nature of this site of the three suspected of dating to the Late Middle
Kingdom at Dahshur. Ryholt surmises that this tomb could belong to either Sekhemkare
Amenemhet, Hotepibre
Saharnedjeritef,
or Sankhibre Am enemhet based on his theory
that the first is the father of Ameny Qemau, whose monument is nearby while the second
and third are his son and nephew, respectively.
1060
1059
Stadelmann and A lexanian, "Die Friedhofe," pp . 313, Fig. 311; Di. Arnold and Stadelmann, "Erster
Grabungsbericht," p. 172, Abb. 3; 174; Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," pp. 36,
41;
"From Dahshur to Dra
Abu el Naga," p. 29;
After the Pyramids,
p . 13; Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 187; Porter and Moss,
Topographical
Bibliography III (2),
p. 890; Swelim, "Pyramid R esearch," p. 343.
1060
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 81-82.
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XI.A.4X Lepsius LIX
From the description of Lepsius LIX , scholars such as Dodson and Swelim h ave
proposed that it may belong to the Dynasty XIII corpus of royal tombs. The exact
location of pyramid LIX is unknown due to the fact that Lepsius originally placed the site
to the- east of a village called Dahshur, later correcting it to west, and that there are
several towns kn own by this name.
Lepsius described pyramid LIX as a site with a dark mudbrick shadow , m easuring
roughly 58 m on each side, in the shape of a square in line with the cardinal directions.
He remarked that the pyramid w as located around 300 m from the cultivation, a
measurement common w ith the funerary monum ent of Ameny Q emau and the structures
at Mazghuna, and that it was in the vicinity of
a
dike. In the area around this debris, there
was a large circular mound of limestone chips. The complex included a 50.00 m-wide
causeway, a qu een's pyramid like that of Khendjer and buildings to the north and
southwest, the latter having a trail leading to the pyramid, as well as some other ruined
structure, which could not be identified.
Swelim and D odson attempt to show that North M azghuna is the likely choice for
Lepsius LIX using the details in the survey as well as comparisons with the known
monuments of the Late Middle Kingdom.
1063
The main argument for the correlation is
the distance of 300 m between the pyramids and the cultivation and the fact that there is a
Coptic cemetery nearby Mazghuna. Lepsius had mentioned that there was a modern one
close to site LIX . All the other features are missing from N orth M azghu na, and these
1061
Dodson, The C anopic Equipment, p . 30, n. 63; Swelim, "Pyramid Research," p. 343.
1062
Lepsius, Denkmaler Text (1897), pp. 209, PL 243.
1063
Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p p. 331-333.
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scholars explain that the debris could have been removed w hile some structures may have
been covered by more recent activities. None theless, there are so many m issing features
that one must be cautious until further research can be undertaken at the site of Mazghuna
and elsewhere.
XI.A.4.g. Possible Court Cemeteries DAS 46, 49-52
In the 1.50 km zone between the pyramid of Ameny Qemau and its surrounding
monum ents and those at South Mazgh una, there is a distinct change in the geography as
the landscape is made up of elevated areas cut periodically with wadis forming narrow
peninsulas that run from southwest to northeast.
1064
Until recently, this area had never
been surveyed, but investigation produced many sites with Dynasty XIII pottery. Many
of these locations likely contain the tombs of Late Midd le Kingdom elite. Ho weve r, it is
possible that some larger tombs are pyramids.
DA S 46 is the first in the southern geo graphic zone of Dahshu r. At this location,
the slopes of the wadi contained granite and quartzite fragments, possibly indicating the
presence of a structure above.
1065
Unfortunately, neither pottery nor an indication of any
architecture was found.
Located to the south of DAS 4 6, DAS 49 is a round, 12 m diameter pit containing
limestone fragments, brick debris, and a Late Middle Kingdom sherd.
1066
Down toward
the wadi to the north, the surveyors found quartzite, granite, basalt, which may h ave
1064
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006;" Schiestk "Neues zur
Residenznekropole," p . 50.
1065
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006."
1066
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006;" Schiestl, "Neues zur
Residenznekropole," p. 51.
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originated from a structure in the area. Whether or not DAS 49 and this area DAS 49/1
were conn ected is unclear. Since the data is not overwhelmingly co nvincing that there
was a Late Middle Kingdom pyramid in this area, it is likely that private (mastaba) tombs
could have occupied this particular region.
DAS 50, which is located on the next ridge to the south of DAS 4 9, seems to be a
grouping of elite tombs w ith Dynasty XIII pottery. °
7
Three sizes of pits were found in
the area, including those ranging from 11-12, 6-9, and 4-6 m in diameter. In some cases,
surveyors could see brick debris and limestone.
The next ridge to the south houses both DA S 51 and 52 as well as a quarry.
1068
Both we re between 8.5 and 10 m in diameter, and DAS 52 had visible bricks . It is likely
that these monuments were mastabas belonging to officials of Dynasty XIII.
The discussion of the likely private tombs above has been included in this
discussion of possible Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs due to the fact that none of
these sites have been inv estigated archaeo logically. Since, scholars are not yet sure as to
the nature of
all
royal tombs from this period, it cannot be stated with certainty whether
or not some of the locations above may contain small pyramids or even mastabas of the
weaker rulers of the period. It is also possible that these tombs belonge d to elite officials
and family m embers of Ameny Qemau, and perhaps even to other unknown rulers with
pyramids in the area as well as the owners of the pyramids at Mazghuna to the south.
Certainly, an investigation of these small monuments would provide a great deal of
insight as to the identity of the kings, who built tombs in the surrounding regions, the
7
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006 ;" Schiestl, "Neues zur
Residenznekropole," p. 51.
68
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur E xcavations Report Spring 2006;" Schiestl, "Neues zur
Residenznekropole," pp. 51-52.
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existence of m ore pyramids in the areas nearby not surveyed, and the development of the
private and royal cemeteries overall at this time.
XI.A.4.h. DAS 53
On the southern-most, L-shaped ridge at Dahshur, there is a potential Dynasty
XIII pyramid.
1069
This 20 m monum ent stretches over most of the crest of the ridge. If a
traditional royal tomb stood here, it would have looked as though it formed the top of a
much larger structure, due to the continuation of the pyramidal lines of the slopes below.
Here, limestone fragments, brick debris, and Dynasty XIII pottery were found within the
extensive spoil heaps and in the wadi below. Schiestl and his colleagues believe that this
site was the most likely of all of those they surveyed at Dahshur to have been a Late
Middle Kingdom royal pyramid. How ever, it is also likely that the tomb was a large,
private mastaba and was a part of the cemetery possibly connected to both known and
unknow n pyramids of Dynasty XIII.
XI.A.5.
Lisht
Another possible location for a Dynasty XIII royal funerary monument is Lisht,
the site of the royal necropolis of the first two kings of Dynasty XII located near their
new capital at Itjatawy.
1070
Here, a son of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I, Wahneferhotep,
and an official, Bener, had funerary monuments near the pyramid complex of Senwosret
Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006;" Schiestl, "Neues zur
Residenznekropole," p. 52.
Amenemhet I may have begun to construct a pyramid at Sakkara before moving the capital to Itjatawy
and building the monument at Lisht (Do. Arnold, "Amenemhet I," p. 20, n. 102; Silverman, "N on-Royal
Burials"),
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I. Thus, Hayes proposed that Neferhotep I may also have had a tomb in this area.
1071
At
this point in time, no scholars have proposed specific sites as being the possible locations
of Dynasty XIII pyramids at Lisht. None theless, there are also wooden statues of a king
found near the enclosure wall of the pyramid of Senwosret I at Lisht, which can possibly
be attributed to the reign of one of the early Dynasty XIII kings since they are similar to
the style of the reign of Amenemh et III.
1072
Aldred has suggested that these objects are
cult statues, which may indicate that one of the first few rulers of the dynasty had a
funerary monument nearby.
XI.A.6. el-Lahun
To the southeast of Hawara near the entrance to the Faiyum, the Dynasty XII
king, Senwosret II constructed a pyramid com plex. During the excavations of this site,
an ostracon naming another pyramid, Sekhem A meny
(shm-imny),
was found.
1073
This
same name is also found inscribed into the stelae of Khentiemsemt of unknow n d ate (BM
839).
1074
It is unclear w hether or not these inscriptions refer to a Dynasty X III
Amenem het (Ameny being a shortened version of the name). Nonetheless, since some of
the later kings seem to have used D ynasty XII monu ments as the headquarters for the
construction of their tombs located nearby, and the associated town of Kahun survived
Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 50. See also Grimal, History, p. 184.
1072
Aldred, Middle Kingdom Art, pp. 137-138.
1073
W.M.F. Petrie, et al., Lahun II (London, 1923), p.
13,
PI. 49; Ryholt, "Royal Nam es," pp. 108-109.
Sekhem Senwosret refers to the mortuary temp le of Senwosret I at Lahun. See S. Quirke, "Gods in the
Temple of the King: Anubis at Lahun," in S. Quirke, ed., The Temple in Ancient Egypt (London, 1997), p.
29 ;
Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 18, 29, 224-226, 290.
1074
Note that Ryholt discusses another stela (BM 569, Sahathor), which is dated to Amenemhet II that lists
a shm-imnw. He believes that this site is different from the one in the el-Lahun o stracon (Ryholt, "Royal
Names," p. 108). Note that BM 839 has the determinative for both a pyramid and a pyramid city while BM
568 only had that of a pyramid (E.A.W. Bud ge, Hieroglyp hic Texts from Egyptian Stelae &c, in the British
Museum 2 (London, 1912), pp. 6, 8, Pis. 7, 20). See also Helck, Zur Verwaltung, p. 248.
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well into Dynasty X III, it is possible that a Late Middle K ingdom royal tomb lies in this
area.
XI.A.7. Hawara
Grajetzki has proposed that the tombs of Am enemhet IV and Nefrusobek may be
located near the pyramid of Am enemhet III at Hawara.
1075
How ever, there is no specific
evidence that these last kings of Dynasty XII were buried w ithin monum ents at this
location.
XI.B.
Delta
The search for the missing Dynasty XIII royal tombs has led some scholars to
locations within the Nile Delta. In the Late Middle Kingdom , this region had no
traditional royal cemeteries, and a new circumstance had to arise to inspire rulers to
construct their funerary m onum ents here. One option is that an individual ruler without
ties to the previous royal family desired to be buried near the locations of his own
ancestral origin. Als o, fragmentation w ithin the state could have prevented certain kings
from having access to the Memphite necropolis. Below, sections will provide the
analysis of the rather scant evidence for Late Middle Kingdom tombs in two regions in
the Delta.
XI.B.1.
The Tell el-Dab'a Region
Tell el-Dab 'a is an important site located in the eastern Delta. Established ea rly
1075
Grajetzki, "Zwei Pyramiden," pp . 23-27.
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in the M iddle King dom , this city (Avaris) becam e the capital of the Asiatic states
ruled by Dynasties XIV and XV. Three pyramidions, two of which certainly were found
in this area, have lead some scholars to propose that Khataana, located to the west of Tell
el-Dab 'a, may have been the location of
a
royal necropolis of Dynasty XIII.
Unfortunately, however, there is evidence that objects such as statues of Nefrusobek and
Qemau Saharnedjeritef w ere taken from Mem phite temples, possibly during raids by the
Hyksos, to A varis.
1077
Thus, tombs may also have been violated at this time, including
the pyramidions discussed below.
XL B.l.a. Pyramidion of Merneferre Ay
A portion of a granite pyramidion of M erneferre Ay w as discovered at Khataana.
Some scholars believe that there may have been a Dynasty XIII cemetery in this area,
including an undiscovered pyramid of this king.
1078
How ever, this pyramidion, which
certainly dates to Dynasty XIII, was more likely removed with the destruction of a
funerary monument in the Memphite region to the south, possibly at the hands of the
M. Bietak, "Avaris and Piramesse, Archaeological Exploration in the Eastern Nile Delta," Proceedings
of
the
British A cademy, 65 (London, 1979), p. 228; "Canaanites," p. 43; "Connections," p. 19;
The Ca pital
of the Hyksos,
pp. 5-6, 19,
31;
M . Bietak, et al., "Neue Grabungsergebnisse aus Tell el-Dab'a und 'Ezbet
Helmi im ostlichen Nildelta (1989-1991),"
A& L
4 (1994), pp. 26-24; Redford,
Egypt, Canaan andlsreal,
p.
114;
W.A. W ard, "Foreigners Living in the Village," in L.H. Lesko, ed.,
Pharaoh's Workers: The Villagers
ofDeir el Medina
(Ithaca, 1994), p. 61 . For evidence that earlier kings actually founded this town, see Z.E.
Szafranski, "Limestone Relief Fragments from Tell el-Dab'a," Proceedings of the Seventh International
Congress of Egyptologists (Leuven, 1998), pp. 173-175.
1077
Bietak, "Tell ed-Dab'a, Second Intermediate Period," in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the
Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999), p. 779; Habachi, "Importance," pp. 459-460,468-470;
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 214, n. 737; Ryholt, "Hotepibre, a Supposed Asiatic King in Egypt w ith
Relations to Ebla,"
BASOR
311 (1998), p. 3; Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
p. 4, no. 8.
1078
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 43;
The C anopic Equipment,
p . 36, n. 90; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu
el Naga," p. 32; Habachi, "Importance," pp. 471-474, 478 , 558; Hayes, "Egypt: From the D eath," p. 52;
Kem p, "Social History," p. 153; Swelim, "Pyramid Research," p. 343.
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Hyksos.
1079
It is interesting to note that the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay, w ho had the longest
known reign of Dynasty XIII at thirteen or twenty-three years, as well as other of these
structures from the Delta were small and easily transported in relation to that of Khendjer
and the two from the "'Un finished ' Pyramid" at South Sakkara.
1080
Thus this king, who
reigned relatively late in Dynasty XIII, must have had a funerary monum ent no tably
smaller than these structures at South Sakkara. Such a monument may have been one of
the proposed pyramids discussed above or an unknow n structure in the Mem phite region.
XI.B.l.b.
Pyramidion from Ezbet Rushdi
Another pyramidion w as found at Ezbet Rushdi.
1081
This capstone was made of
basalt and provided evidence that it had once been covered with a thin sheet of metal.
1082
As in the case of the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay, this object has also led some to
believe that another Dynasty X III pyramid m ay have once rose above the area.
1083
However, it is also likely that this object found its way to this region when the Hyksos
removed it from its original location.
1084
1079
Dodson, After the Pyramids, p. 15; Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 436; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen,
pp .
59, 73. Ryholt argues that a Dynasty XIII necropolis could not have been located here due to his
chronological reconstruction in which Dynasty XIV began at the end of Dynasty XII, giving the Late
Middle Kingdom rulers no access to the eastern Delta (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 80, 82, n. 254).
1080
Habachi, "Impo rtance," p. 478.
1081
Habachi, "Im portance," pp. 474-476.
Rossi notes that Middle Kingdom pyramids have pyram idions made of dark stones, a reason why this
particular example m ight be placed in this group (Rossi, "Note," p. 221).
1083
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 43; "From Dahshu r to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 32; Habachi,
"Importance," pp. 478, 558; Swelim, "Pyramid Research," p. 343; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of
Ameny-Qemau," p. 334, n. 379.
1084
Dodson,
After the Pyramids,
p. 15.
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XLB.l.c. Pyramidion (Anchor) from Unknown Provenience
A partial pyramidion, measuring 60 cms in height, is now located at the Egy ptian
Museum in Cairo though its origin is unknown .
1085
The limestone pyramidion had been
cut into an anchor, leaving only three decorated sides intact. One side is blank w hile the
other two each show a god seated on a throne including A nubis and Re-Horakhty.
Though Nibbi dates this original object to Dynasty XVIII, Swelim has included this
architectural feature in his list of possible Late Middle Kingdom funerary structures at
Khataana.
1086
How ever, it does appear that this object derives from the New K ingdom ,
as it does not have the same structure or style as the other Dynasty XII and XIII
pyramidions.
XI.B.2. Athribis
In 1800, Na poleo n's team of artists observed and noted a fully preserved pyram id,
which they discovered at the site Athribis in the southern part of the Delta. ° Thou gh,
presumably, only the subsurface remains at this time, Rowe was able to relocate the
structure in the late 1930's.
1088
How ever, he did not complete any excavations. More
recently, Dodson has suggested that this pyramid m ight belong to the Dynasty XIII royal
1US5
A. Nibbi, "A Half Pyramidion," GM56 (1982), pp. 57, 61, Pis. Ia-IIb.
1086
Sw elim, "Pyramid Research," p. 3 43, n. 318.
1087
Anonymous, "Instructions Donnes par l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres en sa Seange du
Vendredi 7 Octobre 1859 a Auguste Mariette sur les Principales Recherches a Executer en Egypte dans
l'lnteret de l'Histoire et de l'Archeologie," ASAE 2 (1901), p. 115; Commission and
d.s.e.a.
d'Egypte,
Description de
I'Egypte,
ou, Recueil de observation s et des recherches qui ont etefaites en Egypte p endan t
Vexpedition de Varm ee francaise, publie par les ordres de Sa Majeste I'empereur Napoleon le Grand
V
(Paris,
1809), PI. 27; C. Lenormant, et al., "Instructions Donnees par l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Lettres en sa Seance du Vendredid 7 Octobre 1859 a Auguste Mariette sur les Principales Recherches a
Executer en Egypte dans L'lnteret de L'Histoire et de l'Archeologie," ASAE 2 (1901), p. 115; Verner, Great
Monuments, p. 436.
1088
A. Rowe, "A Short Report on Excavations of
the
Institute of Archaeology, Liverpool at Athribis (Tell
Atrib)," ASAE 38 (1938), p. 524.
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funerary corpus.
The identification of this pyramid with Dynasty XIII must remain very tenuous at
best. It is quite odd that the pyramid represented in the Nap oleon ic draw ing is so well-
preserved, as it is shown in a complete form. If this was the true nature of
this
monument
in the 18 00's, it is very unlikely that it wo uld date to Dynasty XIII, as it wo uld be the <
best-preserved funerary structure of the Middle King dom . Als o, it wou ld be the only
certain finished mo nument of Dyn asty XIII, meaning that a king would have had ample
time to comp lete the structure during his reign. It seems unlikely that an enduring king,
who m ight have enjoyed considerable pow er, would have chosen such a non-traditional
tomb site in the Delta. Un til excavations provide mo re substantial evidence , it is
necessary that the dating of this pyram id be approached w ith caution. In fact, Vern er has
proposed that this structure may have been a non-funerary, step pyramid from the early
Old Kingdom like those found at Elephantine and Abydos (Sinki) as well as other
sites.
1090
Alternatively , Dodson has suggested the possibility that this structure might be
of Ptolemaic date like much of the rest of
the
site
1091
while Ryholt adds that there is
nothing to show that this structure was a pyramid or a royal structure nor is there any
indication that dated to D ynasty XIII.
1092
1089
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 43; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p . 32.
1090
Verner,
G reat Monuments,
p. 173. These pyramids served as the locations of
the
cults of
the
living
kings Huni and Sneferu (H . Papazian, "Domain of
Pharaoh,"
pp. 101-108; S. Seidelmayer, "Tow n and
State," p. 122).
1091
Dodson,
After the Pyramids,
p . 15.
1092
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 80, n. 242. Note that a late Dynasty XII/Dynasty X III royal statue head
has been found at Kom el-Hisn, showing that there was royal activity in this region, though no signs of a
royal cemetery are at this site. See Silverman, "Royal Head w ith White Crown," in Z. Hawass,
Tutankhamun. The G olden King and the Great Pharaohs
(Washington, 2008), p. 90.
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XI.C. The Missing Tombs
From the discussion of the excavated and potential sites for the Late Middle
Kingdom royal tombs ab ove, a pattern emerges that can allow one to establish a set of
assumptions regarding the missing monum ents. It is clear that the zone for Late M iddle
Kingdom tombs is similar to that for pyramids of Dynasty XII proper, extending from
South Sakkara in the north to the entrance to the Faiyum in the south with largest
concentration in the Sakkara/Dahshur region.
The Dynasty XIII kings clearly desired to locate their tombs in the vicinity of the
Dy nasty XII royal cemeteries, likely for both econom ic and political reasons. Existing
pyramids and their associated workforces allowed for the planning, building, and staffing
of the new royal tomb and the cult of the deceased king. Meanw hile, ideological ties to
the powerful Dynasty XII kings served to legitimize the reigns of the relatively weak
rulers who followed.
More than likely, the largest of the Late Middle Kingdom pyramids are already
know n. The pyramidion of Merneferre A y indicates that even in his 13 or 23 year long
reign, he was only able to construct a relatively small funerary m onum ent. Thu s, many
pyramids from this period may be so small that they are misinterpreted as mastabas or
other more minor constru ctions. Th us, it is impo rtant that, in the areas outlined abo ve,
archaeologists must search for small monuments meeting the profile of Late Middle
Kingdom tombs.
At Thebes, there is a religiously significant site with a royal lineage in the form of
the tombs of the Dynasty X I rulers and the possible initial monumen t of A menemh et
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I. In fact, a statue from Kam ak mention s the Man sion of M illions of Yea rs of
Sobekho tep IV. Th us, some scholars believe that this structure, as well as an associated
tomb may be located nearby.
1094
Ho wev er, at this point, no funerary mo num ents of
Dynasty XIII kings have been found in the Theban region.
Ryholt and Dodson have suggested that the lack of Dynasty XIII royal tombs for
the majority of the more than fifty kings of the period may be the result of
a
revolving-
door mortuary practice.
1095
Ryholt elaborates that families may hav e used the same tomb
and/or that usurpers may have left portcullis stones and sarcophagi open so that they
could clear the tombs and reuse the structures as their own pyramid complex.
Meanwhile, Dodson suggests that the erasure of Khendjer's names from the Osiris bier at
Abydos may provide evidence for the hostile usurpation of this kin g's m onum ents.
1096
It
is possible that some monum ents were begun by one king and then finished b y another or
occupied by another. How ever, some of the tombs, which remained open, those at North
Mazghuna and the "Unfinished" Pyramid at Sakkara, contained no elements, which
would suggest that they had been used, much less reused (mumm y fragments, wood , etc.)
if the excav ators' reports are to be believed . Thu s, until additional research is unde rtaken
at these and the other sites, one must assume at this date that some of the tombs of
Dynasty XIII kings remained unused.
Scholars have also suggested that the tomb of Awibre Ho r may provide a model
Do. Arnold, "Amenem het I," pp. 5-48; Silverman, "Archaism and Innovation." For views against the
ownership of
this
tomb by A menemhet I, see Brovarski, "False Doors"; G rajetski,
Middle Kingdom,
29-30.
1094
E. Delange,
Statues Egyptiennes du Moyen E mpire,
p . 68; Habachi, "Vizier Iymeru," p. 263, Fig. 262;
von Beckerath, "Theban," p. 23. See also von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 73.
1095
Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
p . 35; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 81.
1096
Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p. 35 , n. 86; Monarchs, p. 68.
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for the funerary installations of man y of the kings of Dyn asty XIII. It is assumed that
many kings did not have the time or resources to build large tomb s,
1098
being buried on
the grounds of their royal ancestors (through blood or ideology) instead. How ever, it
must be remembered that practically unkno wn k ings, such as Ameny Qemau and
Khendjer, built pyramids near the beginning of their reigns. More affluent rulers-like
Sobekhotep III, Neferhotep I, and Sobekhotep IV should have m onum ents, yet no tombs
have been attributed to them, though some hav e suggested that the second of these was
buried at Lisht.
1099
Other monuments may lay undiscovered at South Sakkara and
Dahshur.
1100
XII. Conclusions
The known tombs of the kings from the time of Am enemhet III at Hawara
through Merneferre Ay of Dynasty XIII developed from an earlier prototype during
Dynasty XII. How ever, during the Late Middle Kingdom the architectural characteristics
of the tombs are relatively standardized. Excep t in the case of the "Unfinish ed" Pyram id
at South Sakkara, one of two types of sarcophagi are found within each tomb (this
pyramid has both). These monum ents also have quartzite portcullis stones which, when
closed, hid the entrances to the corridors. Staircases composed of shallow steps with
ramps on either side are also comm on. The superstructures of the monu ments, which
were more complete, included a brick pyramid and subsidiary structures such as
encasement walls (some being sinusoidal), a small pyramid, chapels, and possible
1097
Aldred, Middle Kingdom Art, p. 136; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny -Qemau," p . 333.
1098
Dodson,
Monarchs,
p. 67.
1099
Grimal, History, p . 184; Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 50.
1100
Verner, "Pyramid," p. 94.
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causeways. The characteristics of these monuments can then be compared to the visible
properties of the sites thought to belong to this known corpus. Though some can be
eliminated based upon their descriptions, others would have to be excavated to confirm
that they belong to this group of pyramids.
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Chapter 4
The Late M iddle Kingdom Royal Tombs at South A bydos
I. Introduction
An area of Abydos know n as Umm el-Gaab was the location of the tombs of the
first kings of Upp er and Low er Egypt. As time progressed , the ancient Egyptians cam e
to identify this site as the final resting place of the divine ruler o f the dead, Osiris, wh o
they believed had been the first regent of the state. Aroun d the begin ning of the Midd le
Kingdom, rulers began to expend great resources at Abyd os, including the construction of
ka chapels within the enclosure walls of the Osiris Temple, in order to experience a
greater relationship with this god.
1101
They also cleared and restored some of the ancient
royal tombs, including those of Den and Djer of Dynasty I.
1102
The latter monument
contained the Osiris bier, a basalt work displaying the deceased god on a funerary bed
flanked with falcons. Am elineau, who discovered the object, suggested that it indicated
that this monument w as the site of
the
symbolic tomb of Osiris known through ancient
texts.
1 03
Tho ugh a debate ensued over this interpretation,
1104
scholars today generally
accept this Early Dynastic structure as the tomb of Osiris of later times.
Leahy, Osiris
'Bed,'
p. 433; D. O'Connor and D.C. Patch, "Egypt's Sacred S ands: Exploring the
Tombs and Temples of Ancient Abydos," Archaeology 54 (2001), p. 46. For ka-chapels of the Old
Kingdom at Abydos, see O'Connor, "The Status of Early Egyptian Temples: An Alternative Theory," in B.
Adams and R. Friedman, eds., The Followers ofHorus. Studies Dedicated to Michael Hoffman (Oxford,
1992),
pp. 84, 87,
92-93,
9 6; E. Brovarski, "Aby dos in the Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period, Part
II," in D.P. Silverman, ed., For His Ka, Chicago, 1994, pp. 16,
18-21.
1102
Dreyer, "Abydos, Um m el-Qa'ab," in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient
Egypt (New York, 1999), p. 112; Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 6.
1103
Amelineau, Tombeau, pp. 109-115, Pis. 102-104.
V. Loret, "Le tombeau d'Osiris," Sphinx 5 (1902 ), pp. 34 -52; Amelineau, Tombeau; "Le Tombeau
d'Osiris: Reponse a l'Article de M. Loret," Sphinx 5 (1902), pp. 234-246; V. Loret, "Un dernier mot a
propos du tombeau d'Osiris," Sphinx 5 (1902), pp. 247-248.
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fC • .
i icn
i a
,>•- Vm m t'l-(itinh
s
Plinth-. uS'shc fn*.*
^Ikm&ifh' . ^tsd sMttfroW
h > S i ^ u f U s l u s t
1 t
• " • .V . i . )
m.'v'i 0*lll i.
SC U\% OH
. i l l '
Complex
S 9 a n d S 1 0 - -
<_ ,
• l i l l ' | N > K
i loir ' . i
urni.i.
Illi«h lU-M-ri ( lilts i
**
'*
A
,N
500 m
-
>
f .'
f
E piC \
•
Figure 4.1. Map of the site of Abydos including the mortuary com plex of
Senwosret III, tombs S9 and S10, and the site of Um m el-Gaa b. After
Wegner 2006 , p. 9.
During the Middle K ingdom, private pilgrims also placed their mark on Abydos
when they traveled great distances in order to witness the annual Festival of Osiris, which
centered upon the temple, a sacred road, and the tomb of the deity.
05
They established
their own, cenotaphs, or symbolic tombs and stelae at the "Terrace of the Great God"
(rwdn ntr 9) near the Kom el-Sultan that they too might become associated with this god
in the afterlife.
1106
1105
W. Helck, "Die Herkunft des Abyden ischen Osir is r i tua ls , "
Archiv Oriental™
20 (1952), pp. 72-85;
Geschichte,
p. 117; Leahy, "Protective Measure," pp . 55-59; S. Quirke,
Ancient Egyptian R eligion
(New
York, 1992), pp. 52-62, 85 ; Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 50-56, 58-59, 67-
68.
1106
D. O'Connor, "The 'Cenotaphs' of
the
Middle Kingdom at Abydos," Melanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar,
1985); "Abydos, North, ka Chapels and Cenotaphs," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of
Ancient Egypt
(Londo n, 1999), pp. 101-102; Simpson,
Terrace of the Great God;
Simpson, "Twelfth
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In the reign of Senwosret III, the royal worship of O siris reached a new p innacle,
as the king himself built a tomb at South Abydos to the east (local south) of the site of the
funerary structures of the first kings, including that now associated with this deity (Fig.
4.1). Thou gh S enwo sret III had built a pyram id comp lex at Dah shur, it is likely that he
was actually buried in his large, hidden, underground tomb at South Abydo s.
1107
This
structure was located beneath a natural pyramid in the cliffs, referred to as the "Mountain
of Anubis"
(dwi'npw),
which may have served as the precedent to the Gurn in the Valley
of the Kings during the New Kingdom. This complex included a town and a valley
temple, in which the decoration emphasizes the connection between the deceased king
and the god O siris.
1109
Senwosret Ill 's m ortuary activity at the site of Abydos provided a Middle
Kingdom precedent for the use of this ancient royal cemetery by some of the following
Dynasty," p. 456; J. Wegner, "A bydos," in D.B. Redford, ed.,
The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,
1
(Oxford, 2001), pp. 9-10; "Cenotaphs," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 1
(Oxford, 20 01), pp. 247-248.
1107
Di. Arnold, "Cult Com plexes," p. 80; The Pyramid Complex of Senwsoret III; E.R. Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos, Part III (London, 1904), pp.
11-13,
18-20, 22-28; Wegner, "Burial Place of the Third Senwosret?,"
pp .
60 ,
69-71;
"A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 140-282, 357-380,
388-401;
"Nature and
Chronology," p. 257; "Cenotaphs," p. 246; Mortuary Temple, p. 393 ; "Excavations at the Town."; "A
Middle Kingdom Town at South Abydos," Egyptian Archaeology 17 (2000); "The Organization of the
Temple NFR-KA of Senwosret III at Abydos," A& L 10 (2000), pp. 83-125; "The Town of Wah-Sut at
South Abydos: 1999 Excavations," MDAIK 57 (2001), pp. 281-30 8. Weigall had suggested that Senwosret
III was buried temporarily at South Abyd os before his body w as moved to his tomb in Dahshur. Weg ner,
Mortuary Temple, pp. 5, n. 7; W eigall, Guide to the Antiquities.
1108
J. Wegner, "Seat of Eternity," Archaeology 54 (2001), pp. 58-59; Mortuary Temple, pp. 6, 17-18, 21 ,
32-33;
J. Wegner and M. Abu el-Yazid, "The Mountain-of-Anubis: Necropolis Seal of the Senwosret III
Tom b Enclosure a t Abydos ," in E . Czerny and A. Sch wab, eds . , Timelines: Studies in Honou r o f Manfred
Bietak,
1 (Dudley, MA, 20 06), pp. 419-435.
1109
Wegner, "Excavations at the Town," pp. 4, 34; "Organization of the Temple," p. 86; "Abydos," p. 11;
"Institutions and Officials at South Abydos: An Overview of the Sigillographic Evidence," CRIPEL 22
(2001),
pp. 77, 81 , 85; "The Town of Wah-Sut, p. 28 1; "The Archaeology of South Abydos," E xpedition
48 (2006); "Hidden", pp. 15-22 ; "Echoes of
Power:
The M ayor's House of Ancient Wah-Sut," Expedition
48 (2006); Mortuary Temple, p. 19.
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CLIFFS
Senwosret III
**»**•»»*$ H
I I
A(VkAAA*%f tA i *W\AAWj
u
?M
111
--r-fcB^^T
lUli I
J
-JL-i
S9
Sfei
S10
J8 T
WKfi*
n*WOK*
Figure 4.2. Weigall's plan of
S9
and S10 in relation to the tomb of Senwosret III.
After Ayrton, 1904, PI. 36.
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rulers. Interestingly, Bresciani has noted the existence of a possible D ynasty X III
chapel, belonging to Khaankhre Sobekhotep II, between the temples of Ramses II and
Sety I at Abydo s.
1111
How ever, though fragments of this monument were recorded in
sketches by Giuseppe A cerbi in 1829, and small pieces of it may be located in m useums
(Louvre, Leiden, and Am herst), the structure itself has not been recovered
archaeologically.
The Dyn asty XIII royal funerary m onuments in the Mem phite region are located
in the vicinity of the Dynasty XII pyram ids. In this time period, there was not only a
geographic connection to the monu ments of the Dynasty XII (and even Old K ingdom)
rulers but also a desire to adhere to the royal tradition of locating these tombs near the
capital, then at Itjatawy. There is also a sense that some Dynasty XIII kings attempted to
legitimize their reigns by copying and tying themselves to their successful predecessors,
especially in the construction of their mortuary structures. As was shown in the last
chapter, one king, Awibre H or, was buried in a shaft tomb within the pyramid com plex of
Am enemhet III at Dahshur.
At South A bydos, "m astabas" S9 and S10 are located to the north (local
southeast) of the tomb of Senwosret III.
1112
S9 is the closest to the Dynasty XII tom b,
while S10 sits a little further to the west (local northw est). These two monu men ts were
1110
It is also possible that this trend began in the reigns of Amenemhet IV and Nefrasobek at Abydos as
well as the Memphite locations.
1111
E. Bresciani, "Un Edificia di Kha-Anekh-Ra Sobek-Hotep ad Abido," EV O 2 (1979), pp . 8-17. See
also Leahy, "Protective Measure," p. 59, n. 80; Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp.
133,
384; Mortuary Temple, p. 16.
S9 and S10 are located at South Abydos and are not a part of Peet's Cemetery
"S,"
which is a part of
North Abydos (Peet, Abydos Cemeteries, pp. 30 -47, Fig. 1).
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excavated in 1901-02 by the twenty-one year old Arthur W eigall, who was working
under the aegis of Petrie in the Egypt Exploration Society project.
111
He was the first to
excavate a tomb of this type , and, thus, had no parallels to which to refer. Therefore, the
date of these tombs as well as their significance went unnoticed for about ten years.
In 1912, Mackay recognized the fact that the sarcophagus at South Mazghuna and
that of S9 at Abydos were practically identical.
1115
Thu s, it is difficult to understand w hy
scholars failed to make a connection between these structures and the corpus of Late
Middle Kingdom royal funerary monum ents from that point until Wegner began to
reanalyze the area in 1994.
1116
Throug h further research and work with the primary
sources, it has become even more apparent how similar these monum ents actually are.
1117
Thus in this chapter, Weigall's excavations will be outlined, and the general arguments
for investigating the site further w ill be noted. Data from m y excavations at S9 will also
be discussed. Finally, the justification for including S9 and S10 in the royal mortuary
corpus of Dynasty XIII will be presented.
1113
Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos III,
pp. 11, 13-16.
1114
J. Hankey,
A Passion for Egypt: A Biography of Arthur Weigall
(New York, 2001), pp. 26-31; B J.
Kem p, "Abydo s," in T.G.H. James, ed.,
Excavating in Egypt:
The
Egypt Exploration S ociety 1882-1982
(Chicago, 1982), pp. 80, 82.
1115
Petrie, et al.,
Labyrinth,
p . 46.
1116
O'Connor, "North, ka Chapels and Ceno taphs," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of
Ancient Egypt
(London, 1999), p. 106; Weg ner, "Burial Place of
the
Third Senw osret?," p. 60; "A Study of
Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 133, 381-383, 386, 388.
This connection was more com pletely developed in a paper presented at the American Research Center
in Americ a's annual meeting in Baltimore in 2002 (D. Landua-McCorm ack, "Evidence for Dynasty X III
Royal Mortuary A ctivity at South Abydos," Paper presented at the 53rd Annual Meeting of the American
Research Center in Egypt, Baltimore, Maryland, 2002). See also D. McCormack, "The Significance of
Royal Funerary A rchitecture in the Study of 13th Dynasty K ingship," in W.V. D avies, ed.,
The Second
Intermediate Period (13th-l 7th Dynasties), Current Research, Fu ture Prospects
(London, Forthcoming).
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II .
WeigalPs Excavations of S9
Prior to W eigall's excavations at S9 in 1901-02, Am elineau had begun clearing
this tomb.
1118
Ho weve r, he abandoned his efforts before reaching any architecture due to
the fact that sand poured incessantly into the excavations, causing him to be uncertain
that his effort wou ld be rewarded sufficiently with the finds below . Later, Petrie gained
an interest in the tomb and eventually assigned Weigall to excavate the crater within the
mounds of debris in 1901-02. Unfortunately, the excavations of S9 and S10 were
recorded in only a few pages in a book on the exp edition's w ork at Abydos.
19
Also, the
plans of the site were roughly m ade as the detailed m easurements and mapping were left
for the following season led by Currelly, who claimed that he did not have the time to
devote to this task. Thus, Weigall reports that, "the hasty plan .. .does not pretend to be
very accurate."
1120
In this plan and the text, the measurements have all been rounded to
the nearest half-foot. Thu s, in this discussion, these rough measu rements hav e been
converted into the metric system with the realization that they are probably far from
accurate.
II.A. The Elements of the Superstructure
Weigall excavated a portion of the features of the superstructure of S9 , while
focusing primarily upon the subsurface com pon ents. In the publica tion of S9 , W eigall
describes a rectangular enclosure wall, which he believed was filled with sand and
pebbles and was possibly covered with bricks, though non e were found in this position
1118
Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, pp. 11, 13.
1119
Ayrton,
st&l, Abydos III, pp.
11, 13-16, Pls.36-38.
1120
Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos III,
p .
2 1,
n. 21 . For additional issues with the plan, see Wegner,
Mortuary
Temple, pp. 365-367.
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(Fig. 4 . 2) .
m i
He believed that the superstructure was in the form of a mastab a. Several
m to the east of the enclosure wall, Weigall found a sinusoidal wall, which he describes
as a "frontage."
1122
He also suggested that a courtyard may have existed in front of the
tomb.
II.B. The Components of the S ubstructure
W eigall noted that S9 had been built by the, now familiar, m ethod of excavating a
large pit, into which the quartzite sarcophag us and limestone passage s were set. He
reports that the average limestone block size had dimensions of 1.23 by 0.91 by 0.76
m.
1124
Generally, the tomb had been completely emptied, and much of
the
subterranean
architecture, especially the roof, had been destroyed.
The entrance to the tomb, which was located in the local east, had a three-sided
retaining structure with a brick floor to the east of it (Fig. 4.3.A).
1125
The walls were
about 2.44 m tall and were whitewa shed on the sides visible from the entrance. A brick
staircase, which is not shown in the plan, descended from the surface to the tomb in one
corner. This area, which was about 3 m below the surface, was hidden when
architects filled it with sand after the deceased owner of the tomb had been placed inside.
The substructure of the tomb was not as elaborate as that in other royal
monum ents dated to the Late Middle K ingdom, though it does have many familiar
1 m
Ayr ton, et al. , Abydos III, p. 14.
1122
Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p. 14, PL 36.
1123
Ayrton, et
al, Abydos III,
p . 13.
1124
In Egyptian architecture, blocks used for building monum ents were usually of varying sizes (Arnold,
Building,
p. 122). The same is true for S9.
1125
Ayrton, et
al., Abydos III,
p . 14, Pis. 37, 38.
1126
Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos III,
p . 14, PI. 37.
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characteristics. The entrance itself had been roofed w ith a vaulted ceiling mad e of a
single slab of
limestone,
measuring 2.43 by 3.5 m .
1127
From this point, a corridor gently
descends around 7.62 m (1.07 m wide) toward the west until it ended at a quartzite
portcullis (around 3.05 by 1.52 by 1.52 m; Fig. 4.3.B-C).
Figure 4.3. The substructure of S9 at South Abydos. The symbol indicates local
north. After Ayrton 1904, PI. 37.
The portcullis blocked a passageway, found at a higher level, measuring 1.23 m in
length (Fig. 4.3.D).
1128
This corridor ended in a turning chamber, measu ring 2.13 by 3.05
m (Fig. 4.3.E). A section of the flooring of this room could be remov ed from its 13 cm
1127
Ayrton, et
al., Abydos III,
p . 13, Pis. 37, 38.
1128
Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos III,
pp. 13-14, Pis. 37, 38.
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supports, allowing one to enter a hidden passage below (Fig. 4.3.F). This corridor was
10.67 m long and extended toward the north before turning to the west for about a m
(Fig. 4.3.G ). The n, the passagew ay led to the north again for about 3.05 m (Fig. 4.3.H).
Weigall believed that a limestone blocking stone may have been placed in this position,
but he did not include it in the plan. Finally, the hallway turned again to the west (3.66
m) and then to the south (3.05 m, Fig. 4.3.1-J). Here, there was a smaller quartzite
portcullis (1.83 by 0.38 m, Fig. 4.3.K), after which the corridor narrowed and continued
at a slightly lower level for 2.13 m (Fig. 4.3.L), ending at the sarcophagus lid (Fig.
4.3.M). The outside of the sarcophagus was roughly hewn while the interior surfaces
were finely finished but uninscribed and undecorated, and the sarcophagus chamber was
composed of limestone blocks.
The sarcophagus had a base, made up of a single piece of quartzite (4.28 by 2.74
by 1.83 m), while the lid was composed of two blocks of the same material (Fig. 4.3.M-
N).
1129
The containe r had a coffin n iche, measurin g 2.74 by 0.91 by 1.52 m , with a place
for the cano pic box to the south (0.61 cms on each side). The fixed section of the lid
(3.81 by 1.22 by 0.91 m) at the south had a rounded end that extended beyond the line of
the sarcophagu s base. It was thicker from the tip of this curve until it met the base. From
this point on, where the funerary material would have been placed within, the lid was
hollowed out and had a convex shape on the interior side. The northern part of the lid
was m obile prior to the burial and measured 2.74 by 1.83 by 2.13 m .
Like in many of the M emphite tom bs, there was a small corridor leading from the
floor of the passageway east of the burial chamber to the sarcophagus (Fig. 4.3. 0). In S9,
1129
Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p . 14, Pis. 37, 38.
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this area was just less than 3 m long and w as 0.51 m wide and 0.61 m tall.
1130
Though
Weigall did not understand the sand lowering system, he did suggest that the stones
holding the sarcophagus lid in the air would have been broken with the use of this
passageway after the coffin had been placed inside.
Interestingly, both the portcullis stones as well as the sarcophagus lid were closed
in S9. As will be shown below, this tomb was certainly occupied. How ever, much of it
had been destroyed when people from an unknow n era broke through the limestone
1111
ceiling of the mon ume nt. In fact, they remov ed much of the roofing stones and some
of the upper regions of the walls. Once they found the sarcophagus, the "robbers" were
able to break a hole through it where the two lid components m et. From here, they w ere
able to remove the body and the funerary items, and Weigall noticed that some remnants
of the contents were burned.
III.
Weigall's Excavations of S10
If it were not for S9, S10 would probably remain an unknown example of Late
Mid dle King dom royal funerary architecture. As far as is know n currently, this
monument, which is located roughly 35 to 40 m to the local north and slightly west of
S9 ,
132
is much simpler and/or wrecked than the others discussed previously.
Nonetheless, there are still specific, more significantly diagnostic markers as to the date
of this tomb.
1UU
Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p . 14, Pis. 37, 38.
1131
Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p. 14.
Note that Weigall's map sho ws these two tombs to be much farther apart than reported here. For these
computations, a new map of
the
mon umen ts and their craters was used. The actual direction is southwest.
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III.A. The Elements of the Superstructure
Like in S9, the tomb itself had been covered with sand and p ebbles, possibly
making a mastaba-like feature, but it was in the form of
a
mound of sand around a crater,
when W eigall began his excavations. Passing over the limestone substructure near the
entrance to the tomb from north to south, there is a brick wall measuring 0.91 m tall (Fig. •
4.2). To the north of the area where this wall crosses the entrance, there are two
whitewashed walls running from west to east with a space of 7 m between them. Since
there was a brick surface in this area, Weigall sugg ested it was the site of the offering
cult.
In the text of the report, Weigall recalls finding another whitewashed (on the
eastern side) brick wall 2.74 m to the west of the one described above.
1134
However, he
does not include this feature on the plan, so the purpose of this structure is unclear.
Non etheless, there was another wall further to the w est, which may have delineated the
back of the tomb structu re. This wall was thick and short and seemed to have lacked any
connections with the walls to the east.
About 19.81 m to the east of S10, there is a whitewashed, mudbrick structure
measuring 11.28 by 3.66 m.
1135
Weigall referred to this feature as a "platform ." He
presented no evidence as to why he believed this feature is related to S10 (such as brick
sizes and composition), but the orientation of the structure does seem to match that of the
tomb. The exact nature and purpose of this mass of bricks remains unknown. Near the
location of this platform, magnetometry has revealed a brick-lined ramp filled with
1,33
Ayrton, et
al.,
Abydos III, pp . 14-15, Pis. 36-37.
1134
Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p . 15, Pis. 36-37.
1135
Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p . 15, PI. 36.
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limestone debris.
1
III.B. Components of the Substructure
The entrance to the tomb was located on the eastern side (Fig. 4.4.A).
1137
Brick
walls extended out from either side- of the entrance with a brick floor between them. At
the eastern end of this room, there was a staircase, made up of six deep steps that
extended from the surface just to the south of the cham ber into its north end.
From the entrance, the floor of the limestone passage sloped downward gradually
1 1 TO
(Fig. 4.4.B ). The corridor was 1.07 m wide and ran for 7 m toward the west until it
came to a room, which was poorly preserved (2.4.C). Though the northeastern corner
appears to be displaced in the plan, this room was likely to have been a turning chamber.
A section of the floor in this room was false, and hid the entrance to a ramped staircase,
leading 7.92 m to the north, below (2.4.D). The shallow stairs were 0.51 m wide with
ramps measuring about 0.28 m. At the end of the steps, the passage turns to the west and,
after desc ending at an angle for a few m , dead ends at a portcullis (Fig. E-F). This
quartzite blockin g stone has the exact mea surem ents of the first of those of S 9 (3 by 1.52
by 1.52). The passage continues behind the blocking stone until it reaches the burial
chamber (Fig. G). Here, Weigall found a flat, out-of-context, quartzite sarcophagus lid,
lying northeast/southw est (Fig. H). It is likely that the sarcophagus originally sat below
the level of the floor. Weigall proposed th at this object had been m ade of limestone and
had been broken apart, but he cited no evidence to support his theory. More recently,
1136
W egner,
Mortuary Temple,
p. 369.
1137
Ayrton, et
al, Abydos III,
p . 15, Pis. 37, 38.
1138
Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos III,
p . 15, Pis. 37, 38.
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Wegner has suggested that a field of quartzite debris near the temple of Senwosret III
may be the remains of the base of this sarcophagus.
1
H.-
Figure 4.4. The substructure of S10. After Ayrton 1904, P1.37.
It is unclear whether or not the sarcophagus l id represents the primary interment.
The missing burial chamber, which was often composed partly of heavy quartzite blocks,
Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
p. 296.
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would likely have been the first section of a Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb to have
been finished. In the pyramid of Ameny Q emau , hasty modifications in the entrance to
the tomb seem to suggest that this section was not yet completed at the time of the death
of the king , but the burial chamber ap pears to have been finalized. Thu s, in the future, it
is hoped that careful excavation of S10 may result in new clues, which may shed light
upon the natu re of the burial chamber and the corridors leading to it. If the small room is
a chapel, it is likely that the original sarcophagus chamber is located directly to the west
as it is in S9.
In the area around the sarcophagus lid, Weigall found calcite canopic jar
fragments.
1140
These vessels had standard spells, which were written in mutilated
hieroglyph s like those of Aw ibre Hor. It is unfortunate that Weigall did not find the
name of the person buried in the tomb; Awibre H or's canopic jars had his name upon
them.
IV. Problems with WeigalPs Plans
There are some significant problems with W eigall's plans of S9 and S10 that are
apparent after the analysis of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs in the M emphite region.
These potential errors are, no doubt, due to Weigall's inexperience as an excavator in
Egypt as well as the fact that he did not construct the plan from measurements taken for
that purpose (see Section II. above). Also , it may be the case that the arch itectural
remains were extremely fragmentary, and, since these monuments were the first of the
Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs to be excavated, W eigall may not have had the tools
1140
Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos III,
pp. 15, 19; Weg ner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," p. 382.
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he needed to understand them.
