Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Typological and articulatory perspectives oncontext e�ects
Je� Mielke
North Carolina State University
May 29, 2014
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 1/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
Overview
How do speech production and perception map onto the typologyof synchronic sound patterns?
I Phonological patterns database: What frequent synchronicpatterns call for an explanation via sound change?
I Questioning the role of social identity in the early stages ofsound change.
I Articulatory studies of covert innovations that can actuate andadvance without speaker awareness.
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 2/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
P-base (Mielke, 2008; Brohan and Mielke, 2014)
I Database of 4560 phonologicalpatterns in 537 languages
I Phonological segments associatedto feature vectors.
I Patterns labeled according to input,output, context,assimilatory/non-assimilatorychange, etc.
I Web interface:http://phon.chass.ncsu.edu/
pbase-app/
basic_consonants
p t̪ t tl ʈ c k k͡pq ʔ
b d̪ d ɖ ɟ ɡ ɡ͡bɢ
pʼt̪ʼ
tʼcʼ
kʼqʼ
ɓɗ̪
ɗʄ
ɠ
ɠ͡ɓ
ʛ
pɸ
pf t̪θ tθ ts tʂtçtɬ tʃtɕʈʂ
cçqχ
bv d̪ð d̪zd̪ð dz dʐdʝ dʒ dʑɖʐ ɟʝ
ɸ f θ s ɬ ʃ ɕʂç x χħ hβ
v ð z ɮ ʒ ʑ ʐʝ ɣ
ʁ ʕ ɦ
m n̪ n ɳ ɲ ŋ ŋ͡mɴ
v̌r̪
rʀ
vɾ ɾð
ɾ̪ ɾ
ɺɽ
ʋ ɹ
ɻ j ɥɰ wl̪ l ɭ
ʎ
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 3/37
4560phonological rules
100%
other30.5%
epenthesis7.1%
deletion17%lenition
13.8%
palatal-ization3.2%
otherassimilation
24.8%
finaldevoicing
1.1%
gliding2.5%
other30.5%
Vepen2.3%
glideepenthesis
2%glottal
epenthesis1.6%
Cepen1.2%
Vdeletion
6.2%
glidedeletion
2%
glottaldeletion
2.3%
Cdeletion
6.4%
lenition13.8%
palatal-ization3.2% other
assimilation18.5%regressive
nasal placeassim4.5%
Vnasalization
1.8%final
devoicing1.1%
gliding2.5%
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
Context-sensitive phonological patterns
I Recurrent phonologicalpatterns re�ecting recurrent(context-sensitive) soundchanges.
I What is missing?
I QUESTION: What doyou think are the relativerates of occurrence ofcontext-free andcontext-sensitive soundchange?
other30.5%
Vepen2.3%
glideepenthesis
2%glottal
epenthesis1.6%
Cepen1.2%
Vdeletion
6.2%
glidedeletion
2%
glottaldeletion
2.3%
Cdeletion
6.4%
lenition13.8%
palatal-ization3.2% other
assimilation18.5%regressive
nasal placeassim4.5%
Vnasalization
1.8%final
devoicing1.1%
gliding2.5%
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 6/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
Well-established bias factors (Garrett and Johnson, 2013)
Bias factors Representative sound changesProduction/perception biasMotor planning Consonant harmony; anticipatory
displacementAerodynamic constraints Rhotacism, other fricative-to-glide
shifts; �nal devoicingGestural mechanics Palatalization; umlaut; VN > V;
vowel coalescence
Systemic biasAuditory enhancement Interdental fricative labialization;
back vowel rounding
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 7/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
Sound change actuation and social factors. . .
I Janda and Joseph (2003):Sound change is initiated byphonetic factors, but spreadprimarily by social factors.
I But how?
I Garrett and Johnson (2013)model: �We will furthersuggest that social factorsinteract with bias variationin ways that lead to soundchange.� (+ �gures →)
–––– -Alan-Yu-c-drv Allan-Yu (Typeset by SPi) of September , :
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – REVISES, //, SPi
. Phonetic bias in sound change
Phonetic distribution
Phonetic output (with a bias factor)
Nu
mbe
r of
inst
ance
s
–4 –2 0 2 4 6
050
150
250
Population distribution
Social group identity
Freq
uen
cy
–2 0 2 4 6 8 10
050
100
150
–2 0 2 4 6–2
02
46
8
Bivariate random selection
Phonetic output
Soci
al id
enti
ty
–2 0 2 4 6
–20
24
68
Cycle number 0
Phonetic output
Soci
al id
enti
ty
–2 0 2 4 6
–20
24
68
Cycle number 25
Phonetic output
Soci
al id
enti
ty
–2 0 2 4 6
–20
24
68
Cycle number 50
Phonetic output
Soci
al id
enti
ty
Figure . Simulation of a gradient phonetic bias. The starting phonetic and social identitydistributions are shown in the histograms. The results of a bivariate random selection fromthese distributions is shown in the top right panel. Social group differences are indicated onthe vertical axis, which measures an arbitrary ‘social identity’ parameter. Phonetic output isshown on the horizontal axis, where a value of zero indicates a voiced fricative production, anda value of four indicates a voiced approximant production.The bottom panels show the gradualphonetic drift, from iteration to iteration of the simulation, as the phonetic target includesapproximated variants for one social group, and persistent phonetic instability for the othergroup who do not allow the inclusion of approximated variants to influence the target.
so that the phonetic distribution has a longer tail in one direction than it does in theother. The speech community in this simulation was also characterized by a bimodalsocial stratification with fifty per cent of exemplars produced by one social group andfifty per cent by another group of talkers. Each dot in the top right graph represents anexemplar in the sociophonetic space defined by phonetic output and social identity.At the start of the simulation there is no correlation between the phonetic and socialvalues; the bias factor is equally likely to affect the speech of each population group.The bottom row of graphs shows how this phonetic system evolved over the course offifty iterations of simulated imitation.As seen in Figure ., the phonetic output of the two simulated groups of speakers
diverges. One group (centered around social identity index value ) maintained thestarting phonetic realization—a situation of persistent phonetic instability, where anaerodynamic bias factor influences about ten per cent of all /z/ productions, butthis bias factor does not induce phonetic drift. The other group (centered aroundsocial identity index value ) shows gradual phonetic drift, so that by the end of the
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 8/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
Sound change actuation and social factors. . .
I Janda and Joseph (2003):Sound change is initiated byphonetic factors, but spreadprimarily by social factors.
I But how?
I Garrett and Johnson (2013)model: �We will furthersuggest that social factorsinteract with bias variationin ways that lead to soundchange.� (+ �gures →)
–––– -Alan-Yu-c-drv Allan-Yu (Typeset by SPi) of September , :
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – REVISES, //, SPi
. Phonetic bias in sound change
Phonetic distribution
Phonetic output (with a bias factor)
Nu
mbe
r of
inst
ance
s
–4 –2 0 2 4 6
050
150
250
Population distribution
Social group identity
Freq
uen
cy–2 0 2 4 6 8 10
050
100
150
–2 0 2 4 6
–20
24
68
Bivariate random selection
Phonetic output
Soci
al id
enti
ty–2 0 2 4 6
–20
24
68
Cycle number 0
Phonetic output
Soci
al id
enti
ty
–2 0 2 4 6
–20
24
68
Cycle number 25
Phonetic output
Soci
al id
enti
ty
–2 0 2 4 6–2
02
46
8
Cycle number 50
Phonetic output
Soci
al id
enti
ty
Figure . Simulation of a gradient phonetic bias. The starting phonetic and social identitydistributions are shown in the histograms. The results of a bivariate random selection fromthese distributions is shown in the top right panel. Social group differences are indicated onthe vertical axis, which measures an arbitrary ‘social identity’ parameter. Phonetic output isshown on the horizontal axis, where a value of zero indicates a voiced fricative production, anda value of four indicates a voiced approximant production.The bottom panels show the gradualphonetic drift, from iteration to iteration of the simulation, as the phonetic target includesapproximated variants for one social group, and persistent phonetic instability for the othergroup who do not allow the inclusion of approximated variants to influence the target.