In Weigall's plan of S9 , there are three major problems (others will be discussed
in the section co ncerning the re-excav ation of this tomb). The first of these is an issue
pertaining to the quartzite portcullis stone in the first corridor. W eigall believed that this
stone had been lowered from the ceiling.
1141
How ever, as one could see from the other
six examples of these monum ents (including H awara), this pattern only occurs once in
the pyramid of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur, in which a modification had b een made to the
plan. Instead, the portcullises are usually enc ased in a niche in one of the limestone
walls.
As one m ight recall, the portcullises in the Late Middle Kingdom tombs usually
work using the same techniq ue (See Fig. 3.7). The large quartzite stone sits in its nich e,
with one side at the edge of a ramp, usually m ade of a polished piece of quartzite. The
blocking stone is held a little above horizontal by another stone that prevents it from
sliding down prematurely. Once the burial was com plete, the stone holding up the large
block would have been knocked out, allowing the quartzite stone to proceed dow n the
slope, presumably with the aid of levers.
There was a second, smaller niche in the opposite wall. As the stone slid down
the ramp, it would finally come to rest with one end in this niche, stretching across the
corridor, the final end remaining in the original chamber. Th us, the portcullis stretched
com pletely across the corridor into both walls. The stone would then block the next
passage, found at a higher level (usually about 1 to 1.5 m). Thu s, the stone formed a low
ceiling in its chamber, suspended on three sides via the niches and the ramp at the back.
1141
Ayrton, et
al., Abydos III, p.
13.
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W eigalPs section and plan of S9 reveals that the portcullis stone is in the expected
location for this sort of
tomb.
1142
The stone is suspended on three sides above the surface
of the first corridor, blocking the entrance to the next passagew ay at a higher lev el. In the
plan, it is also clear the portcullis sits further into the southern w all than it does into the
northern one. Aga in, this characteristic parallels the other tomb s exactly. How ever,
Weigall's plan shows a recess in the ceiling, allowing for the stone to be lowered from
above.
It is likely that the ceiling in the portcullis chamber was not preserve d. With this
in mind, it is understandable w hy W eigall may have thought that the giant stone had been
lowered from above. Also, he may not have been able to see the large niche in the
southern wall because it was either not preserved or was blocked completely by the
portcullis stone. Further evidence that the portcu llis stone here follows the norm al royal
Late Middle Kingdom model is the increase in the thickness of the southern wall at this
point. How ever, it seems to be the case that Weigall did not reconstruct the thickness of
this wall correctly, as it would need to be larger to house the entire blocking stone prior to
sealing the tomb.
Another problem with W eigall's plan is the lack of turning chambers in the
northern part of the tomb . Clearly, there was one of these specialized rooms just to the
west of the first portcullis. This type of room was found whene ver the direction of a
corridor turned ninety d egrees so that the wo rkers wou ld be able to rotate the coffin and
maneuver this inflexible object down the halls to the sarcophagus chamber.
1143
In S9,
1142
Ayrton, et
al.,
Abydos
111,
Pis. 37, 38.
1143
The size of
the
coffin is estimated using the interior measurements of
the
sarcophagus.
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there
is a
lack of these chambers
for
the other four ninety degree turns after
the
first.
Based upon the size of the coffin niche in the sarcophagus, it is not possible that the
structure of the first tw o turns
was
negotiable w ithout
a
turning chamber even though
they
are
close
to one
another, creating some extra space.
The
last two w ould
not
have
allowed for the transport of the coffin as they are drawn in W eigall's plan. Either there
actually were
two
more turning cham bers, which W eigall
was
unable
to see in the
ruins,
or the halls m ust be much wider than he recounts.
The final problem with Weigall's plan
is the
structure of the sarcophagus
chamber. Since the pattern of the Late Middle K ingdom sarcophagus chambers was
outlined above,
the
reader should immediately recognize
the
fact that this example must
be a Type 2. In this form, a section of the sarcophagus lid (usually two or three stones
total) is propped up on two pillars sitting on sand within a chamber with a saddle roof.
W hen the burial was com plete,
the
sand w ould
be
released
via a
small corridor
on
each
side. Thus, the lid would slowly lower, sealing the burial.
W eigall believed, however, that
the lid
of the sarcophagus
was
lowered from
the
ceiling,
1144
but he seems not to have recognized the mechanics used in this system. He
reconstructed a flat roof, when it is more likely that the ceiling was in the saddle form.
Also,
he
only shows
a
small corridor
for the
release of the sand
on the
eastern side. Thus,
there must be some other component of this system, wh ether it was a hidden corridor on
the west side
or
some sort of mechanism w ithin
the
sarcophagus
itself.
Like in S9, there are similar problems with the plan of S10. The structure of the
southern wall indicates that there
was
likely
a
turning chamber
at the
first tu rn
in the
1144
Ayrton,
et
al., Abydos III, p .
14.
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tomb. W eigall's p lan displays a very irregular northern wall for this chamber, probably
due to the condition of the ruins in this area.
A more significant problem is the lack of a turning chamber at the end of the
staircase. Here, the joining of
one
passage at 1.07 m and another or similar dimensions
* seems too constrained for maneuvering a coffin, measuring around 2.74 by 0.91 by 1.52
m.
1145
He re, the structure of the northern wall, with its projection tow ard the north before
the portcullis stone, could indicate the presence of another turning chamber.
Like in S9, the portcullis in S10 should operate by the same system as the other
Late Middle Kingd om tom bs, though Weigall thought it was lowered from the ceiling.
1146
Instead, it is clear from the other examples that a portcullis niche would have been
housed in the southern wall of the chamber, meaning that that wall would have had to be
much thicker than shown in the plan. The northern wall obviously has a smaller niche
used to hold that end of the portcullis. In W eigall's section,
1147
it is clear that the
portcullis stone hangs above the surface of
the
preceding corridor, but he is vague about
the architectural plan here, simply movin g to the next corridor. How ever, it wo uld seem
that the ceiling is represented poorly here and that the actual corridor should be at a
higher level, as they are after every othe r portcullis of this nature, including that of S9.
Thus, the plan of the remainder of the tomb must be regarded as tenuous at best.
Weigall reconstructs the burial chamber without having found anything in this
area except the sarcophagus lid.
1148
Therefore, the location of the sarcophagus as well as
1145
The estimate for the coffin size of S10 was taken from the dimen sions of the coffin niche in the
sarcophagus of
S 9.
Even a significantly shorter coffin could not have been turned in this space.
1146
Ayrton, et al, Abydos III, p . 15, Pis. 37, 38.
1147
Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p. PI. 38.
1148
Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p. 15.
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the limestone blocks, which encased it, are simply conjecture. Thus, in the plan, Weigall
shows the lid as if it were dropped from the ceiling. If this placemen t is correct, then a
system, similar to that found in the subsidiary pyramid of Khendjer (the lid is supported
by pillars until after the burial), must have been used . Othe rwise, it may be the case that
this tomb extend ed a little further to the west or, more likely, to the south. In this case, a •
Type 1 sarcophagus could be proposed for this tomb.
Interestingly, the beginning of S10 is identical to that depicted in the tomb model
at Dahshur described previously (Figs. 3.17, 2.4).
l 9
The staircase leading to the tom b,
the entranceway, the stairs leading to the north, and the position of the portcullis are all
identical. As W eigall has depicted the plan of S10, at this point the tomb ends in a Type
3 sarcophagus. How ever, the tomb model has a complete sand lowering system and,
thus,
a Type 2 sarcophagus. The model may not represent S10 ; nonetheless, the
resemblance is remarkable and may indicate some sort of chronological relationship
between the two.
Only further excavation can provide the answers to the questions resulting from
the comparison of the Memphite monum ents to S9 and S10 at Aby dos. Excavations of
exterior sections of S9 produced even more problems with WeigalPs plan. Thus, only
additional inspection of the substructure of the monument as well as other areas will
produce the com plete picture needed to truly understand these tombs.
V.
Recent Excavations at S9
As shown above, the two tom bs, S9 and S10, at South Aby dos have many of the
1,49
Di. Arnold, Amenemhet III, PL 67.
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same characteristics as the royal Late Middle K ingdom m onumen ts found in the
Memphite area.
1150
Recent excavation of one of these tomb s, using modern techniques,
has resulted in new , more complete data concerning the structure of these tombs.
From February through March of 2003, the Pennsylvania-Yale-Institute of Fine
Arts Expedition to Abydo s, undertook additional excavations of "mastaba" S9.
1151
Previously, in the summer of
2002,
Dr. J. Wegner, in conjunction with Dr. Herbich,
completed a subsurface survey of the area, indicating that structures existed around the
tomb, which W eigall had not recorded and remained unexcavated.
•*1
Figure 4.5.
View of excavations in the local southeast of S9 . Note the large spoil
heap and the pyramidal cliff in the background.
1150
See D. McCormack, "The Significance of Royal Funerary Architecture in the Study of 13th Dynasty
Kingship."
1151
See the acknowledgements as they relate to this project.
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Figure 4.6. Plan showing the results of the 2003 excavations season at
S9 at South Abydos.
The plan for the season was to begin with the architecture indicated to be to the
east of the tomb by the subsurface im age. After comp leting these excavation units, the
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team set out to clear the subsurface part of the tomb and create a plan of the remaining
architecture, correcting any mistakes made by W eigall. The excavators also intended to
process all of the objects as they were retrieved to ensure the collection of useful data in
an efficient time period .
Excavations began with the opening of five 10 by 10 m squares-and a unit of
this same basic shape, which was truncated from the southwest corner to the middle of
the northern side due to the presence of a large spoil heap (Figs. 4.5-4.6). Five of the
units were located to the southeast of the tomb and one to the northeast. In the sou thern
units, the hope w as to uncover a sinusoidal wall visible in the magnetometry image, as
well as the southeastern corner of the enclosure wall. The northern unit was believed to
be the site of the northeastern corner of this structure.
In the following pages, the focus will be to document the results of the 2003
season at South Abydos and describe the finds in detail in order to provide a source of
comp arison for the other mon umen ts already investigated in the previou s chapter. In a
following chapter, the significance of
S9
and S10 in the study of Dynasty XIII kingship
will be discussed.
V.A. The Elements of the Superstructure
Since it will likely take a number of seasons to complete the excavation of S9 , it
is expected that the future work will allow us to better understand this monument and its
construction. How ever, after investigatin g only a few areas, it is clear that many of the
features of the structure are intact.
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S9 and S10 are both located on the lower desert to the south of the visible
cultivation. The monum ents were constructed according to local directions, based upon
the line of the cliffs (east/west) and the Nile Rive r (north/south), rather than cardin al
ones, with the canopic niche being to the local south (actual east) of the sarcophagus.
1152
Since these designations are confusing, the following text will refer to local directions as
such, and the plans will be labeled using both systems. How ever, it should be noted the
ancient Egyptians themselves would hav e acknowledged the cliffs behind the tombs as
being the west, the direction, in which the dead traveled, while the part of the tomb facing
the cultivation was the east, the point, from which the sun rose every day giving life to
the world. It is the position of the sarcophagus as well as the corridors of the tomb that
make such a statement certain in light of the Mem phite corpus.
The directional orientation of the site did not begin with the Dynasty XIII activity;
the architects of Senwosret III of the previous period had established the South Abydos
area as a royal cem etery. They had ch osen this spot, no doubt, due to the fact that the
area was in the region of
the
sacred wadi and had originally been the focal point of the
tombs of the earliest kings of
Egypt.
At that point, it was the center of the Osiris cult and
had becom e crow ded w ith private tombs and cenotaphs, as well as ritual structures.
During Dynasty XIII, rules preventing these structures from encroaching upon the Early
Dynastic tombs themselves were recorded in Khutawyre W eg af s stela (JE 35256), which
For a short discussion of orientation, see Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p. 167. For the use of local
directions at South Abydos, see Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 10.
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was later usurped by K hasekhemre Neferhotep I.
1153
Thus, in the Late Middle K ingdom,
there would have been no place for a large royal tomb in Aby dos p roper.
When Senwosret's officials searched for a place for his tomb complex, they must
have noticed that, from the base of the cliffs at South Abydos, the landscape appears to
form a natural pyramid . Thu s, they chose this spot for a hidden tom b and extended th e
corridors underneath this formation ("M ountain of Anubis").
1154
With the temple at the
edge of the valley, Senw osret's tomb formed a complete pyramid complex. The ow ners
of the Dynasty XIII tombs, presumably kings, not only benefited from closeness to the
natural pyramid, they also associated themselves with the legendary Senwosret III by
constructing their tomb in this vicinity.
1155
Therefore, this part of Abydo s became a Late
Middle Kingdom royal cemetery.
The landscape at South Abydos slopes downward from the cliffs to the cultivation
and also decreases in elevation from so uthwest to northeast. Mu ch loose sand and debris
litters the virgin desert surface. The construction of the tomb likely began with the
excavation of
a
large pit, where the subsurface elements of the structure were to be
placed. As mentioned previously, the dates recorded in the tomb of Khendjer
demonstrated that the central pit and the substructure of the tomb were the first
components of the comp lex to be constructed.
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 179; Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, pp. 40-41; Helck, Historische-
Biographische,pp. 18-19, no. 26; Leahy, "Protective Measure," pp. 41-60; Mioso, A Reading Book, pp. 1-
3;
O'Connor and Patch, "Sacred Sands," p. 46 . Richards su ggests that the stela is earlier than Neferhotep I
but does not specify the king (J.E. Richards, "Abydos, Middle Kingdom Cemetery," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt
(New Yor k, 1999), p. 95).
1154
J.
W egner, "Seat of Eternity," pp. 58-59; Mortuary Temple, pp. 6, 17-18, 21,
32-33;
Wegner and Abu el-
Yazid, "The Mountain-of-Anubis," pp. 419-435.
1155
For a similar situation in which Amenemhet I chose to place his initial pyramid in the north at Sakkara
near the Pyramid of
Teti,
see D. Silverman, "Non-Royal T om bs" in J. Wegner and D. Silverman,
eds., Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt, Yale Egy ptological
Studies vol. 8, New Haven and Boston, 2009.
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During the 2003 season, excavations focused upon the corners of the northern part
of the enclosure w all (Figs. 4.5, 4.6. A, 4.7). The northeastern corner was well-preserved
wh ile the northwestern one was fragmentary. The eastern end of the wall was set into a
foundation trench , wh ich cut down through the virgin desert surface. The western side
sat upon the loose sand on a platform, w hich extended beyo nd the northern face of the
wa ll. The level of the wall base on the western side of the northern enclosu re was 1.82 m
higher than that of the eastern end.
t
v .
Figure 4.7.
The local southeastern corner of the enclosure wall of S9 . The shorter
wall on the right extends toward the Senw osret III tomb com plex. In the bottom
center, the blocked entrance is visible.
In the subsurface survey results, the enclosure of S9 is visible on all sides, though
most co rners seem to be poorly p reserved, if at all. The shape of the enclosure is not
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completely square, though it does appear to be around 54.5 m in length on each side. The
walls were made of bricks measuring 36-42x17-21x11-14 cms with no correlations
betw een the sizes. The com position of the bricks of the enclosure of S9 varied
considerably. One type was more dense, weighing about 12.00 kilograms, with a large
'amount of ehaff, while another, measuring 11.00 kilograms contained small gravel stones
and sherds and was hard like concrete.
1156
The outer bricks were laid with the use of
mortar, made of mud with small limestone chips.
The northern (local eastern) wall was 1.16 m wide and was preserved to a height
of 1.88 m while the eastern (local southern) one is 1.45 m in width at the base and 1.3 m
wide at the top and is up to 2 m in height. The northern (local eastern) wall also would
have been smaller at the top as it, like the eastern (local southern) one, occasionally had a
herringbone line pattern, used to decrease the width of the wall as it was built
upwards.
5
In this case, the reduction in width was taken equally from both sides. The
base of the eastern (local southern) wall was constructed with the use of a trench near the
corner and proceeded to follow the landscape to the south (local west), terracing upwards
along the way. Like in the pyramid encasement trench at South Mazghuna, at least one
uncut boulder w as within the trench, being visible at the base of the wall.
A floor surface of mud had been laid inside the enclosure about 0.7 m up from the
base of the northern (local eastern) wa ll. After the floor, which was about 8 cms thick,
was in place, the wall had been covered with mud plaster and whitewashed. To the north
1156
In S10, the hard bricks (38 by 17.5 by 11.5 cms) were lighter in color than those of
S9
and contained
substantial chaff as well as small limestone specks.
1157
Spencer,
Brick Architecture,
pp. 137, 138, PI. 8 (A17); Di. Arnold,
Encyclopedia,
p . 35; U. Holscher,
Da Hohe Tor von Medinet Habu
(Le ipzig, 1910), p. 29, Abb. 23 ; B. Kemp , "Soil (Including Mud-B rick
Architecture)," in P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology
(Cambridge, 20 00), p. 90.
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(local east) of the northern (local eastern) wall, a similar floor, being around 10 cms
thick, had been constructed rough ly 0.59 m above the level of the wall base. This side of
the wall had likewise been coated with whitewashed plaster.
The eastern (local southern) side of the enclosure wall had a slightly more
comp lex history. A small wall even on the northern (local eastern) face of the enclosu re
abutted the structure (Figs. 4.9.B , 2.Y). Its base sat upon loose sand and was about 0.9 m
wide and 0.62 m in height, the base being about 0.36 m above that of the enclosure w all.
The original floor surface was in this area and 0.12 m above base of the small wall and
approximately 0.48 m above that of the enclosure.
The original floor of this area was relatively well-preserved and occupied the
majority of the section of the excavation unit to the east (local south) of the enclosure
wall. This surface also ran up under part of the wall on the southern end of the
excavation unit. Close examination revealed that this section represented a blocked
entrance in this area (Figs. 4.6.C, 4.7). One layer of whitew ashed p laster had coated the
wall up to this point before the entrance had been closed. Presum ably, once the owner of
the tomb had been placed inside, and the funerary rituals had been com pleted, sand was
laid over the floor, and bricks were p laced in line with the wall in order to close the
entrance to the interior.
Some time thereafter, the surface was raised as the area was filled with debris and
limestone ch ips. It is uncertain w hether the new floor was laid before or after the robbing
of the tomb (mumm y fragments and wood were found). Interestingly, the stratigraphic
layers between the first and second floors contained a large amount of Marl A ceramics,
possibly indicating a slightly later date (below the original floor, a significant number of
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Marl C sherds were found). As of now, however, the exact dating of these layers is
uncertain. Nonetheless, about 1 m above the original floor, the new surface had been
constructed, and a fresh layer of whitewashed plaster had been applied to the enclosure
wall.
The layer of concentrated limestone chips as well as the new floor ran up over the
preserve d level of the small wall at the north (local east) of this area. Since the
whitewash of both the northern (local eastern) enclosure wall and the first layer of the
eastern (local southern) one ran up onto this feature, it is clear that the wall was a part of
the first pha se. If this wall never reached a height m ore than it currently stands, then it is
possible it was meant to form a terrace betwee n the upper and lower levels of surfaces. It
is clear that this wall was not considered to be a formal part of the S9 enclosure as it was
neither plastered nor whitewashed. The wall extended to a brick-lined ramp filled with
limestone debris to the local south in the vicinity of the structures connected with the
Senwosret III tomb .
1158
At the time when the second floor was constructed, the interior
of the small wall was no longer visible, as this area had been filled with debris.
Directly upon the preserved area of the new surface, more debris from the tomb
was found. Large amounts of wood, some being burnt, as well as two sets of senet game
pieces were discovered h ere. These objects found outside S9 are quite plebian for a royal
tomb as these items were often made of faience.
1159
There was also a concentration of
dung next to the w all.
1158
Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 374, 380, 381.
1159
P. Piccione, "The Historical Development of
the
Game of Senet and its Significance for Egyptian
Religion," dissertation, University of Chicago, 1990, p. 19; Bourriau, Pharaohs and M ortals, p. 133.
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The location of the entrance to the tomb is interesting for two reaso ns. First of all,
the entrance to the pyramid of South M azghuna w as located in this same region with the
com plex. Second, the small wall continues toward the Senw osret III enclosure to an area
once thought to be related to this earlier king 's mortuary establishment. Now , how ever,
it is clear that the sm all wall and this structure are in the line of
S9
and not the S enwosret
III mortuary comp lex. Thu s, it is possible that activities related to the adm inistration of
the construction of S9 and the burial itself occ urred in the area to the local east of the
Senwosret III tom b. Con sequently, above and below the surfaces in the excavated
portions of S9 , there were a few seal impressions, as well as a number of clay rods,
thought to be the portable source of sealing clay near the entrance.
1160
Abo ve the floor level of the area to the north of the enclosure, there w as a great
deal of brick and limeston e deb ris. It is uncle ar when the dep osit of this material
occurred. The brick material was not simply wall fall as there were no patterns
discernab le. Rather, it seems that this debris was collected either in the destruction of the
tomb or in W eigall's excavations. W ithin this debris, there were many fragments of
funerary provisions including small pieces of plaster with gold leaf, alabaster vessel
fragments, and w ood (discussed below).
To the local east of the tomb (north), there is a section of a sinusoidal wall
preserved (Fig. 4.6.D). The wall stretches toward the north (local east) and then turns to
the west (local north ). From c rest to crest, the waves in the wall are 2.6 to 3.5 m across
while being abo ut 0.5 to 0.55 m deep . The corner, which was 2.1 m wide at its base , 0.7
1160
These unbak ed, clay objects were cylindrical in shape. One preserved example was 9.59 cm in length
and 2.2 cm in diameter while another was 8.98 cm in length and 2.21-2.54 cm in diameter.
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m at the narrowest point, and 2.2 m deep, is narrower as in the other examp le of these
walls in the Memphite region.
The preserved section of the wall included 17.5 m from south to north (local
east/west) and 7.8 m east to west (local north/sou th). In the former direction, the wall
clearly continued to the south, though its connection with the enclosure w all is unknow n.
Likewise, there were traces of the wavy wall all the way to a central structure, making its
full extent close to 15 m. The wall was preserved from a few brick fragments to aroun d
0.65 m in height and was one brick (laid as stretchers) in width . From the evidence of the
wall fall, it was originally at least 1.6 m in height
The construction of the sinusoidal wall was of economical quality. Unlike the
wavy w alls in the M emphite region and others around South Abydo s, this structure was
very thin, measuring about 0.2 m wide, which must have limited the height of the
sinusoidal wall. Thu s, the estimated height of the wall from the fallen bricks may
represent the original one. The preservation of the wall became taller as the excav ations
proceeded to the southwest, and future work will likely confirm or dispel the 1.6 m
estimate.
The sinusoidal wall had no foundation trench and was placed upon the loose sand
after applying a plaster-like wall base . The base of the wall sloped dow nward along
with the surface being about 0.98 m lower at the corner than in the southern-most extent
uncovered in the 2003 season. Like in the rest of the complex, the bricks were 35-40 by
17-21 by 10-14 cms witho ut any patterns of correlation between the sides. Other
components of the wall included brick fragments as well as triangular wedg es, with
1161
This mud wall base is typical of Egyptian co nstruction. See Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p . 34.
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curved ends, used to accentuate the rounded areas of the wall. The bricks were laid with
a thick mud m ortar.
1162
After com pleting the wall, a thick layer of plaster, made of mud
and large pieces of chaff, w as placed on both of its sides, which w ere then
whitewashed.
1163
Fig ure 4.8. The sinusoidal wall of S9.
An interesting buttress was located inside the second interior curve to the south of
the corner of the sinusoidal wa ll. Here, small bricks and brick fragments outlined a
curved area. Bricks and debris were then placed inside, filling the space between the wall
and the outline. Unfortunately, the original height of this feature is unkn own as it was
only one brick high at the time of excavation.
T h e s inuso ida l w a l l at S9 m a y ha v e se r ve d mul t i p l e pu r p ose s . I t i s pos s ib l e t ha t it
1162
The use of mortar is very rare in Egyptian architecture. How ever, the mortar used here, as well as in
the enclosure wall, is typical with limestone chips and clay. Not to be confused, plaster usually con tains a
high straw content to prevent cracking (Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, pp. 34, 155; Kemp , "Soil," p. 92).
1163
The whitew ashed plaster was normally applied to walls to protect them from the natural elements. See
Di.
Arnold, Encyclopedia, p . 34. How ever, in this case, the plaster seems also to add to the stability of the
rapidly constructed sinusoidal wall.
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connected to the enclosure wall and that it also had a counterpart on the western side of
the southern face. Its purpose is uncertain, but it seems to have formed a courtyard in
front of the enclosure wa ll. If the wall did continue on the western side, then both walls
would have connected to a central rectangular structure similar to that found at South
Mazghuna (see below). Thus, the sinusoidal wall at S9 may have been an abbreviated
outer enclosure wall, connected to a cult structure.
Figure. 4.9.
The remains of the cult structure of S9.
The sinusoidal wall stretches to the west until it meets a rectangular-shaped
feature (Figs. 4.6.E, 4.8). Unfortunately, this building w as in very poor cond ition as the
preserved section including its northern (local eastern) wall and its eastern (local
southern) corner stood to a height of less than one course. The bricks measu red
approximately 39-39.5 by 11-15.5 by 8.5-9.9 cms and were laid on their sides (the
shortest length). This line of bricks wou ld have formed the foundation for a wall, which
was only one brick wide (about 40 cms). Though this feature may appear rudimentary,
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its placement near the central line of the enclosure wall and tomb indicates that it was
likely a structure intended for the offering cult of the deceased p erson interred in the
tomb . This building is in the local east of S9 and holds the same position as that in the
South Mazghuna monument.
Both inside and outside the sinusoidal wall, there were areas with construction
debris. There was no surface preserved here, and it may be the case that one had never
existed in this poten tial courtyard. Due to the fact that the construction d ebris was on
both sides of the sinusoidal wall, it is likely that this structure was raised after the work in
the zone had been completed.
Much of the construction debris was made up of large and small deposits of
limestone chips, ground stone, and possibly fine, pow dery gypsum . In other
location s, small areas of an unidentified organic material were found. Some of the
limestone chips may have resulted from the cutting of limestone blocks. How ever, many
of the deposits appear to be related to the manufacture of whitewash and mortar for the
stone architecture. The organic material may have been used in the wall plaster.
Samples of all such deposits were collected, and, in the future, these materials will be
analyzed and compared to the makeup of the compo nents of the complex.
Near the southern end of the excavation of the sinusoidal w all, two more construction
features we re found. He re, there was one small plaster pit, which was at a higher level,
and a larger one. The hard surface of these pits was about 5 to 10 cms thick. The sm aller
feature was approximately 3.1m from north to south with a width of more than 1.3 m.
The second plaster pit was 3.1 by 2.9 m (Figs. 4.6.F , 4.10). Both of these areas had
1164
For information about gypsum, see Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p. 101.
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clearly been used for the mixing of plaster or mortar and had finger, hand, and footprints
preserved in their surfaces.
••>•
• .
• " • - • < •
x.
«
J
- * * » " • * » * M i . • t _ s r
Figure. 4.10.
The large plaster pit.
V.B.
The Com ponents of the Substructure
In the 2003 season, only a small area of the interior of the tomb was exposed.
These excavations included brickwork in the crater, the smaller of the two components of
the lid of the sarcophagus, limestone architecture to the southwest of the sarcophagus,
and the eastern face of the second portcullis stone.
The work of the excavation team in 2003 revealed several significant brickwork
structures, which W eigall had not recorded . These constructions are most prolific to the
local west of the tomb near the sarcophagus cham ber (Fig. 4.6.G ). It is possible that
some of the preserved brickwork in the substructure of S9 served as a means of holding
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back the sand during construction. Exca vation of such a deep pit in the desert sand
proves to be a difficult task. Like other excav ators, we had extrem e difficulties in
clearing the pit even though only the upper extent of the substructure was reached.
During the 2003 season, 4 to 6 m of sand were removed from the crater, the greater
amou nts being from the sides, wh ile the smaller amount was taken from the center. At
this depth, any wo rk results in sand pouring in from the sides. Th us, the deeper one digs
the worse the problem with the loose sand becom es.
*%&4+J&
•
r
.,
A'
.«"'*££;
'^vitiHUL
^ ^ f e * ^
Figure 4.11. The exposure of the subsurface elements of S9 in 2003. The mobile
component of the sarcophagus lid, the portcullis stone, the surrounding limestone,
and the supporting brickwork are visible.
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The brick structures are often only a few courses thick as in the ones on the local
eastern side (Fig. 4.6.H).
1165
How ever, those closest to the sarcophagus cham ber reach to
a height greater than a meter as they terrace back into the sand from the edge of the
limestone w alls (Fig. 4.11 ). In this area, it may be the case that the brickw ork served not
only to hold back the san d in the lowest pa rt of the tomb , but also as a platform, from
which the lowering of the large quartzite components could be facilitated, and the support
of the saddle roof as well as a large superstructure could be provided. It may also be the
case that the brickwork w ithin the pit may represent the preserved sections of the
superstructu re. It is hoped that future w ork will clarify the nature of the brickw ork w ithin
the substructure of S9.
The crater itself measured roughly 25 by 21 m w hile the area between the
northern (local eastern) and southern (local western) mudbrick structures of the crater
was about 14 m. The northern (local eastern) one joined at what might be a corner with
the eastern (local southern) side (probably corresponds with the western (local northern)
side of the entrance corridor or the first portcullis chamber).
In the area next to the sarcophagus, there was a large structure of bricks with one
part being higher than the other. In the corner of these two sections, limestone fragments
were piled up in order to keep the sand back. Thou gh it cannot be certain, it is likely that
this makeshift construction w as the work of Wei gall's men, especially considering the
fact that the workers of the 2003 season often attempted similar means of holding it back.
1165
The brick structures on the eastern side had limestone flakes within them. Therefore, their exact date,
whether ancient or modern is unknown at this point. How ever, parallels to these walls in the Memp hite
region would su ggest that they are ancient. For example see the pyramid of Am enemh et III at Hawara
(Chapter 3, section II.B.) and South Mazghuna (Chapter 3, Section VII.B).
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The top of the sarcophagus lid com ponent was 2.32 m below the desert virgin soil
(Fig. 4.6.1).
1166
This large mon olithic structure was made of a quartzite stone of variable
qualities (considerable inclusions in some areas). It measured ap proximately 2.7 by 1.82
m and had a height greater than 1.07 m. The corners were rounded and the local northe rn
36 cms were recessed. The cutting of the stone was irregular, and it was left roughly
finished on the top.
Though many of the features of the tombs are similar to those of the Memphite
region, excavations at S9 revealed that this monum ent had limestone of a somewhat
/ Q
lesser quality than the fine Tura limestone found in the tombs in the north (Fig. 4.6.J).
Most of these stones are like the sarcophagus top in that they were put in place with very
little smoothing of their surfaces. One stone contained a portion of a dovetail cramp.
The material of the cramp itself, which w as missing, was not determined.
1169
The blocks
were positioned with the aid of gypsum m ortar, which ran dow n the sides of many of the
blocks.
1170
The quartzite portcullis was about 1.5 m from the local northern face of the
1171
sarcophag us lid (Fig. 4.6.K). It was 1.6 m wide and approxim ately 0.4 m in depth.
The local southern side of the face of the stone was incredibly smooth, and the quality of
This layer is composed of hard, compact sand with small limestone inclusions.
1167
See Chapter 3, section X; Chapter 4, sections III.B. and V.B.
1168
The lower quality of the limestone may not be as important as one might think. Since limestone was
readily available locally, it may simply have been more practical to quarry the blocks from the area,
especially since they would be visible (Di. Arnold, Building, p. 159; Encyclopedia, p. 134; B.G. Aston, et
al.,
"Stone," in P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds.,
Ancient Egyptian M aterials and T echnology
(Cambridge,
2000) , p . 13; R. Klemm and D.D. Klemm , Steine u nd Steinbruche im Alten Agypten (Lon don, 1093), p. 30).
1169
For a description of
the
types of cramps used in ancient Egyptian architecture, see Di. Arnold,
Building,
p. 124;
Encyclopedia,
p . 60; S. Clarke an dR . Engelbach,
Ancient Egyptian Construction and
Architecture (Ancient Egyptian Masonry: the Building Craft) (New Y ork, 1990), pp. 11 2-113.
117
Gypsum mortar was commonly used in this manner (Di. Arnold, Building, pp. 118, 123, 291;
Encyclopedia, p p. 101, 133, 155; Clarke and Engelbach, Ancient Egyptian Construction, pp. 78-79).
1171
Note that Weigall measured this length as 2.13 m (Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p. 14).
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the quartzite was marked ly better than that of the sarcophagu s lid. It is likely that the
portcullis stone had been maneuvered into position from a niche in the wall to the local
west. This placement wo uld fit perfectly w ith a Type B portcu llis, which often occurs in
this position when it is paired with a Type 2 sarcophagus. Though this is a Type 1
sarcophagus, it appears that there might be just such a slot in the limestone walls for a
Type B blocking stone position, but only further excavations will confirm this hypothesis.
V.C.
Further Problems with Weigall's Plan
Thus far, Weigall's plan of the substructure of S9 seems to correlate in general
size with the remains found in the 2003 season . Further excavation s will be needed in
order to confirm and correct the probable errors explained in an earlier section (IV).
Non etheless, the above ground features of S9 seem to be quite off in W eigall's plan and
do not correlate with the new data.
The first major problem with Weigall's plan is that his enclosure wall is much
smaller than that recovered recently. Thus far, no wall has been found inside of the first,
leading one to the conclusion that Weigall did in fact excavate part of the enclosure wall.
The dim ensions, however, are not accurate.
Another perplexing problem with the original plan is the placement of
a
sinusoidal wall jus t beyo nd the enclosure. In the recent excavations, the sinusoidal wall
was well beyond this point. Also, some areas where the wall was completely preserved,
W eigall's plan shows it as missing. Thus, either there is currently a sinusoidal wall
beneath the spoil heaps just in front of the enclosure, forming a potential square, or
Weigall's plan does not reflect accurately the architectural features of this potential
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courtyard. Finally, the distances betwe en the structures related to the Senwosret III
complex to the local south and S9 and that of the latter and S10 are also inaccurate.
V.D.
Foundation/Ritual Deposits
In the excavations of S9 , three foundation deposits were found to the northeast
(local southeast) of the northern section of the enclosure wall. Two of these deposits
were in the form of a small pit containing ceramics and other objects while the third was
composed of
a
line of brick s. A discu ssion of the nature and conten ts of each deposit will
appear below.
7
V.D.I. The Pit Deposits with Ceramic Material
At 1 m and 3.4 m from the edge of the northern (local eastern) enclosure wall of
S9, the two foundation deposits revealed through excavations appeared to be in the ideal
position for a double deposit often found in Late Middle Kingdom tombs.
1174
However,
unlike parallels to these kinds of pits,
1175
the ones found in the 2003 season were not
lined with brick s. The small, circular pits we re cut into the virgin desert surface. The
one closest to the wall was larger, being about 0.54 m in diameter while the smaller one
was approximately 0.31 m across. Both pits were 0.2 m in depth, being at the maximum
in the center and shallower around the edges.
On the general nature and contents of foundation deposits, see J. Weinstein, "Foundation D eposits in
Ancient Eg ypt," dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1973; Di. Arnold,
Encyclopedia,
p . 93.
1173
Revez, "Medamud," p. 476; Sambin, "Medamud," pp. 351-353.
1174
Weinstein, "Foundation D eposits," pp. 54, 55.
1175
Weinstein, "Foundation D eposits," pp. 52, 54-55.
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r: ~ •
7i
\
/ ;
/
J
/
• %
1
\
J
X
\
\
B.
|
_
• - ' v
- y *
A.
_
\\ c.
'i
1 •'' \ k
10 20
Figure 4.12. Pottery found in the smaller of the two foundation dep osits.
Contents included hemispherical cups (A.) (the second of which contained
plaster), a funnel necked jar (B.), and a beak er (C.)
The smaller of the two foundation deposits contained ceramics including four
hemispherical cups (one filled with gypsum plaster), a beaker, and a funnel-necked
jar.
1176
The second foundation deposit was packed with many items including twelve
hemispherical cups; two, small flat bowls; one large, flat-based bowl with fabric adhered
to it; the rim of a funnel necked jar; one large jar stand; one tall jarstand; two jar sto ppers;
two rings of rope; a calf
rib;
two bird bones; and a collection of sticks, leaves, and
This deposit was not initially recognized as being in a pit as it was partly beneath the baulk, made of
loose sand, which poured into the excavation unit. Thu s, the full nature of
its
contents is uncertain, and it
likely included additional items.
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Figure 4.13.
The second foundation depo sit. Hem ispherical cups (A.), flat, open
bowls (B.), a pulled-rim jar rim ( C ), a funnel-necked jar rim
(D.),
jar stands (E .), a
tall jar stand (F.) (which had been broken into segments), and a large bowl (G.)
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seeds.
1177
It is difficult to determine the date of the deposits due to the placem ent of older
forms of pottery within such contexts. The vessel indices (width divided by height,
multiplied by 100) of the hemispherical cups have been shown by D o. Arnold to be an
indicator of date, becoming deeper over time.
1178
In the smaller pit, the average vessel
index is 186 with a range of 162 to 197 wh ile, in the larger one, it is 191 with a range of
176 to 218 . These vessel indices indicate that the deposits date to the earlier phase of the
Late Middle K ingdom (Late Dynasty X II to early Dynasty X III).
1179
Though
fragmentary, the ceramic eviden ce found so far in the rest of the S9 tomb m ay point to a
later date than the foundation deposits with deeper hemispherical cups as well as a more
advanced phase of Marl C jars (see Section V .E.l .c. below).
Weigall found similar unlined pits, packed with ceramics, around the Senwosret
III enclosure at South Abydos.
1180
In his study, W einstein expressed do ubt that these pits
For parallels to the hemispherical cups,
tall
jar stand and funnel neck
jar,
see Bourriau,
Pharaohs and
Mortals,
pp. 134-136;
Umm el G a'ab. Pottery from the Nile Valley before the Arab Conquest.
(Cambridge,
1981),
pp. 56, 69. Though S.J. Allen suggests that Que en's W are was found in a foundation deposit at the
Senwosret III tomb at South A bydos by Pe trie, the intact pit of
S9
contained no true examples of
this
type,
though some of the shapes were similar (S.J. Allen, "Queen s' Ware: Royal Funerary Pottery in the Middle
Kingdom." in C.J. Ey re, ed.,
Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists
(Leuven,
1998),
pp. 47-48).
1178
Do. Arnold, "Keramikbearbeitung in Dahschur 1976-1981,"
MDAIK
38 (1982), pp. 60-62, Abb. 17-18;
S. Swain, "Pottery, Early Dynastic to Second Intermediate Period," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the
Archaeology of Ancient Egypt
(New York, 1999), p. 627.
1179
Bourriau states that the vessel index marker of 145 sits between early and late Dynasty XIII (J.
Bourriau, "The Dolphin V ase from Lisht," in P. Der M anuelian, ed.,
Studies in Honor of William Kelly
Simpson,
1 (Boston, 1996), p. 113). Wegner points to indices between 155 and 165 as dating to
Amenem het III though he does w arn about regional trends, especially since the index is built upon the
Mem phite corpus (Wegner, "Nature and Chronology," p. 260). Note that he also assigned a vessel index of
178 to the reign of A menemhet
ITT
(W egner, "The Town of W ah-Sut," p. 296); he states that hemispherical
cups from an average of 190-160 date to late Dynasty XH-mid Dynasty X III while those with a mean of
160-135 belong to mid-Dynasty X III through the end of this era (Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
p. 233). Di.
Arnold
{The Pyramid of Senwosret I,
The South Cemeteries of Lisht
1
(New York, 1988), pp. 140-141)
indicates that in the late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty X III in the Memphite region, indices can vary
between 190 and 150 with a range between 200 and 145.
1180
Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos
111, p. 19, PI. XXXIX.
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actual ly represented foundat ion depo si t s .
1 1 8 1
How ever, the presen ce of rope, plaster , and
other goods related to the bui lding process m ay prove otherwise, though a ri tual deposi t
cannot be excluded at this t ime. Unfortunately, W eigal l did not present photographs or
drawings of the contents of the other pi t s found at South Abyd os. Thu s, no comp arison
can be made at this time. W egner also found dep osi t s of pot tery near the ramp, wh ich
ma y be contem porar y with S9. It is poss ible that the deposited materia l originally
belong ed to the complex of Sen wosret III and that the archi tects of S9 found them and
rebu ried them in these locations. It is unfo rtunate tha t the dating of any founda tion/ri tual
deposits is unreliable especially since, at S9, these pits supplied the most complete
ceram ic vesse ls, and i t is difficult to stud y the t iny fragments from the rest of the are a.
V.D.2. The Brick Deposit
To the west of the pits discussed above, there was another form of foundation deposit.
Here, a line of five bricks, set at the sam e angle as the w all, sat upon a layer of clean sand abov e
the virgin desert sand. The full-sized bricks were abo ut 1.7 m northeast of
the
wall and
approximately 10 cms below the plaster surface.
Interestingly, a deposit with full-sized b ricks set in this fashion was not previously known
after the reign of Kheperkare Senwosret I.
1182
During the Late Middle Kingdom , one would
expect to find m iniature cop ies of bricks placed w ithin a foundation d eposit pit. Non etheless, the
small line of bricks at S9 was in a very clear context, and, maybe future excavations at Abydos
and elsewhere will provide further parallels to this practice later than the reign of Senwosret I.
Due to the size and fabric of the bricks, it is clear that this foundation deposit is contemporary to
1181
Weinstein, "Foundation Dep osits," pp.
82-83.
1182
Weinstein, "Foundation Depo sits," pp. 46-47.
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the construction of
S9.
Figure 4.14. The brick deposit .
V.D.3.
Other Deposits
It
is likely that foundation deposits in S9 were located ben eath the corners of the
enclosure walls. A large pit had been dug into the wall base on the northwestern corner of the
comp lex, possibly indicating that treasure had been found here. Since the northeastern corner is
so well-preserved, there is no way to determine w hether or not a deposit exists there.
Non etheless, further w ork may even tually lead to the discovery of more foundation deposits.
V.E .
The Art i facts from S9
Since the tomb of S9 seems to have had a short l i fespan, the cultural material is
not incredib ly den se l ike that of the town si te of Senw osret III to the north. Thu s, al l
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artifacts collected were fully examined and processed during the excavation season.
Though this material is only a small sample of what will be recovered from S9 in the
future, it can be seen as representative especially, since a portion of the old excavation
spoil heaps were screened.
Mo st of the artifacts are in small piece s. It appears that the destruction of the
tomb was comprehensive and that the intruders left many, if not most, of the objects at
the site, once they had smashed them . Thu s far, there is no evidence tha t points to a
specific date of destruction, nor can one yet be sure as to which reign in the Late Middle
Kingdom to assign the tomb. Non etheless, there are some hints as to the general time
period. The following sections will outline the nature of the material from S9.
V.E.I. Ceramics
Pottery is one of the most important sources of information recovered through
archaeolog y. Without the rare find of textual evidence giving one the exact reign, to
which a site belongs, ceramic material can allow one to establish a relative date. The
evidence from S9 at South Abydos is extremely important as it provides a small,
presumably short-lived set of material from the Late Middle Kingdom sequence. Though
the study of pottery dating to this period still requires additional study,
1183
a few types of
pots allow a general date for the site. If, in the future, excavations revea l the name of the
king, who m ay have ow ned this tomb, the material described below w ill become a set
1183
Note that Williams produced a chronological typology of
Late
Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate
Period pottery including Nubia and the Near East. Howe ver, many of
the
contexts, which were primarily
from cemeteries, were heavily disturbed, resulting in the mixing of forms from different time periods.
Also,
no analysis of fabrics was undertaken due to the fact that the vessels were studied through primary
sources (Williams, "Problem s", pp. 59-12 75). More reliable site-specific studies have been undertaken by
other scholars and can be found in the footnotes in this section.
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point in the relative chronology tied to the absolute. Firchow suggested that one of the
sealings found at S8 pointed to a Dynasty XIII date for at least some of the structures in
the area, including this "dummy m astaba."
1184
How ever, it is likely that this structure is
connected to the Senwosret III complex, and this seal, which could represent a period of
restoration or cult activity at South Abydos, may or may not be connected to S9 and
S10.
1185
The ceramic assemblage from the limited excavations of the 200 3 season is likely
representative of the corpus. Thu s, it is not exp ected that the general statistics will
change with further exc avation. No nethe less, all of the material collected, except for that
from the foundation deposits, was composed of small, deteriorated sherds, not allowing
for a com prehensiv e illustration of the types found. Ho weve r, the ceramic assem blage
makes up a small subset of that found at the town of the Senwosret III complex, making it
possible for types to be identified, using the drawings from this partly contemporary site.
V.E.I.a. Foundation Deposits
As discussed before, the foundation deposits can be dated to the earlier Late
Middle Kingdom based upon the vessel indices of the hemispherical cups. As will be
outlined below , this material likely predates that found in the S9 ruins proper. Thus, this
material, which makes up about 3.00 percent of the total ceramics from the excavations,
will be eliminated from the statistics discussed below.
O. Firchow, "Studien zu den Pyramidenanlagen der 12. Dynastie," dissertation, Georg-August-
Universitat, 1942, p. 54. Note that Firchow accidentally refers to this feature as S18. Kemp mistakenly
writes that Firchow believed that the Dynasty XIII date applied to the Senwosret III tomb (K emp,
"Abydos," p. 37).
1185
Wegner and Abu el-Yazid, "The Mountain-of-Anubis," p p. 419-435 .
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V.E.l.b.
Roman Pottery
The discussion of another subset of the ceramic material must also be set aside
from the main corpus. This pottery can be dated to the Roman Period, making up 24.00
percen t of the fabric types and 18.00 percen t of the identified vesse ls. The mo st
prevalent form of Roman pottery was amphorae at 70.00 percent (Fig. 4.15.A).
However, this number may be misleading due to the fact that these vessels were often
made of a soft, brown clay, which easily disintegrated into numerous piece s. The bases
from th ese vessels were often filled with resin. In some cases, this material seem ed to
have been bu rned, possibly indicating that the base from these vessels may have been
reused in the process of mak ing offerings. Basins (similar to the Late M iddle K ingdom
forms) made up 26 percent of the corpus while 4.00 percent were other forms such as
bowls and jars (Fig. 4.15.B-C).
The Ro man Period pottery was only found in the upper layers of the excavated
units, often being a part of the spoil heaps aroun d the tomb crater. The activity at S9,
which is represented by the Rom an Period pottery, is not entirely clear. Currently, there
is no indication that Roman b urials were placed inside the structure, though evidence may
be found in the future. Thu s, the use of this tomb as a cemetery would be much later than
that of the Memphite tombs, which often became the burial sites of the lower classes in
Dynasty XVIII.
1186
Rom an pottery was also found at the temple and tomb of Senwosret
III.
1187
Note that there were later tombs to the local east of S10 (Ayrton, et al, Abydos III, p. 16; Wegner,
Mortuary Temple, p. 369).
1187
Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, pp . 20, 27-28.
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0 10 20 cms
D.
Figure 4.15. Pottery from S9 dating to the Rom an Period. Forms shown here
are amphorae (A.), a bowl (B.), and ajar (C.) Another comm on form w as that
of basins (not shown).
V.E.l.c. The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Assemblage of S9
The total number of identifiable Late Middle K ingdom diagnostic sherds was 64 4.
Untyped fragments w ere not counted in this number though they made up 14 percent of
the material collected (including Roman form s). The remaining 68 percent could all be
y—y-.
,
p
\
v
i
u
I
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identified as Late Middle Kingdom forms.
Before describing the frequency of the forms, the discussion will begin with the
fabric types found (see Fig. 4.16).
1188
The most common fabric w as Nile C, being at 75
percent, with its large chaff
content.
It was often used in the production of large vessels
including basins, platters and
jars.
Nile Bl and B2 were less^common with percentages
of 7 and 8 respectively. Most Nile Bl vessels were hemispherical cup fragments while
B2 w as found in a variety of forms. Marl C wa s the next most frequent w ith 6 percent
and included large storage jars, wine jars, and other less frequent closed forms.
Mea nwhile, M arl A3 , making up 4 percent of the corpus, was found in both closed forms
and a few open one s. Finally, a single pan grave fabric was found.
S9 Late Middle Kingdom Pottery Fabric
Dis tr ibut ion
NileC
Figure 4.16. S9 Late Middle Kingdom pottery fabric distribution.
The significance of the fabric d istribution is difficult to assess since no statistics
are available concerning the pottery from the royal Late Middle K ingdom monum ents in
1188
For standardized descriptions of
the
fabric types, see Do. Arnold, "Ke ramikbearbeitung," pp. 45-46; H.-
A. Nordstrom and J. Bourriau, "Ceramic Technology: Clays and Fabrics," in Do. Arnold and J. Bourriau,
eds.,
An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery
(M ainz, 1993), pp. 171-174, 176-181.
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Figure 4.17. The Late Middle Kingdom open Nile and Marl A3 forms from
S9. A. Hemispherical cups; B. Carinated bowls and cups; C , E. Bow ls, D.
Incense burner, F. Basins, G. Platter, H. Bowl with interned rim.
the Memp hite region. How ever, it is interesting that Nile C, a rapidly produ ced
utilitarian fabric, remain s so common in such a high status burial. On the other hand,
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however, it is important to recognize the fact that the Marl C fabric from the Memphite
region outnumber the Upper Egyptian Marl A3. The fact that the Marl C fabric is in such
abundance, though relatively small compared to the Nile fabrics, indicates that the owner
of this tomb certainly had access to the resources of the Mem phite/Faiyum region.
1189
Thus, along with other evidence, it is clear that the construction and use of this tomb
predates a split of the north and south of Egyp t. How ever, along side the styles of the
residence, the development of Upper E gyptian forms continued (M arl A3 being from this
area),
1190
eventually overtaking the corpus in the Second Intermediate Period.
One can characterize the ceramic corpus overall as being made up of large
numbers of
a
few types with examples of other varieties being much rarer, sometimes
occurring only once. The most frequent vessel type was that of the hemisphe rical cup (21
percent, Fig. 4.17. A). Unfortunately, mo st diagno stic fragments of these vessels were
very small, and only a few allow for a rudimentary reconstruction of their form.
Nonetheless, it is clear that at least some examples display smaller vessel indices,
meaning that they are deeper than the earlier ones visible in the foundation deposits.
1191
Others, however, still seem to be shallow indicating, like other forms below, that S9
belongs to a transitional phase.
Other frequent open, Nile forms include various styles of bowls (11
percent, Fig. 4.17.C, E), large platters (5 percent, Fig. 4.17.G), and basins (3 percent, Fig.
A production zone for this material has been discovered at Lisht (Do. Arnold, "Pottery," in Di. Arnold,
The Pyramid of Senwo sret I (New York, 1988), p. 127; Bourriau, "Patterns of Change," p. 6, n. 10;
"Beyond Avaris," p. 163; J. Bourriau, et al., "Pottery," in P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., Ancient
Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge, 2000 ), pp. 131-132; Bourriau, Umm el Ga'ab, p. 14).
1190
Bourriau, et al., "Pottery," p. 131; Umm el Ga'ab, pp. 14-15).
1191
Do. Arnold, "Keramikbearbeitung," pp. 60-62, Abb. 17-18; Bietak, "Egypt and Canaan," p . 50, Fig. 14.
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Figure 4.18. Examples of closed Nile vessels from the Late M iddle
Kingdom at S9. A. Water jar rims, B. Jars with pulled rim, C. Jars with
straight rim, D. Beer jar, E. Beakers (other types not shown), F. Beer beaker,
G. Miniature storage jar, H-J. Bases.
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Figure 4.19.
Closed marl forms from S9, dated to the Late Middle
Kingdom . Forms include: A. Marl C storage jars, B. Marl C wine jars,
C. Marl C jar with pulled rim, D-E. Marl A3 forms.
4.17.F). Mo re forms were found in a frequency of less than one percent including
carinated cups and bowls (Fig. 4.17.B), carinated incense burners (Fig. 4.17.D), trays (not
show n), and bowls with interned rims (Fig. 4.17.H). The last of these is also found in a
single example each in Marl A3 and stone. One hemispherical cup rim was also in Marl
A3.
The Nile closed vessels were also frequent, not surprising since many are made of
Nile C. W ater jars and other types of closed forms with pulled and straight rims made up
13 percent of the corpus (Fig. 4.18.A-C,
H )
1192
while beer jars were at 11 percent (Fig.
4.18.D, I). Beer beakers composed 7 percent of the Late Middle Kingdom material
For parallels, see Bourriau, U mm el Ga'ab, p. 133. The shape of
the
rims of these jars place them into
the Dynasty XIII categories at Tell el Dab'a (Bietak, "Egypt and Canaan," p. 36, Fig. 37).
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collected while other forms of beakers ma de up about 2 percen t (Fig. 4.18.E .-F, J.). In
the drawing in Figure 4.18.E, these forms are much like hemispherical cups in their
comp osition, shape, and decoration. Finally, five examples of a type with a rim similar to
the large Marl C storage jars were recovered through excavations (Fig. 4.18.G). This
form might be a miniature Nile B version of the earlier form of
this
marl rim. <
Marl C jars were much less prevalent than their Nile coun terparts. Storage jars
(Fig. 4.19.A) and wine jars (Fig. 4.19.B)
1193
made up a little over 1 percent each while
one example of a possible M arl C fabric was also found (Fig. 4.19.C ). Each type of Marl
A jar made up less than one percent of the corpus and included those with rounded rims
(Fig. 4.19.D), globular ones (not shown), and others (Fig. 4.19.E).
t
\
/-
-1
y
n
/
r\
^.
D.
m
B.
0
/ *
i
c.
1 1
1 1
10
20
Figure 4.20.
Examples of other ceramic forms found at S9. A. Lid, B.
Breadmould, C. Model vessel, D. Jarstand.
As mentioned earlier, the presence of the Marl C w ine and storage jars is very
important, since it indicates contact with the Mem phite region. The shape of the rims of
the storage jars m ay also be chronologically significant. In the earlier part of the Late
1193
For parallels, see Bo urriau,
Umm el Ga'ab,
p. 66.
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Middle Kingdo m, these rims were a more squat shape. How ever, possibly in Dynasty
XIII, they become m ore elongated.
1194
The exa mples of these jars found at S9 are the
more elongated version, connecting them with Do . Arnold's Sector 7 at Dahshur.
1195
Other forms of pottery found at S9 are shown in Figure 4.20 . In the Late Midd le
Kingdom corpus, 8 percent of the vessels were simple lids (Fig. 4.20. A) w hile 4 percent
were breadmoulds (Fig. 4.20.B).
1196
Four miniature vessels, including that shown in
Figure 4.20.C were found. Jarstands, including ring stands, made up four percent of the
pottery identified (Fig. 4.20.D).
Within the ceramic material collected, two M arl A3 fragments had p otmarks,
neither being complete enough to reconstruct. Also, one Nile C fragment d isplayed a lug,
something found com monly on carinated bowls of the Second Intermediate Period
though it is likely that such types of decoration originated in Dynasty XIII as at least one
example of a lug was found in Sector 7 at Dahshur.
1197
V.E.2. Stone Objects
The most prevalent stone objects were those made of Egyptian alabaster
(travertine).
1198
In total, fifteen fragments of these various vesse ls, including three sm all
rims,
were found. It is not surprising that so much alabaster might be discovered in the
1194
See Bietak, "Egypt and Canaan," p. 37, Fig. 37. Note that the shape of
the
rim of
wine
jars matches the
Late Dynasty XII/XIII shapes at Tell el Da b'a (Bietak, "Egypt and Canaan," p. 37, Fig. 38).
1195
Do. Arnold, "Keramikbearbeitung," p. 35 , Abb. 11.33-34.
For parallels , see Bourriau, Umm el Ga'ab, p. 65.
1197
Do. Arnold, "Keram ikbearbeitung," p . 34, Abb.10.37 . See also the late Dynasty XII to XIII pottery
corpus from Qasr el-Sagha (Di. Arnold and Do. Arnold,
Der Tempel Qasr el-Sagha,
Archaologische
Veroffentlichungen 27 (Mainz am R hein, 1979), pp. 29-40; J. Sliwa, "Qasr el-Sagha,"
Fontes
Archaeologici Posnanienses
36 (1987-1988), pp. 207-215).
1198
For general information about the composition of this material, see Di. Arnold,
En cyclopedia,
p. 7;
Aston, et al., "Stone," pp. 59-60.
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debris from the tom b. In the burial of Aw ibre Hor, the canopic
jars,
as well as other
objects, were made of this material. Other alabaster canopic jar fragments w ere found at
the pyramid of Ameny Qemau as well as at SI 0 during W eigall's excav ations. How ever,
these examples all had inscriptions in mutilated hieroglyphs along, with the kin g's names
(no royal name was found in S10, though it still may be found on pieces in the debris).
Thus, it is possible that such fragments in the remaind er of the mound s of S9 may also
provide inscriptional evidence in the future. Also, more pieces will undoubtedly be
recovered, and some of them, along with those already collected, may be reconstructed in
later seasons.
Two other stone vessels were more easily identified. The first was likely mad e of
marble and was in the form of a bowl with an incurved rim. The same shape was also
found in both Nile and Marl A fabrics in low frequencies at S9. Due to the nature of the
hardness of the stone, the interior, which would have been visible from the top, was more
finely sm oothed than the exterior. An other vessel was made of a dark stone which had
been weathered due to exposure.
In the excavation of S9 in 2003, other stone objects or parts of them were found,
such as several lithic tools of uncertain date. Also , a wo rked fragment of basalt, dio rite,
or some other dark stone was discovered, though its original form could not be
determined. Likew ise, fragments of granite were found in low numbe rs, indicating that
either this stone had been reused from other parts of Abydos or, more likely, the owner of
this tomb had access to Aswan in the south, where the source of this material was
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located.
1199
Another object was made of
a
dark, unshaped stone, two sides of which w ere
marked w ith team marks in faint red paint.
1200
This item was found to the north of the
enclosure wall beyond the extents of the preserved section of
the
floor.
The use of large blocks of quartzite within S9 indicates, like the Marl C ceramic
fabric, that the own er of this tomb certainly had access to the north. This material is
available at Gebel el-Ahmar near H eliopolis in the Memphite region as well as near
Aswan.
1201
However, the latter was not used until a later date.
V.E.3. Wood
The most prevalent material found at S9 other than limestone was wood. Much of
this material was deteriorated from exposure to the sun, and all had been thoroughly
destroyed. In fact, no object could be reconstructed, and only a few edges could be
identified. No nethe less, the woo d likely originated from funerary furniture and other
objects such as statuary, palettes, coffins, and shabti boxes. Some of the wood fragments
were visibly charred. In his report of his own excavations of
S9 ,
W eigall reported that
there was burnt wood within the sarcophagus.
1202
Thus, some of the wood may have
originated from the coffin of the tomb ow ner. Thou gh no certain specimens of paint were
found on the wood itself, one piece of wood p utty had a small patch of red paint upon it.
Another type of wooden object was in the form of sticks, often with bark upon
them (11 fragmen ts). Often these short sticks had resin on their ends. The purpose of
Di. Arnold,
Encyclopedia,
p . 100; Aston, et al., "Stone," p. 53 ; Klemm and Klemm,
Steine,
pp. 305-
310.
1200
For information on team marks, see Di. Arnold,
Encyclopedia,
p . 59.
1201
Di. Arnold,
Encyclopedia,
pp . 192-193 ; Aston, et al., "Stone," p. 12; Klemm and Klemm,
Steine,
pp.
284-296.
1202
Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos III,
p. 14.
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these objects cannot be certain at this time; analysis of the resinous substance will be
undertaken in the future in order to identify its composition.
V.E.4.
Faience
Faience is a comm on material found in cemetery sites througho ut Egypt. It is
made from a non-clay material, composed primarily of ground silica, formed and then
coated with a metallic oxide glaze, wh ich, wh en fired, is green or blue in color. At
S9 , several different objects were made of this material. The first items were in the form
of beads in the following shapes: tubular (6),
1204
tubular with larger diameters in the
centers (4),
1205
spherical (1), and discs (3). A faience amu let was also found, but its
shape could not be matched with any known symbols.
An other type of faience object found at S9 was that of inlays. In all, twenty inlay s
and fragments were found during excavations.
1206
The majority of these pieces
originated from rectan gular inserts, one of wh ich measured 7.7 by 2 by 0.6 cms. The
backs of these inlays, which were the color of and texture of cement, were slanted on the
edges so that they could be placed in their designated spots, probably within w ooden
1203
For the development of faience with a comprehensive bibliography, see P.T. Nicholson and E.
Peltenburg, "Egyptian Faience," in P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., Ancient Egyptian M aterials and
Technology (New York, 2000, pp . 177-194). Richards notes that one of the differences between the private
tombs of Dynasties XII and XIII is that the frequency of precious metals and stones decreases while the
occurrence of faience increases (Richards, "Mortuary Variability," pp. 101, 198). This trend may also
occur in the royal tombs.
1204
One tubular bead was made of gold.
One of these beads may have been made of lapis lazuli.
1206
For similarly-shaped inlays dated to the Early Dynastic Period, see F. Friedman, Gifts of the Nile:
Ancient Egyptian Faience (New York, 1998), p. 73. An additional small, trapezoidal inlay, which was dark
orange in color, was also found.
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furniture or box es. Other shapes of faience inlays were also found including thin
curved and round ones.
A final faience fragment was three-dimensional with the blue color resonating
from all four sides. At this point, it is impo ssible to determine the nature of this object,
which may have been a handle or some other component of a free-standing vessel.
V.E.5.
Mummy Remains
One of the most important questions related to S9 is whether or not later
intrusions upon the tomb included burials. Thus, far, investigations have revealed no
evidence of later interments within S9. Thus, human remains and mummy components
found at the site likely belong to the owner of the monument.
1208
Interestingly, human bon es and mum my fragments were only found in certain
parts of the excavations. These pieces, including seven fragments of mum my wrappings,
were all located within a concentrated area inside and outside of the northeastern part of
the enclosure wall. As one might expect, they all came from lev els above the original
surfaces. In the north, these elements were found above the strata with the bricks and
limestone debris, indicating that they may have come from ancient plundering or even
W eigall's excavations. Meanw hile, those from the eastern side were in levels above and
around the later surface and above the limestone strata. In a different location , a portion
of a human jaw was in the upper section of the southern spoil heaps. The condition of
1207
B. Crowell suggested that these pieces may have originated from decorative boxes (Personal
communication).
1208 j j j
e s e r e m a
j
n s
c o u
l ( j
a
i
S
o belong to the tombs to the local east. How ever, the archaeological context of
some of these would suggest that they come from S9
itself.
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this specimen is very go od, and it will be examined in the future for any information it
can provide regarding the health and age of the individual from which it originated.
V.E.6. Decorated Plaster
In the tomb of Aw ibre Hor, this king
had a
funerary mask composed
of a
plaster-
like substance, which w as inscribed and covered w ith gold leaf.
1209
Similarly, in the
pyramid o f Neferuptah, Farag and Iskander discovered plaster pieces with w ooden
backing from 7.00 cm wide coffin bands as well as covering other items such as staves
while the material-backed fragments were from an anthropoid coffin/mummy mask m ade
of layers of linen and glue. Similar material was found in the water in the sarcophagus of
this same Neferuptah in the pyramid of Amenem het III at Haw ara. The excavations
at S9 revealed nine small fragments of a similar type of material (Fig. 4.21). Some of
these pieces were inscribed with hieroglyphs and other decora tions. Their backs are often
covered or impressed with w ood or linen, indicating that these pieces may come from the
covering of the mumm y
itself.
Like the fragments of the mumm y, the inscribed plaster, covered with gold leaf,
was only found in certain areas. These fragments cam e from the outside of the
northeastern corner of the enclosure wall.
In
both the no rth
and the
east,
the
plaster
fragments were found in the same strata as the mumm y linens.
For the development of these masks in the Late M iddle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, see
Ikram and Dodson,
Mummy,
pp. 169-170.
1210
Farag and Iskander,
Neferwptah,
pp. 27-28, 32,
40-41,
4 3, 59, Figs. 30-32, Pis. 28, 37a-c.
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0 1 2 3 cms.
Figure 4.21.
Fragments of inscribed, gilded plaster.
V.E.7. Senet P ieces
An interesting set of objects came from the eastern side of the enclosure upon the
later floor next to the wall. He re, two sets of game pieces, presumab ly belong ing to a
senet set, were found. They were all made of unba ked clay. The first set had seven
pointed cone pieces, and seven with flat, round ends and inward-curving centers.
Meanwhile, the other set of senet pieces had nine cone-shaped examples with small bulbs
atop, five truncated cones, and seven with flat, round ends (spool).
1211
Another bulbed
example was found to the north of
the
enclosure wall.
Senet, which had its origins in the Early Dynastic Period, was associated with the
The use of pieces with two different shapes is common in the New Kingdom (Piccione,
Senet,
p. 18).
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challenges in achieving a successful afterlife. There are parallels to the game pieces
at the site of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb at South M azghuna, excavated by
Mackay.
1213
These objects were reportedly found in a Dynasty XV III grave in the
southwest corner. The only items in this burial were a body w ithin a coffin and a box
containing the game pieces, and there was no pottery. How ever, it is relatively clear,
based on other burials in the same area, that this tomb and its contents likely date to the
reign of Thutmosis III.
1214
The dating of the senet pieces found jus t outside the enclosure
of S9 at South Abyd os is uncertain.
V.E.8. Sealings and Sealing Clay
Though the recent excavations at the tomb of S9 clearly revealed a few examples
of sealings from Dynasty X III, there were no names, which could be reconstructed. Only
a common nam e component, Seneb, was visible. The other sealings display decorative
motifs incorporating both hieroglyphs and borders. Most were attached to wood and
cords while one had the impression of papyrus upon it.
Another set of objects, which may be related to seal impressions is that of
cylindrical clay rolls. A similar, longer version of these items were found in the
Senwosret III town site at South Abydos, and Wegner believes that these objects are
1212
For a complete study of
this
game, see Piccione, "Senet." See also T. Kendall, "Games," in D.B.
Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia o f Ancient Egypt, 2 (Oxford, 2001), p. 2.
1213
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 49, PI. 43 .
Since this dating is based upon seals, it should be noted that these objects carry the name of
this
king
long after his reign, making this a terminus post quem.
1215
For a discussion of
the
types of geometric designs, see R. Bianchi, "Scarabs," in
D.B.
Redford, ed., The
Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p. 180; D. O'Connor, "The Chronology of
Scarabs of the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period," JSSEA 15 (1985), pp. 21-28.
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portable clay rolls to be pinched off and used as sealing mud.
1216
At S9, these objects
were only 8.98-9.59 cms in length and 2.54 to 1.72 cms in diameter. Some of the 152
fragments (three com plete) were more oval than truly round, and it was not uncom mon
for these objects to have both white and red pigment upon them. Similar red paint was
found upon the jar stoppers within the larger foundation deposit.
Interestingly, these objects were found beneath the surfaces to the north and east
of the northeastern co rner of the enclosure wa ll. Inside the enclosure, these objects were
found abo ve and around the surface as well as below it. The reason why such ob jects, if
they were indeed portable sealing clay, would be beneath the floors is uncertain unless
they were placed there as foundation d eposits. Als o, no evidence was found that any of
these rolls had been pinched in order to make a sealing.
V.E.9. Other O bjects
Two small objects were found in the excavations of
S9
in 2003. One bone needle,
measu ring 5 by 0.2 by 0.1 cms, was brok en at its tip. Ano ther bone object was the top of
an unknow n item w ith horizontal lines inscribed into it.
VI. O wners of Tombs S9 and S10 at Abydos
The Dynasty XIII
Ramesseum Onamastacon
has a list of temples, towns, and forts
from south to north, including a mortuary mon ument of Amenemhet III
(bS(?J Imn-m-h
c
t
m^-hrw),
the town of Wah-Sut, which is associated with the funerary establishm ent of
6
Personal communication.
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Senwosret III at South A bydos, and the town of Abydos
itself,
respectively.
1217
In the
list, there is no mention of the temple of a Dyansty XIII king to the north of that of
Senwo sret III. Thu s, it is either the case that a temple had not yet been con structed, the
cult was centered inside the Senwosret III temple or was considered to be a part of this
establishment, or the owners of S9 and S10 were venerated elsewhere at Abyd os. An
offering table found to the north of the Senwosret III temp le suggests tha t the cult of
Am enemhet III was located in the area.
1218
Interestingly, Brooklyn Papyrus 35.1446 lists
a temple of an Amenemhet at Abydos w ith a different name than the one m entioned
above (hnw?Imn-m-hit
c
nh dtrnhh)}
219
Prior to the recent development of
the
new chronological relationship between the
Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period, it seemed likely that some of the
Dyansty XIII kings may have been buried at Abydos, as they lost access to their
traditional cemeteries in the Memphite region due to the activities of the Hyksos there.
1220
How ever, now it seems more likely that the location of tombs at Abydos w as a deliberate
decision following in the tradition of Senwosret III of Dyansty XII.
In the temple of Senwosret III at South Abydos, the seals of Neferhotep were
prolific within the strata dated to him.
1221
There is also a treasurer prior to Neferho tep
named Senebsumai.
1222
It is possible that this treasurer was a participant in the
1217
A. Gardiner,
Ancient Egyptian Onomastica
(Oxford, 1 947), PI. 2, lines 210-212 . Along w ith this
source, a monument of Am enemhet is denoted as belonging to the third king of that name in a list of his
emit establishments in the Rekhmire scenes (Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
pp .
31 .
43-45).
1218
Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
p. 44.
1219
Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
p. 44.
1220 O'Connor suggests that some of the later tombs of Dynasty XIII might be present at South Ab ydos,
since there is no trace of them at Thebes (O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," pp. 57, 64, n. 25).
1221
Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
pp. 41 , 313-315.
1222
Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
pp. 41 , 343-344, 348.
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construction of S9 or S10.
One attractive explanation for the ownership of the S9 and S10 at South Abydos
is that they belonged to important national or local officials, possibly during the reign of
Senwosret III or a subsequent ruler.
1223
At Dahshur, Mastaba tomb 17 has been identified
by Simpson as belonging to a vizier, Sobekemhet (northeast of the Pyramid of Senwosret
III) based on fragments of offering table and its inscriptions.
1224
This tomb is located
within the enclosure wall of the king, suggesting an elevated status of this already high
position during late Dynasty X II.
1225
M astaba 2, also found north of the pyramid
complex of Senwosret III, belonged to another vizier, Khnum hotep.
1226
Though viewing
S9 and S10 as subsidiary monum ents to the Senwosret III tomb at South Abydos m ight
be plausible, it seems more likely that these tombs follow that of Amenemhet III at
Haw ara based upon their architectural compo nents. In fact, S9 itself seems to be an
abbreviated form of a pyramid in its subterranean plan with a superstructure similar to
that at South Mazg huna. Certainly, structurally, these tomb s fit well into the Late Middle
Kingdom royal funerary monum ent corpus, regardless of the owner. If they do prove to
be non -royal, then certainly a reevaluation of the others in the north w ould be necessary,
especially since the owners of most remain u nknow n.
Interestingly, without knowing about S9 and S10, Stadelmann hypothesized that
the "Unfinished Pyram id" at South Sakkara may have simply been the Memphite tom b
and that the actual tomb of this king, maybe Neferhotep or Sobekhotep, presumably
1223
Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 45, 369,
381,
n. 338 ; Weigall, Pharaohs, p. 98.
1224
Simpson, "Sobkemh et," pp. 26-27.
1225
See Chapter 3, Section VIII.
1226
de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894, pp.
18-23;
B. Porter and R.L.B. Moss,
Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings III (Oxford,
1931),
p. 229. See also Chapter 1, Section II. A.l .
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Userkare Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep III or IV, may have been located at Abydos,
making the Memph ite tomb a cenotaph.
1227
Though he does note that the nearby tomb of
Khendjer was used, it does leave one with another interesting prospect for evaluating the
tombs at Abydos.
< The Dynasty XIII name found closest to S9 and S10 is that of a mayor of the
town, vizier, overseer of the six great temples, Aymeru from the "Dum my Ma stabas" to
1 •J JQ
the east of the Senw osret III enclosu re. Quirke carefully suggests that this vizier, wh o
was contemporary to Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV is the same as that of a statue at Karnak
of
a
Neferkare Aym eru.
1 9
The inscription on this statue makes the first reference to a
"Mansion of Millions of Ye ars"
{hwtnthh n rnpwt).
Though admitting that this
institution, called H otepka-Sobekhotep, m ight have been located in Th ebes, Quirke also
notes that, since the sealing was found at South Abydos, that the monument might be
located between the Senw osret III enclosure and the pyramid of Ah mose.
1230
Due to the
fact that most scholars have believed that all of the royal monuments in the South Abydos
region are cenotaphs, he suggested that a Dynasty XIII cult center might be located in this
area. Since the Theban and Abyd os location for the "Mansion of Millions of Years,"
1227
Stadelmann,
Agyptischen Pyramiden,
pp. 253-254.
1228
Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos III,
p . 18, PL 39.13, 15; Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
p. 259;
Two Treasurers,
p.
41;
Wegn er, "A Study of Midd le Kingdom State Activity," p. 384. Other officials w ith seals in this area
included an overseer of the royal harem, Ay
(imy-ript-nswt iy),
and the guard of
the
hallway, Seneb
(iry-
c
t
snb).
See also Martin,
Egyptian Administrative a nd Private-Name Seals,
pp. 7, 10 nos. 18, 49, PL 14.14.
1229
Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
p. 260; G. Haeny, "New Kingdom 'Mortuary Temples' and 'Mansions of
Millions of Years,'" in B.E. Schafer, ed.,
Tem ples of Ancient Egypt
(Ithaca, NY, 1997), p. 89; Mariette,
Karnak, Etude topographie et archeologique,
PL 8.r; Q uirke, "Temple of the King," p. 42. Vem us
identifies this inscription with the vizier of Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV. He has the same second nam e
as his fa ther Iymcru (Vernus ,
Le Surnom,
p. 4). It should be noted that the vizier Iym eru Neferkare is
connected with the official Nubankh, who created many of the graffito found in the Cataract region for
members of the family of Nefe rhotep I. This official w as active at Aby dos during the reign of Sobekhotep
IV when he was promoted (H abachi, "Vizier Iymeru," pp. 261-278). See also D. Franke, Das Heiligtium
des Heqaib auf Elephantine, Geschichte eines Provinzheiligglim im Mittleren Reich,
Studien zur
Archaologie und Geschichte Altagyptens 9 (Heidelberg, 1994), p. 71 .
1230
Delange suggests a location near Karnak (Delange,
Statues Egyptiennes du Moyen Em pire,
p. 68).
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belonging to Sobekhotep IV, are both possible, an associated funerary complex could
also be found at Abydos. How ever, if either S9 or S10 belonged to this king, then he
possessed a true tomb here rather than a cenotaph. If this identification is correct, then a
likely candidate for the second monu ment m ight be this king's b rother Neferhotep I.
Interestingly, Am enemhet I ll' s cartouche fragments have been found at the
1
O X
1
Senwo sret III mortuary temple at South Ab ydo s. W egner suggests that Senwo sret III
may have died before he could complete his mortuary temple at Abyd os, and it may be
the case that his son quickly finished the mo num ent before the funeral. No nethele ss,
Leahy notes the stela of Sehotepibre, Cairo CG 20538, vs. 21-2, which refers to a single
group of priests for both Amenemhet III and Senwosret III as being housed at Wah-
Sut
m2
Obv iously, this statement refers to either the temple of Senwosret III with the
elements belonging to Amenem het III or to a separate temple of the latter nearby. It may
be the case that a cenotaph of Am enem het III is located in this area. Several cand idates
are possible including an unfinished tomb to the local south of that of Senwosret III as
well as S9 or S10. After Amen emh et III, there is evidence that Dynasty XIII kings were
also represented by activity at South Aby dos. The temple of Senwosret III and its
associated town at South Abydos extend from the reign of
this
king through the end of
Dynasty X III (temple) and possibly through the early New Kingdom (town) as indicated
by ceramics and seal impressions.
1 3
Sealings of the following ru lers have been found at
South Abydos: Nym aatre Amenemhet III (cylinders and impressions), Neferhotep I
1231
Randall-Maclver and Mace, El Amrah and Abydos I, pp. 59, 60; Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom
State Activity," pp. 259-259; Mortuary Temple, pp. 167-169.
1232
Leahy, "Protective Meas ure," p. 59, n. 80. See also Wegn er, Mortuary Temple, p. 43.
1233
Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 1 77-182 ,186; "Excavations at the Town,"
pp . 4,14, 37-38; "Organization of the Temp le," pp. 83, 96; "Institutions," p. 104; "The Town of W ah-Sut,"
pp .
306-308.
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(impressions-numerous),
1234
K hahotepre (Sobekhotep V ) (5), Merneferre Ay (scarabs and
impressions—3; many at mayo r's house), Wahibre Ibiaw (mixed con texts), as well as
Swadj[en]re Nebiriau I (impressions; Dynasty X VI— l).
1235
At the Osiris temple, there were fragments from ka chapels and other monuments
of Am enemhet III, Khaankhre Sobekhotep II, Neferhotep I, and Sobekhotep IV. The
private stela of Amenysoneb also records the renovation of the temple originally
constructed by Senwosret I in Dynasty X II.
1237
A treasurer, named
snb-sw-m-
c
(i)
was
active at Abydos (prior to Neferhotep
I) .
1238
There is also a possible ka chap el of
Sobekhotep III.
1239
Neferhotep I clearly also participated in activities at Abydos as
represented by the inscription of Iykhernofret as well as his own stelae (originally set up
by Wegaf).
2
° Along the edge of the cultivation, more chapels have been proposed,
including one of Khaankhre Sobekhotep II, possibly including a tomb or cenotaph,
between the temples of Ramses II and Seti I.
1241
Wegner has dated a statue, now located
in the courtyard of the Sety I temple within a naos, that was originally found at Abydos in
2
Another seal of Khasek hemre Neferhotep was found at Abydo s (Hornung and Staehelin, Skarabaen
und an dere Siegelamulette, p p. 215, no. 126, PL 211).
1235
Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 178, 180, 386, 187-189; "Excavations at the
Town," pp. 37 , Fig. 20; Mortuary Temple, pp. 4 1, 313-315, 340.
1236
Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, p. 41; Kemp , "Abydos," p. 31 ; Leahy, "Protective Measure," p. 59;
Mariette, Monuments d'Abydos, p. 234; W.M.F. Petrie, Abydos I, Egypt Exploration Fund 22 (London,
1902),
pp. 2, 15, 20, 29, 74, 88; Petrie, Abydos II, pp. 17, 34,
35,43,
PI. 28; Wegner, "A Study of Middle
Kingdom State Activity," pp. 102,10 7, 108 ,127 ,409 , 385; Weigall, Guide to the Antiquities, pp. 5-6;
Weill, "Complements," p. 27. See also Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 5, 36, nos. 10, 40.
1237
Bou rriau,
Pharaohs and M ortals,
p. 63 ; Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp.
103,
n. 147, 115-116, 120, 385. For a translation of
this
text, see Breastead, Ancient Records, pp. 342-344.
1238
Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, pp. 57-59, a, b, f-n; Two Treasurers, pp. 5, 21, 41; Wegner, Mortuary
Temple, p. 343.
1239
Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," p. 384.
1240
Leahy, "Protective Measure," pp. 41-60; Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," p. 121.
1241
Bresciani, "Un Edificia," pp. 11-17; Leahy, "Protective Measure," p. 59, n.80; Wegner, "A Study of
Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 13 3, 384.
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the 196 0's, to late Dynasty XII-XIII or XV I/XVII. Thus, there may have been
significant royal activity at this site, including kings, whose inscriptions have not been
found archaeologically.
Ceramic evidence from S9 may also be considered in the discussion of the dating
of the South Abydos tomb s. Some caution, however, must be extended to such an
endeavor as funerary assemblages can be misleading with older forms being used.
Unfortunately, the mo st diagnostic forms are from the two foundation depo sit pits. The
vessel indices of the hemispherical cups seems to indicate a very early date for these
tombs. How ever, other forms fall more within the Complex 6/7, dating to Am enemhet
III through A wibre Hor, of the Memph ite region.
1243
The ceramic material at S9 certainly falls within the Late Middle Kingdom era.
Due to a lack of royal names within the context of intact archaeological contexts in
general, it is uncertain as to exactly when the characteristic Lower Egyptian forms such
as M arl C storage jars fall out of use in Up per Egyp t. Thoug h these types may extend
until the end of Dyansty XIII, there is no doubt that they continue until at least the reign
of Awibre Hor as is evident in the sequence in the funerary complex of Amenemhet III at
Dahshur (Sectors 4-6).
1244
~ Weg ner, "A Study of Midd le Kingdom Sta te Act ivi ty , " p . 386; Mortuary Temple, p . 45 ; D. Wildu ng,
Egyptian Saints. Deification in Pharaonic Egypt
(New York, 1977), pp. 15, Fig. 11. This statue has
parallels to those of Amenemhet III (Cairo 43289, Copenhagen AEIN 1482, and those at Hawara).
1243
Bietak connects Dahshur complex 3,6 and 7 to Tell el-Dab'a H(d/2) and G l-3(c ) (Bietak, "Hyksos
Rule," p. 126; Holladay, "Eastern Nile Delta," pp. 184-185). The ceramic corpus from the temple is also
similar to complex 6/7 at Dahshur (W egner,
Mortuary Temple,
pp. 233-252).
1244
Bourriau, "R elations," pp. 129-130.
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VII. Conclusions
At South A bydos, there are two previously excavated "m astaba" tomb s, S9 and
S10,
which have many of the architectural characteristic of the Late Middle Kingdom
royal mortuary corpus in the Mem phite region. Though these tombs are not located
within the key region identified in the previous chapter, their relationship to theJu nerary
complex of the Dy nasty XII king, Senwosret III, is significant. Du e to the veneration of
the god Osiris both as an early mythical king of Egypt as well as his association with
deceased rulers, Abydos becam e the location of a secondary M iddle Kingdom royal
cemetery.
S9 and S10 are typical monuments w ithin the Late Middle Kingdom royal
mortuary monument corpus. Wh ile S9 is most closely linked with South Mazgh una, S10
shares many characteristics with the tomb m odel from the complex of Amenemhet III at
Dahshur in a deposit dated to early Dynasty X III. These monumen ts share limestone
corridors, quartzite portcullis stones, hidden passages, turning chambers, quartzite
sarcophagi, enclosures, sinusoidal w alls, ramps, and possible chapels.
New excavations at S9 have revealed problems with We igall's original plan.
Further investigation in the future w ill likely provide affirmation for the chan ges
proposed here including aspects of the corridors and the mechanics of the portcullises and
sarcophagus lid. Additional elements of the superstructure have already been discovered
including a blocked entrance in the enclosure w all and a possible chapel, which is linked
spatially to the sarcophagus chamber.
Though so far only highly fragmentary remains have been recovered, the objects
from S9 have parallels in other contemporary roy al tombs. It appears that most of the
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objects were destroyed and thrown outside of the tomb, allowing for the reconstruction of
the contents of the burial through careful excav ation and recordin g. Pottery, which is
also in small pieces, indicates that this tomb dates to the first half of Dynasty XIII, but a
more precise assignment is not yet possible.
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Chapter 5
Analysis of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Fu ne rary M onum ents and
Their Impact on the Current Understanding of Dynasty XIII Kingship
I. Introduction
In Chapter 3, a typology of architectural characteristics which constitute the
Dynasty XIII royal funerary monum ent corpus w as formed while, in Chapter 4, two
structures at Aby dos we re added to this group. In this section, the discussion will turn to
the overall corpus including the order of the tombs and the differences between these and
contemporary court and private tombs. Additional comm on traits of the Late Middle
Kingdom tombs and the religious ideology expressed through their architectural forms
will also be addressed . The date of the destruction of these royal tombs w ill be discu ssed,
and a comparison between the features of these funerary monuments and those of the
Dynasty XV II kings will also be made .
II.
Chronological O rder of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tombs
Determining the chronological order of the Late Middle K ingdom tombs is a
difficult if not impossible task. No neth eless, a detailed study of these structures would
not be complete without a consideration of this topic. Thus, here, Dodson's
chronological arrangement of these tombs will be outlined, and a new order will be
proposed.
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II.A. Dodson's Chronological Arrangement
Dodson has attempted to place all the accepted and many of the potential Dy nasty
XIII monuments into chronological order (Table 5.1).
1245
His methodology centers
around the concept that the com plexity of the tombs increases, the sarcophagus cham bers
become deeper and the monuments progress from north to south within each location.
1246
Dodson also points to the characteristics of the tombs identified with specific monarchs
in order to assign other rulers from the
T urin King-List
to monuments with unknown
owners.
1247
The first three monuments in Dod son 's sequence are all unexcavated, and the
precise order of these tombs is unclear since several combinations are possible (Lepsius
LIV, DAS 2, and DAS 16). As mentioned in Chapter 3, Section XI.A A a., relief
fragments found at Lepsius LIV, located to the southeast of the pyramid of Amenemhet II
at Dahshur, may indicate that the monum ent belonged to a ruler with this same name
(Amenemhet).
1248
Thus, Dodson suggests that Amenem het IV is a candidate for being
the owner of this tomb, while other kings with this name, such as Sekhemkare
Am enemhet, are also possible.
1249
Next, D odson argues that the pyramids to the north
and northwest (DAS 2 and 16) of the tomb of Am eny Qem au belong to two of the kings
1245
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 39;
After the Pyramids,
p. 15; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el N aga,"
pp. 25-32, 38; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p. 330.
1246
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 43;
The Canopic Equipment,
pp. 29-36; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu
el Naga," p . 27;
After the Pyramids,
p. 8; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 326-329.
1247
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 39;
After the Pyramids,
p. 8.
1248
See Chapter 3, section XI.AAa.
1249
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 27, 31, 38. Note that Dodson states that other kings
with the name Am enemhet are not considered since they have double nomen s. Howeve r, there could be
problems w ith these exclusions since private individuals with these names do not always use both in their
inscriptions (D odson,
After the Pyramids,
p. 8).
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Khendjer
"Unfinished"
Pyramid
Pyramid SE
of
Amenemhet
II
Awibre Hor
DAS 2
(Dodson's
South
Dahshur A)
DAS 17
(Dodson's
South
Dahshur B)
Ameny
Qemau
North
Mazghuna
South
Mazghuna
Sequence
Number
8
9
l o r 3
6
l o r 2
2 or 3
4
5
7
Reign
Khendjer
Intef/
Sobekhotep III/
Neferhotep I
Amenemhet IV/
Sekhemkare Amenemhet
Awibre Hor
Amenemhet IV/
Nefrusobek/
Wegaf/
Amenemhet Senebef/
S ekhemrekhutawy/
Sehotepibre/
Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet
Nefrusobek/
Wegaf/
Amenemhet Senebef/
S ekhemrekhutawy/
Sehotepibre/
Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet
Ameny Qemau
Hotepibre
Saharnedjeritef/
Khaankhre Sobekhotep II
Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet/
Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet
Table 5.1.
Do dson 's chronological proposal for the Late Middle
Kingdom royal funerary monuments. The structures are listed from
North to South, and all possible owners are noted according to the von
Beckerath/Franke chronologies.
between A menemh et IV and this ruler.
1250
Because this scholar believes that the DAS 2
(Dahshur A) was built first, he excludes Amenemhet IV from possible ownership of the
Dodson, "Tom bs of the Kings," p. 43;
After the Pyramids,
p . 15.
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DAS 17 (Dahshur B).
1251
As for the excavated tombs, Dodson believes that of Am eny Qemau is the earliest
with its simple sarcophagus and overall plan.
1252
Also, DAS 2 and 16, which are to the
north of the pyramid of Ameny Qemau, are placed prior to his following D odso n's north-
to-south chronological principle within each location. Using the same logic, Dodson
believes that the northernmost pyramid at Mazghuna, w hich is a more complicated
version of that of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur, dates to within a few reigns after it.
1253
Aw ibre Hor, who w as buried in a reused shaft tomb, appears in the Turin King-
List
(7.17) before Khendjer, and Dodson places his tomb between the two Mazghu na
pyramids since it displays a sarcophagus design similar to the earlier monuments while
the burial chamber has a gabled roof like those of South Mazghu na and Khendjer.
1254
The structure of this tomb is reminiscent of those with a Type 2 sarcophagus (North
Mazghuna and Ameny Qemau).
1255
Since Dodson places the shaft tomb of Aw ibre Hor between the pyramids of
North and South Mazghuna, the possessor of the former is a king that fits between
Ameny Qemau and Awibre Hor. Dodson chooses the two kings, Hotepibre
Saharnedjeritef and Khaankhre Sobekhotep II, whom he believes had relatively long
reigns, as potential ow ners of this tom b.
1256
How ever, there are no indications as to how
1251
1252
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 43; "From Dahshu r to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 31 , 38.
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," p. 40;
Th e Canopic Equipment,
p. 30; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el
Naga," pp. 27, 30, 3 1; After the Pyramids, p. 14-15.
1253
Dodson, T he Canopic Equipment, p . 33; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 28; After the
Pyramids, pp. 9, 14.
1254
Dodson, T he Canopic Equipment, pp . 35-36; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 30, 38.
1255
For common features with the Mazghuna pyramids, see Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," p. 13.
1256
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 43; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 31 ,
38 ;
After the
Pyramids, p. 14.
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long the reigns of these rulers were, except the num ber of attestations. The two kings
with known regnal lengths are Sankhibre Amenem het and Khaankh re Sobekhotep II,
each with four years.
1257
Saharnedjeritef and Sehotepibre each had two years on the
throne, though the latter lacks significant archaeological monuments.
According to Dodson, the South Mazg huna pyramid follows the tomb of Awibre
Hor, as well as its northern neighbor with its more complex sand lowering system for the
sarcophagus. Thus, the South Mazghuna pyram id, which has a deeper burial chamber
than that of Am eny Qemau with room for the placem ent of goods above the coffin, is
positioned between the first few reigns after Ameny Qemau and that of Khendjer, more
specifically being between Awibre Hor and the latter ruler.
1259
Dodson considers
Sekhemrekhutawy Khabaw (H) and Sedjefakare Am enemhet as the likely builders of the
monument at South Mazghuna.
1260
The similarly-structured Khendjer pyramid, at
Sakkara, has a deeper and larger burial chamber than that at M azgh una.
1261
Also,
Khendjer himself can be placed after the other two kings discussed above in position 7.20
in the
Turin King-List.
Finally, the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (to the south of the tomb of
Khendjer) is dated to well after the reign of Khendjer due to the size and the increased
complexity of its halls and chambers.
1262
Jequier had preliminarily assigned this tomb to
1257
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 338-339.
1258
Note that the change in the structure of the sarcophagus is due to the use of sand lowering system rather
than to increase the space for funerary goods, though certainly this area would have served such a purpose
secondarily.
1259
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," pp. 40- 41,4 3;
The Cano pic Equipment,
pp. 33 , 35; "From Dahshur to
Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29;
After the Pyramids,
pp. 10-11, 14.
1260
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 3 1, 3 8.
1261
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," pp.
40-41; Th e Canopic Equipment,
p p. 33, 35; "From Dahshur to Dra
Abu el Naga," p. 29;
After the Pyramids,
pp . 10-11.
1262
Dodson,
After the Pyramids,
pp. 12, 14.
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Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw.
1263
Though D odson agrees that this tomb must date to after
the reign of Khendjer, he thinks that the tomb shows far too many advances and must b e
assigned to a later king such as Sobekhotep III or Neferhotep I.
1264
Due to the fact that a large fragment of a pyramidion of Merneferre A y was found
in the Delta, it is certain that this king had a pyram id. This evidence m akes him the last
king of Dynasty XIII known to have had a large funerary monum ent. Dodson believes
that there may have been a royal cemetery in the Delta region, where this and ano ther
uninscribed pyram idion were found. He then suggests that other royal figures may
have also been buried outside of the Memphite region, as kingship weakened, and the
structure of the government fragmented.
1266
Dod son also considers that the cemeteries of
the Dynasty XIII kings may have been moved southwards with the last being at Dra Abu
el-Naga near Thebes.
1267
II.B.
Problems with Dodson's Chronological A rrangement
Do dson 's chronological arrangement of the tombs is not widely accepted, as
many E gyptologists, who have condu cted general overviews of the architectural aspects
of pyramids, are reluctant to place them in any defined order.
26
Als o, the sample size of
the corpus of royal funerary inscriptions, available for Dodson or any other scholar to use
1263
1264
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 43;
The Canop ic Equipment,
p. 36 , n. 91; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu
elNaga,"pp. 31, 38.
1265
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 32.
1266
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 44; After the Pyramids, p. 15. C.C. Edgar found the head of a late
Dynasty XII or early Dynasty XIII king's statue out of context at Kom el-Hisn (Silverman, "Royal Head
with White C rown ," p. 90). There is no evidence for Dynasty XIII royal tombs at this site.
1267
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 67-68.
1268
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 44.
For example, see Verner,
Great Monuments,
p. 437.
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in order to create a meaningful chronological typology is too small.
12 9
Another major caveat to the chronological assignment of royal funerary structures
is that the order of the rulers in the T urin King-List is still debated, so it is difficult to
make a correspondence between rulers and monum ents based upon this docum ent.
For example, Ameny Qe mau 's nomen does not appear as such in this document, his
prenomen remains unknown, and his canopic jars provided the only evidence that he
existed.
1271
Non etheless, the fact that Hotepibre
Saharnedjeritef,
wh o is found in
Turin
King-List 7.8 is known to have used the phrase, "son (sj) of Qemau " allows for him to be
placed after this king with some degree of certainty.
1272
As discussed in Chap ter 1, he
may be listed as Amenemhetre in line 7.7.
1273
Dodson, as well as other scholars,
1274
often rely on a model, whereby the tombs
become more complex over time, moving in sequential order over the terrain of the
Memphite region.
1275
How ever, one must note that the first tomb to display the Late
Middle K ingdom characteristics including the sand lowering system was the Dynasty X II
ruler, Amenem het III, at Hawara. Thus, the tomb of Ameny Qemau, if regarded as more
simple due to its use of a Type 2 sarcophagus, is actually a regression in progress.
Though D odson recognizes that the Haw ara monum ent has this basic system,
1276
he
ignores this problem due to the fact that this earlier mon ume nt lacks built-in coffin and
1269
1270
Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 326-329.
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 31.
1271
Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 43;
After the Pyramids,
p. 14; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of
Ameny-Qemau," pp. 329-330.
1272
1273
1272
Dodson , "From Dahsh ur to Dra Abu e l Naga," p . 31 .
Section IV.B.4.
1274
Dodson,
The Canopic Equipment,
pp . 29-36; "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga."; Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 83.
Scholars have also questioned the method of ordering tombs according to their geographical positions,
since the royal cemetery was often moved from one site to another (Lehner, Pyramids, p. 285).
1276
Dodson,
After the Pyramids,
p. 7.
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canopic niches in its monolithic quartzite base, something, which cannot itself nullify the
significance of the displayed technolog ical developm ent. It is also impo rtant to realize
that the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara, supposedly the most advanced of all,
incorpo rates both types of sarcophagi in its two-b urial chamb er design. Thu s, it is clear
that the development of the architecture may be more complicated than it would first
appear. The chronological framework of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs may not be
tied to the structure of the sarcophagus chamber and may have a more standardized form
than acknowledged in the past.
Interestingly, other scholars have also used the designs of the sarcophagus
chamber to arrange the tombs in chronological order, but many have come to different
conclusions than Dodson. Wh ile Dodson places South Mazghuna after North M azghuna,
Vern er argues tha t the latter is later than the former, due in part to the fact that the
southern monument has the same structure as that in the complex at Hawara.
1277
He also
stresses the fact that the passageways in the southern tomb are more complex, thus,
assigning a date based on the corridor arrangement rather than the structure of the burial
chambers. Though Verner has criticized Dod son's chronological placement of
the
Late
Middle Kingdom corpus, his own dating of the Mazghuna tombs is hampered by his
belief that these monum ents must belong to the last kings of Dynasty XII. Like Verner,
Stadelmann dated South Mazghun a from the end of Dynasty XII to the beginning of
Dynasty XIII based on its likeness to H awara, while placing the northern one into
Dynasty XIII.
1278
Mean while, Hayes argues that the Mazghuna pyramids are closer in
1277
Verner,
G reat Monuments,
p. 432-433, 437.
1278
Stadelmann,
Agyptischen Pyramiden,
pp. 247-248.
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date to the pyramids at South Sakkara because of their structural similarities.
II.C. Suggestions for the Order of the Tom bs
There are many possible combinations for the order of the excavated Late M iddle
Kingdom tom bs from A menemhet III through Dynasty XIII. Thus, any further
development of a chronological order can serve as little more than a suggestion unless
further archaeo logical investigations take place at these sites. A sequence for the tom bs
based upon an analysis of the available architectural evidence would appear to represent a
valid starting point.
The Pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara is the first example of the Late Middle
Kingd om tom b type as defined in this thesis (Fig. 3.3). The plan of the corridors leading
to the sarcophagus with portcullises and changes in level are the characteristics of the
royal funerary monuments of the era. Next, it is likely that the pyramid at South
Mazghuna was constructed either at the end of Dynasty X II or the beginning of Dynasty
XIII (Fig. 3.13). The plan of the substructure of
this
monument is a condensed form of
that found at Haw ara. The location of the entrance to the tomb remaine d in the south, but
rather than being constructed in separate trenches, the ones at South Mazghuna are all
within a single pit. In turn, S9 at Aby dos ap pears to be an abbreviated form of the
pyramid at South Mazghuna with a tightly arranged substructure as well as a chapel on
the eastern side of the enclosure (Fig. 4.3). S10 likely closely follows S9 since the latter
is located in the primary position next to the tomb of Senwosret III, and a tomb model
1279
Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 43. Lehner also thinks that the pyramid at North M azghuna may
date well into Dynasty XIII (Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 285).