so that the phonetic distribution has a longer tail in one direction than it does in theother. The speech community in this simulation was also characterized by a bimodalsocial stratification with fifty per cent of exemplars produced by one social group andfifty per cent by another group of talkers. Each dot in the top right graph represents anexemplar in the sociophonetic space defined by phonetic output and social identity.At the start of the simulation there is no correlation between the phonetic and socialvalues; the bias factor is equally likely to affect the speech of each population group.The bottom row of graphs shows how this phonetic system evolved over the course offifty iterations of simulated imitation.As seen in Figure ., the phonetic output of the two simulated groups of speakers
diverges. One group (centered around social identity index value ) maintained thestarting phonetic realization—a situation of persistent phonetic instability, where anaerodynamic bias factor influences about ten per cent of all /z/ productions, butthis bias factor does not induce phonetic drift. The other group (centered aroundsocial identity index value ) shows gradual phonetic drift, so that by the end of the
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 8/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
Typical patterns for new sound changes (Labov, 2001)
I Age strati�cation(more advanced amongyounger people)
I The curvilinear pattern(more advanced amongthe middle social classes)
I Absence of style shifting(because the new varianthas little social indexicalvalue, and may not evenbe perceived).
Labov Driving forces Page 9
Figure 2. Age stratification of the fronting of /aw/ in the Philadelphia Neighborhood study [N=112]. Vertical axis shows expected values of F2 for each age range, calculated by adding age regression coefficients to the constant [Source: Labov 2001, Ch.5].
1500
1600
1700
1800
1900
2000
2100
Under 20 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59
Age
Social class distributions drawn from the same regression analysis are
shown in Figure 3, with the characteristic curvilinear pattern. The upper and middle working classes are in the lead, while the lower working class is significantly behind. The middle and upper classes show progressively lower values.
Figure 3. Social stratification of the fronting of /aw/ in the
Philadelphia Neighborhood Study [N=112]. Expected values of F2 calculated by adding social class regression coefficient to the constant. [Sourrce: Labov 2001, Ch. 5].
Age strati�cation in Philadelphia /aw/fronting (Labov, 2001)
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 9/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
Typical patterns for new sound changes (Labov, 2001)
I Age strati�cation(more advanced amongyounger people)
I The curvilinear pattern(more advanced amongthe middle social classes)
I Absence of style shifting(because the new varianthas little social indexicalvalue, and may not evenbe perceived).
Labov Driving forces Page 10
1550
1600
1650
1700
1750
1800
1850
1900
1950
2000
2050
Lower
working
class
Middle
working
class
Upper
working
class
Lower
middle
class
Upper
middle
class
Upper
class
This curvilinear pattern in Philadelphia was located as a test of the
hypothesis that linguistic change stems from a group located in the center of the socioeconomic hierarchy, a relationship found in New York City (Labov 1966), Norwich (Trudgill 1974), Panama City (Cedergren 1973) and Cairo (Haeri 1996). In smaller communities, it has been found that sound changes can serve as symbols of local identity (Labov 1963, Hazen 2000, Holmquist 1988, Frazer 1983). In close studies of social networks in the high schools of Detroit suburbs, Eckert has found differentiation of stages of the Northern Cities Shift by the adolescent realizations of social class (1999). The most recent stages of the Northern Cities Shift are significantly associated with membership in the polar group of“Burn-outs,” youth who show a generalized resistance to institutional norms and adult-sponsored activities.