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closely resembling S10 was found in an early Dynasty XIII context in the funerary
comp lex of Am enem het III at Dahsh ur (Figs. 4.4, 3.17). It is also possible that S9 and
S10 were constructed after the monum ent of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur (Fig. 3.11). The
general form of this tomb is the same as S9 except it is less condensed and has the
simpler Type II sarcophagus typ e. Whichev er order these tombs- should be in, there is
little doubt that they are closely related chronologically.
The tomb of Awibre Hor likely follows that of Ameny Qemau since the level of
the sarcophagus and its arrangement mimic that of the former king's pyramid (Fig. 3.15).
Khen djer's tomb m ay be the next in the sequence, as he returns to the Amenem het III
mod el with a Type I sarcophag us (Fig. 3.6). Interestingly, both of these pyramids also
had a wooden door at the base of the stairs leading to the tomb . The following royal
tomb may be North Mazghu na since it also has the wooden door (Fig. 3.12). However,
this example is a linear expansion of that of Ameny Qemau including the Type II
sarcophagus. The "Unfinished" Pyramid also follows the linear plan but has two burial
cham bers, one of each type (Fig. 3.9). This arrangem ent confirms that the two
sarcophagus types were contemporary and may have represented different religious ideas
(or two different manifestations of the same idea), which were then com bined within this
monum ent. The pyramid of Merneferre Ay was likely the last of Dynasty X III and was
relatively sm all as indicated by the slope of the pyram idion. It is likely that other
unidentified Dynasty X III tombs between Khendjer and A y may also be relatively small
in size.
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III.
Tombs of Royal Women and Private Officials
Before turning again to the royal tombs of the Late M iddle Kingdom , it is
essential to discuss the nature of the know n tombs of royal wom en and private officials
from the period. In this manner, it will be possible to determine the uniquen ess of royal
funerary'provisions.- Unfortunately, like the royal examples, there are few datable court
and private tombs for this period, and the objects from within are often in mixed contexts,
making it difficult to piece together the original contents of the tombs.
III.A. Tombs of Royal Women
III.A.1. Neferuptah
At Hawara, funerary equipment of a princess Neferuptah, who may have been a
sister or daughter of Amenhotep III, was found within the burial chamber of the king.
128
However, later, this princess was interred in her own small pyramid within the region.
12.
The excavators, Farag and Iskander, suggested that the monum ent had no entrance
because the princess was already dead when it was constructed.
1282
Thus, her body was
laid within the burial chamber 2 km s southeast of Hawara once preparations had been
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 170; Dodson, Th e Canopic Equipment, p . 29; Lehner, Pyramids, pp. 182-
183;
Petrie, Kahun, G urob, and Hawara, pp. 15-16, Pis. 13-14; Uphill, Gateway, pp. 79-81; Vemer, Great
Monuments, p. 430.
1281
Di. Arnold,
Encyclopedia,
p. 161; Callender, "Renaissance," p. 170; Farag and Iskander,
Neferwptah;
Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 746; L. Habachi, "Nagib Farag- Zaky Iskander, The Discovery
of Neferuptah," Studies on the Middle Kingdom, Studia Aegyptiaca 10 (Budapest, 1987), pp. 199-200;
Holzl, "Hawara," in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology) of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999),
p.
365; Janosi, Die Pyramidenanlagen, pp. 67-70; B. Williams, "The Date of Senebtisi at Lisht and the
Chronology of Major Groups and Deposits of
the
Middle Kingdom,"
Serapis
3 (1975-1976), p. 44.
Will iams argu es tha t th is mon umen t was s imply a s tone chamber with no shaft or pyramid, though a
superstructure of unknown typ e may have originally topped it. Unlike the tombs of earlier princesses , this
one contained no queen's ware, though certain special forms were present (S.J. Allen, "Queens' Ware," p.
47).
1282
Farag and Iskander, Neferwptah, pp. 1, 105-106. Note that human skin and mummy wrappings were
found within the flooded sarcophag us of Neferuptah within her pyramid. Thus , it is certain that this tomb
was used for her body.
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made, and the structure was built above her remains.
III.A.2.
Princess N ubheteptikhered
Though several female b urials, which were found in Dynasty X II royal contexts,
have been proposed to date to Dynasty X III, only on e, that of Nub heteptikhered
(Nebh otepti, the Child), is relatively certain. The burial of this princess was found in the
shaft tomb to the west of the interment of king, Aw ibre Hor in the pyramid com plex of
Amenem het III at Dahshur.
1283
Though there is no reference to Awibre Hor in her tomb,
the proximity of the burials may indicate that the princess was the daughter or possibly
even the wife of this king.
1284
Also, her coffin contained two texts, CT 788a and PT 638,
which were located in similar positions to that of Awibre Hor (exterior foot and head).
1285
Like the tomb of the ruler, that of Nubheteptikhered appears to have been
enlarged and reshaped for her burial. It had been the location of the interment of a
mem ber of the court during the reign of Amenem het III. The gallery itself was 14.6 m in
length, with a vaulted, brick ceiling.
1286
This hallway ended in a stone wall, which
blocked the entrance to the burial chamber.
The burial chamber was almost intact, and the excavators found many objects
de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894,
pp. 107-115, Pis. 136, 138-139; Cron and Johnson,
"De Morgan a t Dahshur, " p . 62; Dodson, "Tom bs of the Kings ," p . 42. For further bibl iography concerning
the tomb and its contents, see Porter and Mo ss,
Topographical Bibliography III
(2), p. 889. For a
discussion of
the
similarities and differences in the contents of
this
tomb, that of Awibre Hor, and others,
see Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 38-39.
1284
Cron and Johnson, "De Morgan at Dahshur," p. 60; Williams, "Date of Senbtisi," p. 44.
1285
Lesko,
Spells,
p. 54, Da 2 C and Da 4 C. See also Lapp, Typologie der Sarge, p. 240, Da8.
1286
de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894,
p. 107, Fig. 249.
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within the room. These items included eight ceramic
jars;
four platters, two of which
contained small bowls holding organic material; one plate, in which black pow der w as
preserved; parts of bird and bovine bones; a long, rectangular case housing a mace, eight
arrows, canes of various varieties (was, crook, etc.); a silver mirror with a blue-painted,
wooden han dle; and an object of unknow n identity. A second case contained jars (two
types), which held ointments. Each vessel was labeled with the name of its contents.
The sandstone sarcophagus was located in the floor of the burial chamber beneath
the pavement stones, upon which the items described above sat. The coffin was made
of wood and was decorated with bands of inscribed gold leaf, most of which were poorly
preserved and had fallen from th eir original position s. The mumm y itself was also in bad
condition as most of the flesh had deteriorated due to humidity, leaving only the skeleton.
The body was laid in an extended position with the head at the north and the feet at the
south. The head was turned to the east, and the hands rested upon the pelvis. The body
had been covered with gilded plaster, including a cartonage funerary mask, all of which
had collapsed to powder. The funerary mask had been adorned with a uraeus and a
vulture, inlaid with precious stones and me tals. In death, the princess wore a silver
diadem, bracelets of gold and valuable bea ds, a beaded collar with golden falcon
termin als, and a carnelian net. Within the coffin, other objects included a dagger, a
flagellum, three scepters and canes, and two alabaster
jars.
To the east of the southern
end of the coffin, the canopic bo x rested with its decoration m atching that of the former.
The canopic jars were made of alabaster and had lids in the form of human heads. On the
1287
de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 189 4, pp . 108-110, Figs. 251-2 62. S.J. Allen suggests that
the publication of the pottery m ay show queen 's ware, though this is not certain (S. Allen, "Q ueens' Ware,"
p.
47).
1288
de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 189 4, pp. 110-115, Figs. 263-269.
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1980
canopic
jars,
the texts are found in three columns and contain later forms of the spells.
For example, the canopic jars of Nubheteptikhered, like the chest of Aw ibre Hor,
discussed above, exchanged h ip
c
wy for sjp-si, the former carrying the idea of an
"protective emb race," commonly found in later versions as well as using
ddmdwto
introduce the formulae.
29 0
The style of the coffin and canopic box w as also of a later
Middle K ingdom style with curved end -boards, something not found in the tomb of
Awibre H or, though already in existence before his reign.
1291
III.A.3. Other Princesses
In recent years, there has been a debate concerning w hether other examples of
Dyn asty XIII royal female burials have been found. Today , some scholars have
dismissed a number of examples originally proposed by W illiams to date to this time
period. W illiams used the coffin styles and the characteristics of the funerary
equipment to suggest a Dynasty XIII date for these tombs.
The court tombs, which possibly date to Dynasty XIII, include those of Ita and
Khenm et, and Keminebu at the Amenem het II pyramid com plex at Dahshur and that of
1289
Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p. 33.
1290
Swelim and Dodson , "Pyramid of Am eny-Qem au," p. 328. See also Liischer, Untersuchungen, pp. 24,
27.
1291
Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, pp.
32-33,
n. 74; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30.
Swelim and Dodson report that there are no bird hieroglyphs represented on the canopic jars of this
princess (Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qem au," p. 328). However, there is the head of a duck
in the phrase "kin g's dau ghter." The symbol for the duck is likely abbreviated due to space rather than
indicating a further de velop me nt in the evolution of mutilated hiero glyp hs. It should be noted that the Other
inscriptions in the burial chamber do have the mutilated birds expected for the time period.
1292
B. Williams, "Date of Senebtisi"; J.K. Hoffmeier, "Th e Coffins of the Middle Kingdom," pp. 72-76;
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 83-84; Williams, "Problems," pp. 103-115. Dodson originally also dated
these tombs to Dynasty XIII before later reassigning many of them to Dynasty XII, often, but not always,
within the reign of their associated royal funerary complex (Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 42; "From
Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 31).
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Senebtisi in the mortuary installation of Am enem het I at Lisht. Do dson has suggested
that the members of the court desired to be buried near the affluent Dynasty XII kings.
129j
This phenomenon is found in the tombs of officials from the time period, who were
buried in underground structures, which ex tended beneath the walls of the funerary
complex of Teti at Sakkara.
1294
As Williams noted, coffin lid shapes have included flat (Awibre Hor), arched
without rectangular ends (Ita and Khenm et), and arched with rectangular ends
(Nub heteptikhered and Seneb tisi). With the use of this information, as well as styles
of maces and flails, he established the order: Awibre Hor, Ita and Khenmet, and
Nubheteptikhered and Senebtisi.
Dod son, wh o also studied coffin type s, states that the style of the coffin and
canopic box of Senebtisi, with its curved upper and flat under sections, dates to late
Dynasty XII, while Lapp argues for a late Dynasty XII to Dynasty XIII date. The
structure of these objects later evolves into truly "arched" versions that continue into the
Second Intermediate Pe riod. It should be noted that such a small sample of royal coffins,
with only one precisely datable specimen (Awibre Hor), certainly cannot provide for a
reliable chronological typology, especially in the Late Middle Kingdom , when a
relatively large amount of experim entation is visible on many cultural fronts. Thu s, one
must rethink the dating of the tombs of these royal wom en using other material, which
has been ignored by scholars or has not been incorporated into a previous discussion.
1293
Dodson, "Tombs of
the
Kings," pp.
42-43.
1294
Silverman, "Teti Pyramid Cemetery," pp. 267; 268, n. 32; 269; 271-272; "Non-Royal B urials."
1295
Farag and Iskander, Neferwptah, pp. 83-85, PI. 38; Williams, "Date of Senbtisi," pp. 42 -43,4 5-47 .
1296
Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, pp.
32-33,
n. 74.
1297
Lapp, Typologie der Sarge, p. 286, L6a. See also W.K. Simpson, "Senebtisi," LA 5 (1984), p. 848.
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The tombs of the princesses Ita and K henmet likely date to Dynasty XII, near the
reign of Amenemhet
II .
1298
Thou gh these tomb s are similar in content to that of
Nu bhetep tikhered of Dyn asty XIII, some important differences are present. First of all,
these two w omen appear to be the original occupants of the burials, which are part of the
same monum ent, rather than having reused older tombs. Second, the structure of the
monument, buried deep within the sand, included significant layers of precisely cut Tura
limestone over the monum ent, a structure and quality of workmanship rare for Dynasty
XIII. Also , the quantity and materials (including lapis lazuli and other highly e xpensive
items) of the objects w ithin the tomb were greater than those of Nubheteptikhered,
though Khenmet's possessions greatly outnumbered those of
Ita,
possibly showing a
difference in status. How ever, since Nub heteptikh ered wa s buried adjacent to the king , it
would be expected that her tomb was well-furnished for her time. Nex t, the hieroglyphs
used near the body of the deceased in the tomb of Ita and Khenmet w ere not mutilated,
something completely inconsistent with the current data for Dynasty XIII royal family
burials. Finally, the hemispherical cups shown in the excavator's d rawings appear to be
quite shallow, indicating that they are of a relatively early date. How ever, it must be
noted that in the area with K henm et's burial there was a paving stone, which had been
formed from a stela of a Dynasty X II prince, Am enemhet-Ankh, who m ust therefore
For the publ ica t ion of the tomb, see de Morg an, Fouilles a Dahchou r,l894-1895, (Vien na, 1903), pp .
40-68;
Figs. 96-110; Pis. 2, 5-12; Cron and Johnson, "De Morgan at Dahshur," pp. 51-56. Lilyquist
suggests that the jewelry may date to Amenemhet III (C. Lilyquist, "Granulation and Glass: Chronological
and Stylistic Investigations at Selected Sites, ca. 2500-1400 B.C.E.," BASOR 290 (1993), pp. 36-37). See
also Lapp , Typologie der Sarge, p p.
180-181,
Da8 , DalO, DA18; 286-287, L6a.
1299
de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchourl894-1895, Fig. 105; Do. Arnold, "Keramikbearbeitung in Dahschur
1976-1981,"
MDAIKSZ, (1982),pp. 60-62, Abb. 17-18.
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predate her death,
1300
though the date of this monument may well have been earlier in the
era.
To the south of the tombs of Ita and K henmet, were two additional monum ents.
The more eastern of these contained the interments of Queen Keminebu and an official
by the name of Amenhotep.
1301
These tombs had suffered great damage at the expense of
tomb robbers. Fragm ents of inscriptions from ob jects from the burial cham ber revealed
the nam es of the (latest?) owners. The hieroglyp hs in these passag es are mutilated,
possibly ind icating that they are of a later date than the original complex. How ever,
whether they represent late Dynasty XII or Dynasty XIII cannot be determined. It has
been proposed that Kem inebu belongs to D ynasty XIII due to the popularity of her name
at this time and the treasurer Amenho tep m ay be m atched to that on a seal type, which
several scholars date to the reign of Khaneferre Sobekho tep IV or later.
1302
Also, the
Book of the Dead, Chapter 30B appears on Kem inebu 's tomb, as it does in that of
Nubheteptikhered, indicating a Dynasty X III date.
1303
The tomb of Senebtisi was located between the enclosure wall and a mastaba to
the west of the pyramid of Am enemhet I.
1304
Do . Arnold has suggested that this tomb
1300
1301
Williams, "Problems," p. 105; "Date of Senbtisi," pp.
42-43.
Cron and Johnson, "De Morgan at Dahshur," pp. 57 -58; J. de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour en 1894-
1895 (Vienna, 1903), pp. 69-71, Figs. 113-117.
1302
Franke, Personendaten, p. 88, Doss. 87a; W. Grajetzki, "Der Schatzmeister Amenhotep und eine
weitere Datierungshilfe fur Denkmaler des Mittleren Reiches," BSEG 19 (1995), pp. 5-11; Two Treasurers,
p.
3 5; Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 83, n. 260. Note that inscriptions from Am enhotep 's burial chamber
were composed of mutilated hieroglyphs (de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour en 1894-1895,
pp. 70 , Figs.
113-115).
1303
Lapp, Typologie der Sdrge, p p.
180-181,
D al 8; T.G. Allen, Th e Book of the Dead o r Going Forth by
Day (Chicago, 1974), p. 40.
1304
Porter and Moss, Topographical Bibliography IV, p. 79; Williams, "Date of Senbtisi," p. 43 . Hayes,
Scepter, pp. 285 , Fig. 187; H. W illems, C hests of Life. A Study of the Typology an d Conceptual
Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins (Leiden, 1988), pp. 104-105; Liischer,
Untersuchungen, p. 28.
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dates from late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty XIII based upon the rim shape of a Marl C
jar.
1305
Bou rriau has narrowed this time period further, noting that Sene btisi's burial
chamber does not contain objects w ith mutilated hieroglyphs, placing her in the reign of
Am enemhet III, prior Neferuptah.
1306
Me anwh ile, Ryholt pushes the date of this wom an
into the first decade of Dynasty XIII, in order to argue that she is'likely the grandmother
of the brother kings (Khasekhemre Neferhotep I, Menwadjre Sahathor, and Khaneferre
Sobekhotep IV).
1307
This correlation could be further supported by the more recent
argument of Bourriau that the tomb of Senebtisi belongs to early D ynasty XIII based
upon the fact that her tomb was likely constructed after a house, which is stratigraphically
associated with it and can be dated to Dynasty XIII.
It has become clear that the dating of the royal tombs of the Late Middle
Kingdom must be approached with the use of a multitude of data including context,
ceramics, and style of objects.
1309
The analysis discussed above must end with the
following chronological suggestion: Ita and Khenmet (Amenemhet II), Keminebu (late
Dynasty X II/Dynasty XIII), Senebtisi (early Dynasty X III), and N ubheteptikhered
(Awibre Hor).
1310
1305
Di. Arnold, Senw osretl, p. 37, n. 114; Mace and Winlock, Senebtisi, pp. 110, Fig, 182.122, PI. 134.
The furnishings of the tomb of Senebtisi are similar to those of Nubheteptikhered and Awibre Hor.
However, there are no m utilated hieroglyphs.
1306
Bourriau, "Patterns of Change," p. 17.1307
Ryho l t , Political Situation, pp. 83-84, n. 264 , 126.
1308
Bourriau, "Dolphin Vase," p. 114.
1309
See the concerns of Lilyquist regarding the use of style of limited objects to date this group in C.
Lilyquist, "A Note on the Date of Senebtisi and Other Middle Kingdom Groups," Serapis 5 (1979), pp. 27-
28.
1310
Note that Dodson now believes that all of these tombs are Dynasty XII except for the last (Dodson,
"The Tombs of
the
Queens," p. 131).
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III.B. Private Elite Tombs
Many private elite burials of the Late Middle Kingdom appear to be in reused and
often modified tombs in Dynasty XII royal pyramid complexes.
1311
Often, these
structures are made up of three rooms and do not resemble the form of royal
monuments.'
1312
Others-, found ou tside of royal funerary structures, are also remarkably
different tha n those of kings. In other cases, a shaft leads to the tombs of multiple peop le
like in the case of those in the funerary complex of Khendjer. Unfortunately,
how ever, the plans of very few of these tombs are published. Instead, early scholars
focused upon the objects found with in them. Thu s, it is difficult to discern the
architectural development of private tombs in the Late Middle Kingdom. Also, the
objects themselves often come from both primary and secondary burials within the tombs
or are in very disturbed contexts, and dating these individuals within this relatively short
expanse of time is often difficult if not imp ossible.
1314
The provisions within these tombs
are fairly standardized including some royal insignia.
1315
Ov erall, there is a decrease in
the amount of goods produced specifically for tombs during the Late Middle Kingdom,
and coffin styles in the north and sou th begin to dive rge.
1316
1311
For forms of elite tombs earlier in the Middle Kingdom, see Silverman, "Tombs of the Nobles in the
Middle Kingdom," pp.
364-381.
1312
For example, see the tomb of Am enyson eb at Hawara. This man likely lived during the reign of
Khendjer. His tomb was topped w ith a chapel displaying offering scenes (rare at this time) (E. Fiore-
Marochet t i , " Inscribed Blocks from Tomb Chapels a t Hawara ," JE A 86 (2000), pp. 43-44; Franke,
Personendaten,p. 108, Doss. 125; Petrie, Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, p p. 18, Pis. 17.10, 11.12-14).
For an example at Lisht, see Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p . 221. See also Grajetzki, "M ultiple Burials,"
pp . 16-34.
1314
G rajetzki, Burial Customs, p. 58.
1315
G rajetzki, Burial Customs, pp. 54-55.
1316
G rajetzki, Burial Customs, p. 54.
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III.C. The Tom bs of Royal Women and Private Officials and the Power of Kingship
Most of the royal family mem bers and upper elite were buried in reused tomb s
dated to Dynasty XII. These structures do not seem to have the same characteristics of
royal tomb substructures including that of Awibre Hor. Thou gh it is pos sible, it is
unlikely that any of the Late Middle Kingdom pyram ids were the tombs of anyone other
than deceased kin gs. There appears to have been a distinct difference in the nature of a
royal tomb, likely indicating that the king was superior in status both in living society as
well as in death.
The contents of
the
royal tombs, as represented by the furnishings in the tomb of
Awibre Hor, may not have been considerably different from those of elite private tombs.
It would appear that the king and his family likely set the example for the items to be
included in these tombs. Rather than being an infringement on the kin g's pow er, the
appearance of items including royal insignia within tombs and ideology concerning the
Osirian afterlife, was a continuing phenomenon dating at least to the end of the Old
Kingdom.
1317
Low er level burials lacked the royal insignia, containing daily life objects
instead.
1318
IV. The w i g ; Tomb Type
From the descriptions and definition of the tomb corpus in Chapter 3, it is clear
that the elements of the Dynasty XIII tombs became standardized in ways in w hich the
Kamrin,
Cosmos,
p. 10; D.P. Silverman, "Coffin Texts from Bersheh," pp . 140-141.
Grajetzki,
Burial Customs,
p. 59.
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Dynasty XII monuments never had.
1319
Also, many of the components, including those
thought to be measures of security, may have served more of a religious purpose than a
practical one .
1320
Interestingly, the shape of the tombs of the Late Middle K ingdom rulers
resembles the hieroglyph for
wsht(
u
Broad
Cou rt") (Fig. 5.1). This term is found in
contexts including palaces, temples, and (later) king s' tom bs, and it may be the case that
the design of these structures in royal funerary monuments was meant to ideologically
place the deceased in the court
(wshi)
of
Osiris.
Interestingly, in the New Kingdom,
Chapter 125 of the Book of Going Forth by Day (Book of the Dead) sets the judgm ent of
the dead before Osiris in the
wshtmiHy
("Broad Hall of the Two M aats").
1322
This term
is also used for a chamber in the royal tombs of the New K ingdom in the Valley of the
Kings.
1 23
In the Middle Kingdom,
Chapter 30,
which was inscribed on heart scarabs
1319
See also D. McCormack , "The Significance of Royal Funerary Architecture in the Study of 13th
Dynasty Kingship."
1320
Di. Arnold ("Tombs: Royal Tombs," in D.B. Redford, ed.,
Th e Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,
3 (New Y ork, 2001), p. 427) argues that the hidden passages and blocking stones are measures of security
derived from those of Dyn asty XII. W hile the origins of such compone nts are certainly from the height of
the Middle Kingdom , it is suggested here that a change began to occur in the reign of Amenemhet III,
reinterpreting features as religious eleme nts. Rop ler-Ko hler argues that these features reflect the hours of
the
Amduat
be ginning with Senw osret II (RoBler-Kohler, "K onigliche Vorstellungen I," pp.73-96).
1321
R. Hannig,
Agyptisches Worterbuch I
(Mainz, 2003), p. 383;
Grofies Handworterbuch
(Mainz, 1995),
pp. 216-217. A. Erman and H. Grapow,
Worterbuch der dgyptischen Sprache
(Leipzig, 1926-1950), p.
366.
Note that Old Kingdom pyramid complexes had a symbolic palace associated with the sed festival,
originating with the Djoser com plex which has a sed festival court (H awass, "Funerary E stablishments of
Khufu, Khafra and M enkaura during the Old King dom," dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1987,
pp.
6, 136, 361-365, 389, 498, 545, 550, 632; H. Goedicke, "Zoser's Funerary Mon ument. 2. The 'Heb-sed
court',"
BACE
8 (1997), pp. 33-48; J.P. Allen, "Reading a Pyramid," in C. Berger, et al.,
Hommages a Jean
LeclantI:
Etudes Pharaoniques.
Bibliotheque d'Etude 106/1 (1994), pp. 24-28).
1322
For a translation, see T.G. Allen,
The Egyptian Book of the Dead Documents in the Oriental Institute
Museum at the Un iversity of Chicago
(Chicago, 1960), pp. 200, S202;
Going Forth By Day,
p p. 97-102;
R.O. Faulkner,
The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead
(Au stin, 1972), pp . 29-34 . For the text of this
section, see E. Na ville,
Das Aegyptische Todtenbuch der
XVIII.
bis XX. Dynastie
(Berlin, 1886), p. 200.
1323
Erman and Grapow,
Worterbuch,
pp. 366-367; J. Romer,
Valley of the Kings
(New York, 1981), p. 280.
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and other objects, refers to the judgment of the dead in the domain of the god.
1324
Thus,
it may be the case that the concept of the
wsMmJ
c
ty as
envisioned in the later
Book of the
Dead
had already evolved and influenced the shape of the royal tom b, especially since
chapters of this compilation began to emerge in Sakkara, Dahshur, Bersha, Abydos,
Dendera, and Thebes during the Middle Kingdom .
1325
antechamber
Un
burial
chamber
J ti
corridor on
eastern side
Figure. 5.1.
The Hieroglyph for wsht"Broad Court."
Besides the ove rall shape of the tom bs, other aspects of the royal funerary
monuments of the Late Middle Kingdom also appear to reflect religious ideas about the
afterlife rather than being practical architectural features. For examp le, the Type A
quartzite portcullis stones, many of which remained opened, are always encased in
limesto ne. As is evident from the robb ers' tunnel found in the "Unfinished" Pyramid at
South Sakkara, this design was not an effective guard against thieves.
1326
Likewise, the
1324
S. Quirke, "Judgment of the Dead," in D.B. Redford, ed.,
The Oxford Essential G uide to Egyptian
Mythology
(New York, 2002), p. 174. For a translations of this spell, see T.G. Allen,
Going Forth by Day,
pp .
39-40.
1325
See S. Quirke, "Book of the Dead 'Ch apter 178 ': a Late Middle Kingdom C ompilation or Excerpts?,"
in S. Grallert and W. Grajetzki, ed.,
Life and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt during the Middle Kingdom a nd
Second Intermediate Period (London, 2007), pp. 100-122; Lapp, Typologie der Sarge, p. 280, Da l8 ; T.G.
Allen,
G oing Forth by Day,
pp. 242-243, 246-247: Da3c, SqlBe, B9c, Cairo Stela 20520, Die, T7c, T13c,
Papyrus ofMwty.
1326
Weigall remarked that the limestone ceilings of
S9
were short-sighted, especially since the concealing
of
the
entrances drove people to look in the sand, eventually finding the limestone and then would likely hit
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ceilings of many of the corridors and cham bers were also limestone, allowing robbers to
simply smash into the structures after removing the brick material above.
Though the portcullis stones likely had some security implications, their
placement, often after entrance stairwells or shafts, also leads one to suspect that there are
other purpo ses for these structures. The reality of the matter, howeve r, may have less to
do with the portcullis stones themselves, acting as do orways, than with the changes in
levels within the tom bs.
1327
Curiously, these level changes often add up to six, half the
number of hours in the night as the sun god and the deceased king journey through the
netherworld (See Table 5.2 and A ppendix III).
1328
In the tombs with more linear plans (S9, North M azghuna, and the "Unfinished"
Pyramid), the changes in level seem to play less of
a
role in determining the "h ours," and
several options have been proposed. North Mazghuna and the "Unfinished" Pyramid are
more com plex and may represent a variation of the more standard types discussed above,
especially since they were larger than the other monum ents (the "Unfinished Pyramid" is
almost double the size of the other Dy nasty XIII royal funerary m onu me nts). Also , the
latter integrates both sarcophagi types, requiring it to have a more complicated plan.
It may be the case that texts, such as the
Book of the Hidden Chamber,
are associated
with these particular architectural manifestations of the netherworld.
1329
the sarcophagus chamber right away despite the closed porculli (Weigall, Tomb and Cemetery,"
pp.
15-
16).
Ropier-Kohler understood the doorways as being important in the architecture of the tombs from
Senwosret II through Dynasty XIII, but she missed the significance of the changes in level beginning with
Ame nemhe t III at Hawara. See Ropier-K ohler, "Kon igliche Vorstellungen I," Fig. 3.
1328
For the interpretation of late Dynasty XII-XIII royal tombs as Amduat tombs see, Ropier-Kohler,
"Konigliche Vorstellungen I," pp.73-96; Wegner, "Amduat T om b."
9
For the possible relationship between this book and the tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos, see Wegner,
"Amduat Tomb ." See also Hornung, Texte zum Amduat I(Geneve, 1987).
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Hawara
Khendjer
South
Mazghuna
Ameny
Qemau
S9(2)
Model
1
Stairs D/N
(Portcullis U)
Stairs D/E
(Portcullis U)
Stairs D/N
(Portcullis U)
Corridor W
(Portcullis U)
Corridor W
(Portcullis U)
Shaft Base W
(Threshold)
2
Corridor N
(Wooden Door)
Stairs D/E
(Portcullis U)
Stairs D/N
(Portcullis U)
Corridor W
(Stairs D/N)
Corridor W
(Floor Passage D)
Corridor W
(Floor Passage D)
3
Corridor D/E
(Portcullis U)
Corridor D/E
(Floor Passage D)
Corridor? E
(Floor Passage D)
Corridor N
(Stairs D/W)
Corridor N
Stairs/Corridor D /N-
W (Portcullis U)
4
Corridor U/N-W
(Portcullis U)
Corridor N
(Ceiling Passage U)
Corridor N
(Ceiling Passage U)
Corridor W
Corridor W
Corridor W-S
(Floor Passage? D?)
5
Antechamber W
(Floor Passage D)
Antechamber W
(Floor Passage D)
Antechamber W
(Floor Passage D)
Antechamber S •
(Portcullis)
Corridor S
(Portcullis D)
Antechamber
(Floor Passage D)
6
Corridor/
Sarcophagus S
Corridor/
Sarcophagus S
Corridor/
Sarcophagus S
Sarcophagus S
Corridor/
Sarcophagus S
Corridor/
Sarcophagus S
Table 5.2. Diagram showing the hours and their associated components within each monumen t. The actual
hours are shown with the transitions being in parentheses. Directions are indicated as N (north), S (south), E
(east), W (west), U (up), and D (Down). North Mazghuna, the "Unfinished" Pyramid and S10 are omitted.
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How ever, unlike in the New Kingdom , when these texts were painted on the walls of
royal tombs, they may have been recited during the funeral at this time.
1330
During part
of the Old K ingdom (starting with Dy nasty V),
Pyramid Texts
lined the walls of the
rulers' tom bs. These hieroglyphic resources provided the king with certain spells aimed
at keeping the rulers' spirit and body protected and giving him the tools necessary to
obtain a successful afterlife. These texts were often a ssociated with specific parts of the
pyramid as they related to symbolic special orientation of each architectural
component.
1331
Th us, already at this earlier date, it is clear that religious texts and
architectural components were used together in royal funerary structures.
The mean s, through which the architectural features of the tomb became used
during the funeral and presumably the daily perpetuation of the afterlife, cannot be
determined with certainty. How ever, one can imagine the general scene. The stairway
leading down into the tomb m ay have been connected to R e's descent into the
netherworld at sunset, with the transitions between "ho urs" being represented by changes
1330
W. Federn, "The 'Transform ations' in the Coffin T exts. A New Ap proach,"
JNES
19, pp. 241-25 7; J.
Baines, "M odeling Sources, Processes, and Locations of Early Mortuary Texts," in S. Bickel and B.
Mathieu,
D'un Monde a VAutre. Textes des Pyramides et Textes des Sarcophages
("Cairo, 2004 ), pp. 22, 25 .
Wegn er has suggested that papyrus versions of the
Book of the Hidden Chamber
may have existed in late
Dynasty XII (W egner, "Am duat"). It should also be noted that eight secular documents have been found in
private tombs of the Late Middle Kingdom /Second Intermediate Period, including
Papyrus Bulaq 18.
It
has been suggested that these texts were placed in tombs for religious purposes, related to obtaining an
afterlife (Quirke , "Investigation," p. 8). See also S. Quirke , '"Book of the Dead Chapter 178': a Late Middle
Kingdom Compilation or Excerpts?," in S. Grallert and W. G rajetzki, ed.,
Life and Afterlife in Ancient
Egypt during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period
(Londo n, 2007), pp. 100-122.
Excerpts?," in S. Grallert and W. Grajetzki, ed.,
Life and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt during the Middle
Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period
(London, 200 7), pp. 100-122.
J .P . Allen, "Reading a Pyramid," pp. 5-28; "Pyramid Texts," in D.B. Redford, ed. ,
The Oxford
Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt
(Oxford, 2001 ), pp. 95-97; "The Cosmology of
the
Pyramid Texts," in W.K.
Simpson, ed.,
Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt,
Yale Egyptological Studies 3 (New H aven, 1989),
pp. 25-26 . This same sort of link between loc ation and spell is also found in the Coffin Texts and the Book
of Two Ways
(on the floor m ost of the time) (L. Lesko, "The Texts on Egyptian M iddle Kingdom Coffins."
in
L'Egyptologie en 19791
(Paris, 1982), pp. 39-43;
Index,
pp. 8-110; Silverman,
Coffin Texts from
Bersheh,pp.
129-141).
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in level. The approach to the burial chamber would have bee n the most important, as this
space marks the sixth hour of the night, which texts of the early New Kingdom associate
with the uniting of the gods Re and Osiris with the deceased king.
1332
It should be noted that the discussion by U. RoBler-Kohler concerning the
Amduat tomb type that develops from the reign of Senwosret II through Dynasty XIII
and into the New Kingdom is valid in some respects.
1333
There are common ideas
between the features of the pyramid of Senwosret II, the Abydos tomb of Senwsoret III
and that of Am enem het III at Haw ara. Ho wev er, it is likely that the architectural
manifestation of the Amduat tomb (or the emphasis) diverged after the reign of
Senwosret III. Wh ile the Late Middle Kingdo m type (the
wsht)
tomb continued into
Dyansty X III through the mod el established by Am enemhet III, the Am duat type, as
constructed by Senwosret III ceased to exist until the Dynasty XVIII kings resurrected it
after entering this tomb.
1334
For the tomb as a depiction of
the
underworld, see Hornung,
Valley,
pp .
27-31;
71-80, 87-94; Hornung,
Valley, pp. 71-80 , 87-94; Di Arnold,
Encyclopedia,
p. 235; J. Kamrin,
The Cosmos of Khnumhotep IIat
Beni Hasan
(London, 1999), pp. 139-151. Weg ner notes that quartzite may have been used in the
Senwosret III tomb in areas where associations with the solar cycle were desired and suggests that the tomb
of
this
king at Abydos is similar to the New K ingdom conception of
the
netherworld found in
The Book of
the Hidden Chamber
(Wegner, "Hidden," p. 17;
Mortuary Temple,
pp. 199, 392, 393; "Royal Amduat-
Tomb").
See also RoBler-Kohler, "Konigliche Vorstellungen I," pp. 73-96; Gestermann, "K onigliche
Vorstellungen II," pp. 97-110. For the concept of
the
unification of
Osiris
and the deceased ruler in the Old
Kingdom pyramid of
Unis
(J.P. Allen, "Reading a Pyramid," pp. 24-25). O'Con nor has suggested that the
structure of some Old Kingdom private tombs, such as that of Pepyankh, may reflect the cosmological
layout of
the
afterlife (D. O'Connor, "Society and Individual in Early Egypt," in J.E. Richards and M. Van
Buren, eds.,
Order, Legitimacy, and Wealth in Ancient States
(Cam bridge, 2000), pp. 33-35).
1333
RoBler-Kohler, "Konigliche Vorstellungen I", pp. 73-88. See also, Wegner, "A mduat T omb ;"
Gestermann, "Kon igliche Vorstellungen II," pp. 97-110.
1334
See Weg ner, "Am duat To mb ." Figures 1 and 3 in the RoBler-Kohler ar tic le ("K onigl iche
Vorstellungen") do not reflect the architectural realities of the tombs from Amenem het III (Haw ara) into
Dynasty X III. For hours 4-5, the scenes show a steady decent whereas the tombs have points of increased
as well as decreased elevation, often ending at an elevation not far from where the interior of
the
tomb
began. Also, Figure 2 misses one critical aspect of
the
Late Middle Kingdom tomb corpus as it shows the
approach to the antechamber as being from west to east. Every tomb from the reign of Amenem het III on
has an approach running from the east to the w est.
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Another important issue that remains is whether or not a ruler, such as Awibre
Hor, buried without a complete wsht tomb, w ould have been able to achieve the same
royal afterlife as those who possessed the more elaborate tombs. Possibly , this king was
buried within the tomb complex of Am enemhet III at Dahshur in order to take advantage
of the provisions of this Dynasty XII ruler in order to achieve a position in his afterlife
much like some Middle Kingdom officials (Ihy, Hetep, Sahathoripy, and Sekweskhet) at
Sakkara presumably wished to accom plish with their tombs extending und er the walls of
the pyramid of Teti at Sakkara.
1335
V. The Significance of Selected Components of Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tombs
Besides the presence of the
wsht tomb
type, other features of the Late Middle
Kingdom royal funerary monum ents may be significant in religious or practical ways.
Below, a select group of these will be discussed including locations, reuse of Dynasty XII
supporting facilities, pyramid pairs, monument size, terracing, and sinusoidal walls.
V.A. Location
In the past, the possible locations of Late Middle K ingdom royal tombs in the
Delta have been used to support the theory that Egypt broke up into numerous polities
ruled by contemporaneous kings during Dynasty X III. In general, the placement of royal
tombs in the Old and Middle Kingdoms indicates the location of the political capital.
1336
However, in the case of Senwosret III of Dynasty XII, a second location near the
Silverman, "Teti Pyramid Cemetery," pp. 267; 268, n. 32; 269; 271-272. For these and similar
examples such as Intefoker and Senwosretankh at Lisht, see Silverman, "Non-Royal Burials."
Ryholt, Political Situation, p . 4; Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 70.
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important religious site of Abyd os was chosen . It is likely that this king wish ed to
connect himself to the ancient kings of Dynasties I and II and the god Osiris himself.
Following these m odels, the Dynasty XIII kings w ere buried in the vicinity of earlier
kings often being intimately connected with the funerary complex of a Dynasty XII
ruler.
1337
Thus, the discovery of Dynasty XIII pyramidions in the Delta is likely the
result of plundering by the Hyksos rather than the existence of a nearby royal, Late
Middle Kingdom cemetery.
1338
How ever, like Aby dos, Thebes may be a location where
Dynasty X III king's tombs may be discovered in the future since a Dynasty XII ruler had
constructed a funerary monum ent there. Certainly, the Dynasty XVI/XVII kings chose
the form and location of their tombs according to those of the earlier Dynasty XI rulers,
who may have served as a historical president in order to the legitimize the new line of
kings there.
V.B.
Reuse of Earlier Pyramid Towns and Temp les
Another important aspect of any royal funerary complex is the cult that continued
after the king's death in order to support his spirit in the afterlife.
1339
In ideal
circumstances, the king would build his com plex, including the tomb and supporting
temp les as well as establish a funerary estate to pay for the labor and offerings needed for
the cult.
1340
It appears that the Dynasty XIII kings may not have been able to set up their
1337
Verner ,
Great Monuments,
p . 434; Haw ass , "Funerary Es tabl ishments , " pp. 573-599, 631-6 33.
1338
See Section VI. There was royal activity in the Western D elta during late Dynasty XII/Dyn asty XIII as
illustrated by the statue head of a king found at Kom el-Hisn (Silverman, "Royal Head," p. 90). However,
there is no evidence of
a
royal cemetery at this site.
1339
Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 58.
1340
For the Old Kingdom, see Hawass, "Funerary Establishments," pp. 423-557, 631-633. See also Di.
Arnold, "Cult Comp lexes," pp. 31-85.
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own independent valley temples to house their funerary cults. Thus, one must
contem plate the effect of the economic limitations on the king 's afterlife.
It actually appears that, rather than have their own elaborate cults and their
associated buildings, some or most Dyn asty XIII kings may have appended their tombs to
the better-equipped Dynasty XII com plexes.
1341
'In other words, it is likely that the
majority of the Dynasty XIII cults existed in conjunction with those of the earlier kings.
In effect, this policy must have prolonged the activity at the Dynasty XII sites and
possibly some of the Old Kingdom complexes, while allowing the kings of a less
economically successful time to enjoy the benefit of
a
funerary cult they otherwise would
have been u nable to afford.
1342
For this reason, the towns and temples associated with
Dynasty XII funerary establishments often contain material through the reigns of at least
some Dynasty XIII rulers. This situation may imply that the Dynasty XIII kings were
unable to provide for their own funerary estates, which included temples and priests
along with towns and the fields and treasury to support them. For the Old and Midd le
Kingdom s, O'Conn or suggests that these institutions may have displayed more econom ic
power than the large funerary m onuments themselves.
1343
Thus, if the Dynasty XIII
kings cou ld not afford such self-sufficient provisio ns, it may indicate that they did not
carry the political and econom ic clout of their prede cessors. How ever, with the
combination of environmental and political factors, which the kings of Dynasty XIII may
Wegner notes that royal Dynasty XIII tombs tend to be near those of Dynasty XIT kings (Wegner, "A
Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," p. 386).
1342
In Dynasty XII at Sakkara, officials were buried within the sacred space of
the
Pyramid of Teti, and
people of various social levels established cenotaphs around those of more powerful individuals. See
Silverman, "Non-Royal Burials"; Simpson,
Terrace of the Great
God; O'Connor, "The 'Cenotaphs, '" pp.
161-178.
1343
O'Connor, "Political Systems," p. 17.
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have had to face,
1344
it is not surprising that certain economic cutbacks were necessary
even for the royal burial.
V.C. The Q uestion of Pyramid Pairs
In his discussion of the pyramids of Amenemhet III at Dahshur and Hawara,
Lehner ponders if these two distinctly different monuments were constructed for religious
purposes rather than simply to replace the former with the latter due to its architectural
faults.
1345
It also might be notable that Ame nem het's predecessor, Senwosret III also had
two tombs, a pyramid at Dahshur and a funerary complex at South Abydo s.
1346
In
looking at the remaining Late Middle Kingdom tombs, it is interesting that many of them
occur in sets of two (Khendjer and the "Unfinished" Pyramid, DA S 2 and DA S 16, and
DAS 17 and Ameny Qem au, North and South Mazghuna, and S9 and S10).
The qu estion arises as to if such a pattern is significant and w hether or not each
set might belong to a single king . In several of
the
cases listed above, the two pyramids
at each site contain similarly constructed elements, while having different sarcophagus
forms (one had Type 1 and the other Type 2). Interestingly, in the "Unfinishe d" Pyram id
at South Sakkara, both sarcophagus structures are housed in a single monument.
Unfortunately, there are also factors, which imply that the dual monument
situation is coinciden ce. First of all, one must be cautious in matching similar
measurements and features within the monuments, since the styles and methods of each
investigator, who often studied monu men ts in close proxim ity, differ. Th us, each set may
1344
See Chapter 7.
1345
Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 183.
1346
It is also possible that Amenem het I built two pyram ids, one at Sakkara and another at Lisht (Do.
Arnold, "Am enemhet," p. 20, n. 102; D.P. Silverman, "Non-Royal B urials").
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appear more uniqu e than it is in reality. Al so, if there are missing funerary structures,
they may appear in clusters along with the already known monum ents as, is the case near
the pyramid of Ameny Qemau (with DA S 2 and 16). Finally, a comparison of the control
notes from the pyramids at South Sakkara reveals no matches in the names of officials
working at the complexes, suggesting that the monuments w ere not constructed
simultaneously.
1347
At this point in time, there is no means of proving or rejecting the possibility that
Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary m onuments occur in pairs. How ever, it is an idea
that should be kept in mind in future studies of these structures and their significance.
Other reasons for the close proximity of two or more monum ents may be family grou ps,
chronological sequence or the decreasing availability of suitable land for large
monum ents in the Mem phite region.
V.D. The Size of the Tombs
One m ethod for determining the relative pow er of the king through time is
through observing the sizes of
the
royal funerary comp lexes.
1348
Also, at any specific
point, the rulers' tombs can be compared to those of private individuals to determine the
status of the king in society. Wh en Am enemhet I reintroduced the pyramid as a royal
tomb at the beginning of Dynasty XII, his monument at Lisht was considerably smaller
that those of the powerful Dynasty IV kings.
1349
Similarly, the other tomb s for this era
1347
F. Arnold,
Control Notes,
pp. 176-183.
Lehner,
Pyramids,
p. 15-17
1349
Di. Arnold, "Cult Complexes," p. 77. It is also possible that Amenemhet I began the construction of a
pyramid at Sakkara before abandoning it in favor of building another funerary monum ent closer to the new
capital at Itjatawy (Do. Arnold, "Amenemhet I," p. 20, n. 102).
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(as well as for the rest of the Old Kingdom) were also relatively small for a but the
emphasis turned to the mortuary temp les. Thus, despite the fact that the pyramids were
small and had more economical mudbrick cores, the size of the temples was greatly
expanded, and the overall nature of the pyramid complex became part of the expression
of the king 's power in Dynasty X II.
Some scholars see the diminutive size and small associated structures of Dynasty
XIII monuments as an indication of a decline in royal power.
1350
How ever, it is
important to remem ber, that no Dynasty X III monument seems to have been finished.
The most complete monum ent was that of Khendjer, and his complex certainly w as
smaller than the Dynasty XII predecessors (no valley temple has been found). On the
other hand, the "Unfinished" tom b at South Sakkara would have had a pyramid, which
was comp arable in size to those of the Dynasty XII kings. Though the remainder of the
complex was not yet begun, it is possible that the size of this monum ent wou ld have
rivaled those of the Am enem het's and Senw osret's had it been completed.
Finally, one should keep in min d the relativity of pow er. In a time of econom ic
problems, the power of
a
king cannot be determined, based upon comparisons to eras of
great wealth for the polity. Instead, the pow er of the king must be related to that of the
elite. Unfortunately, that sort of comparison is difficult considering the dire state of
preservation for both the royal and private tombs from this period. How ever, the
exclusive architectural style of the royal tombs, as well as their locations seem to indicate
that the power of the kings continued to be relatively high, well into the Late Middle
1350
For exam ple, see Di. Arnold, "Cult Complexes," p. 84; Verner,
Great Monuments,
p. 432. For
arguments against using this approach for art and literature, see Quirke, "Visible and Invisible," pp. 63-64.
1351
According to Dodson the monum ent were either unfinished or quarried (Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra
Abu el Naga," p . 27).
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Kingdom, especially if the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay represents such a structure.
Similarly, Quirke argues that the status of
the
king in Papyrus Bulaq 18 and the Kahun
Papyri suggests that the he was considered on a level similar to that of the great kings
from the Old and Middle K ingdom s.
1352
V.E.
Terracing
Though smaller than the Dynasty XII pyramids, royal tombs of Dynasty X III had
some of the same characteristics as these monu men ts. Uph ill has argued that at least
some Dynasty X II pyramids were built upon platforms, allowing for the pyramid to rise
substantially above the enclosure walls as well as providing the attached temples with a
terraced appearance found at the tomb of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep of Dynasty XL As
a continuation of this practice, the tombs at Hawara and South Sakkara and possibly
others may also have been built upon a platform.
The excavations of S9 revealed a wall to the local south of the tomb, which
contained sand at a level higher than that of the floor to the east and within the
enclosure.
1355
This structure may indicate that this area was terraced. How ever, in this
case, terracing was likely needed to correct for the uneven ground rather than serving
simply as an architectural feature of the tomb . This sort of structure is not found to the
north where the ground is lower and the base for the enclosure wall is constructed
differently than on the southern end.
Like in S9, the other examples of terracing in the Late Middle Kingdom
1352
Quirke, "Visible and Invisible," pp.
63-71.
1353
Uphill,
Gateway,
pp. 11-12,
51,
63-64.
1354
See Chapter 3, section II.A, III.A, and IV.A.
1355
See Chapter 4, section V.A.
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(Amenemhet IIP pyramid at Hawara and the tomb of Khendjer and the "Unfinished"
pyramid at South Sakkara) may have been a result of the uneven ground up on w hich
many of
the
pyramids were built. Since much of the best areas had already been used by
earlier kings and private individuals, these structures are often in less desirable locations,
which required adjustments before and during the construction of these tombs. Thus,
until further examination of these sites occurs, the reasons for the terrace, whether
religious, visual or structural, cannot be confirmed.
V.F.
The Significance of the Sinusoidal W alls
Excavation has revealed sinusoidal walls in both royal and settlement
environments dating to Dynasties XI through X VIII.