More detailed studies of the social characteristics of the leaders of linguistic change show that they are female members of the highest status local group, upwardly mobile, with dense network connections within the local neighborhood, but an even wider variety of social contacts beyond the local area (Labov 2001, Ch. 11). Moreover, these leaders of change show a history of nonconformity in other respects, and show a life-long history of resistance to repressive or unjust authority (Labov 2001, Ch. 12). The same configuration appeared in Haeri’s study of palatalization in progress in Cairo Arabic (Haeri 1996).
The curvilinear pattern in Philadelphia/aw/ fronting (Labov, 2001)
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 9/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
A sound change trajectory
nominalvariation
exaggeration stratifiedfeature
indexicalfeature
nominalvariation
ka kaki
tʃi
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 10/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
A sound change trajectory
nominalvariation
exaggeration stratifiedfeature
indexicalfeature
nominalvariation
ka kaki
tʃi
I QUESTION: What proportion of potential soundchanges maintain their trajectory at each stage?
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 10/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
Innovations that do not seem innovative
I Language users overwhelmingly use forms that are already inuse.
I CLAIM: The typology of sound change is the typologyof ways to do something you don't realize you aren'talready doing.
I Predicts another form of underphonologization(Moreton, 2008)
I Innovative forms may have phonetic, structural, orcontact-based sources. . .
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 11/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
Innovators and early adopters (Milroy and Milroy, 1985, 381-2)
�[B]y making a further distinction between INNOVATORS of alinguistic change and the EARLY ADOPTERS, we have suggesteda principled reason for the di�culty experienced in observing theintroduction of an innovation into a community. This may be seenas the earliest stage of a linguistic change � at least from the pointof view of the community which is adopting it.�
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 12/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
Internal sources of innovation
◦ ◦
I innovative variants overtly present in other people's speech(spread of an innovative variant)
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 12/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
From sound changes to phonological patternsFrom phonetic biases to sound changes
External sources of innovation
◦ ◦
I output of a mechanical processI covert reanalysis (e.g., Blevins' CHANCE)I an interpretation of aggregate data about the languageI an output present in another phonological contexts (analogy)
or in another speech style
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 12/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Articulatory di�erences: overview
I Persian /t/ deletion:deletion and gestural overlap
I English /s/ retraction:degree of motivation for coarticulation is covert
I French rhotic vowels:shift from front/rounded to bunched, covert shift to retro�ex
I English /æ/ tensing:managing multiple context e�ects
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 13/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Falahati (2013): /t/ deletion in Persian
197.7 197.8 197.9 198.0
1510
50
-5t101 vaxt besheh
time (s)
dist
ance
(m
m)
t
b
C1 (col 15)
C2 (col 28)
/Xt#b/ → [Xb]
tongue dorsumtongue blade
516.5 516.6 516.7 516.8 516.9 517.0 517.1
1510
50
-5
t331 saxt joon
time (s)
dist
ance
(m
m)
x t
C1 (col 10)
C2 (col 28)
/Xt#j/ → [Xj]
tongue blade
tongue dorsum
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 14/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Falahati (2013): /t/ by perception and production
S6
S7
S2
S1
S3
S5
S4
% of tokens
subj
ect
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0
/t/ percept/gesture
[t]/full) ∅/full ∅/partial) ∅/none
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 15/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Falahati (2013): /t/ by perception and production
S6
S7
S2
S1
S3
S5
S4
% of tokens
subj
ect
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0
/t/ percept/gesture
[t]/full) ∅/full ∅/partial) ∅/none
I Mixture of deleted and overlapped /t/s.I Di�cult to match actual rate of deletion without knowing the
rate of overlapped /t/sI Frequency matching results in incrementation of deletion rate.
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 15/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Baker et al. (2011): [s]-[ô] articulatory di�erence
5 10 15 20 25
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
Articulatory Difference ([s]t/st[r])
Ret
ract
ion
Rat
io
RetractorsNon−retractors
[StôIN]
[stôIN]
I Articulatory bias towardretraction is variableamong non-retractors.