1356
How ever, they are most
prevalen t in and near the funerary co mplexe s of the late Dynasty XII-XIII kings. It
appears that sinusoidal walls served as temporary enclosure walls, dividers between
active areas, retaining walls, and visual screens.
1357
Studies have shown that wavy walls
could be constructed using fewer bricks and resources than equivalently stable
rectangular ones, making them w ell-suited for these temporary purposes.
5
Besides the practical explanations for the appearance of sinusoidal walls, scholars
have also proposed ritual ones. For exam ple, they have stated that the sinu soidal
Di.
Arnold,
Encyclopedia,
p. 63; Kemp, "Soil," p. 88. One example was found at Amarna (H. Frankfort
and J.D.S. Pendlebury,
The City ofAkhenaten II,
Egyptian Exploration Society Memoir 40 (London, 1933),
p. 5, PL 3). Note that sinusoidal walls have also been used in Upper Egypt in modern times as Holscher has
pointed out (U. Holscher,
The Temples of the Eighteenth Dynasty
(Chicago, 1939), pp. 70-71).
J . Sl iwa, "Z Badan Nad Osa dnichtw em Okresy S redniego Paristwa I II Okresu Przejsc iowegO W Qasr
el-Sagha. TZW. M ur Sinusoidalny,"
Meander
40 (198 5), pp. 176-183; "Qasr el Sagha," p. 206; Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
pp. 377-378; "A Study of Middle K ingdom State Activity, pp. 383-384; Clarke and
Engelbach,
Ancient Egyptian Construction,
pp. 21 3; Ayrton, et al.,
Abydos III,
pp. 12, 18; Jequier,
Fouilles
a Saqqarah,
p . 39.
1358
Clarke and Engelbach,
Ancient Egyptian Construction,
p. 21 3; J. Vercoutter,
Mirgissa
I (Paris, 1970),
pp . 97-101.
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enclosure walls in the royal monum ents at South Mazghuna and South Sakkara may
symbolically represent the primordial watery abyss, stone palace facade walls, or reed
fences.
1359
The watery abyss theory is based upon the parallel with later temple enclosure
walls, within which there are often wave p atterns.
1360
It is also possible that more
substantial sinusoidal walls were intended to imitate similar palace facade structures.
Nonetheless, these walls should still be considered to be abbreviated forms of the more
formal ones found in earlier pyramid complexes.
Sliwa suggests that sinusoidal walls in the context of cities may have been ritual
in nature, since he found one in the western settlement at Qasr el-Sagha, which was only
one brick high at the time of excavations.
1361
He insists that this was the final height of
the wall and that it had a ritual function beneath the street under which it was found.
However, the sinusoidal wall was close to the enclosure of the town, possibly indicating
that it was replaced by this structure and originally served as the wall surrounding the
settlement. It is possible that the wa ll was remo ved, and the bricks were reused, leaving
only the base behind. Sinusoidal walls have also been found in the Late Middle K ingdom
levels of Tell el-D ab'a, w here such structures made up a temporary enclosure w all.
1362
Thus, both in residential and tomb contexts, sinusoidal walls appear to have been
temporary structures with the more substantial ones being abbreviated versions of more
ideal forms.
G. Jequier, Ma nuel d'Archeologie Egyptienne (Paris, 1924), pp. 64-65; Lehner, Pyramids, p. 186.
A.R. David, Religious Ritual at Abydos (Guildford, 1973), p. 3.
Sliwa, "Mur Sinusoidalny;" "Qasr el-Sagha,"
p.
206 , Figs. 13, 24.
Bietak, The Capital of the Hyksos, pp. 10, 11 , Fig. 17.
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VI.
The Destruction of the Tombs
All of the Late Midd le Kingdom roy al funerary m onum ents suffered from
quarrying and plundering . Even the substructures of tombs such as the pyram id of
Ameny Qemau, the Mazghuna tombs, S9, and S10 were heavily damaged.
Unfortunately, there is only a small amount of material, which has been reported from
these sites that migh t shed light upo n the specific date of their destruction. Within
several of the monuments in the M emphite region, there are Dynasty XV III pit graves.
1364
Thus, it is likely that if these monuments were destroyed at the same time, this event
occurred either during the Second Intermediate Period or in the early years of the New
Kingdom.
1365
At tomb S9 at South Ab ydos, there was no evidence of any ceramic m aterial
between D ynasty XIII (or early Dynasty X VI/XV II) and the Roman Period (there are a
number of Late Period or Greco-Roman tom bs nearby).
1366
Thus, there is no indication
of New King dom activity there. In other wo rds, the date of the destruction of the tomb
seems to have been relatively soon after their construction.
Another interesting facet of the material from the excavations of S9 was that the
contents of the tomb appear to have remained at the site. The "rob bers" seemed to have
been more interested in destroying the contents of the tomb rather than taking the items.
Numerous wooden fragments from unrecognizable objects (possibly furniture, the coffin,
1363
See Chapter 3, Sections V.D., VI.A., and VII.E.; Chapter 4, Section V.E.
1364
The pit graves were found at South Sakkara (Khendjer and Unfinished) and South Mazgh una. See
Chapter 3, Sections III.G., IV.F., and VII.E.
13
Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qem au," p. 334, n. 379. Ryholt suggests that the royal tombs
were looted and destroyed by the Hyksos, who then took their booty to the Delta with them (Ryholt,
Political Situation, pp. 144-145).
1366
Ayrton, et
al.,
Abydos III, pp. 16-17; Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 369.
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and etc.), some of which were burned, were found. Also, small fragments of the mumm y
were distributed ov er the site. Every item from w ithin the tomb wa s scattered around the
debris and was in small to tiny fragments. Such objects included pottery, faience, gilded
plaster, and calcite and other stone vessels.
It is also likely that a large force would have been needed in order to remove the
bricks and sand from the top of S9 in order to reach the tomb . The degree of the
destruction must have been extreme due to the problems W eigall had in reconstructing its
plan. Here, there must have been an organized workforce sanctioned by an authority with
sufficient power to demolish this tomb in broad daylight.
1367
It is likely that this activity
occurred during the rival Hyksos or contemporaneous Theban Dynasties (XV or
XV I/XVII) or some time prior to the construction of the pyramid of Ahmose at Abydos.
Literary sources of later times, some of which may have been purely propagan da,
record evidence that the Hyksos sacked temples and other monuments in Egypt.
1368
In
fact, the Hyk sos king Apepi may h ave maintained a policy of taking compo nents from
Middle Kingdom monuments and transferring them to Avaris and abroad. At the site
of the Dynasty X XI/XXII capital (Tanis), excavators found a sphinx of Nubkaure
Am enemhet II (originally from Heliopolis), four sphinxes of Nym aatre Amenem het III, a
sphinx of Khakhaure Senwosret III, two colossal statues of Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw,
1367
The partial excavation of
this
tomb in 2003 was difficult even with a crew of 50-100 men. Sand
continuously po ured into the excavated area from a bove . In order to remove the upper parts (limestone) of
substructure, a similarly sized pit would have had to have been dug by the invaders. Am elineau had
stopped his work at S9 before reaching the tomb because of such issues (Ayrton, et a]., Abydos III, pp. 11,
13). It is likely that the Hyksos invaded the pyram id of Merneferre A y since his pyram idion has been
found in the Delta. See Chapter 3, Section
XI.B. 1
.a.
1368
Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p. 111. Note that pottery dated to the Hyksos was found in the pyramid of
Am enemh et III at Dahshu r. See Di. Arnold , "Zur Zerstorung sgeschichte der Pyram iden," MDAIKA1
(1991),
p. 23.
1369
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 84, n. 265; 133; 139-140.
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and monuments of Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV, which had been taken by this Hyksos
ruler.
1370
Mo st likely, this statuary, wh ich had originated primarily from the Temple of
Ptah at Memphis,
1371
had been recovered from the site of Tell el Dab 'a (Av aris, the
Hyksos capital) by the Third Intermediate Period builders in their search for reusable
stone for their construction projects.
One of the potential clues for the date of the destruction of the Dynasty XIII royal
monuments is the location of the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay from Khataana, a site,
which is near Tell el-Dab'a (A varis),
1372
and may represent evidence that the Hyksos
destroyed the tomb of this king. Some scholars, however, have suggested that it marks
the location of a missing D ynasty XIII tomb in the Delta.
1373
Nonetheless, other evidence
(see note 1269) implies that the Hyksos clearly appropriated statuary of Dynasty XIII
kings and, in so doing, may have destroyed their funerary m onum ents. Other possible
evidence for the deliberate pillaging of Middle Kingdom royal mortuary establishments
includes graffiti showing Asiatics within the pyramid of Senwosret III and the relocation
of sphinxes of Amenemhet III to Avaris, possibly originally from this king's funerary
1370
Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 196; Callender, "Renaissance," p. 172. Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p p. 133, n.468; 258, n. 927; Clayton,
Chronicles,
p. 92; Drioton and V andier,
L'Egypte,
p . 285;
Petrie,
History,
p . 215; Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p. 111 . For one of these statues, see Delange,
Statues
Egyptiennes du Moyen Empire,
pp. 17-19. Blocks from Old and Middle Kingdom rulers as well as from
the reign of Sobekhotep III were reused in Osorkon I's Entrance Hall at Bubastis (L. Habachi, "The So-
Called Hyksos Monuments Reconsidered,"
SA K
6 (1979), p. 83; J. Vandier,
Manuel d'Archeologie
Egyptienne: Les Grandes Epoques
II, part 2 (Paris, 1955), pp. 602-603 ). For the inscriptions on the statues
of Imyremeshaw and Sobekhotep IV, see Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
pp. 13, 37, 56; nos. 18, 45, 77.
Statues of Sobekhotep IV were also found at Tanis (Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 196;
Callender, "Renaissance ," p . 172). A sphinx of Maak herure Am enem het IV and a s ta tue or sphinx of
Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV, originally from H eliopolis, were recovered in modern times in Beirut (Bietak,
"Hyksos Rule," pp. I l l , 113; Hornung,
History,
p . 68; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 76, n. 225). Other
statues, both private and royal, have been found in the Levant and Crete (Bietak, "H yksos," (1999), p. 379).
1371
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 138.
1372
Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p. 334, n. 379.
1373
Kem p, "Social History," p. 153.
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complex at D ahshur.
The H yksos may have had some help from the Nubians in the destruction and
raiding of some monum ents, especially in the south .
13
'
5
During the wars between the
Hyksos and the Dynasty XV II kings, there were also invasions into Upper Egypt from the
south by a coalition led by the Kushites. For this reason, statues of Sobekhotep IV w ere
found beyo nd the third cataract. Some scholars, how ever, suggest that these statues were
from this region, and the king had control over it,
1376
it is more likely that these objects
were removed either from an Egyptian fort to the north or from a site within Egypt itself,
since there is evidence that the Nubians conducted raids as far north as Karnak.
In 1976, Redford found a destruction layer near the top of the Dynasty XIII strata
in the ancient town at East Karnak.
1377
Here, a small trench showed that House A had
been burnt and was then deserted. Redford sug gests that the destruction at East Karnak
may have occurred during D ynasty XIII due to "restless bands of Nubians (?)" that may
have been taking advantage of the weakened political scene in Egypt as possibly
described in a stela of Sekhemre Sankhtawy (Iykhernofret) Neferhotep . It is during such
raids that certain statues and monum ents may h ave been taken to the south, though
venues such as Elephantine are more likely to have been the sites of such thievery.
Ryholt also notes that Ahmose's Unwetterstele may refer to destruction of monuments by
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 147-148, 165, 167; de Morgan,
Fouilles a Dahchour en 1894-1895,
pp.
92-96 , figs. 138-140.
1375
For the later Dynasty XVII alliance with the Hyksos, see the evidence clearly states in the Kamose
Stela (Habachi,
Second Stela,
p. 49).
1376
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 172.
1377
Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 204; D.B. Redford, "Interim Report on the Excavations at
East Karnak (1979 and 1980 Seasons)," JSSEA 11 (1981), p. 253 ; Redford, Akhenaten, pp. 85, 96, 98-100;
Egypt, C anaan and Israel, pp . 103, 113.
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raids into the Dynasty XIII territories (mentions pyramids directly).
1378
Also, the stela of
Sobeknakht revealed that the Nub ians (Kushites) attacked Southern Egy pt and proceeded
at least as far as El Ka b.
1379
VII. Tombs of Dynasty XVII .
The royal tombs of Dynasty X VII, located at Dra Abu el-Naga on the west bank
of Thebes, are much different than those of Dynasty XIII, reflecting the influence of local
tradition rather than the continuation of the wsht style. After being discovered by
nearby villagers in 1827, Mariette excavated in this royal necropolis in 1859-1860;
Winlock found a pyramid near Deir el-Bahari in 1913, after which the exact location of
any of the tombs was lost, until Polz recently began to reinvestigate the area.
1381
The
pyramids of the kings of Dynasty X VII may continue a Theban tradition initiated by the
rulers of Dynasty XI including those found at el-Tarif and that of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep
at Deir el Bah ari. Like these structures, the pyram ids of Dyn asty XV II were relatively
steep, providing, in turn, the model for the superstructures of private tombs of
the
New
Kingdom, as well as those for the future Nubian and Meroitic kings.
1383
These Dynasty
XVII royal monu ments included a chapel whether cut into the bricks of the pyramid or
from the limeston e below. The burial chamber itself was reached through a shaft from
1378
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 143-145. The effects of
the
Santorini (Thera) volcanic eruption have
also been suggested as the cause of
this
storm (E.N. Davis, "A Storm D uring the Reign of
Ahmose,"
in
D.A. Hardy and A.C. Renfrew, eds.,
Thera and the Aegean World III,
3 (Londo n, 1990), p. 234; H.
Goedicke , "The Chronology of the Thera /Santorin Explos ion,"
A& L
3 (1992), pp. 60-61).
1379
Davies, "Sobeknacht," pp . 18-19.
1380
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 176. See also Dodson,
After the Pyramids,
pp. 16-22; Lehner,
Pyramids,
pp .
188-189; Williams, "Problems," pp. 146-153.
1381
Di. Arnold, "Royal Tombs," p. 427; H.E. Winlock, "Tom bs,"
JEA
10 (1924), pp. 217-277 .
1382
Polz and Seiler,
Pyramidenanlage,
pp. 41-43.
1383
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 32-33.
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outside the visible monument. The substructure was simple without all of the turns,
changes of level, and portcullises valued during Dy nasty XIII. The coffins, canopic
boxes, and other items from the tombs were taken by robbers; fortunately some are now
in museums, where they were studied, even though the exact nature of the tombs, from
which they came, remain unknown. The objects of the early Dynasty XV II rulers
followed the style, which developed in the Late Middle Kingdom including the
sarcophagu s with the arched lid with the additional pieces on the ends. Later in the
period, however, a new form known as the rishi coffin emerged.
It is interesting that in Dynasty XX , the tombs of the Dynasty X VII rulers were
still intact as revealed through the papyri recording tomb robberies
{Leopold II and
Amherst P apyrus)}
3
5
Today, Polz finds these monum ents in relatively good condition,
as far as the architecture is concerned. Even mon uments, which have been robbed in
mo dern times, retained coffins, jew elry, and other items. The cond ition of this material is
in stark contrast to wha t excavators have found at Dynasty XIII monum ents. These
earlier structures, along with their belon gings, were completely sm ashed in antiquity. It
is obvious that the reverence for the Dynasty X VII monum ents was not extended to those
of Dynasty X III if they had indeed survived the rule of the Hyksos. However, A hmose,
the first king of Dynasty XVIII did build a cenotaph, including a pyramid, at the site of
Abyd os, connecting him w ith the Late Middle Kingdom rulers buried there and the god
Osiris.
1386
1384
Ikram and Dodson,
Mummy,
pp. 204-205.
1385
For more bibliographic information concerning these texts, see Bellion,
C atalogue des Manuscrits,
pp.
5-6, 174.
1386
S. Harvey, "Monuments of Ahmose at Abydos,"
Egyptian Archaeology
4 (1991), pp. 3-5; "The Cults of
King Ahm ose at Abydos," dissertation, University of P ennsylvania, 1998.
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The Dyn asty XVII royal tombs are small and show that the econom ic difficulties
of the D ynasty XIII kings continued in the south, even with the regime chang e in this
region. In fact, no tombs of Theban Dynasty X VI have been found, and they do not
appear in the tomb robbery papy ri.
1387
How ever, Ryholt does believe that the tombs were
in the region of Dra Abu el-Naga and that they were destroyed by the-Hyksos when,
according to his theory, they invaded the Theban region, ending Dynasty XVI. How ever,
it is probable that the tombs of these initial Theban kings are minimal in size and
elaboration.
1388
VIII. Conclusions
The precise chronological order of the Late M iddle Kingdom royal tombs is
uncertain. Suggestions as to the arrangement of the excavated tombs can be made, but
they differ greatly according to each scholar, wh o has analyzed them. M ethods invo lving
the chronological placement of tombs w ithin each location should be dismissed in favor
of those focused upon the architectural features of
the
tombs. Also, caution should be
exercised, since pyramids in close proximity to one another were often excavated by the
same scholar, and the resulting publications can erroneously suggest that they are
concurrent due to the style and interests of the investigator. With so many m issing and
unexcavated royal tombs, it is important that further archaeological research be
conducted into the pyramids of the Dynasty X III kings.
When comparing the tombs of the kings to those of royal wo men or officials, it is
1387
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 137, 160.
1388
There was a pyramid in the causeway of the funerary temple of Thutmosis III (Ryholt, Political
Situation, p. 176; H.E. Winlock, Excavations at Deir el-Bahari 1 911-1931 (New York, 1942), pp. 7-8, Fig.
)•
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clear that the main difference in these funerary provision s was the nature of the
architecture. The objects buried with Awibre Ho r are comp arable to those from the
tombs of high status women and court members. Thus, even if the more elaborate tombs
of the kings of this period were equally provisioned, this situation does not necessarily
indicate that the rulers had lost power to the elite. Instead, the impo rtance of the royal
tomb was primarily the form of the substructure. The kings were the only individu als
with access to this tomb form.
The relatively consistent components of the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary
monuments suggest that the architectural form of the tombs was ideologically significant,
as they were in early Dyan sty XV III. The core of these pyramids is reminiscent of the
hieroglyphic representation for the word
wsht,
meaning "c ourt." In this context, this
architecturally rendered word likely denotes the court where the throne of Osiris was
believed to be located in the netherworld. The
Book of Going Forth by Day
(the
Book of
the Dead)
places the judg me nt of the dead in a specialized hall of this type
(wsht-m3
c
ty).
However, in this earlier context, the body of the king becomes one with the figure of
Osiris.
The d estruction of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs appears to have occurred with
the fall of Dynasty XIII. At that point, the Hyksos may have ravaged these pyramids
along with other monuments, taking artwork back to their capital at Avaris. The tombs at
Abydos appear also to have suffered similarly during the Second Intermediate Period or
1389
It should be noted that Awibre Hor only had CT 788a and PT 638 on his coffin, and Khendjer had CT
788 on his pyram idion. Private people had these texts plus other Coffin Texts and Pyramid Tex ts as well as
passages from the Book of Two Ways and early chapters from the Book of the Dead. See Lapp, Typologie
derSarge, pp. 272, 282-289, 298-298,
304-311;
Lesko, Spells, pp. 54-55,
62-63,
68, 84, 95, 9-99, 102-103
(Da4c, Da2c, M7c, M8c, M42c, S14c, Sq2Sq, SqlSq , TIB e, T2Be, T7c, T13c, T3Be, TlOc. King
Sewedjare Montuhotep
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early New Kingdom.
Interestingly, the form of the Dy nasty XV II tombs was drastically m ore simple
than those of the Late Middle Kingdom. These rulers wished to follow the m odels of the
Dynasty XI kings, with whom they identified due to their situation of being Theban
rulers, who wanted to reestablish the single Egy ptian state. Thu s, the tradition of the
wshttomb likely ended with the death of Me rneferre Ay.
1390
1390
At the same time that the use of the wshttomb type likely ends, the use of royal seals also becom es
rare,
indicating either a change in the structure of the government or the collapse of the administration
(Ryholt, Political Situation, 298-299; personal com munication).
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Chapter 6
Administration, Officials, and Operation of Kingship
I. Introduction
The pinnacle of the regular hierarchy of the .state under the king included the
vizier, treasurer, general, royal scribe, and the chief lector-priest. The local
administration also served the king and, in, fact, these small governments appeared to be
set up in a fashion similar to that of the state but with less pow er and o n a smaller scale.
M ayors, local officials who answe red directly to the vizier (the most powerful office
beneath the king), collected taxes and drafted persons for corvee service.
1391
This chapter will explore the backgrounds and status of the top officials of the
state, including the king. Symptom s of the loss of pow er of kings will also be evaluated.
Relationships between kings and the methods of indicating filiation will be explored as
the nature of succession changed from the beginning to the middle of Dynasty X III.
9
II .
The Top Three Offices in the Late Middle Kingdom G overnmental Structure
The increased use of titles during the Late Middle Kingdom provides substantial
information as to the operation of the government and the progression of the careers of
the officials. Acc ording to Quirk e, titles from the Late M iddle Kingd om are related to
four spheres including national/court administration, local government on behalf of the
king, temple positions, and those related to wealthy estates.
1393
In some cases, the
1391
Pardey, "Administration," p. 18.
1392
See Chapter 6, Section IV.B.
1393
Quirke, Titles and Bureau, p. 16.
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mo num ents of these officials or their associates allows for the precise dating of their
careers. Unfortunately, after the reign of Sobekhotep IV, it is difficult to place the
officials into specific reigns.
1394
The following sections will evaluate the offices an d
know n careers of the kings, viziers and treasurers of Dyn asty XIII. The relationsh ips
between these offices as well as that of their counterparts in the Second Intermediate
Period will be addressed in order to come to a greater understanding of the nature of
kingship during D ynasty XIII.
II.A. The King
II.A.1.
The Role of the King
The role of Middle Kingdom rulers in domestic and foreign contexts w as
described in the Hymns to Senwosret
III,
1395
as well as in Merikare, Teaching of
Amenemhet,
and the
Stela of Sehotepibre
at Abydos.
1396
According to these textual
sources, the ruler was at the apex of the administrative bureaucracy, the military, the
judicial system, the treasury, and the religious sphere.
1397
Though the king was
responsible for all the facets of the operation of the state, in reality, he distributed power
amongst court and local elite.
1398
Throug h these delega tes, many state activities were
undertaken such as tax collection, monum ental construction, mining, quarrying, military
1 94
Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, p. 261; Two Treasurers, p. 37.
1395
Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 743.
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 176.
1397
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 273; Lorton, "Legal and Social," p. 354; O'Connor and Silverman,
"Kingship," p. XIX; Robins, "Legitimation," p . 286; Teeter, "Kingship," pp. 412-4 13; Hornung, "Ancient
Egyptian Religious Iconography," in J.M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near E ast 3, (Peabody,
MA, 1995), p. 1725; Quirke, Religion, p . 81.
1398
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 27 3; te Velde, "Theology, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Egypt," in
J.M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East 3 (Peabody, MA, 1995), p. 1731.
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campaigns, dom estic policing, judicial proceedings, and religious rituals.
1399
The identity and nature of the power of these officials varied through time.
Important players could include segments of the Egyptian bureaucratic system such as
royal family members, the vizier and other state officials, the military, religious estates,
local mayors, and the adm inistrative units w ithin Nub ia.
1400
The shifts in the power
between such groups and the ruler define the status of the institution of kingship through
time. Ho wev er, for the period whe n this sort of analysis wo uld be the most useful, such
as during the majority of the Late Middle Kingdom /Second Intermediate Period, the
information is so inconclusive that major mistakes are easily made, and the complexity of
the problem results in few studies to corroborate or disprove previous examinations.
II.A.2.
The Background of Kings
Dynasty XIII appears to have been composed of many groups of kings or
individual rulers who may or may not have been related to one another. When the office
of kingship was passed from father to son, the traditional ideology of the position would
have embraced the line of succession. How ever, as outlined in Chapter 2, new m ethods
for achieving royal legitimacy were developed to attempt to overcome this turbulent
period for kingship. With the prospect of having multiple non-royal kings within
Dynasty XIII, it is interesting to pursue the backgrounds of these men in order to
determine which branches of the government may have profited from the loss in power of
kingship, allowing mem bers of their order to become rulers.
1399
Baines, "Practical Religion," p. 80; "Definition," p. 13; Bonheme and Forgeau,
Les Secrets,
p. 131;
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 278; B.E. Schafer, "T emples, Priests, and Rituals: an Overview," in B.E.
Schafer, ed.,
Temples of Ancient Egypt
(Ithaca, 1997), p. 9; Tobin,
Theological Principles,
p . 99.
1400
Cruz-Uribe, "Model for the Political Structure," pp. 107-112.
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For the few kings for whom information concerning their non-royal origins are
available, the evidence points primarily toward military offices. For examp le, Franke has
suggested that W egaf was previously the senior commander
(imy-rms
c
wf)
of the same
name found in a seal.
1401
It is also possible that this king was of foreign descent, m aking
it even more probable that he ascended to the throne from a military background since his
name m ay be derived from a foreign w ord, based upon Semitic
wkf,
a military title.
1402
How ever, it may also be that case that the name is Egyptian: wglf, "May he chew."
It has also been suggested that Woserkare Khendjer m ay have been another
foreigner, w hose rise to power came through the m ilitary.
1404
Ward points to Ugaritic
and Canaanite parallels to the name and reveals that it means " swin e" in Semitic tongues
(hnzr).
1405
There is no evidence linking Khendjer to the military.
Another king, wh o may have risen to power through the military is Imyremeshaw
Semenkhkare. Imyremeshaw
(imy-r ms
c
)
can be translated as "overseer of the
troops/gang" or "the general."
1406
How ever, Quirke suggests that this name may
represent a "family tradition" rather than a connection to the military.
1407
Alternatively,
he suggests that the name imy-r
c
ms
c
, which is also the name of a private individual,
1401
Franke, "Zur Ch ronologie," p. 249; Martin,
Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals,
p. 39, no.
439; PI. XIX, num ber 3 6; C.R. Lep sius,
Denkmdler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien
IV (Leipzig, 1901), p. 54;
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 341.
1402
Qu irke, "Thirteenth D ynasty," p. 396; "Investigation," p. 232 ; "Royal Power," pp. 131-132.
1403
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 219-220.
1404
Q uirke, "Thirteenth D ynasty," p. 396; "Investigation," p. 23 2; "Royal Power," pp. 131-132.
1405
Ward, "Com parative Studies," pp. 34-35. See also Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p p.
220-221.
1406
Bie tak, "Overview," p . 54; Drioton and Vandier ,
L'Egypte,
p . 285 ; Petr ie ,
History,
p . 209; Stock,
13. his
17. Dynastie Agyptens,
p p. 50,
5 1;
Weigall,
Pharaohs,
pp. 151-152; Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 231, n .
272. This name has lead some scholars to believe that military usurpations occurred during Dynasty XIII
(von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443). Von Beckerath has also suggested that Imyremeshaw
may have been referred to by his former title because he was of foreign origin, and his name could not be
pronounced by E gyptians (von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 52).
1407
Quirke, "Royal Pow er," p. 131.
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"need not be considered literally."
1408
No neth eless, it is likely that this name links this
king or his family with the m ilitary, and it is likely significant that this term is used as his
nomen at this point in Dynasty XIII.
Before achieving the office of kingship, a native Egyptian ruler, Sobekhotep III
may have been the w
c
rtwntthkl ("officer of the rule r's crew") Sobekh otep, son of
Montuho tep with the same titles.
1409
Though Sobekhotep Ill's family was of common
back groun d as indicated by the title of his maternal grandfather (
c
nhw-n-nwt),
Dedusobek, though his first wife, Senebhenas may have been the daughter of the vizier
Senebhenaf.
1410
Thus, this king with a potential military background m ay have m arried
into a family w ith direct connections to the office of the vizier. It is possible that suppo rt
from his reign was derived from both departments of the government.
Like that of Sobekhotep III, the grandfather of Neferhotep I, Sahathor and
Sobekhotep IV was a common er,
c
nh n niwt,
with possible military links.
1411
However,
there is no evidence that the brother kings themselves or their father ever held a position
in the military.
1412
No nethe less, it is interesting that these kings may have come from a
family sim ilar to that of the predecessor, Sobekhotep III. A final king, Wahibre Ibiaw
may have also had a military backg round . Several scholars have linked Ibiaw with an
imy-rms
c
wof the same name.
1413
1408
S. Quirke, "Review of
P .
Vernus Le Surnom au Moyen Empire,"
DE
8 (1987), p. 109.
1409
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 222. This relationship is visible on seals as indicated in Martin,
Egyptian
Administrative and Private-Name Seals,
pp. 49-50, numbers 575-588.
1410
Franke,
Personendaten,
p. 439, Doss. 761 . For the ranking of this title, see Quirke, "Investigation," p.
69.
1411
Berlev, "Les Pretendus 'Citadins,'" pp. 23-48; W ard,
Essays,
p. 48 ; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 225-
226;
Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 246; Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers,
p. 30; Quirke, "Royal Pow er," p. 130;
"Thirteenth Dy nasty," p. 396;
Titles and Bureau,
p. 100.
1412
1413
Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 131; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 282.
Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," p. 126.
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Perhaps the possible military kings occur from the reign of Wegaf to that of
Wahibre Ibiaw. A time period that expanded between the blood decedents of the
Dynasty XII kings and the localized rulers of late Dynasty XIII rulers when their
kingdom broke apart with the emergence of Dynasties XIV and XV I. It should be noted
that the title imy-r ms
c
in combination with htmw-bity, which some of the future kings
may have held, is a high-ranking title in the national government (highest position of
military).
1414
Such a title suggests a high position in the court. Thu s, this situation may
indicate that these officials were usurpers in a time when internal and external factors
threatened th e state, making their claim to pow er attractive to those in the other offices.
In at least one case, the alliance betw een a military king and the office of vizier may have
been sealed through m arriage.
H.B. The Vizier
The composition,
Duties of the Vizier,
which was found in the Dy nasty XV III
tomb of Rekhmire at Thebes (Tomb 100), may have o riginally dated to Dynasty XIII. It
allows for a direct understanding of the role of this official in the ancient Eg yptian state
during the Late Middle Kingdom.
1415
The vizier was to meet with the king and the
Quirke, "Investigation," p p.
41,
49. Unfortunately, there is no direct evidence connecting any Dynasty
XIII king with the combination of
these
two titles.
1415
Doxey,
Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets,
p. 175; Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
p. 38; Helck,
Zur
Verwaltung,
pp . 2, n. 1, 29-43; Kem p, "Social History," p. 84; E. Martin-Pardey, "Administrative
Bureaucracy," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt
(New Y ork, 1999), p.
116;
Quirke, "Texts," p. 28;
Titles and Bureau,
pp . 18, 23 , 85; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 95.
Berlev cites Dynasty X II as the earliest possible date of
this
story due to the use of
the
title "chief steward"
(O.D. Berlev, "The Date of the 'Eloquent Peasant,'" in J. Osing and G. Dreyer, eds.,
Form und Mass
(Wiesbaden, 1987), pp. 82-83). O'Connor presents the date of
the
text as "uncertain" (O'Connor, "Hyksos
Period," p. 60). Quirke notes that though the original text must have dated to the Late Middle Kingdom , it
cannot be certain whether or not parts of
the
document w ere amended (Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 6, 183-
184). The terms
Itwntthkl, knbtyn w ,
and
hurt
wronly occur in the Late Middle Kingdom, suggesting
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treasurer to discuss matters of the state. He received reports concerning the open ing and
sealing of strongholds, the condition of fortresses, items entering and departing the
Dom ain of the King as well as the Reside nce, disputes, and districts. The vizier acted as
jud ge and arbitrator of disputes and petition s, and he enforced the corvee system. He also
sent envoys, district councilors, and expeditions and issued decrees. The vizier appointed
officials in Upper and Lower Egypt, the Head of the South and the Abydos district and
heard reports concerning these areas every four months. He sent military expeditions and
was in charge of paym ents. He also received a ccounting information in order to establish
and collect taxes. Thu s, the office of the vizier handled administrative actions on beha lf
of the king.
1416
Taking the analysis of viziers of the Late Middle Kingdom by Grajetzki and the
discussion of bureaus and offices by Quirke, some information concerning the
backgrounds of the occupants can be discerned (Table 6.1).
1417
It wou ld seem that the
that this document is from that era (Quirke,
Titles and Bureau,
p. 23). It should be noted that van den
Boom had argued for the placement of this document in the reign of
Ahmose,
though he clearly was b iased
against the Late Middle Kingdom era, referring to it as the "royal misery of
the
13
th
Dynasty" (Van den
Boom,
Duties of the
Vizier,
pp. 334-376). He presented a more convincing argument as to the New
Kingdom date of
this
text in an earlier article based upon language markers, absence of any signs of the
waret system, as well as the archaism practiced at this time (G .P.F. van den B oom, "On the Date of the
'Duties of the Vizier,"'
Orientalia
51 (1982), pp. 369-381).
1416
Helck,
Zur Verwaltung,
pp. 5 1-64; Quirke, "Investigation," p. 187;
Titles and Bureau.
For a list of
viziers of the Late Middle Kingdom and information on the office, see Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
pp. 9-
42 . See also von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
pp. 97-100.
1417
Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
pp. 9-42; Quirke,
Titles and Bureau.
Viziers of Dynasty XIII and
possibly Dynasty XVII included: Khenmes, Father of
Ankhu,
Ankhu, Iymeru Son of
Ankhu,
Iymeru
Neferkare, Ay, Aym eru son of Ay, Resusene b, Samont Resuseneb, Dedumont Senebtyfy, Ibia, Minhotep,
Hori, Sobekaa Bebi, Djedptah Dedutseneb, Amenemhet, Iuy, and
Senebhenaf.
Quirke, "Investigation," pp.
189-196; "Royal Power," pp. 132-133 . For sea ls of Djedptah D edutseneb and Ay, see Mart in , Egyptian
Administrative and Private-Name Seals,?.
136, nos. 1775 ,1778 , PI 1716.1772, 1720.1733; New berry,
Scarabs,
p. 125, PI. 111.121-122; Franke,
Personendaten,
p p. 19, 286, Doss. 461 (Khenme s); p. 137 , Doss.
173 (Ankhu); p. 254, Doss. 398 (Resseneb), p. 54, Doss. 24 (Aymeru); p. 55, Doss. 26 (Ay-
Meru/Neferkara); p . 66, Doss. 46 (Ay); p. 339, Doss. 565 (Aymeru); pp. 74, 387-388 , Doss. 62, 660, 661
(Ibiaw); pp. 387-388, Doss. 660, 661 (Senebhenaf); p. 31 9, Doss. 526 (Samont), p. 431, Doss. 745
(Dedumont Senebtify); p. 83, Doss. 80 (Amenem het).
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Name
iy
iy-mrw
ib-i
c
w
imnw-m-
mnw-htp
rsw-snb
sbk-
c
ibbi
snb-hn
c
.f
dd-pth
(dd.tw-snb)
Titles
imy-rgs-pr, hlty-
c
hity-
c
imy-rhnrt ox hrp
wsht
smswhiyt, wr
md(w) sm
c
w
hrp wsht
ss wrn pty
imy-rhnrt
imy-rhnrt
wr md(w) sm
c
w
Translation of
Titles
overseer of the half
dominion, governor
governor
(son of
iy
above)
overseer of the
hnrt,
director of the broad
court
elder of the portal,
chief of the tens of
Upper Egypt
director of the broad
court
secretary to the
vizier
overseer of the
hnrt
overseer of the hnrt
chief of the tens of
Upper Egypt
Sector of
Government
local (ties to
central), local
local
bureau for
workforce issue,
outer palace
outer palace,
bureau of the
vizier
outer palace
bureau of the
vizier
bureau for
workforce issue
bureau for
workforce issue
bureau of the
vizier
Table 6.1.
The known and possible viziers of Dynasty XIII whose previous
positions have been discovered.
viziers were chosen from the lower ranks of offices under the authority of this position.
The viziers, whose previous positions are known, occupied offices related to the outer
palace (where business w as conducted w ithin the court), the bureau of the vizier, the
bureau for workforce issue (also under the vizier), or local administration (which reported
t o t he v i z i e r ) . T h us , i t mi gh t be a s s um e d tha t a t l e a s t som e o f t he oc c up i e r s o f th i s h i gh
office had shown exceptional ability as they performed their jobs within the jurisdiction
of the office of the vizier. Even when a son became vizier after his father, he seems to
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have first occ upied a lowe r office. From this an alysis, it is clear that the vizier was either
chosen after serving some other capacity within the lower ranks of this office or was
placed w ithin this structure in order to gain essential experience. Three of the viziers
held offices with the designation htmw-bity (Vo-iasx, Sobekaabebi, and Senebhenaf),
indicating a close relationship to the court.
1418
The vizier with known family background which definitely did not include any
holders of
this
office is Aym eru, son of the director of
the
broad court
{hrp wsht)
by the
same name. In contrast, Aym eru and Resuseneb were the sons of the vizier Ankhu.
The precise careers of Ankhu and Aymeru are not known though it is possible that
An khu 's father, Simontu, may also have been a vizier.
1420
Provincial backg round s for
viziers are present in late Dynasty XHI/early D ynasty XV I when the state system was at
its weakest (Ay and A ymeru).
1421
It should be noted that Ay and his son Aym eru were governors of El-Kab, prior to
becoming viziers. According to Ben nett's chronology, Aymeru belongs to Dynasty
XVI.
1422
How ever, it may be the case that he was the last southern vizier of Dynasty
XIII. Later, a mem ber of his family sold the office of governor to another gro up .
1423
II.C.
The Treasurer
The bureau of the treasury was concerned with the economic activity of the king
1418
For the ranking of officials within Papyrus Bulaq 18 and other sources, see Quirke, "Investigation," pp.
41-71.
1419
Franke, Personendaten, p. 254, Doss. 398; Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 132, 133.
1420
Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," pp. 122-123; Quirke, "Investigation," p. 192.
1 x
Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, p. 42.
1422
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 128-129.
1423
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 124.
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both inside and outside the palace. According to the Duties of the Vizier, the treasurer
was to report to the king and to confer w ith the vizier concerning that w hich has been
relayed to him. The office of the treasury was in charge of food produ ction at the palace
(sn
c
w)
and possibly also with expeditions.
1425
It was also represented at the sites of
* monum ental construction comm issioned by the king. It seems that the treasury was also
involved in the maintenance of the cult of the kings as evidence from the temple of
Senwosret III at Abydos suggests.
1426
There appear to have been three or four levels of
officials under the treasurer within this bureau, including the rh-nswt, the imy-r st, and
the
iry-
c
twdpw.
Name
imny
snb-sw-m-
c
(i)
snb
snbi
Titles
hry-sst? h wt-ntr
smiw
imy-rpr-wr
ssnpr-hd
rh-nswt
Translation of
Titles
master of the
secrets of the
temple of Upper
Egypt
high steward
secretary of the
treasury
one who is known
to the king
Sector of
Government
temple
treasury
treasury
treasury
Table 6.2. The known and possible treasurers of Dynasty X III whose
previous positions have been discovered.
Analyzing the titles of the treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom is less
Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers;
Helck,
Zur Verwaltung,
pp. 77-88; Quirke,
Titles and Bureau,
pp. 19, 48-
60.
Dated treasurers include: Imenw-Hetep (after Sobekhotep IV), Ib-iaw (Wahibre Ibiaw), Ay
(Merhetepre Ini), Ay-Meru (son of
Iy ,
13
th
or 17
th
) (Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
p. 261). Quirke has
suggested that the pr hd (treasury) as well as the p r
c
3 (the residence) were aspects of the Inner Palace
(Quirke,
The Administration of Egypt,
p . 68, n. 16).
1425
For a study of
the prsn
c
of the
Old Kingdom temples, see Papazian, "Domain of
Pharaoh,"
pp. 119-
189.
1426
Wegner,
Mortuary Temple,
pp . 343-351, 35 3, 359.
1427
Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers,
pp. 75-76, 78. For the use of
rh-nswt
as a rank title, see Frank e,
"Probleme," pp. 106-107.
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productive than that of the viziers due to the lack of information concerning the previous
positions of these officials (Table 6.2).
1428
No nethe less, three of the four treasurers with
known backgrounds came from the bureau of the treasury, while one had w orked in the
sphere of temple administration.
Senebsumai
(snb-sw-m-
c
(i)),
who d ates prior to the reign of Neferhotep I, was a
high steward (imy-rpr wr) before he became treasurer.
1429
This office was high-ranking
(associated with hono rific title
htmw-bity)
and was associated with the administration of
non-royal estates.
1430
Senebsum ai's parents were not of high status but had ties to the
military.
1
An official named Titi
{titi),
who was roughly contemp orary with the
treasurer Senebsu mai, also has a clearly defined ca reer. He began as a wdpw of relatively
low rank and eventually reached the high status position of an overseer of sealers and
high steward.
1432
Though this man did not become a treasurer, his career is another
example of promotion under the authority of the treasurer.
Senebi (snbi) held the rank title, rh-nswt, "one w ho is known to the king ," prior to
becoming a treasurer.
1 33
This title wa s connected to the bureau of the treasury.
1434
The
father of a treasurer Senebi, named Nebpew ptah h ad previously held the same title as
king Neferhotep's grandfather (
c
nh-n-niwt).
5
Senebi was included in the rock
1428
For a list of
the
treasurers and discussion of their titles, see Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
pp. 43-78;
Two Treasurers; Quirke, Titles and Bureau, pp. 48-84.
1429
Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
p p. 57-59, a, b, f-n;
Two Treasurers,
pp. 5,
21, 41;
Wegner,
Mortuary
Temple,
p. 343.
Quirke,
Titles and Bureau,
p. 61. For the ranking of
this
title, see Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 47, 149.
1431
Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
p. 260.
1432
Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers,
pp. 46, 78.
1433
Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers,
p. 26; Franke, "Problem e," pp. 106-107.
1434
Quirke,
Titles and Bureau,
p. 60.
1435
This title reflects a low-lev el local position with possible ties to the military. See Berlev, "Le s
Pretendus 'Citadins,'" pp. 2 3-48; "Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
pp. 78, 233;
Two Treasurers,
pp. 6, 30;
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inscription show ing Neferhotep I's family at Sehel. Like a similar inscription at Wadi el-
Hudi show ing Sobekhotep IV and his family, this one also had the name of
the rh-nswt,
nb-
c
nh,
who likely com missioned both monum ents as well as his own statue in the shrine
of Heqaib at Elephantine.
1436
Sealings of this official were also found in the m ayo r's
house at Abydos.
1437
II.D.
The Relationships between the Three Most Powerful Offices
The use of honorific titles provides some insight into the ranking of the highest
officials of the Egyptian governm ent of the Late M iddle Kingdo m. The king held the
highest office followed by the vizier. Other high officials, including the treasurer, had
the title "seal bearer of the king "
(htmw-bity),
indicating that they were in the national
government.
1438
Treasures represented the state when they had this title and "sole
companion"
(swr-w
c
ti)
which differentiated them from their local counterparts as well as
other officials in their seals.
1439
The treasurer was the third most powerful pe rson in the
administration at this time.
1440
Some scholars have suggested that the treasurer may have sometimes held as
much po wer as the vizier during the Late Middle Kingdom .
1441
How ever, the designating
titles of the treasurer suggest that he was considered to be the highest official of those
Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 246; Quirke, "Royal Power," p . 130; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396; Titles and
Bureau, p. 100; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 225-226; Ward, Essays, p . 48.
1436
Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
p. 260;
Tw o Treasurers,
pp. 29-30.
Graje tzki , Two Treasurers, pp. 30, 41 ; Wcg ner, "Ex cavat ions a t the Town," pp. 37, no. 24, Fig. 19.38.
1438
G rajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
pp. 1-2, 220, 224, 256; Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 34,
39-43;
Titles and
Bureau, pp. 12, 16.
1439
Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, pp . 67, 224-225; Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 40, 149; Titles and Bureau,
pp . 48-49; Franke, "Probleme," p. 108.
1440
Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, pp. 42-78, 265; Two Treasurers, p. 2; Helck, Zur Verwaltung, pp. 77-88.
Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, p . 5 1; Martin-Pardey, "Bureaucracy," p. 118.
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benea th the level of the vizier. No nethe less, the treasurer was in an office functionally
parallel to the vizier and not under his authority.
It may be the case that instances in which treasurers appear to outrank viziers may
simply reflect the nature of these positions and the preservation of their names within
archaeological contexts. For example, the treasurer's name and those of his officials
often appear at sites related to expeditions and royal mortuary establishments (in the
construction pha se), which were unde r his authority. Thou gh rare, these sites are often
the best preserved and most significant evidence for the nature of the government in
Dyn asty XIII. Therefore, conclusion s of ranking between the vizier and the treasurer
must be derived from an overall understanding of the office as well as the provenience of
the evidence, which is likely too sporadic to provide anything more convincing than that
from the titles discussed above. Unfortun ately, like in the case of the king, some cau tion
must be exercised as titles can often mask the reality of the situation.
It should be noted that no direct evidence exists to prove that Dynasty XIII kings
served as treasurers or viziers prior to taking the throne. Instead non-roy al rulers were
from m ilitary background s or lower offices. It may be the case that viziers and treasurers
were too close to the previous king to be involved in usurpations. Though some of the
viziers appear to have served during multiple reigns, it is unclear what happened to the
others.
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II.E.
Viziers and Treasurers of the Second Intermediate Period
Only a few viziers are known for Dynasty X VII.
1442
Grajetzki has noted that no
monum ents of treasurers can be dated between the reign of Sobekhotep IV and that of the
Dynasty XVII king Kam ose, though some names are known through sealings.
1 4
Since
the treasurer represented the economic wing of the office of kingship, Grajetzki surmises
that, with the downfall in the financial power of the ruler, this office disappears from the
record. He also that monum ents of other major officials are only known from T hebes and
areas to the south, with only a few exceptions.
1444
Thu s, one must consider such factors
in the distribution of the power of late Dynasty XIII and the possibly contemporary
Dynasty XVI rulers while recognizing that there is a substantial gap in the records from
Itjatawy, the administrative capital that may never be recovered archaeologically, since
the site is likely covered by substantial alluvium, as well as modern settlement.
Treasurers rather than viziers are known for D ynasties XIV and X V.
1445
The use of this
title may have little connection to the actual role of this office holder in the Middle
Kingdom Egyptian state, and it may only be the word used for an administrative title in
the language of these Asiatic rulers.
1446
II.F.
Marriage between the Royal Fam ily and Officials
At least during some parts of Dynasty XIII, kings arranged for marriages between
4 2
Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
pp. 262, 263.
1443
Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
pp . 66, 262;
Two Treasurers,
pp. 36-38.
1444
Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers,
pp. 36-38.
1445
von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,p.
150.
1446
Grajetzki,
Hochsten Beamten,
pp. 61-63, 66-67, 263-264;
Tw o Treasurers,
p. 37.
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their daughters and important officials of the land.
1447
In fact, towards the end of the
dynasty, powerful families were located in Edfu, El Kab and Thebes, the region where a
new dynasty would soon emerge.
1448
It is likely that the kings between S obekho tep III
and Merneferre Ay strengthened their hold on the state by incorporating important local
families into the-national government through appointment and marriage.
1449
Interestingly, just like in Dynasty X III, the Dynasty X VI kings w ere connected to the
families of El Kab and Edfu through marriage.
1450
Some scholars believe that the Dynasty XIII king, Wahibre Ibiaw (or some king
between Sobekhotep IV and Merneferre A y) was married to Nebkhas, who se father
(Dedusobek) and uncle (Nubankh) were important officials during the reign of
Sobekhotep IV.
1451
In turn, Nebkhas bore a princess, Khonsu, w ho married the vizier Ay.
The eldest likely son of Ay, Sobekmose, succeeded his father to the office of Governor of
El-Kab. How ever, this son died before his father, who then had children with a second
wife, Reditenes, whose father was likely the king, Merneferre Ay.
1452
At this point, Ay
filed
a
junction shifting the office to his eldest son by Reditenes, during the reign of
Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI, showing favor to her children possibly due to her connection
1447
Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 246.
1448
Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 747.
1449
For examples of officials from other areas who may have been m arried to Dynasty XIII princesses, see
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 2 49, 250; J. Wegner, "Social and Historical Im plications of Sealings of the
King's Daughter Reniseneb and other Women at the Town of
Wah-Sut"
in M. Bietak and E. Czem y, eds.,
Scarabs of the Second Millennium BC from Egypt, Nubia, Crete and the Levant: Chronological and
Historical Implications
(Vienna, 2001), pp. 221-240.
1450
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 151.
1451
Bennett, "King's Daughter;" pp. 19-22; "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 134-139; Spalinger,
"Remarks;" Troy,
Patterns ofQueenship,
p. 160. For the dating and lineage of Nubk has, see Spalinger,
"Remarks." For other options, see Franke, "Review of W ard, Essays," p. 230. Kem p, "Social History," p.
112.