I Hidden parameter makescompensation forcoarticulation moredi�cult.
I Acoustic target matchingwithout compensation forindividual bias couldresult in (forwards orbackwards)incrementation.
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 16/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Rhotic vowels in Canadian French
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
←F3
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
←F3
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
rhotic non-rhotic
I Perceptually and acoustically similar to English [ô]
I Not obviously borrowed from English
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 17/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Rhotic vowels in Canadian French
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
←F3
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
←F3
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
rhotic non-rhotic
I Perceptually and acoustically similar to English [ô]
I Not obviously borrowed from English
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 17/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Rhotic vowels in Canadian Frenchp n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
←F3
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
←F3
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
p n ø
pneu
Time (s)0.8192 1.169
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.985 4.3610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p n ø
pneu
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)1.596 2.2690
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
Time (s)3.318 3.8870
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
b œ K
beurre
Time (s)0.08746 0.6123
0
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
Time (s)2.657 3.1610
6000
Fre
quen
cy (
Hz)
p a K f œ˜
parfum
rhotic non-rhotic
I Perceptually and acoustically similar to English [ô]
I Not obviously borrowed from English
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 17/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Rhotic vowels perception study (Lamontagne and Mielke, 2013)
I Anecdotally, rhotic vs. nonrhotic is non-salient.
I Francophones are less sensitive to rhoticity of /ø/ and of /œ̃/compared to anglophones from North Carolina.
I Rhoticity is more salient to francophones who do not producerhotic vowels.
I Rhotic /ø/ vs. English [@~] is more distinct than rhotic /ø/vs. non-rhotic /ø/.
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 18/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Rhotic vowels corpus study (Mielke, 2013)
I Based on two existing corpora (Poplack, 1989; Poplack andBourdages, 2010): Corpus du français parlé à Ottawa-Hull
(adults from Ottawa and Gatineau, recorded in 1982, andCorpus du français de l'Outaouais au nouveau millénaire
(students and teachers recorded in the last decade)
I 21 hours from 75 speakers analyzed using a French forcedaligner (Milne, 2013).
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 19/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
F3 by birth year (speaker means)
2000
2250
2500
2750
1900 1925 1950 1975birth year
norm
aliz
ed F
3 phone
ø
œ̃
œ
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 20/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
F1, F2, and F3 by birth year
1000
2000
3000
1900 1925 1950 1975birth year
norm
aliz
ed fo
rman
t
formant
F3
F2
F1
phone
ø
œ̃
œ
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 20/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
F1, F2, and F3 by birth year
1000
2000
3000
1900 1925 1950 1975birth year
norm
aliz
ed fo
rman
tformant
F3
F2
F1
phone
ø
œ̃
œ
I Backing/rounding shifted to rhoticity after 1960 withoutspeaker awareness.
I The most rhotic speakers are least aware of the di�erence.
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 20/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Two English [ô] variants (Delattre and Freeman, 1968)
Bunched Retro�ex
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 21/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Ultrasound data collection methods (Ottawa)
Ultrasound imaging
I Terason T3000 + Ultraspeech (Hueber et al., 2007)
I Mid-sagittal ultrasound and face video captured at 30 fps.
I Palatron system for head movement correction (Mielke et al.,2005; Baker, 2005)
Participants
I 23 francophones from Quebec, Ontario, and New Brunswick
I 16 females, 7 males, aged 18-38 (born 1973-1993)
Stimuli
I 30-35 target words with /ø œ̃ œ/ and 77-108 �llers
I 3 repetitions in carrier phrases:2 × �Je dis .� 1 × �Je dis encore.�
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 22/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Sample ultrasound images for /ø/ in pneu
Bunched Retro�ex Non-rhotic
.avi ø œ̃ œ .mwv ø œ̃ œ .avi ø œ̃ œ .mwv ø œ̃ œ .avi ø œ̃ œ .mwv ø œ̃ œ
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 23/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Quantifying concavity: parfum: bunched rhotic
300 350 400 450
-300
-280
-260
-240
-220
-200
-180
frr28
word[, 1]
-wor
d[, 2
]
0.343
−0.475
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 24/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Quantifying concavity: parfum: non-rhotic
350 400 450 500
-300
-280
-260
-240
-220
-200
-180
frr10
word[, 1]
-wor
d[, 2
]
0.064
−0.559
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 24/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Quantifying concavity: parfum: retro�ex rhotic
300 350 400 450
-300
-250
-200
-150
frr4
word[, 1]
-wor
d[, 2
]
0.315
0.297
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 24/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Rhoticity by F3 and concavity: /ø/
0.00 0.05 0.10 0.15 0.20 0.25 0.30 0.35
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1.0
/ø/ rhoticity
concavity (area)
norm
aliz
ed F
3
10
11
12
13
14
15
1617
18
2021
22
24
25
26
28
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Change #1 (rhoticity):
I Covert and gradual
I Linear concavity/rhoticity relationship.
Change #2 (retro�exion):
I Covert and abrupt
I No intermediate levelsof retro�exion.
I Bunching andretro�exion areinterchangeable forextreme rhoticity.
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 25/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Rhoticity by F3 and tongue blade angle: /ø/
-0.8 -0.6 -0.4 -0.2 0.0 0.2
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1.0
/ø/ rhoticity
tongue blade angle
norm
aliz
ed F
3
10
11
12
13
14
15
1617
18
2021
22
24
25
26
28
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Change #1 (rhoticity):
I Covert and gradual
I Linear concavity/rhoticity relationship.
Change #2 (retro�exion):
I Covert and abrupt
I No intermediate levelsof retro�exion.
I Bunching andretro�exion areinterchangeable forextreme rhoticity.
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 25/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Rhotic vowels summary
Bunched
8 9 10 11 12 13 14
-9-8
-7-6
-5
X
Y
frr3/22/F/Aylmer QC
ɛøœ̃
I similar to a mid front vowel
I gradual exaggeration of lowF3 or enhancement of low F2
Retro�ex
8 9 10 11 12 13 14
-9-8
-7-6
-5-4
X
Y
frr4/24/M/OTTAWA ON
ɛøœ̃
I no gradual path from a midfront vowel
I diagnostic of new target?
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 26/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Managing invariance across contexts
Guenther et al. (1999): articulatory variability reduces
acoustic variability in English /ô/.
I /ô/'s low F3 can be achieved by increasing thepalatal constriction length, by increasing thefront cavity length, and by decreasing theconstriction area.
I Speakers exploit trading relations between them.
I /ô/ tongue postures resemble those required foradjacent sounds, and speakers use remainingdegrees of freedom to achieve /ô/'s acoustictarget.
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 27/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/ae/ tensing contexts
I Tensing before /m n/I Lingual articulations o�set the acoustic e�ects of nasalization
in English and enhance it in French, with idiosyncraticarticulatory strategies (Carignan et al., 2011; Carignan, pear).
I De Decker and Nycz (2012) found interspeaker di�erences inlingual articulations for pre-nasal /æ/ in New Jersey.
I Tensing before /g N/I Variable anticipation of formant transitions associated with
velars
I Tensing before /f T s/
I etc.
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 28/37
/ae/ in North American English (Labov et al., 2005)
/ae/ in North American English (Labov et al., 2005)
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Ultrasound data collection methods (Raleigh and Ottawa)
Ultrasound imaging
I Terason T3000 + Ultraspeech (Hueber et al., 2007)
I Mid-sagittal ultrasound video captured at 60 fps.
I Articulate Instruments ultrasound headset
Participants
I 20 English speakers from the U.S. and Canada + 1 from theU.K.
Stimuli
I 120 monosyllabic words, randomized and repeated 3 timeswithout carrier phrase
Collaboration with Chris Carignan & Robin Dodsworth (NCSU).