1452
Bennett, "King's Daughter," pp. 21-22; "G enealogical Chronology," p. 138; Ward,
Essays,
p . 53.
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to the contem porary royal family. Benn ett propo ses that this king was the son of
Merneferre Ay, whereas W ahibre Ibiaw had likely been a single king or the end of a
different group. After Ay the Younger died, his father Ay shifted the office of governor
of El Kab to his younger brother, Aym eru, who may have served as a vizier during the
reign of the Dynasty XV I king Djehuty. The office of governor remained in the family
through mu ch of the rest of the dynasty.
Here, where there is some indication that the royal family changed, it is
interesting to contemplate the fact that the new king (Merneferre Ay) married his
daughter (Reditenes) to a presumed widower (Ay) of the princess (Khonsu) of an earlier
ruler (Wahibre Ibiaw). The beneficial relationship of such marital arrangements would
have affected both the king and his subject, maintaining important ties, creating support
for the ruler, as well as occupational security for the local families.
1454
However, there
are no exam ples of any of these families produ cing a king on the throne. Wh ere these
rulers came from is still a mystery.
Countering reconstructions similar to the one cited above, Ryholt argues that Ay
the vizier and Ay the governor of El Kab noted above are not the same p erson.
1455
However, his alternative reconstruction does not deny that a princess married an official
at El-Kab. The connection between the courts of Dynasties XIII and XV I/XVII to this
town existed regardless of the specific relationships between the various groups.
Interestingly, Djeh uty's (Dynasty XVI/XV II) wife, Mentuhotep w as the daughter
of the vizier Senebhenaf, the likely son of
Ibiaw,
who held the same office under the king
1453
Bennett, "G enealogical Chronology," pp . 124-125.
1454
Spalinger, "Remark s," pp . 112-115. Other marriages between officials and princesses are known, see
Bourriau, Pharaohs a nd Mortals, p. 66.
1455
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 239-242.
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Wahibre Ibiaw.
1456
Thu s, in this case, the status of a family remained high through the
formation of
a
new grou p of kings at a new c apital. Interestingly, the family, which had
previou sly been g ranted a princess for one of its sons, later provid ed a queen to a ruler. It
is not known if the marriage of such w omen to rulers was also practiced in Dyn asty XIII.
Another example of a princess marrying a local official has been found through
excavations of the town associated with the funerary complex of Senwosret III at South
Abydos.
1457
Here, in the ma yor's hou se, sealings of a Dynasty XIII princess were found.
It is likely that similar arrangements were made with officials throughout the
country,
1458
and, in some cases that such links may have led to centers of power, which
broke away from the co re. In fact, it has been noted that many of the El-Kab officials
with conne ctions to the royal family, had military titles,
1459
adding another dimension to
their importance. Franke sugg ests that these powerful officials of Dy nasty XIII may hav e
come to disagree with the policies of the kings, establishing their ow n rule based upo n
these differences.
1460
III. Filiation and the Question of Relationships between Kings
In the sections above, the non-royal backgrounds and relative status of kings,
viziers, treasurers and other officials was outlined. Thou gh little information is know n
1456
Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 126-128; Franke, Das Heiligtium, pp. 79-80; Habachi, "Vizier
Ibi',"
pp. 119, 125; Macadam, "Royal Family," pp. 24-25; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 77 , 259, 306;
Franke,
Personendaten,
pp. 387, Doss. 660; 388 , Doss. 661.
It may be the case that this princess was the daughter of Merneferre Ay, whose sealings were found in
large num bers in the mayoral residence. For the sealings, see Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp.
41-43,
313-
315.
1458
For example, the High Steward Nebank h's (Sobekhotep IV) niece married a successor of Sobekhotep
IV (Dodson, Monarchs, p. 69).
1459
Spalinger, "Remarks," p. 103.
1460
D. Franke, "Erste und Zweite Zwischenzeit - Ein Vergleich," Z AS 117 (1990), p. 121.
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concern ing most of the occupiers of the top position s, some patterns did emerge. Kings
of non-royal origin appear to have had military backgrou nds, while those in the other two
offices seem to have worked within the bureaus that they ultimately headed. Though
father-to-son inheritance of offices is sometimes apparent, it was not necessarily always
' present. Here, an analysis of the ways in which kings may h ave linked themselves to one
another through filiation or name structure will be presented. The latter will then be used
to determine if there are relationships between the kings of the Second Intermediate
Period dynasties.
III.
A. Chronological Methods of Filiation
During the Late Midd le Kingdom , the terms used for filiation evo lved. This
section outlines the chronological development of the phrases and discusses R yho lt's
interpretation of double nam es. Finally, a possible political reason for the reversal of the
names of fathers and sons will be suggested.
In general, father/son relationships could be expressed, using the following: N sS¥
(N, son of F , where N is the name of the offspring; F is the name of the father;); N
ir.n
F
(N, whom F beg ot); and
it.f
F (his father F).
1461
The mother/son relationship is
expressed, N ir.n/ms.n M (N, whom M m ade/bore, where M is the name of the mother; N
is the name of
the
offspring) or mwt.fM. (his mother M ).
1462
Obsomer sets a chronological sequence for the terms mentioned above (See Table
Robins, "The Relationships Specified by E gyptian Kinship Terms of
the
Middle and New Kingdoms,"
C'dE
54, pp. 198-200.
1462
Robins, "Relationships," pp. 198, 200.
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6.3).
1463
He shows that N ms.n M preceded a form N ir.n M (both sdmw.n.f relatives),
the latter being used from year 32 in the reign of Senwosret I, extending into Dynasty
XIII.
1464
These forms both correspond with F si N (displaying honorific transposition
out of respect for the father), well-known as being a Middle Kingdom construction,
presumably originating from the Old Kingdom F s/./N.
1465
At some point in Dynasty X III, the term N
ms(t)
M returned along with the new
term N ir(t)¥ (where the place of moth er is replaced by the name of the father).
Obsomer hypothesizes that the emergence of this term corresponds to the change from F
siN to N
siF,
the latter being a pattern know n in the New Kingdom. Thus, Obsom er
claims that the N ir(t) F would not be compatible with F si N , replacing F &?N, ms(t).n M
and F s/N ,
ir(t).n
M w ith N
ms.n
M,
irn
F and N
ir.n
F,
ms.n
M , where the name of the
individual alway s precedes that of both paren ts. In the latter case, the form *N siF,
ir(t).n
M, is not possible because the relative does not follow the referent and the
construction is awkward (sugg esting the mother refers to the father). He does note,
however, that it is unclear whether or not double names represent N
(si) F
or an
abbreviation of the pattern N
(m.fnir)~N2,
where both names refer to the same person.
1466
1463
C. Obsomer,"
' di.fprt-hrw
et la Filiation
ms(t).n/ir(t).n
comme Criteres de Datation dans les Textes du
Moyen Empire," in C. Cannuyer and J.-M. Kruchten, eds.,
Individu, societe et spiritualite dans I'Egypte
pharaonique et copte.
Melanges egyptologiques au Professeur Aristide Theodorides (Brux elles, 1993), pp.
163-200). See also H. Ranke,
Die Agyptischen Personennamen II
(New York, 1952), pp. 9-10; Rosati,
"Note," p. 276; W. Schenkel,
Fruhmittelagyptischen Studien
(Bonn, 1962), p. 75.
1 64
For an example of
the
formula N
ir.n
M in a stela dated to late Dynasty XII (stela
oiNj-swhwj)
using
other criteria, see Franke, Personendaten, p . 187, Doss . 268 ; D.P. Si lverman, "The Cham berla in NJ-SW
HWJ," Serapis
3 (1975-1976), Plate I, beginning with the end of line 2, for the dating of
the
stela, 35-40.
1465
For filiation in the early M iddle Kingdom, see W .K. Simpson,
Papyrus Reisner
I (Boston, 1963), pp.
86-88.
Obsomer notes that it is uncertain whether the Middle Kingdom form indicates just the son or the
son and the father (Obsomer, "Filiation," p. 171).
1466
Obsomer, "Filiation," p. 171. See also M. Malaise, "Les monum ents prives du Moyen Em pire, leur
classement, un corpus, une histoire des institutions," in W .F. Reineke, ed.,
Acts. First International
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Obsomer believes that the earlier form F f&^N was used with royal names in the Nesou-
Montou stela of Senwosret I, son of Amenemhet I (many interpret this as a double dated
stela), used in part to justify w hat may ha ve been a difficult succession of the you nger
Table 6.3.
The chronology of the filiative markers for the Late Middle Kingdom.
Robins notes that the Instruction of Any (D ynasty XVIII) describes it as a wo ma n's du ty,
"to make sons" (with the verb ir) for her husba nd {iry stn.k sJw.Jc).
1 6
Though she
relates this statement to fertility in ancient Egyptian art, it is interesting to find this verb
used in this manner, showing that the phrase
ir
could also refer to the "mak ing"
(conceiving or growing) of a baby by the mo ther.
Obsomer's chronological outline of the filiative terms has great ramifications for
Ry holt's reconstruction of the chronology of Dynasty XIII. In Obsom er's study, the
Congress of Egyptology (Cairo, 1979), p.
451;
Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, p. 50; H.G. Fischer,
Varia: Egyptian Studies I
(New Y ork, 1976), p. 76; Ward,
Index,
p. 99;
Essays,
p. 8.
1467
Obsomer, "Nesou-Montou," pp. 117, 127, 133, 140. The owner of this stela also has a block statue
carrying his name (D. Wildung, "Ein Wiirfelhocker des Generals Nes-Month," MDAIK 37 (1981), pp. 503-
507; R. Schulz, Die Entwicklung undBedeutung des kuboiden Statuentypus, I, (Hildesheim, 1992), PL
111.)
1468
G. Robins, "Problems in Interpreting Egyptian Art," D E 17 (1990), p. 47; E. Suys, La Sagesse d'Ani,
Analecta Orientalia 11 (Rome, 1935), p. 24, Maxime
VI.21.
For further bibliographic information
concerning this text, see Bellion, C atalogue des Manuscrits, pp. 332-333.
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exact point at which the shift in the order of the filiation formula occu rs is unkn own. If
this shift did occur some time during Dynasty XIII, obviously, one could interpret the
double nam es as indicators of filiation. It is imperative to keep this in mind when
deciding who is the son of wh om . M isinterpreting these names could theoretically result
in a reversed chronology.
In Ryholt's interpretation of double (and triple) names in royal examples of
Dynasty XIII, the order of the names of the king and his father reflects the standard
Middle Kingdom form F (sJ) N .
1469
All of the examples of supposedly filiative no men s
are relatively early in Dynasty XIII and may indicate a common practice at that time.
This system was used, according to Ryholt, to distinguish the "illegitimate" kings of his
contem porary Dynasty XIV from those of rightful decent in Dyn asty XIII. Me anw hile,
those Dynasty XIII kings without filiative nomens are considered by him to be
1470
usurpers.
Ryh olt's chronology of Dynasty XIII depends in part on his interpretation of these
names. He identifies nine potential instances of such double naming: Sekhemrekhutawy
Amenemhet Sobekhotep I; Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef; ... Ameny Qemau;
Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef; Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet; Amenemhet
Reniseneb, Hor .. .i Djedkheperew; Seb Kay; and Sedjefakare Kay Am enemhet, some
being m ore certain than others.
1471
Those without filiation in the relevant period
included: Sekhemkare Amenemhet, Semenkhkare Nebnun, Khaankhre Sobekhotep II,
Khutawyre
Wegaf,
Woserkare Khendjer, Sehotepkare Intef V and Semenkhkare
1469
Ryholt, "Royal Nam es," p. 105.
1470
Ryholt, "Royal Names," p. 101;
Political Situation,
pp. 207-209.
1471
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 208 , Table 246.
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Imyremeshaw.
1472
Though Ryholt has argued that royal double names indicate father-to-son
succession and, thus, legitimacy,
1473
h is theory requires the double names to indicate both
kinship and royal identifications, the former being used in some (but certainly not all)
private examples and the latter being unproven for any cases.
Vermis studied the use of double names as indicating filiation, analyzing
primarily private exam ples. Interestingly, in a significant num ber of cases where the
names of the father and mother were known, neither the first nor the second name
matched that of a parent. Thus, Vermis concluded that double names can represent
nicknames, family names, dual identification, or honorific names, especially to
differentiate pe ople of the same name, rather than indicating lineag e. An exam ple of the
use of double names to identify like-named relatives is that of a vizier Aymeru, who
could be referred to interchangeably as Aymeru Neferkare or Neferkare Aymeru
(nfr-k3-
r
c
iy-mrw). His father's name w as also (the director of the broad court) Aymeru (hrp-
wsht i'y-wrw)}
47 5
Also, Haankhef Iykhernofret was a son of Sobekhotep IV and was
named after his grandfather Haankhef.
7
In periods through Dynasty XII, double nam es were often expressed with the use
of the term
rn.fnfr
("his good name" ), which Vermis interprets as a common name,
1472
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 209.
1473
Ryholt, "Royal Names," p.
101; Political Situation,
pp. 207-209, 284.
P . Vemus , "Nonis Propres Juxtaposes au Moyen Empire , "
Rd'E
23 (1971), pp. 193-199;
Le Surnom.
1475
Delange, Statues Egyptiennes du M oyen Empire, p . 68; Franke, Personendaten, p . 55, Doss. 25-26;
Habachi, "Vizier Iymeru," pp. 261-278; Quirke, Titles and Bureau, p. 31; Vermis, Le Surnom, p. 4. Note
that Habachi suggests that some people carried a double name reflecting the reign in which they were born
(Habachi, "Vizier Iymeru," p. 266).
1476
Franke, Personendaten, p. 353, Doss. 592; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 229-230; Simpson, "Dynasty
XIII Stela," pp. 157-158.
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obtained by the person during life and pertaining to some identifiable characteristic
(whether direct, expression of parental relationship, vocation, or religion).
77
In Dynasty
XIII, this expression was replaced by ddwn.f. At times, the phrase could be omitted,
leaving juxtaposed names instead, which can sometimes lead to confusion with the rare
occurrence of expressed filiation (A
(sJ)B).
According to Hayes, the phrase,
ddwn.f
was used in Brooklyn Papyrus 35.1446 to denote the Egyptian name of Asiatic workers,
showing that this was their common nam e.
1478
In private examples, double names can refer to a specific person, especially if it is
popu lar, as well as indicating a family nam e. Filiation could sometimes be false,
referring to a worker's relationship to his superior.
1479
Two names could also appear as
alternatives for one another. Often the first name in those juxta pose d e xpresses
something about the person, while the second is something outside [endophoric (himself
or family) versus exophoric(king or god)].
1480
Thus, Vermis' studies seem to reveal a
very com plicated situation in which the interpretation of juxtaposed names cannot be
taken for granted.
Interestingly, Quirke notes that the double names occur far more often in the Late
Middle K ingdom than previously, suggesting that this phenomenon was due to the desire
to be more specific, as evident in the titles of this time.
1481
Grajetzki points out that it is
difficult to distinguish whether one or more individuals is the same person in different
This phrase emerged in the Old Kingdom (Vermis,
Le Surnom ,
pp. 78-81).
Hayes,
A Papyrus,
p. 100. See also Vermis,
Le Surnom,
p. 84.
Vermis,
Le Surnom,
p. 116.
Vermis,
Le Surnom,
p. 131.
Quirke,
The Administration of Egypt,
pp. 109-110; "In the Name of
the
King," p. 263.
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monuments, especially when the name is common.
1482
One must compare the titles that
accompany the name in the different contexts to determine how many individuals are
represented. Thus, it may be the case that double names became common in this period
because of the popularity of names in order to differentiate one person from another.
In light of the use of double names by private individuals, it is important to again
consider the royal cases. Besides filiation, these royal double names could also possibly
denote alternative names, the nomen and prenomen, differentiation for kings with the
same or similar names, non-royal relatives, grandfathers, ancestors, or even unrelated
predecessors to the throne.
1483
In all likelihood, some royal double names in Dynasty XIII do indicate filiation.
For exam ple, Qem au S aharnedjeritef seems to indicate that, at least in this case, filiation
is clear from the translation of the elements of the name: "Qem au's son
Harnedjeritef."
1484
How ever, Ryho lt argues that Saharnedjeritef is probably the full name
without the
si
being separate. He argues it wo uld be strange for this component to be
within the cartouche especially since
sir
c
is
not written in this way.
1 5
Quirke argues
that, for the most part, royal double names do not indicate that Ryholt's theory is
valid.
4
He cautions against creating "gh ost" reigns based upo n this principle (such as
Ryh olt's inclusion of kings Seb and Kay). He suggests that the only certain way to
Grajetzki,
Two Treasurers,
pp. 5-6.
483
For some of
these
options, see von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 46. For doubt concerning filiation
and royal double nam es , see Quirke , "Royal Pow er," pp. 129-130.
1484
J.P. Allen, "Turin," p. 50. For an inscription with this king's name , see A. Kamal, "Rapport sur le
necropole d'Arabe-el-Borg,"
ASAE 3
(1902), p. 80.
1485
Quirke, "Review Surnom," pp. 108-109; Ryholt, "Royal Names," p. 101. For the possible occurrence
of
s ir
c
within the cartouch e of
Teti
in the name of
one
of
his
pyramids in the tombs of lhy and Hetep, see
(Silverman, "N on-Royal To mbs," n. 4).
1486
Quirke, "In the Name of
the
King," p. 264.
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identify royal parentage is the use of king's mother and king's wife for a queen, but there
1487
are only two examples of this at this time (Nebhotepti and Aahotepti).
Von Beckerath and Quirke have suggested that Seb Kay, which appears on a
magic wand from Abydos, is short for Sedjefakare (Amenemhet), but Ryholt rejects this
idea.
1489
Quirke later suggests that Seb Kay is a double name and that it may have been a
child ruler due to his name being on a birth wan d. It is also possib le that the object
found here is an example of propaganda, in which the names of the father and grandfather
of Sedjefakare Amenemhet have been placed in cartouches to claim father-to-son
succession to the throne.
1491
Also , the quality of the inscription on this object is poor and
may n ot be as significant as it wou ld first seem .
It is likely that double nam es used by kings had varying m eanings, as they did in
the private sphere. Interestingly, only one king, Sekhemkare Am enemhet Senebef, is
referred to by a double nomens in the Turin King-List
U9 2
Mean while, though double
names are not listed as such in this document, Ryholt notes that inscriptions of
Sobekhotep I and Reniseneb always contain both. However, the evidence is skewed.
Many of Sobekhotep I's m onuments used double nam es, perhaps denoting a relationship
to an Amenem het of Dynasty XII, while a double name w ith Reniseneb is attested by his
only preserved inscribed object, a bead . This difference m ay be an accident of
preservations, or it may suggest that some inscriptions may not have included the double
1487
Ryho l t ,
Political Situation,
p. 40.
1488
Quirke, "Royal Power," p . 130; von Beckerath,
Untersuchungen,
p. 46.
1489
Ryholt, "Royal Names," pp. 101, 103;
Political Situation,
p. 208. Later, Quirke agrees with Ryholt that
this is not the case (Quirke, "In the Name of
the
King," p. 263).
1490
Quirke, "In the Name of
the
King," p. 263.
1491
J.P.Allen, "Turin," p. 51.
1492
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 209, n. 714.
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name as in the case with the other kings.
Quirke has suggested that several kings in Dynasty XIII may be condensed into
one ruler if a double name is assumed. Candidates for such a move include M ersekhemre
Ined (8.6) and Mersekhemre Neferhotep (unplaced) and Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI and
•Merhotepre Ini (entry for prenomen in 8.4).
1493
In both of these cases, only one king is
identified in the T urin King-List, and it is likely that these were alternative nomens for
these rulers. Thu s, in these cases, such double names are definitely not filiative.
Quirke also proposes that Amenemh et Senebef and Amenemhet (Ryholt 7.6; 7.7)
may denote the same king, since they both have Sekhemkare as their prenomen. Quirke
posits that it would be unusual for two kings to have same prenomen in one dynasty,
especially when they are so close in chronological sequence.
1494
In the
Turin King-List,
Sekhemkare only appears in the first entry, while Amenemhetre (a nomen rather than a
prenom en) is in the second position. On a statue, the inscription of Sekhem kare
Am enemh et is the only attestation of this nam e combina tion. If one were to interpret the
name Amenemhet Senebef
as
a double nam e w ithout filiation, there may h ave been a
king with the name Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef, in which Amenemhet and Senebef
were alternative names for the same person.
With the coalescence of Sekhemkare Senebef Amenemhet and Sekhemkare
Am enemhet, the identity of Amenem hetre in the T urin King-List m ust be addressed.
Perhaps it refers to Ameny Qemau, known through objects in his funerary monument at
Quirke, "Investigation," p. 214; "Review Surnom," pp. 108-109.
Quirke, "Review Surnom," pp. 108-109.
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Dahshur, as well as on an unprovenienced plaqu ette.'
49 5
Ryholt, however, argues that
this name represents two kings, Ameny and his son Qemau, the former being
Sekhemkare Am enemhet, w hile the latter is not preserved.
14 9
How ever, it may also be
the case that Ameny Qemau fits into 7/7 and has been written more formally by the
authors of the sources for the
T urin King-List.
U9 1
This nam e may still show filiation with
Senebef (possibly making Nerikare his prenomen or his brother, if this position is
correct).
If Ryholt's theory of filiative nomens is correct, then the method of identifying a
father changes in the middle of Dynasty X III, when kings were not of royal b lood.
Ryholt defines three types of Dynasty XIII royal seals for the period between Sobekhotep
III and Merneferre Ay.
1498
The most frequent type , belon ging to kings from Sobekh otep
III through Sobekh otep V, display filiation. In these seals and sealings, the formula
revealing the mother is sir
c
N ms.n mwt-nswM "Son of Re, N (nomen) whom the
Kin g's W ife, M , bore" and the father:
ntrnfrFN ir.n itntrF
,"Good God, PN (prenomen),
who m the go d's father, F beg ot." Obv iously, the use of the designation of father and
mother with the verbs /rand
ms
respectively, would indicate, according to Obso mer's
theory discussed previously, that the reversal between the order of the juxtaposed names
of father and son o ccurred in or before the reign of Sob ekhotep III. It is interesting to
contem plate the origin of this change and its purpose. At this point, there is no mean s of
1495
Swelim andDodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 325-328; Fischer,
"ArchaeologicalAspects,
" p .
49 , Fig. 5.
1496
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 70.
1497
J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp.
50-51.
1498
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 34-37, Figs. 31-35. See also, Hornung and Staehelin,
Skarabaen und
andere Siegelamulette,
p. 50.
1499
Note that Sobekhotep III has both names in each seal (maternal and paternal) (Ryholt,
Political
Situation,
p. 35, Figs. 31, 37).
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determining whether the new wording developed in the royal or the private sector first.
However, here one might note the fact that Sobekhotep III and the brother kings appear to
have had no direct connection with the royal family/ies of precedin g king s. Thu s, it is
possible that the change in order of the formula F si N may have been prescribed by these
kings in order to show their elevated'status above that of their non-royal fathers by
placing their names in the first position.
1500
It is uncertain as to why Sobekhotep III and the following three or more kings
rejected practices of traditional legitimization and disassociated themselves from the
previou s rulers. Ryho lt has suggested that Seth and possibly some of his predecessors
had taken unfavorable actions, to which the later kings reacted.
1501
He states that
Sobekhotep III and Neferhotep I may have deliberately usurped monuments of Seth from
Medamud and possibly Abydos.
It is not clear when the change in filiative formulae occurred in the private sector,
since stelae rarely have a king's name. How ever, there are some datable examples.
Aymeru-Neferkare of the reign of Sobekhotep IV used the form N
ir.n
F and N s iF to
identify his father, Aymeru, controller of the hall.
1502
The inscriptions of the sons of the
vizier Ibiaw contain the later forms of filiation in the reign of Ibiaw or Merneferre Ay
whe n this official served. In one stela
(MM A 22.3.307),
the form u sed to denote filiation
i sS5*F .
1503
By D ynasty XV I/XVII, it would seem that the change in the formulae for the
1500
For stelae dating to the period of
the
brother kings and displaying the formula N Jr.nF, see Habac hi, "A
Score of Important Officials," pp. 47-56.
1501
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 285-286, nn. 1032-1033; 297.
1502
Habachi, "A Score of Important Officials," pp. 262, 266-269 Figs. 261, 26 3b, 264, 265, 266.
1503
Habach i, "Vizier Ibi'," PI. 4.A. For other exam ples, see Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," p. 115, PI. IV. B; H. de
Meulenaere, "La statue d'un contemporain de Sobekhotep IV,"
BIFAO
69 (197 1), pp. 61-64.
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expression of filiation had been completed. For example, in the Stela of Ho remkh auef
(son of Herikhat, Ho ri; wife S obeknofru), th e later form of the offering formula is used
along with the
Nir. n
F construction for filiation.
1504
This private stela dates to Dynasty
XVI during its overlap with Dynasty X III.
III.B. Analysis of Nomens and Prenom ens
An interesting method for identifying family lines within dynasties appears in
Ben nett's study of fratrilineal succession in Dynasty XV II. Here, the prenomen and
nomen of each king will be compared with those of other rulers to indicate familial
relationships
1506
or to determine if there are definable groups of kings, including the ones
that might be expected in a system of circulating succession . An other relevant issue is
that of how dy nasties XII, XIII, and XVII are related. Thus, a comparison with these
dynasties has also been performed, including R yholt's A bydos D ynasty, even though it is
likely a part of Dynasty XVI.
Table 6.4 shows the matches grouped according to nomen and prenomen,
arranged according to Ryh olt's ch ronology . As one can see, there are three main
potential family groups show n here. The first is that of Am enem het, which is made up of
three members with the same nomen, one of which shares the prenomen, Sekhemkare
with Senebef. Thu s, this group of nam es, which seem to refer to a relationship w ith the
1504
R. Engelbach, "Two Steles of
the
Late Middle Kingdom from Tell Edfu,"
ASAE
23 (1923), pp. 185-
186,
Fig. 182.
1505
Bennett, "Structure," p. 29. Note, however, that this suggestion is made regarding names that appear
together indicating the appearance of brothers, within family gro upings. Weill attempted to identify family
groups based upon the structure of names in his early study (Weill, La Fin du Moyen Empire, pp . 267-519).
See also Quirke, "In the Name of the King," p. 265.
1506
Berlev states that it was customary for grandchildren to be named after their grandparents. See Berlev,
"Eleventh D ynasty," p. 37 5, n. 325.
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Family Nomen
imn-m-htt
nfr-htp
sbk-htp
(sbk-htp)
i-n.i
ind
{nfr-htp)
hrw.i
imn-m-hJt
—
(sbk-htp)
snb.f
(imn-m-hit)
Prenomen
shm-k3-r
c
s.
c
nh-ib-r
c
s.dB-k -r
c
h
c
-shm-r
c
mr-shm-r
c
shm-r
c
-h w-Gwy
h
c
-
c
nh-r
c
shm-r
c
-s. w?d-tiwy
h
c
-nfr-r
c
mr-htp-r
c
h
c
-htp-r
c
mr-kiw-r
c
mr-htp-r
c
mr-shm-r
c
s.
wld-ki-r
c
s.htp-ib-r
c
shm-r
c
-hw-tiwv
shm-ki-r
c
Reign Number
(Rvholt/Franke)
4/4
8/7
20/15
27/22 •
. . / . .
1/16
13/12
26/21
29/24
30/28
31/25
38/32
30/28
34/28
36/30
__/--
11/10
37/31
Dyn. 12
10/9
1/16
16/?
2/2
4/4
Table 6.4. Co rrelations in the nomens and prenomens of kings of
Dyn asty XIII. Transliterated names are taken from Ryh olt. Reign order
numbers are from Ryholt and Franke (see Appendices I-II).
Dynasty XII Amen emhets, a possible clue to the specific lineage of the members. One
king with an unknown nomen shares his prenomen, Sehotepibre, with the Dynasty XII
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king, Amenem het I. Ryholt believes that the name was actually Hotepibre and was
confused w ith that of Am enemhet I.
15 7
The second possible family g roup is that of
Neferhotep. Here, two mem bers have this nomen while one additional member, Ined
Mersekhem re, shares his prenomen with Neferhotep Mersekhemre. How ever, these
names may refer to a single king as mentioned before.
The third set of kings is the largest and is centered around the nomen,
Sobekhotep. Seven rulers of Dynasty X III share this name , while an additional two kings
can be linked to it through their preno me ns. These monarchs are Merhotep re Ini (sharing
with M erhotepre Sobekhotep V I; these names m ay belong to a single ruler as shown in
Fig. 6.5) and a king with unknown prenomen, Sekhemrekhutawy (identical to
Sekhem rekhutawy Sobekho tep I). Thu s, there are nine Dynasty XIII rulers in this group.
If the nomen and prenomen matches do indeed represent familial links, then it is
quite simple to take another step. Since it is well-kno wn that Khasek hem re Neferhotep I
and Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV are brothers and that at least one of the following
Sobekhotep was a member of the next generation of this family, then it is possible
to
join
these two groups together, making Neferhotep/Sobekhotep a group of thirteen.
As an exercise, one can take Ryh olt's filiation occurrences, which m ay be
problematic in reality, and bring additional kings into this family group (See Fig. 6.5).
Three kings, Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep, Sekhemkare
Senebef,
and Reniseneb, all
display filiation with Am enem het. As one might notice, the first of these exam ples
brings the Neferhotep/Sobekhotep family together with that of A menemh et.
For Ameny Qemau, the former name is likely short for Amenemhet, and Qemau
1507
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 16; "Hotepibre," p. 3.
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also becomes affiliated with the Am enemhet family. Another king, Hotepibre
Saham edjeritef claims filiation w ith Qemau directly and can, then, also be placed in this
group. Finally, Sankhibre Amenem het shows filiation with Ameny, and as has already
been done before, he too is placed with the Am enemhet.
Filiation
imn-m-h3t
imny
(grandfather)
in-it.f
hrw
sb
kmlw
Jdy
Prenom en
shm-r
c
-hw-tiwy
shm-ki-r
c
s.
c
nh-ib-r
c
s.
c
nh-ib-r
c
... -£l-r
c
—
htp-ib-r
c
s.d8-kl-r
c
N om en
sbk-htp
snb.f
rn.i-snb
kmSw
imn-m-hlt
imn-m-h3t
...i
kiy
si-hrw-nd-hr-it. f
imn-m-htt
reian
1/16
2/2
1 4 / -
51-
8/7
8/7
1 7 / -
13/19
61-
20/15
Table 6.5.
Dyn asty XIII kings showing filiation according to
Ryholt.
The next patrilineal name association is that of Intef, who is proclaimed to be the
father of Sankhibre Amen emhet, seen above to be the son of Am eny. The name of Intef
appears again later in Dynasty XIII with the reign of Sehotepkare Intef (24/19). During
Dynasty X I, four kings used the nomen
Intef.
1508
' Von Beckerath, Handbuch, pp. 76-78, 90-81.
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According to R yho lt's chronology, another family line also can also be linked to
the Amenemhet's through filiation. Sedjefakare Amenemhet claims that his father is
Kay. Mean while, the king, Kay shows his father to be Seb. Thus, these kings can be
added to the total for the Am enem het/Neferho tep/Sobek hotep family.
Group
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
H
A/S/N
A/S/N
H
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
H
A/S/N
A/S/N
Subgroup(s)
A/S
A
A
A
A
A
A
H
S
A
H
S
A
A
A
A
S
N/S
N/S
N/S
N/S
S
N/S
N
H
S
H
Name
Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I
Sekhemkare Senebef
Sekhemkare Amenemhet
Qemau
Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef
Sankhibre Amenemhet
Sehotepibre
Sewadjkare
Khaankhre Sobekhotep II
Reniseneb
Awibre Hor
S ekhemrekhutawy
Seb
Kay
Sedjefakare Amenemhet
Sehotepkare Intef
Reign
1/16
2/2
4/4
5/~
61-
8/7
10/9
11/10
13/12
1 4 / -
15/14
1 6 / -
1 8 / -
1 9 / -
20/15
24/19
Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep 11126/21
Khasekhemre Neferhotep
Menwadjre Sahathor
Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV
Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI
Khahotepre Sobekhotep V
Merhotepre Ini
Mersekhemre Ined
Sewadjkare Hori
Merkawre Sobekhotep VII
...webenre Hor
27/22
28/23
29/24
30/28
31/25
34/28
36/30
37/31
38/32
5 3 / -
Table 6.6..
List of kings with family links in the order of Ry ho lt's list.
Abbreviations are as follows: A. Amenem het, S. Sobekhotep, N. Neferhotep,
and H. Hor. Reign numbers are listed as Ryholt/Franke.
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Finally, a king with an incom plete name ...kare shows filiation with a Hor. This name
matches perhaps that of Awibre Hor (15/14) and possibly Sewadjkare H ori (37/31) and
...webenre Hor... (53/--). Sewadjkare H ori, in turn, shares the same nomen as a king with
an unkno wn prenomen (11/10). However, there is no evidence of a link with the larger
Amenemhet/Neferhotep/Sobekhotep family at this time.
When the subfamily groups are plotted according to either Ryholt or Franke's
chronology, there is an interesting pattern w ith the Amenem het/Sobekhotep/Neferhotep
group (Fig. 6.6). No t surprisingly, the Am enem het line appears in the first half of the
dynasty and phases out by Ry holt's twenty-four and Frank e's king number nineteen,
since this is the part, which follows D ynasty XII most closely. Me anw hile, the
Sobekhotep group occupies positions within the middle third of the dynasty (Ryholt 1,
sporadically within 13-38 and Franke periodically between 12 and 32). The Neferhotep
family appears to be a subgroup within the larger Sobekhotep line (appearing between
Ryholt 27-36 and Franke 2 2-30).
At this point in the analysis, it is beneficial to modify Ryholt's chronology,
according to suggestions that have been made by various scholars. Also, the names of
kings, whose groupings cannot be determined, are shown in order to bring the chart
closer to the Turin King-List, as it was written. The results of this more-conden sed list
are found in Figure 6 .7. These lines are drawn to separate trends in the nam es of the
kings. The Amenemhet group extends from Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep
I to Sehotepibre (six kings with three unca tegorized ). Me anw hile, from Sewadjkare to
Sekhem resewadjtawy Sobekh otep III, the groups are mixed or unidentified. The next
block includes the Neferhotep family from Khasekhemre N eferhotep through Khahotepre
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Group
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
H
A/S/N
A/S/N
H
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
A/S/N
H
A/S/N
A/S/N
Subgroup(s)
A/S
A
A
A
A
A
H
S*
A
H
A
A
S*
N/S*
N/S*
N/S*
S
S*
N
H
S
H
Name
Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I
Sekhemkare Amenemhet/Senebef
Unknown King
... Ameny Qemau
Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef
... Jewefni
Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet
Semenkare Nebnun
Sehotepibre ...
Sewadjkare ...
... Nedjemibre
Khaankhre Sobekhotep II (Neni)
... Amenemhet Reniseneb
Awibre Hor
Sedjefakare Amenemhet
Khutawyre Wegaf
Woserkare Khendjer
Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw
Sehotepkare Intef
Meribre Seth
Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III
(Montuhotep)
Khasekhemre Neferhotep (Haankhef)
Menwadjre Sahathor
Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV
Khahotepre Sobekhotep V
Wahibre Ibiaw
Merneferre Ay
Merhotepre Sobekhotep Vl/Ini (father?)
Sankhenre Sewadjtew
Mersekhemre Neferhotep/Ined
Sewadjkare Hori
Merkawre Sobekhotep VII
(14 kings)
...webenre Hor
(4 kings?)
Table 6.7. List of kings with modifications to Ry hol t's list. Possible familial
links shown. Abbreviations are as follows: A. Amenem het, S. Sobekhotep, N.
Neferhotep, H. H or, * non-royal parents.
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Sobekhotep V. The remainder of the kings, beginning with Aw ibre Ibiaw, are once again
mixed.
In Figure 6.8, one can clearly see that the most stable times are characterized by
the occupation of the office of kingship by a family. As stability breaks do wn, patterns in
names becom e more random , though continuing in the practice of the times (possibly
fashion).
It is likely that the Amenemh et group (group one) was related to the kings of
Dyn asty XII. Ryh olt believes that the first kings of Dyn asty XIII were sons of
Amenem het IV, whom he thinks married into the Dynasty XI family.
1509
How ever, it
may m ake m ore sense, if there were heirs with different royal fathers in the line of
succession in group one. It wou ld seem that after the reign of Nefrusobek, kingship
became available to a wide range of relatives, who had short, unstable reigns. There is no
evidence from this study that there were any defined family groups within this line,
which ev olves into the Sobekhotep family (including those of Neferho tep). In sum, until
the point where the names of
the
kings become too fragmentary to reconstruct in the
Turin King-List, the fringe elements of the Dynasty XII family appears to continue and
flourish in Dynasty XIII. This conclusion parallels those of Bell, who has noted that the
names of Dynasty XIII kings may imply a Theban origin along with a relationship to the
Dynasty X II rulers.
1510
Another interesting trend is that of the seven kings with Sobekhotep as part of
their nam es, three are know n to have had non-royal fathers. The only other kings in this
1509
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 75, 209-212, 214-215.
1510
Bell, "Climate," pp. 262-263.
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category are the brothers of Sobekhotep IV . Thu s, this group ing, overall (outside of
N/S), must be considered to be fragmentary and does not represent a single family. The
fact that non-royal pa rents as well as a non-roy al grandfathers are known for several
kings of Dynasty XIII presents a problem for reconstructing family groups with the use of
nam es. It is difficult to comprehend h ow both familial origins could be true. Thu s, it is
possible that, at least, this group of kings was attaching itself to certain "family" groups
symb olically. This conclusion is especially interesting since the use of non-royal filiation
seems to function with the oppo site messa ge, i.e. some rulers were not affiliated directly
with the royal line.
One interesting omission in Dynasty XIII is the name Senwosret from Dynasty
XII,
1511
especially since Am enem het is so comm on. It is probable that the kings of
Dynasty XIII traced their origins back to either Amenemhet III or Amenemhet IV.
One king with an unknown n omen (10/9) shares his prenomen (Sehotepibre) w ith
Amenemhet I of Dynasty XII, but this Dynasty XIII use of Sehotepibre is likely an
example of honorific acknowledgement rather than a statement of familial origins.
1513
Nonetheless, here, the continuation of the Am enemhet line, which others have n oted,
1514
can be quantified, if the use of nom en and preno men in this way is a viable meth od. It
should be noted that Wegaf links himself to a Senwosret in an inscription {Palette
1511
There is an unplaced Senwosret, which scholars assign to either Dynasty XIII or XV I. Here, this king
is placed in Dynasty XV I with uncertainty. See Bennett, "Structure," p. 26; von Beckerath, "Theban," p.
23.
1512
Bell suggests that the Dynasty XIII kings were from the extended family of Amenem het III as well as
the kings prior to his reign (Bell, "Climate," p. 260).
1513
For the use of this prenomen, see Postel,
Protocole,
p . 287, n. 1273.
1514
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 214; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 260; "Thirteenth D ynasty,"
p. 39 4; Bell, "Climate," p. 260.
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Rubensohri).
1515
Also, on Sehel island, Neferhotep I carved inscriptions similar to those
of Senwosret III and sometimes even incorporated his nam e.
151
III.C.
Connections Between the Nomen and Prenomen across Dynasties
The last section concentrated on the connections between DynastieS'XII and XIII.
This part will focus on the matches in nomens and prenomens between Dynasty X III
kings and others in the Second Intermediate Period.
1517
Also , this section will rely on
Ry holt's labels for Dynasties XIV and Abydos and Ryholt and Franke for Dynasties XIII
and XV, and Franke and Bennett for Dynasty XV I/XVII.
1518
Ryholt's Dynasty XIV has two matches within the prenomens, which may link
these names to the Am enemhet and Hor families. A Sankhibre (14.24) with an unknow n
nomen shares his prenomen with the Am enemhet, w ho possessed filiation to Intef and
Ameny . Also, Sewadjkare appears with kings of unknow n nomen in Dynasties XIII
(13.11/10) and XVII (14.11) as well as one member of the family of Hor (13.37/31).
The next correlation in prenomen probably serves as a reminder to the danger in
performing such an academic exercise as this. The Dynasty XV king Khamu di (15.6/6)
has the same prenomen, Hotepibre, as Saharnedjeritef (13 .6 /-), possibly of the
Amenem het group. How ever, it is unlikely that this match is in any way associated w ith
1515
Legrain, "Notes," p. 251, Fig. 251. Drioton and Vandier suggest that the Senwosret referred to here is
Seneferibre Senwosret, making them close in time (Drioton and Vandier, L'Egypte, p. 285). However, now
this king is considered to have been a member of Theban Dynasty XVI (Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p . 202,
Table 242).
1516
Habachi, "Neferhotep I Family," p. 77.
1517
See N. Dautzenberg, "Die Wahl des Konigsnamens in der Hyksoszeit. Das En tstehen einer eigenen
Tradition, Beziige zu den thebanischen Herrschern und Schlussfolgerungen fur die Chronologie," GM159
(1997), pp. 43-51.
1518
Bennett, "Structure," p. 25.
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a familial relationship.
Ryholt's Abydos Dynasty (likely part of Dynasty XVI) is full of fragmentary
nam es. How ever, there is a prenomen, Sekhemrekhutawy, which may link one of the
Sob ekh otep 's (13.1/16) to Pantjeny. Unfortuna tely, this king is not placed within this
group of local rulers? Ryho lt argues that there are three Sekh em rekh utaw y's. He basis
the Khabaw conclusion on the architrave with the name Hor also to connect the two
(318).
Dynasty XV I is a group of Theban kings. Several matched nomens in this group
might indicate links to Dynasty XIII, though earlier, this thesis has suggested that this
dynasty has no direct association with D ynasty XIII.
1519
Name preference and distant
familial relationships could also be playing a part here. Nonetheless, it is interesting that
these names appear only in Dynasty XV I and not XVII. How ever, it might be possible to
see these links as a Theban branch of Dynasty XIII, as this group of kings continued to
hold the seat of kingship at Memp his, while this branch of the family ruled from Thebes.
In sum, the Dynasty XV I nomen s, which are familiar to those seen above, include
those of Sekhemresewwo sertawy Sobekhotep (16.3/17.2), Sekhemresankhtawy
Neferhotep (16.4/17 .3), and a later match with the Intefs (17.14-16/12 -14). As was
shown above, the Intef group may be associated with the Am enemhet family. Perhaps
more relevant is the fact that this last name also hearkens back to that of the leaders of
Theban Dynasty XL In support of this suggestion may be another Dynasty XV I example
matching that of Dynasty XIII—M entuhotep (13 .5 / - , 16 . - / - , 16.5/17.4)—the name of
Chapter 1, Section III.A.4.
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the last king of Dynasty XI. The use of this name certainly must relate to Theban
Dyn asty XI rather than to a family in Dyn asty XIII. The final interesting nom en is that of
a Seneferibre Senwosret of Dynasty XV I, a name that does not appear in Dynasty XIII.
Bennett suggests that Merneferre Ay and Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI are related due to
the similarity in the construction of their prenomen.
5
In the meantim e, Weill had noted
connections in the constructions of names within the Second Intermediate Period in
general.
1522
III.D.
Patterns in the Royal Titulary
Horus names of the Dynasty XIII kings are not well-preserved. How ever, of the
fourteen kings with preserved names (2 being partially preserved), nine contain the
formula X tJwy, with four having
X-i'b
#w^7(Senebef (2)
mh-ib-Gwy,
Amenemhet VI (8)
shr-ttwyls.
c
nh-ib-Uwy, Sehotepibre (10) swsh-tiwy, Sobekhotep II (13) sm3-tiwy, Aw ibre
Hor (15)
htp-ib-tiwy,
Amenemhet VII (20)
hry-tp tiwy,
Sobekhotep III (26)
hw-tJwy,
Neferhotep I (27)
grg-ttwy,
Sobekhotep IV (29)
cnh-ib ttwy).
All of these occurred
within the first twen ty-nine king s. An apparent earlier occurrence of this formula oc curs
with Senwosret II
(ssm-tSwy).
There is also one king in Dynasty XVI/XV II (Nebiriau I
(6) swid-Gwy). These nam es are likely a style preference, but it may be the case that
there were many m ore. For the most part, they convey messages of keeping the land and
appeased, but some of the initial verbs are more "p roactive." For example, Sehotepibre
r e f e r s t o e xp a nd ing t he bor d e r s ( Byb los? ) , w h i l e Sob e kh o te p I I no t e s un i t i ng t he tw o
This name was popular w ith kings throughout Dynasty XI (J. von Beckerath, Hcmd buch der
Agyptischesn Konigsnamen, (Mainz, 1999), pp. 76-81).
1521
Bennett, "King's Daughter," p. 2 1.
1522
Weill, "Les Successeurs," pp. 153-154, 156.
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lands, and Sobek hotep III states his will to protect the two lands. This latter expression
appears earlier as well in the Nebty names of Amenemhet I
(shtp-tJwy),
Amenemhet III
(it-iw
c
t-8wy),
Am enemhet IV
(shb-tiwy),
and Nefrusobek
(st-shm-nbt-tiwy).
Two
Dynasty X VI kings have Nebty names built on this formula.
Of the 9 kings with Horus names
X-tiwy,
four had Nebty names X -ifw .
(Amenemhet VI (8)
shm-h
c
w,
Sobekhotep II (13)
dd-h
c
w,
Awibre Hor (15)
n£rh
c
w,
Sobekhotep IV (29) widh
c
w). Three Dynasty XV I kings have this pattern in their
Golden Horus names. The pattern
dd-X
is found in two cases: Sobekhotep II (13)
dd -
h
c
w
and Djedkheperew (17)
dd-msw.
The last also has this pattern in the Horus name
dd-hprw. Another pattern X-shm.fis found in two cases, Senebef (2) it-shm.f'and h
c
-
shm.f. Khendjer (22) uses a different form, X-mswt, i.e. wJh-mswt, like the
Horus/Nebty nam e of Amenem het I and the pattern of the Nebty nam es of Senwosret I
c
nh-mswt (also Horus and Golden) and Senwosret III ntr-mswt. Several Horus names
match those from Dynasty X I kings including shr-tiwy (Intef
I);
s
c
nh-ib-tlwy and sm3-
Gwy
(Montuhotep II); and g/g-^ wy ^Ijib cha ntre) while Mentuhotep III has the same
Horus name pattern (s
c
nh-tJwy.^ as those of the Dynasty XIII kings.
1523
The Golden H orus names of three kings are
X-ntrw.
Sobekhotep 1(1)
c
nh-ntrw,
Sobekhotep II 13 kiw-ntrw and Awibre Hor (15) nfr-ntrw. Dynasty XII kings with this
pattern are Senwsoret II M p-nfrwand Amenemhet IV shm-ntrw. Two kings have X-mi
c
t
hk-ml
e
t
Amenemhet VI (8) and
htp-hr-ml
c
t
Sobekhotep III (26). Dynasty XII kings with
this pattern are Nebty and H orus of Sobekhotep II
sh
c
ms
c
tan. Nebty
hkn mi
c
t for
Am enemhet II (also Horus). The next pattern is cnh-X with
c
nh-ntrwabove and
c
nh
1523
Postel,
Protocole,
pp . 60, 191, 196, 255, 384.
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tnptwwith
parallels
c
nh-mswtoi
Senwosret I and
whm-mswtoi
Amenemhet I.
Using R yho lt's list, there are thirteen kings with the prenomen pattern X-iJ-r
c
(2,
3, 4, 9, 11, 17, 20, 22, 23 , 24, 37, 48, 54) and seven with
X-ib-r
c
(6,
8, 10, 12, 15, 25 , 32).
Three have X
-hp-r
e
(30,
3 1, 34) and two
X-nfr-r
c
(29,
33). X-/2-r'
is
5 (35 , 55, 57, ?, ?)
and X
shm-r
c
is
3 (27, 36, ?) and
shm-r
c
-X-tlwy\s
3 (1 , 16, 26).
The most pop ular pattern X-k3-r
c
is also used for Senwosret I and Nefrusobek, with plural
k
c
wfox Senwosret III and Amenem het II. X-ib-r
c
was used by Amenemhet. I. The
components that appear most frequently are
mr(9), shm
(7),
h
c
(A), htp(A), swld(3), ttwy
(3), shtp(2), s
c
nh (2), and nfr(2). Of these, A
r
and shtpwere used in Dynasty XII.
The most common nomen was Sobekhotep, occurring seven times, Amenemhet
three and Neferhotep two . Am enemhet was juxtaposed w ith a second nomen five times,
two of these with Ameny. The name Seneb was used in three names (Reniseneb (14),
Senebef (2), and Senebmiew (?). The link with Amenem het of Dynasty XII is obvious.
III.E.
Results of the Study of Royal
Names
The above study of Dynasty XIII nomen and prenomen correlations w ould seem
to indicate that Dynasty XIII was made up of one primary family, evolving over time
(though this may be deliberate misinform ation). Unfortunately, the exact familial ties are
uncertain, and some evidence indicates that some kings did not have a royal mother or
father. In many cases, it is likely that these relationships were sym bolic, tying king s
together wh en they who had no familial links to one another. Add itionally, there is no
sense of distinct groupings expected in such theories as circulating succession.
Relationships in nomens and prenomens b etween dynasties show that there may
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have been some actual or symbolic connections with families, who were able to assume
the throne in their various localities, once fragmentation of the country occurred, to
whatev er degree that may have been. In the first part of Dy nasty XV I there are three
kings with the name Sekhemre, a nam e, which seems to be derived from the Sobekhoteps
of Dynasty XIII.
1524
Meanw hile, the later part of Dynasty X VII seems to have had little
connections with the names of the rulers of Dynasty XIII, indicating that the division of
traditional Dynasty XVII into two distinct units (XVI and XVII) is warranted.
III.F. Nam e Divisions and Changes in Royal Ideology
Though there may have been some royal connections between the kings of
Dynasty XIII, the fact remains that several steps were taken to distinguish some kings
from the families of their predec essors. Some of the kings named their parents, stating
clearly that they were non-royal. Also , these kings may have intensified their use of
divine marriage to compensate for their non-royal origins. As has been discussed in
previous sections,
The Westcar Papyrus
is the first textual source, in which this event
occurs overtly.
1525
This text states that the god Re came to the non-royal wife of
a
priest
of the sun god to produce the future regen ts. Thu s, the fact that the mother of the three
brothers was not royal was insignificant because Re, their actual father, determined their
destiny. Thu s, through this concept, the traditional rules of heredity were byp assed,
resulting in a series of unrelated kings.
1526
J.P. Allen, "Turin," p. 52.
The use of
& -R
c
during Dynasty IV implies the same concept. See Chapter 2, Section II.B.
Redford, "Concept," pp. 157-158.
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IV. Conclusions
The analysis of titles and names of kings and officials reveals that the political
nature of Dynasty XIII changed over time. In the beginning, kings were actually or
symbolically connected to their predecessors, while viziers and treasurers were prom oted
within their offices. Some of the viziers may have-inherited their ultimate positions from
their fathers after having served within the office. How ever, it is currently uncertain ,
whether or not they served in succession. Later on, some of the kings may have had
military background s with no conn ection to the royal blood line. Likewise, viziers began
to come from local offices tha t reported to the bureau of the vizier rather than from
within.
At the same time that shifts occurred with royal succession and the selection of
viziers, kings began to form alliances by marrying their daughters to local officials
through out Eg ypt. Some of these families, such as that at El-Kab with its military
connections, became particularly powerful during the reigns of the last successful kings
of Dynasty XIII. After the reign of Merneferre Ay, they appear to have broken aw ay
from the north and formed their own Dynasty X VI. Interestingly, howev er, it is unclear
as to the origin of this new royal family in the south.
The nomens of the kings of Dynasty XIII may suggest that the rulers wished to
link themselves to Dynasties XI and XII and to one another despite the overt terms used
by Sob ekhotep III and the brother kings to dem onstrate their non-roy al origins. These
sometimes artificial links, however, do not support the existence of
a
system such as
circulating succession. The situation of having many unrelated kings after the beginning
of the dynasty resulted in the development of many new forms of legitimization,
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including the use of common names.
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Chapter 7
Conclusions: The Fall of Dynasty X III
I. Introduction
Chapter 6 examined kingship and its power relative to the elite of Dynasty XIII.
In general, evidence suggests that the traditional succession of kings and the background
of the vizier shifted du ring the part of Dynasty X III for which data is available. This
information refines the phases of Dynasty XIII outlined in Chapter 1, Section IV.C.
(Table 7.1). Phase 1 includes the kings from Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep
I through Sedjefakare Kay Am enemhet w hile the second includes Khutawyre W egaf
through Merneferre Ay . The remain der of the rulers compose the third group. In the
following sections, the development of each phase will be outlined in order to create a
possible model for the fall of Dynasty XIII.
1527
II.
Phase 1
The nature of the administration in Dynasty XIII is similar to that of late Dynasty
XII,
except that, in the former, the reigns o f the kings are significantly shorter. It is
unclear exactly why the former is divided from the latter in the
Turin King-List.
How ever, the reign of Nefrusobek may indicate that there were no appropriate heirs upon
the death of Amenem het IV. After the que en's reign of four years, there may have been
1527
Gundlach also created a less-detailed model for the fall of Dyansty XIII within a greater expanse of
Egyp tian history. This model focuses on the political situation alone and includes the division between
Wegaf and the preceding kings. He believes that the viziers had actual control while the kings were
symbolic rulers during the middle of Dynasty XIII. Neferhotep I then revitalized the power of kingship,
which eventually fell due to the Hyksos (Gundlach, "G rundgegebe nheiten," pp. 84-85, 86, 90).
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Prenomen:
1. Sekhemrekhutawy
2. Sekhemkare
3. Nerikare
4,
6. Hotepibre
8. Sankhibre
9. Semenkare
10. Sehotepibre
11. Sewadjkare
12.
Nedjemibre
13. Khaankhre
14.
15.
Awibre
20. Sediefakare
21.Khutawyre
22. Woserkare
23 .
Semenkhkare
24.
Sehotepkare
25 .
Meribre
26. Sekhemresewadjtawy
27.
Khasekhemre
28.
Menwadjre
29.
Khaneferre
31 . K hahotepre
32 . Wahibre
33 .
Merneferre
34 . Merhotepre
35 . Sankhenre
36 .
Mersekhemre
37. Sewadjkare
38 . Merkawre
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46 .
M er[. . . ]re
47 .
M erkheperre
48. Merkare
49.
50 . Sewedjare
51 . [...]mosre
52. [...Jmaatre
53 . [...Jwebenre
54. Se[...]kare
55. Sehekenre
56 . [ ]re
57.
Se[...]enre
Nomen
Amenemhet Sobekhotep I
Amenemhet Sonbef
Amenemhet/Ameny Qemau
Qemau's Son Harnedjeritef
Jewefni
Ameny Intef Amenemhet
Nebnun
Seweskekhtawy
1
Sobekhotep II
Amenemhet Reniseneb
Hor
Kav Amenemhet
Wegaf
Khendjer
Imyremeshaw
Tntef
Seth
Sobekhotep III
Neferhotep I
Sahathor
Sobekhotep IV
Sobekhotep V
Ibiaw
_Ay
2
Ini Sobekhotep VI
Sewadjtew
Ined
Hori
Sobekhotep VII
3
Montuhotep
Ibi
Hor (..?)
Sankhptahi
T a b l e 7 . 1 . T h e p h a s es o f Dy n a s ty X I I I u s i n g R y h o l t ' s l i s t o f k ings as mod i f ied in
Chapter 1. The numbers to the left reflect Ry ho lt's order. Missing num bers indicate that
one or more kings, have been com bined or eliminated.
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several lines of potential rulers descended from Amenemhet III and/or Amenemhet IV.
II.A. Legitimization
Interestingly, all of the kings with double names except for Merhotepre
Ini Sobekhotep VI are in phase I. Of these, all but Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef, who se
name likely expresses filiation, include the comp onent "Amen emh et." Thu s, it is likely
that these names either designate an actual descent from one or more of the D ynasty X II
rulers by this name or serve as a legitimization tool to link these kings with that
successful group or figure. Thu s, this phase of Dynasty XIII valued the ideal of father-to-
son succession and expressed it through either literal or symbolic links to this illustrious
earlier period.
II.B. Internal C onditions
The operation of the state structure appears to have continued from late Dynasty
XII.
Prior to taking their ultimate position s, high officials such as viziers worked in
lower offices within their departments in order to gain experien ce. At least some kings
were buried in pyramids with substructures modeled after that of Amenemhet III,
suggesting the continuing royal ideology of the afterlife. Ho weve r, these pyramids were
significantly smaller than those at the prime o f Dynasty XII. In fact, all forms of royal
expression through funerary monuments decreased in number and size. The afterlife
preparations of the elite seem to have followed suit at this time as they too have fewer
and smaller mo num ents. These phenom ena may suggest an econom ic crisis that affected
all of Egyptian society at this time.
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II.B .l. C hanges in the Annual Inundation of the Nile
From the beginning of the Late Middle Kingdom into Dynasty X III, there are
records of Nile flood levels in Nu bia. Taking into consideration o ther inscriptions
through the Second Intermediate Period, it has been suggested that instability in the
annual floods m ay have disrupted the econom ic system according to which the ancient
Egyp tians lived. Unfortunately, like most of the sources addressed in this study, the
records are limited. The Egyptians did not comm ent upon regular floods, and the small
number of inscriptions related to the subject are not necessarily representative of the era.
For now, however, this data can provide the basis for a tentative model for the problems
faced by Dynasty XIII kings, though other possibilities exist.
Environmental factors such as flood and drought can cause severe pressure to be
applied to a political infrastructure.
1528
In ancient Egyp t, part of a kin g's role was to
ensure that order remained in the world by appeasing the gods and ruling fairly over his
land. In return, the gods wo uld grant an annual inundation ad equate for plentiful crops
and a comfortable existence.
1529
Ho wev er, the Nile system was fragile, and floods, which
were too high or too low, were catastrophic, resulting in too little food from poor
harvests.
1530
Lorton sugge sts that one-in-five floods were unfavorable, an d, thus, the king
Richards, "Modified Order," pp. 36, 38; S.J. Seidelmayer, "The First Intermediate Period," in I. Shaw,
ed., The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 2000), pp. 129-130.
Berlev notes that the administration was expected to provide for the people regardless of the level of the
inundation (O. Berlev, "Bureaucrats," in S. Donadoni, ed., Th e Egyptians (Chicago, 1997), pp. 88-89).
Note that Habachi states that "high floods were welcomed" (L. Habachi, "A High Inundation in the Temple
of Amenre at Karnak in the Thirteenth Dynasty,"
S AK 1
(1974), p. 213). How ever, this statement is not
true as too much w ater could also cause crop failure. For the negative effects o f high and low floods, see
Butzer, Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt: A Study in Cultural Ecology, (Chicago, 1976), pp. 43-56.
1529
Butzer stresses the connection between the inundations and the perpetual reenactment of creation
(Butzer, "Long-term Nile Flood," p. 103). For the Heliopolitan Cosmogony, see, Lesko, "Cosm ogonies
and Cosmo logy," p. 92.
K.W. Butzer, "Nile, Flood History," in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient
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and the administration had to collect and store grain surpluses in order to provide for
people when the harvest was insufficient.
1531
Ho weve r, more frequent disruptions in this
cycle resulted in substantial econom ic hardship. Eventually such pressures could lead to
the destabilization of the political leadership.
1532
• Acc ording to Bell, in her study of the Nile flood records in Nu bia, the annual
inundation levels became significantly higher in Dynasty XII (especially in the reign of
Amenemhet III).
1533
Also, the Fayum lake reached substantially high levels at least three
times in the Middle Kingdo m.
1534
The Egyptian authorities seem to have adjusted to this
situation by developing m ethods to prosper with the higher N ile floods (including w ater-
related constructions in the Fayum area). Leprohon adds that the higher Nile level may
have instigated a population increase both through a higher native birth rate and the
Egypt (New York, 1999), pp. 568-56 9. Butzer describes the ill effects on the fishing industry due to
unfavorable (high or low) inundation s. This factor would also have an enormous impact upon the
economic vitality of
the
country. This notion is also discussed by Bell ("Climate," p. 258). Butzer
discusses the impact of increased salt levels during low floods and the problems (Butzer, "Long
term Nile Flood," p. 105).
of insects, disease, and loss of stored items due to high inundation s. For a possible reference to the effects
of a low flood in Hekanakht, see Interrogative Constructions with JN and JN/JW in Old and Middle
Egyptian, Malibu, 1980, p. 39, Ex. 7, n. 214.
1531
Lorton, "Legal and Social," p. 354.
1532
O'Connor and Silverman, "Kingship," p. XX.
1533
Bell, "Climate," pp. 224, 2 65; K. Butzer, Hydraulic Civilization, pp. 29, 33, 41 , 52 ; Peden, Graffiti, p.
41; Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, p. 155; B.G. Trigger, Nubia Under the Pharaohs (London, 1976),
pp .
82-84. Note that Trigger believes that the high floods ended early in Dynasty X III, due to the fact that
no more Nile records occur in Nubia later in the period. For comm entary on Bell's study, see Quirke,
"Investigation," pp . 236-237. Note that the rise in the inundation level is also supported by evidence from
Lake Rudolf on the Ethiopia/Kenya bo rder. See K. Butzer, "Environmen tal Change in the Near East and
Human Impact on the Land," in J.M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, 1 (Peabody, MA,
1995),
p. 136. The increase in water level in late Dynasty X II-XIII averaged 7.3 m above those of modern
records (Peden,
Graffiti,
pp. 40,
5 1;
Kemp, "Social History," pp. 160, 180). For Nile level records of
Amenemhet III, Amenemhet IV, Nefrusobek, Amenemhet Sobekhotep I, Nerikare, and Senebef (?), see
Dunham and Janssen, Semna Kumma, pp. 131-133, 135,
139-141,
145, Pis. 193, 195-196, 198. See also F.
Hintze, "Preliminary Note on the Epigraphic Expedition to Sudanese Nubia," Kush 13 (1965), p. 14;
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 320. J. Leclant, "Fouilles et Traveaux en Egypte et au Sudan, 19 62-196 3,"
Orientalia 33 (196 4), p. 382.
1534
Butzer, "Flood H istory," p. 570.
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attraction of foreigners to Egypt.
1535
Unfortunately, according to Be ll's theory, the
inundations returned to a more normal heigh t at the end of Dyn asty XII. She
hypothesizes that, in Dynasty XIII, the breakdown in the line of succession may have
come at a terrible time, causing the Eg yptians to be unable to shift the ir infrastructure
back to its original form to accom mod ate the environm ental change . Thu s, political
problems and environmental factors may have prevented the office of kingship from
stabilizing
itself,
and the normalization of the Nile levels without the ability to prosper
under them, may have resulted in dissatisfaction with the king, according to her theory.
A ruler, who could not provide enough food and wealth for his people m ay have either
been killed or replaced.
Unfortunately, there are some problems with Be ll's argument. Some of the kings
ruled for only days or mo nths. Thu s, there wou ld have been no time to test to see if the
new king w ould be able to correct the environmental problems through his relationship
with the gods. Also , other kings ruled for longer periods , indicating , either that the floods
would have had to return to their elevated heights or that the infrastructure had been
sufficiently changed to accom mod ate the return of the regular inundatio ns. How ever,
these possibilities do not explain the vacillations in the stability of kingship, as indicated
through the lengths of reigns over the course of the period. Likewise, multiple changes in
the trend of Nile heights within the 150 or more years of Dynasty XIII would completely
undermine Bell's theory concerning the overall nature of the floods during this time
period. Finally, the inscriptions related to the Nile inundations o nly exist for the first
Leprohon, "Amenemhet III," pp. 187-188.
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seven or so years of Dynasty XIII, leaving the levels of the remaining years unknown.
Butzer believes that the level of the Nile would not hav e dropped drastically
between the end of Dynasty X II and the bulk of Dynasty XIII, as Bell has propo sed.
1537
Instead, while he acknowledges the scarcity of the evidence, he suggests that the level of
the Nile may have vacillated wildly between low and high within its general trend. In
other words, rather than being a result of the "normal" Nile floods after having
constructed an infrastructure to manage high inundations, the problems faced by Dynasty
XIII kings may have occurred due to the effects of unpredictable water levels over a
relatively long period of time.
The unpredictable nature of the Nile can be illustrated through an event in the
reign of Senwosret III. During Senw osret Ill' s military camp aign to Nubia in regnal year
19, the Nile level became so low that the expedition members had difficulties returning to
Egypt.
5
Though this event could have been associated with catastrophic harvest yields,
the Egyptians were able to sustain themselves through occasional unfavorable y ears.
Thus, this particular prob lematic drop in the level of the Nile may not hav e affected the
econom ic power of the Dynasty XIII kings directly. How ever, it does illustrate that the
level of the Nile could vacillate in unexpected w ays.
Alternatively, Vercoutter believes that the Nile levels at Semna recorded the
height of the water at a man-made dam, created late in Dynasty XII in order to allow
easier N ile travel further sou th, upriver, during m ore of the year and fell out of use after
the beginning of Dynasty XIII, due to the fact that transport further south down the Nile
15
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 72.
1537
Butzer, Hydraulic Civilization, p. 52; "Long-term Nile Flood," p. 109.
1538
Bell, "Climate," pp. 238, 244-245; Peden, Graffiti, pp.
40-41;
Callender, "Renaissance," p. 166; Delia,
"Study," pp. 77-79.
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was no longer needed. Much debate has ensued over the merits of Ve rcoute r's
improbable theory.
1540
It is likely that lower inundations at the beginning of Dynasty XIII may have
provided one more pressures in a series of events, which prolonged the instability of the
institution of kingship at this time. It is unfortunate that the records of the Nile levels
only exist through the first few reigns of Dyn asty XIII. How ever, there are some mino r
lines of evidence such as the stela of Sekhemresewwosertawy Sobekhotep,
1541
wherein
the king claims to have w aded in the hall of the Temple at Karnak as part of a festival
during a particularly late inundation, suggesting that the level of the Nile was higher than
norm al. Thoug h the publications of the inscription attributes it to Dyn asty XIII, this king
is assigned to Theban Dynasty XV I by Ryholt and is only known through the Turin and
Karnak King-Lists,
in addition to this stela. Nonetheless, the exact nature of the event
recorded in this stela is unclear, though it has been suggested that it presents a sacred
ceremony, which m ay have included blocking the water, and was related to the divinity
of the king.
1542
In a stela of Sekhemre Sankhtawy N eferhotep III (JE 59635, Dynasty X VI), the
iiiV
Vercou tter, "Semna South," pp. 125-164; "Roi
Ougaf,
pp. 224, 229, 23 3-234; "Les Barrages
Pharaoniques. Leur Raison d'Etre," Les Problemes Institutionnels de
l'Eau,
Bibliotheque d'Etude 110
(Cairo, 1994), pp. 316-326; "Les Inscriptions Rupestres de Semna et Kumm a. Une M ise au Point," SAK21
(1994),
p. 23.
1540
L. Zabkar and J. Zabkar have supported Vercoutter's theory with little evidence (Zabkar and Zabkar,
"Semna South: A Preliminary Report on the 1966-68 Excavations of the University of Chicago Oriental
Institute Expedition to Sudanese Nubia" JARCE 19 (1982 ), pp. 13-16)). Scholars such as Bell ("Climate,"
pp . 234, 237 ; Peden, Graffiti, p. 41) argue against the theory that there was a dam at Semna South, causing
the high levels of silting in this area.
Helck, Historische-Biographische, p p. 46-47, no. 63. See also J. Bain es, "The Inundation Stela of
Sebekhotpe VIII," AcOr 36 (1974), pp. 39-54; "The Sebekhotpe VIII Inundation Stela: An Additional
Fragment," AcOr 37 (1976), pp. 11-20; Bell, "Climate," p. 245; Butzer, Hydraulic Civilization, p. 51; L.
Habachi, "High Inundation," pp. 207-214; D.M.A.-Q. Muhammad, "Recent Finds," ASAE 59 (1966), pp.
146-149; Redford, "The Hyk sos," p. 3. This stela was found within the Third Pylon of
the
Karnak Temp le.
1542
Baines, "Inundation Stela," pp.
42-53;
"The Sebekhotpe VIII Inundation Stela: An Additional
Fragment," pp. 14-18.
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king claims that he has saved Thebes from its needs, implying that there was a famine
and possible foreign raids.
1543
He also changed his cartouche to Iykhernofret, meaning
"he who com es bearing good thing s." This text may present another small fragment of
evidence that the Nile floods were unpredictable at this time, causing much potential
instability in the land and its territories, including a lack of food. Ano ther stela of a
Mentuhotep (Dynasty XIII) also records famine and incursions in a more formulaic
tone.
1544
It should be noted that the environmental changes discussed here wo uld not have
been com parable to the 300 year drought proposed for the end of the Old Kingdom and
the collapse of other early states.
5
In contrast to this era, ice coring at Mo unt
Kilimanjaro has not resulted in any anomalies for the Late Middle Kingdom /Second
Intermediate Period. Thus, there was no widespread catastrophic environmental event
lasting the duration of this period. Instead, it is likely that there was a short period of
anomalous floods at the end of Dynasty XII and the beginning of Dynasty XIII. This
event may have contributed to the destabilization of kingship in phase 1. From that point
on, the strength of the state during the prime of the Middle Kingdom could not be
recovered . Occasional irregular floods during the Late Mid dle Kingdom and Second
Intermediate Period m ay have added to the problems faced by the kings due to their
inability to prepare for these natural phenomena.
1543
Helck,
Historische-Biographische,
p. 45, no. 62; Mioso,
A Reading Book,
pp. 15-16, lines 14-15;
Redford,
Akhenaten,
pp. 99-100; "The Hykso s," p. 3; Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 306.
1544
Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 2 1.
1545
For the 300 year drought, see L.G. Thom pson, et al., "Kilimanjaro Ice Core R ecords: Evidence of
Holocene Climate Change in Tropical Africa,"
Science
298 (2002), pp. 592-593. Butzer notes that there is
textual evidence for low inundations during the First Intermediate Period, but it is unclear how often they
occurred (Butzer, Environment, p . 136).
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Egyptian kings selected some of these foreigners to act as local mayors and to control
trade and expeditions in areas, such as Syria, the Sinai, the Aegean, and elsewhere, for
the benefit of the state.
1550
Bietak has found a large dwelling at this site,
1551
which parallels the large ma yo r's
house at South Abydos in the Senwosret III funerary complex.
1552
Objects from the Tell
el-Dab 'a residence indicate that the occupant was Asiatic rather than Egyptian. Though
the foreign official may have held an Egyptian administrative office and had lived in
standard, government-supplied housing, his statuary, with its characteristic "mushroom"
hairstyle, indicates that he held on to his own cultural identity as well.
1553
Likewise, the
overall composition of the population shifted from native to being primarily Asiatic over
Bronze IIC/Late Bronze IA Transition': A R ejoinder,"
Levant
23 (1991), pp. 117-122; Kem p, "Social
History," p. 137; Redford,
Egypt, Canaan andlsreal,
p. 100; J.W. Weinstein, "Egyptian Relations with
Palestine in the Middle Kingdom,"
BASOR
217 (1975), pp. 1-16; "The Chronology of Palestein in the Early
Second Millennium B.C.,"
BASOR
288 (199 2), pp. 27-46; "Egypt and the Middle Bronze IIC/Late Bron ze
IA Transition in Palestine,"
Levant
23 (1991), pp. 105-111; "Reflections on the Chronology of Tell el-
Dab'a," in W.V. D avies and L. Schofield, eds.,
Egypt, the Aegean and the Levant
(Lond on, 1995), pp. 84-
90.
Occupation of
the
site may have begun during the First Intermediate Period in the reign of King K hety
(Bietak, "H yksos Rule," p. 97; "Tell ed-Dab'a, Second Intermediate Period," p. 779; Kemp,
Anatomy,
p .
166). Activity of Am enemhet I is also noted nearby at Ezbet Rushdi (S . Adam, "Report on the Excavations
of
the
Department of Antiquities at Ezbet Ru shdi,"
ASAE
56 (1959), pp. 208-218, 221-225).
1550
Bietak, "Connections," p. 19; "Hyksos," p. 377; "Tell ed-Dab'a, Second Intermediate Period," p. 779;
"Hyksos," (1999), p. 351; Holladay, "Eastern Nile Delta," p. 209; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p.
261; S.T. Smith, "People," p. 30. Note that Ryholt believes that this process was completed at an earlier
date Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p . 293.
1551
Bietak and his associates have claimed that this building is a palace, possibly of H otepibre Qem au
Saharnedjeritef (Bietak, "Canaanites," p. 50; "Der Friedhof, p. 57; "Egypt and Canaan," p. 34;
"Connections," p. 19;
The Capital of the Hyksos,
pp. 21-30; "Raumprogramm," p. 30; "Hyksos Rule," pp.
100-105;
"Tell ed-Dab'a, Second Intermediate Pe riod," p. 779; Eigner, "Palace," pp. 73-80). See also
Kemp,
Anatomy,
p. 166; Schneider,
Lexikon der Pharaonen,
p. 128. Howe ver, with the excavation of the
mayor's house at Abydos, the identification of this structure as a royal dwelling is unlikely (Wegner,
"Excavations at the Town ," pp. 4, 24-25). Others have also noted problems with the "palace" label of this
structure (O 'Connor, "Hyksos Period," pp. 53, 64, n. 15). F. Arnold used the phrase, "so-called 'palace'"
(Arnold, "Settlement," p. 15). Ryholt suggested that this palace belonged to Dynasty XIV kings. Howe ver,
it is unclear why Canaanite kings would have constructed a completely Egyptian architectural structure as a
palace. Ryholt uses this "palace" as evidence that Dynasty XIV began in late Dynasty XII. See also van
Seters,
A N ew Investigation,
pp. 87-96.
1352
Chapter 7, Section I.
1553
Bietak, "Der Friedhof, p. Fig. 10;
The Capital of the Hyksos,
pp . 20-21, 18, Fig. 17; "Hyksos Rule,"
pp .
101,
Fig. 104.114; "Dab'a, Tell Ed-," in D.B. Redford, ed.,
The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,
1 (Oxford, 200 1), p. 351 ; S.T. Smith, "Model for Imperialism," p. 155.
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time.
1554
With a distinct culture, it is no wond er that these areas eventually separated
from Dynasty X III as it became w eaker.
II.C.
Foreign Affairs and Territorial Extent
Foreign affairs proceeded during the first part of Dynasty XIII as they had in the
previous time period. Relations with Byblos, Palestine, and Nub ia continued as indicated
by the discovery of
seals,
sealings, and other inscribed objects carrying kings' and
officials' names.
1555
In phase 1, the Nile records sugg est activity continued at Semna,
Kum ma, and Askut, while a cylinder seal with the prenomen of Seweskekhtawy was
found at Byblos.
1556
Other objects from the S yro-Palestinian region, such as an often-
cited vase with a very rudimentary inscription, which may hav e the name H otepibre,
cannot be certainly associated with Dynasty X III kingship,
1557
though seals of
Nedjemibre and Hotepibre have been found in Canaan.
1558
It is uncle ar whether or not
activity in Nubia and Syro-Palestine continued during this entire era or whether there
were ebbs and flows, depending o n the strength of the king. Egyp t itself remained
unified throughout phase 1.
1554
Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 745.
Callender, "Renaissance," p.
171;
Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 19-20, nos. 28, 30; von
Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp . 101-108 . Ben-To r believes that private seals found in Palestine were
amulets and arrived there via the Asiatics living at Tell el-Dab'a (D. Ben-Tor, "The Historical Implications
of Middle Kingdom Scarabs Found in Palestine Bearing Private Names and Titles of Officials,"
BASOR
294 (1994), p. 11).
1556
See Chapter 7, Section
II.B.
for references for the Nile Records. For bibliography related to the activity
of Seweskekhtawy, see Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 338-339.
1557
Dever, "A Rejoinder to Manfred Bietak," pp. 77, n. 73; "Chronology of Syria-Palestine," p. 44.
1558
Giveon, "The Impact of Egypt on Canaan in the Middle Bronze Age," in A.F. Rainey, ed., Egypt,
Israel, Sinai: Archaeological and Historical Relationships in the Biblical Period (Jerusalem, 1987), p. 32.
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III. Phase 2
There are some indications that the kings of phase 2 came from military
background s. Thus, at this point in Dynasty XIII, the damage of the likely abnormal
floods to the office of kingsh ip resulted in opp ortunities for usurpers to take the throne.
Once this initially occurred, the office appears to have changed families within this group
at least at some poin ts. Despite the fact that these kings came to the throne due to some
wea kness in the office of kingship, they were ab le to preserve the status of this office and
sometime s even flourished. At least some of these kings continued to construct pyram ids
with
wsM-type
substructures.
III.A. Legitimacy
Four of the kings in phase 2 emphasized that their fathers were not royal. Thu s,
by the middle of this period, there must have been some acceptance of a non-traditional
backg round for king s. Also , it is at this time, that the concept of divine marriage may
have become further elaborated in literary texts to allow for rulers of non-royal blood
through the will of the sun god. Interestingly, none of the kings outside of phase
1
used
the nomen Am enemhet. This step may suggest that direct connections with this name
was no longer desirable for kings, possibly due to its association with the phase 1 rulers.
III.B.
Internal Conditions
In the beginning, the kings of phase 2 continued to utilize the administrative
system of the earlier rulers. Ho wev er, by the end of the period, they offered their
daugh ters as wive s to important local officials in the land. Also , viziers began to come
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from loca l offices w ithin the bureau s controlled through this position . Some of these
kings had relatively long reigns, including M erneferre Ay, who may have ruled for 23
years.
Desp ite the fact that some of these kings were successful, the apparent loss of
power in the office of kingship to local families would prove catastrophic in phase 3.
As noted for phase 1, Asiatics were active within Egypt as a contributing element
of the state 's econom y. For phase 2, there is additional evidence that these foreigners
worked in royal estates and the domains of the highest officials.
1559
In a section of the
verso of the
Brooklyn Papyrus 35.1446,
dated to the second year of the reign of
Sobekhotep III, a list indicates that forty-eight of seventy-seven (56%) servants had
Asiatic names and were, thus, of Near Eastern descent. Though these foreigners, most
of which were women, are often regarded as slaves, possibly captured during warfare,
1561
this conclusion is not necessarily correct as they seem to have been textile specialists
working on a royal estate.
1562
The way in which they came to work in this institution is
unclear, and, thus, one should be cautious in determining their status or their impact on
greater Egypt. Interestingly, titles from docu men ts at Kah un also indicate that there were
Asiatics in that town. One of these officials was the "scribe of the Asia tics" while a
1559
Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 26 1. Hayes argues that this household might be
representative of all of those in Egypt and that a large number of Asiatics lived throughout the country
(Hayes, A Papyrus, pp. 148-149; Oren, "Enigma," p. xxii).
1560
Hayes, A Papyrus; K emp, "Social History," p. 155; Lesko, "Textual Sources," p. 797; Mumford,
"Syria-Palestine," pp. 338-339; G. Posener, "Les Asiatiques en Egypte sous les Xlle et Xllle Dynasties (a
Propos d'un Livre Recent)," Syria 34 (1957), pp. 146-156; Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, pp. 147-
149; W.K. Simpson, "New Light on the God
Reshef,
JAOS 73 (1953), pp. 86-89; S.T. Smith, "People," p.
30; van Seters, A N ew Investigation, p . 78.
1561
Hayes, A Papyrus; Helck, Die B eziehungen Agyptens, p. 77; Kemp, "Social History," p. 155; A.
Loprieno, "Slaves," in S. Donadoni, ed., The Egyptians (Chicago, 1997), pp. 196-200; Posener, "Les
Asiatiques," pp. 146-156; Simpson, "New Light."; van Seters, A New Investigation, p . 78.
1562
Hayes, A Papyrus; K emp, "Social History," p. 155; Posener, "Les Asiatiques," pp. 146-156; Simpson,
"New Light," pp. 86-89; van Seters, A New Investigation, p . 78; W.A. Ward, "Non-Royal Women and their
Occupations in the Middle Kingdom," in B. Lesko, ed., Women's Earliest Records from Ancient Egypt and
Western Asia (Atlanta, 1989), p. 39.
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second was "officer in charge of the Asiatic troops."
1563
Unfortunately, the exact nature
of these positions is unclear. It is interesting to note that, even Asiatics, who worked
outside of the eastern Delta, maintained their foreign identity through their names, which
are easily distinguished from those of native Egyptians.
III.C.
Foreign Affairs and Territorial E xtent
There is significantly more evidence for the activity of kings of phase 2 in both
Nu bia and Syro-Palestine. It is clear through the increased num ber of attestations of
kings such as Sobekhotep III, Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV that these rulers in
particular were relatively successful. Thu s, the decline of Dyn asty XIII was not
necessarily steady and progressive.
Some of the forts of the Secon d C ataract in Nub ia still functioned in the reign of
Sobekhotep IV (Semna/Kumma),
1564
and archaeologists found a plaque of Neferhotep I at
Buhen, showing that this important fort was still active.
1565
Beyond the Third Cataract at
Argo, investigators found a statue of Sobekhotep IV with a strange wreath around the top
of the Lower Egyptian section of the double crown. Some scholars have suggested that
this statue was taken to this location during Dynasty XX V w hen Nubian kings ruled over
Egypt.
1566
How ever, Petrie suggested that these statues were carved out of local
1563
Kemp notes that the titles "scribe of Asiatics" and "officer in charge of Asiatic troops" are found in
documents from Kahun indicating that Asiatics lived in that town (K emp, "Social History," p. 155).
However, Quirke argues that the oversee r's title is actually
iry-
c
t n kmiw,
making him the "keeper of
a
center used by w innowers and housing their tools" (Quirke, Administration, p. 186). See also W ard,
Index,
pp .
2 9,
6 1,
72 , nos. 206, 492, 589.
1564
Vercoutter, "Roi Ougaf, p. 229.
1565
Kem p, "Social History," p. 160; Save-Soderbergh,
Agypten undNubien,
p. 119; Trigger,
Under the
Pharaohs,
p. 84; Bourriau, "Relations," p. 130.
1566
Bourriau, "Relations," p. 130; Drioton and Vandier,
L'Egypte,
p . 286; Trigger,
Under the Pharaohs,
p.
84.
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stone. Non etheless, other Egyptian objects made their way south during the Second
Intermediate Period when statues and other items w ere taken through raids into Nubia
and Egypt. For example, tombs at Kerma contained the statues of Dynasty XIII kings
and officials.
1568
Smith has proposed that the forts of the Second Cataract mark the border between
Egypt and Kush.
1569
These forts had been designed to conduct trade and expeditions and
launch military campaigns. He suggests that trade routes with Kerma may have needed
to be protected from other Nubian groups while the size of these structures served as
political propaganda for the surrounding C-group settlements, which did not adopt any
part of Egyptian culture. How ever, it might seem that the Egyptians had retreated, by the
reign of Merneferre Ay especially since no seals or inscribed objects from this king's
relatively long reign have been found in Nubia.
1570
Thus, it may be the case that the
rulers of Kerma applied pressure to the Egyptian forts, which lacked the resources to
stand up to the threat.
Seals of kings and officials found in the Syro-Palestinian region , primarily dated
to Sobekhotep III, Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV, have been noted by many authors,
1567
Lepsius, Denkmaler Blatt (1897), p. PI. 120; Petrie, History, pp . 216, Fig. 127; Weigall, Pharaohs, p .
162.
1568
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 77; S.T. Smith, Askut in Nubia, p . 86; Trigger, Under the Pharaohs, pp.
91-92;
von B eckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 105-106; Vercoutter thought objects found at Kerma were
from abandoned forts of the second cataract region (Vercoutter, "Roi
Ougaf,
pp. 233-234). However, it is
now known that Nubians ventured into Egypt, eventually making it close to Thebes
itself.
One of the
statues may have belonged to Dedumose (W.S. Smith, Art and Architecture, p . 216). A stone jar with an
inscription of one of the Sobeknakhts from El-Kab was also found during excavations at Kerma (Bietak,
"Avaris and Piramesse," p. 2 34).
1569
S.T. Smith, "Askut and the Role of
the
Second Cataract Forts,"
JARCE
28 (1991), pp. 111, 125-128; "A
Model for Egyptian Imperialism in Nubia," GM122 (1991), pp. 83-84. For updated information on
Imperialism in the New Kingdom, see E. Morris, The Architecture of Imperialism (Boston, 2005).
1570
Trigger suggests that Kush may have gained control over Lower Nubia (C-Group) through peaceful
agreements due to trade interests (Trigger, Under the Pharaohs, pp. 97-98). Ryholt does not believe that
Kush caused the withdrawal of
the
Egyptian state from N ubia, since there is no evidence of direct conflict
(Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 92).
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C-71
though such portable objects could easily have reached the region through trade. A
scarab of Sobekhotep III was found at Jericho while those of Sobekhotep IV have been
found at Wadi Tumilat and a tomb at Tell el-Maskhuta.
1572
Seals of king Neferhotep I
have also been discovered at Tell el-Ajjul and Fassuta.
1573
Private Dyn asty XIII seals,
dating primarily to the reigns of Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV, have been found at Tell
el Ajjul, Lachish, Jericho, Meg iddo, and Byb los.
1574
Named officials include treasurers
1
CHZ
such as Sonbi (Neferhotep I) and Senebsum ai (Sobekh otep IV). Seals also reveal that
people with military titles and priests were also in the region at this time.
Trading relations w ith Asiatic peoples are most apparent at Byblos w hile Avaris
in the Delta may hav e served as a gateway to trade beyond.
1576
Relations with Byblos
continued well into Dynasty XIII as there is evidence that Neferhotep I had substantial
CHH
contact with this land. The exact nature of the relationship betw een the kings of
Egypt and those of Byblos is not perfectly clear, but the princes of the latter openly used
the Egyptian title
htty-
c
,
"governor" upon Egyptian-style scarab seals already in Dyn asty
XII,
while later rulers used traditional kingship titles in their seals and monuments.
1571
See the list in R.A. Giveon, "The XIII Dynasty in Asia,"
Rd'E
30 (1978), pp. 163-167. Note that some
of these "royal" seals appear not to bear the names of kings, being decorative or com memorative of deities
instead. Decorative seals have also been incorrectly assigned to Dynasty XIII kings (Hornung and
Staehelin,
Skarabaen und andere Siegelamulette,
p p. 217, no. 133, PI. 212).
1572
Dever, "A Rejoinder to Manfred B ietak," p. 76; Weinstein, "Chronology of Tell el-Dab'a," p. 87.
1573
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 85-86.
1574
Klengel,
Syria, 3000 to 300
B.
C: A H andbook of Political History
(Berlin, 1992), p. 79; Ryholt,
Political Situation, p. 85.
1575
Franke, Personendaten, p p. 374, Doss. 634; 391 , Doss. 667.
1576
Bietak, "Zum Ko nigsreich," p. 60; Klengel,
Syria,
pp . 45, 79; S.T. Sm ith, "Model for Imperialism," p.
155.
1577
Bietak, "Overview," p. 54; Hallo and Simpson, Ancient Near East, p. 249; Kem p, "Social History," pp.
145-146; Save-Soderbergh,
Agypten undNubien,
p. 119. W.A. Ward, "Egypt and the East Mediterranean
in the Early Second Millennium B.C.,"
Orientalia
30 (1961), p. 135. For the chronological correlation
between the rulers of
Egypt,
Byblos, and Mesopotamia, see W .M.F. Albright and T.O. Lambdin,
"Synchronism," pp. 9-18; Kitchen, "Byblos," pp. 39-54.
1578
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 86-90.
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The last Dynasty XIII king, whose name appears at Byblos, is Ibiaw.
1579
One prince, named Inten (contemporary with Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep
III, Khasekhemre Neferhotep I, and Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV ), comm issioned an
offering prayer to the Egyptian god Re-Horakhty, in which the cartouche of Neferhotep I
appears.
1580
Inten also possessed a seal, which had the same back type as those in Egypt
between the reigns of Sobekhotep III and Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV. Relationships
with other A siatic lands, some being quite distant, have also been claimed for areas wh ere
statues of Dyn asty XIII kings have been found. How ever, it is likely, that these statues
were taken from their temples and monum ents by the Hyksos king Khayan and given or
traded to these Asiatic lands.
1582
Non etheless, hints at some direct Late Middle K ingdom
contact with western Asia still remains, including the use of the title mayor
(htty-
c
)
by
Kumidi in the Beqaa valley in Lebanon.
1583
Also, some Dynasty XIII kings were still
able to obtain lapis lazuli, indicating that some sort of indirect trade relationship existed
between Egypt and the source of this material in modern A fghanistan.
1584
Once Dynasty
XIV beg an, relations w ith these areas were lost until the New Kingdom.
1579
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
pp. 85 -86, 353.
1580
Redford,
Egypt, Canaan andlsreal,
p. 97; Stock,
13. bis
17.
D ynastie Agyptens,
p. 59; Grimal,
History,
p. 184; Weill, "Com plements," p. 25; M. Dunand,
Fouilles de Byblos
(Paris, 1926-1932), p .
198.
1581
This type includes schematically hatched legs, a single line denoting the prothorax from the elytra; two
lines denoting the elytra, and one line forming the bottom of the elytra. Another seal, belonging to Ka-in,
also displayed these features (minus a scroll border), placing it into the same period. Mean while, he moves
Ilima-yapi (?) to Dynasty XII based on the com ponents of his seal (Martin,
Egyptian Administrative and
Private-Name Seals,
pp. 25-26, nos. 261-26 3; "A Late Middle Kingdom Prince of Byblos," in P. Der
Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, 2 (Boston, 1996), pp. 595-598). For a study of
the development and chronology of
the
physical features of scarabs seals, see O'Connor, "Chronology."
1582
Bietak, "H yksos," (1999), p. 378.
1583
Bietak, "O verview," p. 54.
1584
Kem p, "Social History," p. 147.
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IV .
Phase 3
Very little is know n about the kings and officials of phase 3 . These rulers appear
to have had little economic power, and their tombs remain unknown. They also lacked
much of the status of traditional Egyptian kingship and eventually lost much of the
territory of the state except the region around the capital at Itjatawy.
IV.A. Legitimacy
The means of succession and legitimacy for the phase 3 kings is unknow n. There
is currently no evidence that can be used to address these issues.
IV.B.
Internal Conditions
The problems encountered during phase 3 were not necessarily the result of the
incomp etence of the kings of this period . Instead, the'reactions o f the rulers to the
conditions of the previous phases had weakened kingship considerably. When the
relatively long reign of Merneferre Ay ended, some amount of political chaos may have
ensued. Most of the kings of this period likely had short reigns. After M erkawre
Sobekhotep VII, these kings are only known through the
Turin King-List.
IV.C.
Foreign Affairs and
Terr itor ial Extent
There is no evidence that the kings from phase 3 were active outside of
Egypt.
It
is likely that the eastern Delta was lost with the formation of Dynasty XIV shortly after
the death of Merneferre A y. Mean while, the kings, Merhotepre through M erkawre
Sobekhotep VII are known through the
Offering-List
and other monuments at Karnak.
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Thus, after the reign of the latter king, it is likely that Dynasty XVI seceded from the
Dynasty XIII rulers, leaving them with the area around Itjatawy and possibly some
section of Middle Egypt.
It should be noted that the remaining kings of Dynasty X III were able
to
survive
for
at
least
a few
decades along side Dynasties XIV and XV I. 'How ever, when the
Dynasty X V kings began to raid the M emphite region, the Dynasty X III kings folded. At
this point, Dynasties XVII and XV b egan a war w hich wo uld eventually result in the
emergence of the New Kingdom and a return to a strong Egyptian state.
At some point after the reign of Merneferre Ay, the forts in Nubia were been
abandoned.
1585
Interestingly, when the Egyptian state pulled out of Nubia, some
residents of the forts remained behind, identifying themselves more with that region than
their hom eland. Eventu ally, these Egyp tians pledge d their loyalty to the Kushite
kings.
1586
The Egyptianized Nubians remained under the Kushites until the war with
Kamo se recovered these areas
for
Egypt
in
the late Second Intermediate Period.
1587
Many of these structures were destroyed and burned, but
it
appears that this occurred well
1585
Bietak, Overview, p. 54; Murnane, Overview, p. 701; Quirke, Second Intermediate Period, p.
263; State Administration, in D.B. Redford, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 1, (Oxford, 2001)
p. 16; S.T. Smith, Askut in Nubia, pp. 78-79, 81-90, 107-136; Model for Imperialism, p. 156.
1586 O 'C on no r,
Ancient Nubia: Egypt's Rival in Africa
( Ph i l a de l ph i a , 1993 ) ,
p . 3 9 ;
B i e ta k , " O v e r v i e w , "
p p .
5 4 - 5 5 ;
Bour r i a u , "Re l a t i ons , "
p . 1 3 0 ;
L a c o v a r a , " E g y p t
a n d
N u b i a d u r i n g
t h e
Se c o nd I n t e r me d i a t e Pe r i od , "
i n E . D . Or e n ,
ed . , The
Hyksos:
New
Historical and Archaeological Perspectives ( Ph i l a de l ph i a , 1997 ) ,
p.
72 ; H . S . S m i t h , Buhen, p . 79 ; S . T . S m i t h , Askut in Nubia, p p . 5 1 - 5 3 , 6 9 , 8 0 ; "S t a t e a n d E m p i r e in the
M i d d l e
a n d N e w
K i n g d o m s , "
in J.
Lus t i g , e d . ,
Anthropology and Egyptology.
M o n o g r a p h s
in
M e d i t e r r a n e a n A r c h a e o l o g y
8.
She f f i e ld , Eng l a nd , 1997 ,
p . 7 6 ;
" M o d e l
fo r
I m p e r i a l i s m , "
p .
155 ; W i l l i a ms ,
" P r o b l e m s , "
p p . 6 2 6 ,
63 1 , 634 - 635 . O ' C onno r be l i e ve s tha t
t h e
a d m i n i s t r a t o r s
at th e
Nu b i a n f o r ts
e ve n t ua l l y be c a m e Egyp t i a n k i ng l e t s be f o r e be i ng a bso r b e d i n to Kus h . ( O ' Con nor , "Hyk sos Pe r i od , " p .
48) .
1587
Bourriau, Second Intermediate Period, p. 207; S.T. Smith, State and Empire, pp. 72, 74, 74, 82.
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after Dynasty XIII,
1588
suggesting that they may have fallen victim to the struggles
between the E gyptians and the Nubians in late Dynasty XV II/early Dynasty X VIII.
As implied above, once the Egyptians abandoned or lost Lower Nubia, K ushite
kings, with their capital at Kerma, moved in. These kings, when they were buried, had
Egyptian material within their tombs, including royal statuary just outside their burial
chambers.
1589
These statues originated from forts at Low er Nu bia as well as from E gypt
itself. Though some scholars such as O'Co nnor and Trigger have suggested that the
appearance of these items were possibly the result of trade, it is also likely that Nubian
raids into Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period provided for such objects from
temples.
V. Conclusions
In the past, scholars believed that the kings of Dynasty X III were unable to handle
the problems, resulting from the demise of the political and economic power of the king
and the arrival of
the
Second Intermediate Period. Ho weve r, it is now clear that there
were many factors that contributed to this situation. As Franke states:
(Dynasty XIII) is no longer viewed as a period of decline, but as a period that had
to accommodate many problem s: more than a single royal family, foreign
intrusions, cultural diversity, a large bureaucratic apparatus, and growing, martial
and military influence.
1590
B. W illiams, "Nubian F orts," in K. A. Bard, e<±, Encyclopedia of the Archaeology o f Ancient Egypt
(New York, 1999), p. 578.
1589
For examples of Egyptian royal statuary found at Kerma, see Reisner, Excavations at Kerma, IV-V, pp.
29-33.
1590
Franke, "Middle Kingdom," p . 399. See also Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 247; Grajetzki, Middle
Kingdom, 74-75.
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other models are possible; this diagram represents the best current understanding of the
end of the Late Middle Kingdo m.
Here, the initial problem was an onset of fluctuating inundations as indicated
through the Nile records and geologic evidence. Such instability would have resulted in
increasingly harsh econ omic proble ms. These difficult financial issues are visible in the
small size and low frequency of royal Dynasty XIII monuments, as well as in the lack of
private, rock-cut tombs. Initially, the kings of this period reacted to this problem by
emphasizing their relationships to their Dyn asty XI and X II predecessor(s) by using the
names M entuhotep and Amenem het as part of their nomen s. Their Horus and Nebty
names also tie them to these rulers. Though the Dynasty XIII kings decreased their
expenditures for monum ents, at least some of them continued to construct pyram ids,
though sm all, with a substructure similar to that of Amenemhet III at Hawara. These
monuments are significantly more elaborate than those of private individuals at this time.
Another problem for the kings of the Late Middle Kingdom was the ability of
foreigners to immerse themselves into the economic and administrative system of Egypt,
especially in the Eastern De lta. Here, an important port (Avaris) for both land and sea-
based trade was increasingly left to the authority of Egyptianized Asiatics, who still had
considerab le cultural connections to the Nea r East. In essence, the king eventually lost
control of this important trade center, increasing his economic hardsh ip. In the end, this
group also became an independent state (Dynasty XIV).
At the same time that Asiatics gained control in the Delta, some Egyptian families
began to acquire considerable power through links to the office of vizier, as well as
marriages to princesses. It would appear that the kings of phase 2 of Dynasty X III
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consciously granted more power to influential local families in order to stabilize the state.
However, this decision eventually resulted in the loss of Upper Egypt, with the creation
of Dynasty XV I at Thebes.
The final portion of the diagram illustrates the progression of the kings' loss of
power in relationship to foreign lands. In both Asia and Nubia, economic conditions may
have caused Dynasty XIII kings to pull back their support of outposts and forts. Thu s,
power voids in these areas allowed for new and local groups to prosper from direct trade,
resulting yet again in further econom ic hardships for Egy pt. As the pow er of the Asiatics
and Nubians grew, they began to invade Egypt
itself.
Thus, the Hyksos took over the
Dynasty X IV state at Avaris while the Ku shites increasingly pressured the Theban kings
(Dynasties X VI/XV II).
In sum, the economic crisis caused by abnormal annual Nile floods resulted in
internal and external problem s for Egyptian rulers. In the end, kingsh ip became so we ak
that the state split into separate polities. Even tually, Dynasty XIII succum bed to the
Hyksos, and M iddle Kingdom culture came to an end.
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Appendix I : King Lists
1 Ryh olt's List of Dynasty XIII K ings
1591
Nomen:
1. Sobekhotep I
2. Sonbef
3.
4.
AmenemhetV
5 Qemau
6. Siharnedjheritef
7 Jewefni
8. Ameiiemhet VI
9. Nebnun
10 . (H) Sewesekhtawy
11.
12.
13 . Sobekhotep II
14 .
Renisonb
15. Horl
16 .
(H) Khabaw
17. (H) Djedkheperew
18 . Seb
19.
Kay
20 . Amenemhet VII
21 Wegaf
22 . Khendjer
23 Imyremeshaw
24.AntefV
25 Seth
26 .
Sobekhotep III
27 .
Neferhotep
I
28 .
Sihathor
29
Sobekhotep IV
30 . Sobekhotep V
31 Sobekhotep VI
32 . Ibiaw
33
Aya
34 . Ini
35 Sewadjtew
36 . Ined
37 . Hori II
38 . Sobekhotep VII
39.
40.
4 1
42
43
44
Prenomen
Sekhemrekhutawy
Sekhemkare
Nerikare
Sekhemkare
Hotepibre
Sankhibre
Semenkare
Sehtepibre
Sewadjkare
Nedjemibre
Khaankhre
Awibre
Sekhemrekhutawy
kare(?)
Sedjefkare
Khutawyre
Woserkare
Semenkhkare
Sehetepkare
Meribre
Sekhemresew adj tawy
Khasekhemre
Menwadj re
Khaneferre
Merhotepre
Khahotepre
Wahibre
Mernerfere
Merhotepre
Sankhenre
Mersekhemre
Sewadjkare
Merkawre
vears
1803-1800
1800-1797
1796
1796-1783
1793-1791
1791-1788
1788
1788-1785
1785-1783
1783-1781
1781
1780
1780-1777
1777
1777-1775
1755-1772
1722-1770
1770
1770-1769
1769-1766
1766-1764
1764-1759
length
c. 3
c. 3.5
c. 1 ,
c.3
est. 2
est. 3
est. 0
est. 3
est. 2
est. 2
est. 0.5
est. 0.5
est. 3
4mth
est. 1.5
est. 3
est.
2
est. 0
est. 1
est.
3
2.25
4.25
175 9 part of 10)
part of 10)
174 9 part of 10
1749-1742 4.25
1742-1731
1733
1732-1720
1720-1717
1717-1712
1712-1701
1701-1677
1677-1675
1675-1672
1672-1669
1669-1664
1664-1663
1663
11.25
0
c.
1 2
est. 3
4.75
10.75
23.75
2.25
3.25
5
2.25
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 197.
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45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50 . Monthhotep V
51.
52 .
Ibi
53 .
Hor (..?)
54.
55 . Sankhptahi
56.
57.
Mer[...]re
Merkheperre
Merkare
Sewedjare
[...Jmosre
[...jmaatre
[...Jwebenre
Se[...]kare
SeTieqenre
[
]re
Se[...]enre
1649
Unplaced
1592
:
a.
Ini
b.
Neferhotep II
c. Sonbmijew
d. [ ]s
e.
Abvdos:
1593
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12 . [ ]
13.
[ ]
14.1 ]
15. [...]hebre(?)
16. [...Jwebenre
Unplaced:
1594
a. Wepwawemsaf
b. Pantjeny
c. Snaaib
Mershepsesre
Mersekhemre
Sewahenre
Sekhaenre
Hotepkare
Woser[...]re
Woser[...]re
[...]hebre
2
2
4
3-4
3-4
S ekhemreneferkhaw
Sekhemrekhutawy
Menkhawre
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 74.
1594
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 165, 203.
Ryholt,
Political Situation,
p. 165.
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2. Fran ke 's List of Kings
,1595
Prenomen:
1. Chutowire
2. Sechemkare
3. (Sechemre)
4. Amenemhetre (V)
5. Sehetepibre
6. Iuefeni
7. Seanchibre
8. Semenkare
9.
(Se)hetepibre
10.
Sewadjkare
ll.Nedjemibre
12. Chaianchre
13. Rensenb
14. Auibre
15. Sedjefakare
16. Sechemre Chutowi
17. Userkare
18.
Semenechkare
19. Sehetepkare
20 ibre
Nomen:
Wegaf
Amenemhetsenbef
(Chutowi)
Amenemhet VI
Nebnun
Harendotef
Sobekhotep(re) I
Hor
Amenemhet VII
Sobekhotep II
Chendjer
Emramescha
AnteflV
Seth
21 .
Sechemre Sedwadjtowi Sobekhotep III
22 . Chaisechemre
23 . Menwadjre
24 . Chaineferre
25 . Chaihetepre
26.
W achibre
27 . Merineferre
Neferhotep I
Sahathor
Sobekhotep IV
Sobekhotep V
Iauib
Aja
28 .
Merihetepre Ani (Sobekhotep VI
?)
29 . Seanchenre
30 .
Merisechemre Ined
31 .
Sewadjkare
32 . M erikaure
33.
34.
35.
36.
37 . Djedneferre(?)
38 Maatre
39 ubenre
40 . S c . k a r e
41 .
(? Sewachenre)
42.
43.
44 . (Sechaienre)
Sewadjtu
Neferhotep II
Hori
Sobekhotep VII
numbers 33-36
Dedumose
Ibi
numbers 38-47
(Senebmiu)
**
45 .
...r..re (?=Merischepsesre) (Ini?) **
(Nerukare?)
46. Mericheperre
47 . Merikare
Krauss
1759-1757
1757-1752
1752-1746
1746-1743
1743-1742
ca. 1741
ca. 1740
ca. 1739
ca. 1738
ca. 1737
ca. 1736
ca .
1735
ca. 1733
ca. 1732
1731-1724
1724-1718
1718-1712
ca. 171 le a .
ca. 1710 ca.
ca. 1709 ca.
1708-1705
1705-1694
ca. 1694
1694-1685
1685-1680
1680-1670
1669-1656
1656-1654
1654-1651
1651-1648
ca. 1647
1646-1644
ca. 1640
**
**
**
**
from 1640
**
**
**
**
**
Barta
1804-1802
1802-1797
1797-1791
1791-1788
1788-1787
ca. 1786
ca.
1785
ca. 1784
ca. 1783
ca. 1782
ca. 1781
ca .
1780
ca. 1778
ca. 1777
1776-1769
1769-1763
1763-1757
1756?
1755 ?
1754?
1753-1750
1750-1739
ca. 1739
1739-1730
1730-1725
1725-1715
1714-1701
1701-1699
1699-1696
1696-1693
ca.
1692
1691-1689
ca. 1685
ca. 1640
from 1685
length
2y3m24d
(4-5y?)
(6y)
3-4y
1+xy
?
?
?y?m4d
?y?m3d
?y?m6d
?
?y?ml2d
0y4m
?y?m7d
ca. 7y
(5-6y?)
(ca. 5-6y)
3y2m
n y
?m3d
(8-9y)
4y8m29d
10y8m28d
13y
(?)
2y2m9d
3y2m
3ylm
l?y?m8d
2y?m4d
ca. 1685 ?
?
?
•y
?
9
7
?
1595
Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp. 267-269.
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48 .
(?Seneferibre) (Sesostris IV?) numbers 48-50 (1+ xy )
49 .
(?Sechem re Seanchtowi Neferhotep III ?) ca. 1630 ca. 1675 (1+x y)
50 .
(?Sechemre Seusertowi Sobekhotep VIII?) ** (4+x y)
3. Von Beckerath's List
1596
G.
H.
I.
37.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
A.
B.
C.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
F .
Prenomen and Nomen
Chutowire Wegaf
Sechemkare A menemhetsonbef
Sechemkare-chutowi (Pentini?)
Sechemkare Amenemhet V
Sehetepibre= Sehetepibre A ... ?
Efni
Seanchibre Am enemhet VI (Son of
Anjotef/
Uncle of Ameni)
Semenkare
Sehetepibre=Hetepibre Harendherjotef (Son of Qemau)
Sewadjkare
Nedjemibre
Abai
Ameni Qemau
Chuioqre
Chaanchre Sebekhotpe I
Ranisonbe
Awibre Hor
I
Sedjefakare Amenemhet VII (son of Kai)
Sechemre-chutowi Sebekhotpe II (son of Amenemhet)
Userkare (and Niramaat ?) Chendjer
Semenchkare Emramescha
....kare Anjotef IV
. . . ibreSeth(=Eoqn?)
Sechemre-sewadjtowi Sebekhotpe III
Chasechemre Neferhotep I
(Chakare?) Sihathor
Chaneferre Sebekhotpe IV
Chahetepre Sebekhotpe V
Wahibre Ibijae
Merneferre Ay
Merhetepre Sebekhotpe VI
Seanchenre Sewadjtu
Mersechemre Ined (=Neferhotep II ?)
Sewadjkare Hori
Merkawre Sebekhotpe
VII
Seneferibre Senwosret IV
Meranchre Mentehotpe V
Djedanchre Mentemsaf
Djedhetepre Dedumose (I.?)
.
Dejdneferre Dedumose (II?)
years
1785-1783
1783-
-1787
1775-1774
1775-1774
1774-
-1764
1764-
-1744
1744-1741
1741-1730
1730
1730-1720
1720-1715
1715-1704
1704-1690
1690-1688
1688-
-1683
5
von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 222-223; "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," pp. 1445-1446. For a similar list
with variations at the end where the Turin King-List is least preserved, see J. von Beckerath, Chronologie
despharaonischen Agypten, Milnchner Agyptologische Studien 46 (Mainz, 1997); Handbuch, pp. 284-285.
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38 maatre Ibi
39 .
.. .Ubenre Hor II
40 . S c . k a re
41 . ...enre (=Sewahenre Senebmiu)
J. Seche mre-se anchtow i Ijchernofret (=Neferho tep III)
K. Sechemre-sewe sertowi Sebekhotpre VIII
44 enre (=Sechaenre?)
45 .
Mer...re (=Merschepesre)
46 .
Mercheperre
47 .
Merkare
L. Usermont (= 40, 44, 46,
Or
47)
M. Menchaure Senaib
N.
Sechemre-neferchau Upwaw eremsaf
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Appendix II: Measurements from Late Middle Kingdom Tombs
The purpose of this appendix is to provide researchers with a means of comparing
the Dy nasty XIII royal tomb s. Since the excavators rarely supply the actual
measurements of architectural features, estimates taken from plans have been italicized.
Note that the estimates for the subsidiary pyramid of Khendjer are likely to be more
inaccurate than the others since the scale of the detailed plan of this area had to be
extrapolated based on m easurements from the plan of the complex (though these num bers
were compared to the plan with scale found in Janosi). All measurements are in meters.
1. Pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara
pyramid
enclosure
pyramid bricks
house bricks
mortuary temple
north chapel
substructure pit
staircase 1
short corridor 1
chamber
portcullis 1 stone
portcullis 1 room
Change in level
short corridor 2
southwest turning
chamber
south corridor
door niche within
south corridor
south corridor
continued
Length
101.75
384.96
0.45
0.375
—
—
—
axis 24.42
1.52
1.70
2.64
1.55
—
1.81
2.67
0.53
1.08
0.85
width
101.75
157.89
0.225
0.18
—
—
—
0.96
0.85
3.77/3.72
1.78
2.27
—
0.74
2.18
0.99
—
0.98
height
58.01
—
0.13
0.125
—
—
—
1.79
—
—
1.82
—
—
—
1.88
—
—
1.93
Notes
102-105 per side; angle at
48°45 '±3
with variation up to
52°25'
labyrinth, measurements
uncertain
uncertain measurements
only around sarcophagus
chamber
width at base; ramp of 0.24
per side; slope of 19° 37.5'
uneven chamber
from right; closed
up
sockets for a single wooden
door in southwest corner
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south corridor, slope
short corridor 3
southeast turning
chamber
portcullis 2
change in level
east corridor
east corridor, slope
short corridor 4
northeast turning
chamber
portcullis 3
northern corridor
Antechamber
passage to
sarcophagus
sarcophagus
chamber base
interior
sarcophagus
chamber lid southern
fixe
sarcophagus
chamber lid middle
fixe
sarcophagus
chamber lid south
mobile
sarcophagus exterior
sarcophagus interior
26.44
1.73
3.59
3.45
—
2.42
11.28
1.63
4.22
3.51
8.54
7.85
1.82
6.79
2.69
2.25
0.97
0.79
2.25
1.59
—
0.97
0.9-7
—
2.29
1.55
0.90
2.28
0.92
2.39
1.23
0.79
1.83
—
2.28
0.76
—
—
1.81-
1.59
2.18
1.12
1.84
2.32
—
2.35
1.22
1.22
1.22
1.41
1.06
length is horizontal; slopes
downward
Northern and eastern sides of
room filled with masonry
from left; open
Above previous floor
flat, 0.41 at start with lower
roof
length is horizontal
measurement; across
downward slope 11.44 for
decrease of 1.93
Some masonry within corridor
Partly filled with masonry
from right; open
0.44 with lower roof
northern area filled with
masonry
in floor of antecham ber; filled
with masonry
foot is an addition 0.23 with a
height of 0.39; facade
decoration
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2. Pyram id Complex of Wo serkare K hendjer (minus the subsidiary p yramid)
pyramid
pyramidion
pyramid br icks
encasement trench
inner enclosure
outer enclosure
mortuary temple
temple courtyard
north chapel
substructure pit
s taircase 1 (room)
staircase 1
short corridor 1
portcullis 1 stone
portcul l is 1 receiving
niche
portcul l is 1 room
change in level
short corridor 2
staircase 2 (room)
staircase 2
short, flat corridor 3
wooden door niche
portcullis 2 stone
portcul l is 2 receiving
niche
portcul l is 2 room
change in level
long corridor 1
turning room 1
long corridor 2
antechamber
corridor to burial
Length
52.5
1.40
0.42
55.00
77.00x78.00
122.65x125.90
26.25
25.00
8.00
13.00
5.00
6.00
1.00
2.90
1.95
1.75
—
0.50
13.50
14.5
1.80
0.50
2.90
1.80
1.50
—
6.75
2.25
11.00
9.90
3.75
width
52.5
1.40
0.21
6.00-7.00
3.00
2.60
27.50
15.00
6.38
13.00
0.90
0.90
0.90
1.90
0.40-0.50
0.90
—
0.90
0.90
0.90
0.90
1.10
1.75
0.40
0.90
—
0.90
2.25
1.00
2.25
1.00
Height
37.49
1.30
0.11
—
—
—
—
—
—
11.00
1.20
3.30
1.25
1.90
—
1.10
1.50
1.25
1.60
5.29
—
—
7.75
—
1.10
1.20
1.50-1.75
2.20
1.00
2.00
1.25
Notes
Angle a t 55° (e xcavato r 's
es t imated length used and
height correc t)
Angle at 55°-56°
with a 0.02 variable in
each
Stone
Mudbr ick
within temple
platform 0.56 high
entrance in west
14 steps (length across
steps)
From the r ight ; open
measurements when s tone
in final position; height at
lowes t point
Above previous f loor
39 steps (length across
steps)
includes wooden door
niche; height variable
height variable ; width of
hal lway plus 2 nich es
from left; open
measurements when s tone
in final position; height at
lowes t point
Above previous f loor
for the last m of length,
height is 1.25
next passage hidden
beneath the floor
antechamber above
ceiling at end
corridor to buria l ch amber
and wes tern hydraul ic
tunnel hidden in floor
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chamber
eastern access tunnel
western access tunnel
1
room at end of tunnel
1
western access tunnel
2
sarcophagus base
exterior
sarcophagus interior
above niches
coffin niche
canopic niche
sarcophagus lid fixed
sarcophagus lid
mobile
sarcophagus
chamber
lid supports
2.75
2.50
2.00
2.75
4.50
3.50
2.40
0.75
2.25
2.25
3.25
1.20
0.80
0.80
1.50
0.80
2.25
1.25
0.80
0.75
3.00
3.00
3.10
0.40
0.90
—
—
0.90
>2.50
1.00
1.00
0.70
1.50
1.50
5.20/3.70
1.00
entrance hidden in floor
of long corridor 2
from antechamber
tunnel 2 in ceiling
tunnel to burial chamber
*
measurement does not
account for arching on
interior
lid closed
height from top of base to
apex/from top of lid to
apex
Granite
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3. Subsidiary Pyramid of W oserkare Khendjer
pyramid
staircase (room)
staircase
short corridor 1
portcullis 1 stone
portcullis 1 room
portcullis 1 niche
change in level
short corridor 2
portcullis 2 stone
portcullis 2 room
portcullis 2 niche
change in level
short corridor 3
antechamber
corridor to northern
burial chamber
sarcophagus 1 base
sarcophagus 1
interior
sarcophagus 1 lid
lid supports 1
canopic box 1
canopic box 1
interior
corridor to southern
burial chamber
sarcophagus 2 base
sarcophagus 2
interior
sarcophagus 2 lid
lid supports 2
canopic box 2
canopic box 2
interior
canopic box 2 lid
Length
25.5
6.70
7.70
1.40
2.70
1.2-5
1.45
—
1.30
2.80
1.40
1.45
—
1.30
2.20
0.90
2.80
2.25
2.80
—
1.20
0.60
3.00
3.00
2.25
3.00
—
1.25
0.60
1.10
width
25.5
0.90
0.90
0.90
1.40
0.90
0.55
—
0.90
1.60
0.90
0.55
—
0.90
2.10
0.80
1.75
0.90
1.75
0.25
1.20
0.60
0.80
1.75
0.85
1.75
0.25
1.25
0.60
1.10
height
—
1.70
3.75
1.75
1.70
0.90
—
1.20
1.20
1.60
1.10
—
1.20
1.25
1.25
1.25
1.50
1.00
0.35
1.40
—
—
1.00
1.50
1.00
0.50
1.05
1.00
0.60
0.25
Notes
Entrance in east
21 steps (length across
steps),
33°
from the left; closed
measurements with stone
in place
Above previous floor
from the right; closed
up from previous level
Northern sarcophagus
Open
5 pillars
at lower level from
antechamber; 0.8 of
corridor beyond
antechamber
6 pillars
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4. The Southern Pyramid a t South Sakk ara
pyramid
pyramid bricks
encasement trench
Enclosure
staircase 1 (entrance)
short corridor 1
portcullis 1 stone
portcullis 1 receiving
niche
portcullis 1 room
change in level
short corridor 2
turning room 1
long corridor 1
turning room 2
change in level
staircase 2
long corridor 2
antechamber to
galleries
gallery 1 passage a
gallery 1 passage b
gallery 1
gallery 2 passage a
gallery 2 passage b
gallery 2, staircase
room
staircase 3
short corridor 3
gallery 2, 2
nd
room
staircase 4
short corridor 4
portcullis 2 stone
portcullis 2 receiving
niche
portcullis 2 room
change in level
short corridor 5
portcullis 3 stone
portcullis 3 receiving
niche
portcullis 3 room
change in level
short passage 5
Length
91.00
0.44
123.50
16.50
2.00
3.40
1.00
1.50
—
2.00
3.60
12.00
3.70
1.00
1.00
9.50
5.60
0.50
1.00
15.10
0.50
1.00
4.70
3.50
2.40
8.60
0.70
2.00
3.30
1.00
1.50
—
2.00
3.30
1.00
1.50
—
1.50
width
91.00
0.21-0.23
5.50
0.65
0.80
0.80
2.00
2.10
1.50
—
0.80
2.00
0.80
2.00
—
0.80
0.80
2.20
0.80
1.10
1.80
0.80
1.10
2.10
0.8
0.80
2.10
0.80
0.80
2.00
2.00
1.50
—
0.80
2.00
2.20
1.50
—
0.80
height
0.12-0.13
1.80
—
1.70
—
1.80
1.70
1.80
1.80
2.50
1.90
2.50
1.30
—
1.90
2.60
—
—
—
—
—
1.70
2.00
—
—
1.20
2.00
2.00
—
7.70
2.00
1.80
—
—
1.70
1.80
1.70/1.90
Notes
Preserved to a height of
3
m
Mudbrick sinusoidal wall;
preserved to a height of
2
m
in one area
44 steps
from the right; open
measurements if portcullis
were in place
above previous floor
down; beneath turning room
5 steps; below turning room
13 steps beneath previous
room
Beneath previous room
from the left; closed
height from top of base to
apex/from top of lid to apex
above previous floor
from the right, open
above previous floor
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antechamber 1
northern access tunnel
southern access tunnel
small corridor 5
sarcophagus 1 base
coffin 1 niche
canopic 1 niche
sarcophagus 1 interior
above and beside
niches
sarcophagus 1 lid fixed
1
sarcophagus 1 lid fixed
2
sarcophagus 1 lid
mobile
sarcophagus 1
chamber
granite lid supports
limestone supports
long corridor 3
sarcophagus 2
chamber
sarcophagus 2 base
coffin 2 niche
canopic 2 niche
sarcophagus 2 lid
sarcophagus chamber
portcullis 4
portcullis 4 receiving
niche
antechamber 2
1.70
4.30
4.20
1.90
6.20
2.30
0.80
1.00/1.20/
1.00/1.30
1.90
1.90
2.50
6.30
2.20
0.70
4.40
3.50
3.50
2.30
0.60
3.50
3.50
2.40
0.40
2.60
6.00
0.70
0.70
0.80
2.80
0.70
0.80
1.50
7.30
7.30
7.30
7.30
0.70
0.70
0.70
1.80
1.80
0.70
0.60
1.80
1.80
0.60
0.70
1.80
—
1.30
1.30
1.40
4.20
0.80
0.50
1.80/1.20/
1.00/1.00
1.50
1.50
1.50
7.20
2.00
1.40
1.30
1.80
2.30
0.80
0.70
0.40/0.50
2.2
1.70
2.00
1.40
8.20 wider for 0.70
height from top pf
sarcophagus base to apex of
roof
one on each side of the
sarcophagus (2 total)
4 total
height of middle/ends
height from top of
sarcophagus base to apex of
roof
from the left; open
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5. Pyramid of Ameny Qemau
pyramid
encasement trench
north chapel
substructure pit
ramp
entrance corridor
short corridor 1
portcullis 1 stone
portcullis 1 room
change in level
short corridor 2
portcullis 2 stone
portcullis 2 receiving
niche
portcullis 2 room
change in level
short corridor 3
turning room 1
staircase 1
short corridor 4
turning chamber 2
staircase 2
short corridor 5
antechamber
portcullis 3
portcullis 3 niche
sarcophagus
chamber
coffin niche
canopic niche
sarcophagus lid
Length
52.4
57.55-57.65
3.00+
24.35
—
1.80+
2.90
—
1.83
—
1.60
2.15
0.50
1.30
—
—
—
—
—
3.60
2.00
1.74
3.25
2.60
0.40
4.50
2.35
0.66
4.50
width
52.4
5.85-6.50
8.00+
3.60-2200
—
—
0.90
—
2.20
—
1.00+
1.60
1.81
1.40
—
—
—
—
—
2.14
0.90
0.90
2.20
0.80
0.86-0.88
2.18
0.89
0.63
2.18
Height
—
—
—
—
—
1.30
1.30
—
1.30+
1.30?
1.10+
1.40
—
—
1.35
—
—
1.20?
—
1.04+
1.45
1.75
2.20+
2.60
—
2.50+
1.07
0.59
0.60
Notes
Could also be up to 57.5
on each side.
The interior lines were
44.20 to 45.30 m.
slopes downward
drops from above from a
shaft
Up
closed from the south
only the floor was
preserved
poorly preserved
poorly preserved
poorly preserved
poorly preserved
6 steps; down
Quartzite roof block 0.75
m thick
closed from the west
4.88 in length from the
back of
the
portcullis
the lid was broken off at
the northern end;
measurement based upon
reconstruction
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6. North Mazghuna
pyramid
causeway
staircase 1 (entrance)
turning platform
staircase 2
short corridor 1
door niche in corridor
portcullis 1 stone
portcullis niche
portcullis 1 receiving
niche
portcullis 1 room
change in level
short corridor 2
turning room 1
short corridor 3
portcullis 2 stone
portcullis niche
portcullis 2 receiving
portcullis 2 room
change in level
short corridor 3
turning room 2
staircase 3
long corridor
turning chamber 3
short corridor 4
antechamber
portcullis 3
portcullis 3 niche
portcullis 3 receiving
niche
sarcophagus
coffin niche
canopic niche
sarcophagus lid
sarcophagus chamber
short corridor 5
chamber
Length
—
116.43
4.56
2.61
11.28
1.41
1.04
4.50?
2.97?
0.64
1.97
—
1.58
2.38-2.41
1.47
2.96
2.97
0.76
1.76
—
1.59
4.93
1.90
8.33
3.30
2.06
4.41
3.21
3.37
0.51
4.75
2.38-2.39
0.68
4.23
4.51
1.17
1.48-1.49
width
—
43.74
0.96
2.60
0.97-0.98
1.02-1.14
0.10
2.01
2.13
2.16
1.61
—
0.96
2.95
0.97
1.69
1.94
2.16
1.52
—
0.98
2:51
0.86
0.97-0.99
2.69
0.97
2.67
0.61
0.66
0.89
2.63
0.94-0.96
0.66-0.67
2.60
2.67
0.70
4.69-4.70
height
—
—
1.90-1.93
—
1.90-1.94
1.98
1.98
1.79
2.16
—
3.80
1.64
1.40-1.59
2.37-2.38
2.11
1.79
2.30
—
3.75
1.43
1.36-1.47
2.13
0.89
1.69-1.70
2.38
1.59
2.46
2.62
2.98
—
1.83
1.17-1.18
0.76-0.77
0.77
3.40
0.66
2.14-2.16
Notes
10 steps, 0.53x0.43x0.09
with 0.22 wide ramp ; 27°
down 0.16
ramp for 3.78, 31 steps at
0.53x0.38x0.09 with ramps
of
0.22,
end ramp for 1.06;
13°30'
closed from the north
Up
slopes downward 0.19;
quartzite block ceiling
slopes downward
24°, 5 steps at
0.41x0.41x0.16, ramps at
0.22
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7. South M azghuna
pyramid
pyramid bricks
encasement trench
enclosure
enclosure entrance
enclosure bricks
chapel
chapel bricks
entrance staircase
short corridor 1
portcullis 1 stone
portcullis 1 room
change in level
staircase 2
short corridor 2
portcullis 2 stone
portcullis 2 room
unpreserved corridor
unpreserved room
long corridor 1
antechamber
corridor to burial
chamber
eastern access tunnel
western access tunnel
1
western access tunnel
2
sarcophagus base
exterior
sarcophagus interior
above niches
coffin niche
canopic niche
sarcophagus lid fixed
sarcophagus lid
length
55.40
0.46
55.40/55.67
77.72/76.40/
76.61/76.63
3.71
0.30/0.32
12.74
0.30/0.31/
0.34/0.38
4.88
0.83
2.63
1.40
—
2.79
0.84
2.65
1.40
2.03
10.16
10.29
9.00-9.04
2.09
3.44
3.65
3.15
—
3.34
2.40-2.43
0.73
2.23
2.59
width
55.67
0.23
5.13
1.05
—
0.16$. 17
6.22
0.15/0.16/
0.15/0.20
0.90
0.90
1.49
1.14
—
0.93
0.90
1.59
1.14
0.90
3.05
1.07-1.09
2.11-2.15
1.06
0.70-0.74
0.80-0.86
0.76
2.13
1.16
0.90-0.92
0.72
2.11
2.01
Height
0.13
0.99
1.52+
—
0.09/0.11
—
0.10/0.11/
0.11/0.09
—
—
1.45
—
1.19
—
—
1.45
—
—
—
1.41-1.63
1.62-1.66
0.85
0.91-0.92
1.08-1.10
0.92-0.96
—
0.43-0.44
1.04-1.06
0.70-0.71
1.40
0.99-1.51
Notes
100 cubits
mudbrick, sinusoidal wall,
crest to crest 3.71
Blocked
continues an additional
4.20 to the west for 1.66
descent 22°30'; steps 0.11
by 0.37; ramps
0.25/0.28
drop of 0.13 from steps
granite ramp 2.54 by 0.74;
4°15'
Up
descent 18"; 8 steps; 0.39
by
0.11;
ramps 0.27
drop of
0.13
from steps
change in level up, 2
uneven steps
change in level down 1.04
roof 0.14-0.19 higher for
4.13
change in level up 0.89
with 3 uneven places
steps
3 steps down, 2 cut in
(0.32x0.34x0.13) and 1
placed
4.00 from north of eastern
corridor; 0.56 into
passage
entrance-0.86xO.85xO.91
entrance-0.76-0.80
base 0.13 lower than
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mobile
sarcophagus
chamber
lid supports
4.09
0.89
2.88
0.34
4.15
0.95/1.05
pavement
1.08 above sarcophagus
lid
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Appendix III: Ch arts Showing the Level Changes Representing the
Twelve Hours of the Night
The substructures of Late Middle Kingd om royal mortuary corpus m ay provide an
architectural model of the idea of the twelve hours of the night in the netherworld through
six sections divided by changes in level. This method of representing the underworld
began in the reign of Amen emhet III in Dynasty X II. At times, judgm ents must be made
concerning how to count the hours, and other combinations are possible. How ever, here,
the entrance staircases are counted as "hou rs" while others represent transitions b etween
sections. For each mon umen t, the divisions are shown schem atically (not to scale) in a
diagram with numbers while the changes in level are shown using letters. See Chapter 5,
Section IV.
2 /B
c ' 1
r
E i i— I 1 i
I
^
i C
1. Staircase (down)
2.
Corridor
3. Corridor (slopes down)
4. Corridor (slopes up)
5.
A n t e c h a m b e r
6. Sarcophagus (used)
k
N
A. Portcullis (up/closed)
B.
Wooden door
C. Portcullis (up/open)
D. Portcullis (up/open)
E . F lo or pa s s age (do wn )
1. The Pyramid of Amenemhet III a t Hawara.
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D
k
N
t
1. Entrance stairway (down)
2. Entrance stairway (down)
3.
Corridor (downward slope)
4. Corridor
5.
Antechamber
6. Sarcophagus (unused)
B
A. Portcullis (up/open)
B. Portcullis (up/open)
C. Floor passage (down)
D.
Ceiling passage (up)
E. Floor passage (down)
2 . T h e P y r a m i d o f K h e n d j e r a t S o u t h S a k k a r a .
L
N
1. Entrance stairway (down)
2.
Entrance stairway (down)
3. Corridor
4. Corridor
5. Antechamber
6. Sarcophagus (used)
i
i
D
- >
B
A
A. Portcullis (up/closed)
B .
Portcullis (up/open)
C. Floor passage with steps (down)
D.
Ceiling passage with steps (up)
E. Floor passage (down)
3 . T h e P y r a m i d a t S o u t h M a z g h u n a .
4 9 7
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• > E
D
t
L
N
C 2 B 1 A
1. Corridor
2. Corridor
3. Corridor
4.
Corridor
5. Antechamber
6. Sarcophagus (used)
A. Portcullis (up/closed)
B. Portcullis (up/closed)
C. Staircase (down)
D. Staircase (down)
E. Portcullis (closed)
4.
The Pyramid of Ameny Qemau.
• » D
C 3 B
1. Shaft base
2.
Corridor
3. Corridor
4.
Corridors
5. Corridor
6. Sarcophagus (used)
A
k
N
A 1
A. Threshold
B. Portcullis (up)
C. Floor Passage (down)
D . Portcullis (down)
5. Mastaba S9 at South Abydos (Option 1).
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->c
B 2 A
1. Corridor
2.
Corridor
3. Corridor
4.
Corridor
5.
Corridor
6. Sarcophagus (used)
t
w
N
A. Portcullis (up/closed)
B.
Floor Passage (down)
C. Portcullis (down/closed)
6. Ma staba S9 at South Abydo s (Op t ion 2).
4 C
5
i 1
i E i
i I — — I
i
i i
L
— 6
D?
L
N
B A 1
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Shaft base
Corridor
Stairs (down)/corridor
Corridors
Antechamber
Sarcophagus
A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
Threshold
Floor passage (down)
Portcullis (up)
Floor passage? (down?)
Floor passage (down)
7. The Tomb Model from Dahshur.
499
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4 C
t
L
N
1. Shaft base
2.
Corridor
3.
Stairs (down)/corridor
4.
Corridor
+
A. Threshold
B.
Floor passage (down)
C. Portcullis (up/closed)
8. S10 at South Abydos.
4/C
3 B 2 A
1. Staircase (down)
2.
Corridor
3.
Corridor
4. Antechamber
5. Corridor
6. Sarcophagus
A. Portcullis (up)
B.
Portcullis (up)
C. Floor Passage (down—south only)
9. The Subsidiary Pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara.
500
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D
C
2 A
B
<-
1. Staircases (down)
2.
Corridors
3.
Corridors
4. Corridors
5.
Antechamber
6. Sarcophagus (unused)
A. Portcullis (up/open)
B.
Portcullis (up/open)
C. Staircase (down)
D. Portcullis (open)
10. The Pyramid at North Mazghuna (Opt ion 1).
->
D
V
B
<r
C
1-6. Corridors
A-F.
Corners
k
N
11 .
The Pyramid at No rth Maz ghun a (Opt ion 2).
501
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1.
Staircase (down)
2. Corridor
3. Corridor
4.
Corridors
5.
Corridor
6. Sarcophagus
4
2 A
A. Portcullis (up)
B. Staircase (down)
C. Portcullis (up)
D.
Portcullis (up)
L
N
12 . The "Unfinished" P yramid (Option 1).
1-5. Corridors
6. Sarcophagus
A
"
D
- Corners
*
k
N
13 . The "Unfinished" Pyramid (Option 2).
502
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I
7 F 6
1. Staircase (dow n)
2. Corridors
3. Corridors
4.
Corridor
5.
Corridor
6. Corridor
7. Corridor
8. Sarcophagus
E 5D
4
T
A. Portcullis (up)
B. Staircase (down)
C. Staircase (dow n)
D. Staircase (down)
E. Portcullis (up)
F. Portcullis (up)
I
2 A
k
N
14 .
The "Unfinished" Pyramid (Option 3).
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Index
Abu G hurob , 270,
271,
272
Abu
Roash,
270
Aby dos, 2, 3 , 17, 21, 23, 29, 35, 38, 39,
40 , 50 , 51 , 76, 77, 79, 82, 83, 91 , 103,
107 ,109 ,111 ,112 ,120 ,125 ,130 ,
136 ,137 , 155, 156, 160, 164, 168,
193,
2 35, 240, 256, 290, 292, 295,
296,
297 , 299, 300, 301 , 302, 303,
304, 305, 306, 307, 309, 310, 3 11,
312 ,313 ,314 ,315 ,317 ,318 ,319 ,
325, 332, 337, 338, 340, 341 , 342,
351,
3 52, 357, 358, 359, 360, 36 1,
362, 363 , 364, 365, 367, 375, 388,
389,
392, 394, 396, 400, 401, 402,
403,
407 , 409, 412, 417, 420, 422,
427, 43 5, 438, 439, 448, 449, 466, 481
Africanus, 31 , 61
Ahm ose, 22, 23, 29, 36, 59, 361, 40 3,
405, 406, 407, 417
Amenemhet I (Sehotepibre), 2, 10, 11,
12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18 ,1 9,2 0, 21 ,2 2,
65,
68, 70, 74, 97, 104, 108, 110, 114,
120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126,
128, 129, 134, 145, 152, 154, 155,
156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 165,
166, 170, 173, 180, 181, 189, 196,
202,
208, 215, 225, 235, 240, 241 ,
242, 249, 250, 25 1, 252, 254, 259,
263,
266 , 276, 277, 284, 285, 286,
292,
29 3, 299, 314, 319, 331, 337,
355, 35 8, 360, 362, 363, 364, 365,
368, 369, 37 3, 375, 376, 378, 380,
382,
38 3, 384, 387, 389, 392, 393,
396, 397, 400, 403, 404, 430, 441 ,
446, 447,
451,
452, 456, 458, 460,
461,465,466,478,485,496
Amenemhet II (N ub kau re), 2, 11, 12,
13,14, 15, 17, 18, 19,20,21,65,68,
70, 74, 97, 110, 114, 120, 124, 125,
126, 129, 134, 145, 152, 154, 155,
156,
157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 165,
166,
170, 173, 180, 181, 189, 196,
202, 20 8,21 5, 225, 235, 241, 242,
249, 250,
251,
2 52, 254, 259, 263,
266,
276 ,277,28 5, 286,293, 299,
314 ,331 ,337 ,355 ,358 ,360 ,362 ,
*
363,
364, 365, 368, 369, 373 , 375,
376, 378, 380, 382, 384, 387 , 389,
392,
393, 396, 400, 403, 404, 447,
451,
4 52, 458, 460,
461,
47 8, 485, 496
Amenemhet
III (N ym aatre), 2, 11 , 12,
1 3 , 1 4 , 1 5 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 1 9 , 2 0 , 2 1 , 6 5 , 6 8 ,
70 , 74, 97, 110, 114, 120, 124, 125,
126,
129, 134, 145, 152, 154, 155,
156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 165,
166,
170, 173, 180, 181, 189, 196,
202,
208 ,215,2 25, 235,2 41, 242,
249, 250,
251,
252, 254, 259, 263 ,
266 ,276 ,285 ,286 ,293 ,299 ,314 ,
331, 3 37, 355, 358, 360, 362, 363 ,
364, 365 , 373, 375, 376, 378, 382,
384,
387 , 389, 392, 393, 396, 400,
403, 404, 447, 451 , 458, 460, 46 1,
478, 48 5, 496
Amenemhet
IV (Maakherure) ,
11,
20,
22 ,65 ,68 ,115 ,125 ,152 , 166 ,173 ,
225, 240 , 277, 286, 299, 368, 369,
404,
446, 447, 451, 45 6, 458, 460
Amenemhet VIII (Sankhibre Ameny
Intef), 71, 119, 216, 369, 431, 445,
457
Ameny Qemau ,
2, 64, 69, 70, 71, 73,
110 ,115 ,119 ,208 ,211 ,213 ,215 ,
216,
217, 225, 226, 244, 249, 253,
260,
261 , 262, 263, 264, 267, 276,
278, 279, 280,
281,
282, 283, 293,
309, 310, 351 , 368, 369, 370, 371 ,
373, 376, 396, 397, 402, 431 , 436,
441,
44 5, 457, 492
Ankhu ,
66, 79, 80, 81 , 84, 130, 131,
132,
134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 189,
417,419
544
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Ap epi, 25, 29, 30, 58, 59, 60, 66 ,403
Ath ribis , 289
Av aris (Tell el-D ab'a), 6, 24, 25, 26,
27 , 28, 29, 3 1, 34, 35, 39, 40, 56, 57,
59 , 60, 102, 286, 287, 346, 364, 40 1,
403,
404, 409, 465, 466, 467, 47 1,
472,
478 , 479
Aw ibre H or, 2, 55, 66, 74, 75, 76, 115,
125, 174, 215, 223, 24 1, 242, 244,
249,
250,
251,
25 4, 265, 266, 276,
292, 299, 309, 3 51, 355, 364, 369,
370,
3 71 , 376, 378, 380, 381, 384,
386, 393, 409, 443 , 444, 445, 450,
451,483
Ay (M ernefe rre), 9, 17, 18, 24, 37, 47,
48, 50, 91 , 92, 95, 97, 119, 257, 287,
288,
29 1, 293, 363, 372, 376, 399,
403,
40 4, 410, 425, 426, 427, 437,
438, 445 , 450, 454, 456, 469, 471 ,
474,
475 , 483
Aymeru, 48, 49, 84, 89, 131, 136, 138,
139,
361,
4 17, 419, 426, 432, 438
Beni H asa n, 11, 13, 14, 15, 70, 392
Bersha, 13, 15,388
circulating succession, 141, 142, 143,
144 ,145 ,146 ,147 ,148 ,150 ,439 ,
452,
454
corege ncy, 20, 75, 87, 119, 120, 121,
122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 249
DAS 16, 279, 280, 368, 396
DAS 17, 280, 369, 370, 396
DA S 2, 278, 279, 280, 368, 369, 370,
396,
397
DAS 46, 282
DAS 53, 284
Ded um ose, 27, 50, 58, 60, 66, 471, 482,
483
divine birth (divine marriage), 2, 100,
101 ,102 ,103 ,104 ,149 ,453 ,468
Djehuty (Sekhemresementawy), 47,
48 ,51 ,426
doub le nam e, 2 3, 64, 67, 70, 71 , 74, 77,
89, 95, 98, 110, 115, 126, 139, 249,
428, 429,
431,
432, 433, 434, 435,
436,
458
D ra Abu el-Naga, 34, 45, 81 , 372, 406,
408
Edfu, 32, 38, 58, 425
El Kab , 38,
41,
42, 43 , 45, 48, 60, 139,
406,
425 , 426
elective kingship, 128, 129
Ele pha ntine , 15, 35, 57, 68, 88, 126,
139 ,270 ,290 ,361 ,405 ,422
El-L ahu n, 65, 68, 154, 285
Ezbet Rush di, 288, 465, 466
filiation, 23 , 64, 71 , 72, 74, 77, 98, 139,
143,
144 ,411 ,428 ,429 ,431 ,432 ,
433,
434, 436, 437, 438, 439, 44 1,
442,
44 3, 444, 447, 448, 458
Geb elein, 29 , 30, 35, 38, 58
Ha tshe psu t, 28, 45, 59, 101
Hawara, 2, 17, 18, 21, 154, 155, 156,
157,
158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163,
164, 165, 166, 167, 173, 178, 180,
196,
202, 2 15, 219, 225, 235, 238,
239, 251 , 252, 256, 259, 260, 263,
265, 266, 285, 286, 293, 310, 331 ,
355, 36 0, 364, 373, 374, 375, 377,
385, 38 9, 390, 392, 396, 399, 400,
478, 485
Horemkhauef, 2 , 4 1 , 42 ,43 , 49, 439
H ori (S ewa djkare), 93, 443, 444, 445,
483
Ho rus, 59, 64, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73,
74 , 75 , 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 85, 86, 88,
90 , 9 1, 92, 93, 94, 96, 100, 113, 114,
116, 119, 122, 125, 149,189,206,
247 ,295 ,450 ,451 ,478
Hy ksos , 1, 6, 17, 24, 25 , 26, 27, 28, 29,
30 , 3 1, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39,
40,
4 1,
4 4, 49, 50, 5 1, 52, 56, 57, 58,
59, 60, 62 , 72, 88, 94, 96, 97, 102,
122, 128, 129, 134, 135, 148, 191,
287, 288 , 359, 364, 394,
401,
402,
403,
4 04, 405, 407, 408, 409, 416,
456, 463, 464, 465, 466, 4 73, 475, 479
Ibiaw (W ahib re), 47, 91, 363, 415, 416,
420,
425, 426, 427
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Imyremeshaw (Semenkhkare) , 80, 81,
82, 9 1, 131, 136, 140, 205 , 372, 403 ,
404, 414, 432, 445 , 457, 480
Ined (Mersekh emre) , 9 3, 436, 443
Intef
(Sehotepkare) , 81 , 82, 131, 205,
431,442,443,445
I t jatawy,
2, 10, 13, 23 , 34, 37,
41,
42,
43, 44 , 45, 49, 56, 94, 97, 269, 284,
299, 397 , 424, 474, 475
Iwefni, 71, 119
Kam ose, 26, 28, 30, 35, 36, 48, 58, 59,
66 , 164, 405 , 424, 475
Karnak
King-List,
87 , 463
Kay (Sedjefakare Amenemhet) , 76, 81,
126,369,431,456
Keb si, 47, 48, 49
Keminebu, 38 0, 383, 384
Khayan ,
2 5, 29, 30, 59, 60, 473
Khendjer
(W oserk are), 2, 58, 66, 67,
69 ,7 6 ,78 ,79 ,80 ,8 1 , 110 ,130 , 131 ,
135, 136, 139, 166, 167, 168, 172,
173 ,174 ,175 ,180 ,181 ,182 ,183 ,
185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191, 194,
196,
197, 198, 199, 20 1, 203 , 205 ,
206,
207, 210, 225, 230, 231 , 240,
241,
24 2, 257, 258, 260,
261,
262,
264,
2 65, 268, 273, 274, 278, 279,
2 8 1 , 2 8 8 , 2 9 2 , 2 9 3 , 3 1 4 , 3 1 9 , 3 6 1 ,
369, 370, 37 1, 376, 385, 390, 396,
398, 400, 402, 409, 414, 431, 445,
451,457,480,485,487,489
Khenmet, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384
Khnumhotep
III, 11, 13, 14, 15
Kom
el-Hisn,
290, 372, 394
Lepsius I, 270
Lepsius L IV, 277, 368
Lepsius LIX , 281
Lepsius LV , 278
Lepsius XLV, 191,274
Lepsius
XVI ,
272,273
Lepsius X XV III, 271, 272, 273
Lisht,
10, 56, 86, 164, 174, 247, 284,
293, 337, 346, 377, 381 , 385, 393,
396, 397
M anetho , 7, 21 ,25 ,26 , 27, 28, 32, 35,
44,
5 3, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 88, 122
Mazghuna (No rth), 217, 218, 224, 225,
239,
240, 260, 263, 264, 267, 28 1,
292, 369, 370, 374, 375 , 376, 389, 493
Mazghuna (South), 2, 225, 226, 227,
235,
238, 239, 240, 260, 262, 264,
265, 28 2, 300, 321 , 324, 327, 328,
331,
357, 360, 365, 369, 370, 3 71,
374,375,396,401,402,494
M em phis, 10, 27, 32, 41 , 44, 51 , 56, 58,
5 9 , 6 0 , 9 4 , 112,273,404,449
Mentuhotep (Queen), 45, 47
Mentuhotep (Sankhenre) , 41
mutilated hieroglyp hs, 164, 246, 309,
351,380,383,384
Nebiriau (Sewad jenre), 4 8, 76, 363,
450
Ned jemib re, 73, 74, 445, 457, 467, 480,
482, 483
Neferhotep I (Kha sekhem re) , 38, 57,
64 , 74, 84, 8 5, 86, 87, 89, 91 , 96, 102,
103,104, 109, 118, 120, 127,134,
146,
207, 284, 293, 319, 361, 362,
363, 369, 372, 384, 415, 421, 422,
438,
441,
448, 450, 456, 457, 463,
470,
47 1, 472, 473, 480, 481 , 482,
483,
484
Neferuptah,
162, 164, 165, 215, 246,
247, 355 , 377, 384
Nefrusobek (Sobekkare) ,
11,
20, 21,
23,
39, 65, 114, 124, 152, 166, 225,
239,
286, 287, 299, 369, 446, 45 1,
452,
456, 460
Nehesy, 24 , 25, 37, 72
Ne rika re, 68, 69, 70, 97, 437, 457, 460,
480
nomarch, 14, 15
Nubheteptikhered, 378, 380, 381, 382,
383,384
Osiris, 76, 107, 109, 113, 114, 116, 149,
155, 292, 29 5, 296, 297, 318, 363,
365, 387, 392, 394, 407, 409
Papyrus Bulaq
18, 7, 80, 95, 130, 135,
136, 137, 139, 189, 205 , 391 , 399, 419
546
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pyramidion, 96,167, 170,173, 182,
196 ,206 ,210 ,287 ,288 ,289 ,291 ,
372, 376, 399, 403, 404, 409, 487
Qau
el-Kebir,
15
Reniseneb (Am enemh et), 67, 74, 83,
425, 4 31, 435, 441, 443, 445, 452, 457
S10, 256, 299, 300, 30 1, 305, 306, 309,
312 ,313 ,314 ,317 ,318 ,321 ,334 ,
341,
342 , 351 , 358, 359, 360, 36 1,
363,
365 , 375, 384, 387, 389, 392,
393,
396, 403,404,412, 420,427,
429, 430, 448, 450, 45 1, 452, 462,
466, 483
Senwosret I I (Khakhep er re) ,
3,9,10,
1 1 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 4 , 1 5 , 1 6 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 1 9 , 7 6 ,
8 3 , 9 7 , 1 0 6 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 1 , 1 2 0 , 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 ,
133,
154, 155, 156, 160, 168, 170,
173,
250, 25 1, 276, 285 , 297, 299,
308, 318, 319, 32 3, 324, 334, 337,