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 30/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
Ultrasound PCA (Hueber et al., 2007; Carignan and Mielke, ms)
(�gure from Gick et al. 2013)
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
4030
2010
0
nov01.pc1
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
4030
2010
0
nov04.pc1
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
5040
3020
100
nov06.pc1
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 31/37
Vowel space (diagonals)
2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000
800
700
600
500
400
300
nov20 normalized and selected F1 and F2
normalized F2 frequency (Hz)
norm
aliz
ed F
1 fre
quen
cy (H
z) IY1
IY0 IH1IH1L
EY1EY1L
EH1
EH1L
AE1 AE1L
ER1ER0 ER1L
AA1
AA1RAW1 AO1
AO1R
AO1L
OW1
OW1L
UW1UW1L
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing before /n/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0020
00
nov11 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
NDG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
-10
12
nov11 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I pre-/m n/ tensing for 19 of20 North Americans(Wilmington, NC example)
I smallest di�erence:Fargo, ND
I no peak: Newfoundland
I no di�erence: UK
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 33/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing before /n/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0020
00
nov11 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
MNNG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
-10
12
nov11 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I pre-/m n/ tensing for 19 of20 North Americans(Wilmington, NC example)
I smallest di�erence:Fargo, ND
I no peak: Newfoundland
I no di�erence: UK
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 33/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing before /n/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0025
00
nov12 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
NDG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
-10
12
nov12 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I pre-/m n/ tensing for 19 of20 North Americans(Wilmington, NC example)
I smallest di�erence:Fargo, ND
I no peak: Newfoundland
I no di�erence: UK
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 33/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing before /n/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0020
00
nov21 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
NDG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
-10
12
3
nov21 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I pre-/m n/ tensing for 19 of20 North Americans(Wilmington, NC example)
I smallest di�erence:Fargo, ND
I no peak: Newfoundland
I no di�erence: UK
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 33/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing before /n/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0020
00
nov13 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
NDG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
-20
12
3
nov13 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I pre-/m n/ tensing for 19 of20 North Americans(Wilmington, NC example)
I smallest di�erence:Fargo, ND
I no peak: Newfoundland
I no di�erence: UK
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 33/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing: /g/ > /d/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0020
00
nov06 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
NDG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
-10
12
3
nov06 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I /g/ > /d/ by end of vowelfor all speakers (velar pinch)
I from 2nd half of vowel formid-Atlantic, Bu�alo, all butone Southern speaker(Harrisburg, NC example)
I from 1st half of vowel for allNorthwest, Northern(−Bu�alo & +Virginia)(Olympia, WA example)
I entire vowel for all Ontariospeakers (Barrie example)
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 34/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing: /g/ > /d/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0020
00
nov04 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
NDG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
02
46
8
nov04 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I /g/ > /d/ by end of vowelfor all speakers (velar pinch)
I from 2nd half of vowel formid-Atlantic, Bu�alo, all butone Southern speaker(Harrisburg, NC example)
I from 1st half of vowel for allNorthwest, Northern(−Bu�alo & +Virginia)(Olympia, WA example)
I entire vowel for all Ontariospeakers (Barrie example)
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 34/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing: /g/ > /d/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0020
00
nov20 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
NDG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
-20
12
34
nov20 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I /g/ > /d/ by end of vowelfor all speakers (velar pinch)
I from 2nd half of vowel formid-Atlantic, Bu�alo, all butone Southern speaker(Harrisburg, NC example)
I from 1st half of vowel for allNorthwest, Northern(−Bu�alo & +Virginia)(Olympia, WA example)
I entire vowel for all Ontariospeakers (Barrie example)
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 34/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing: /N/ > /g/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0020
00
nov06 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
NNGG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
-10
12
3
nov06 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I 16/20 North Americans: nopre-/N/ peak, but tenserthan pre-/g/(Harrisburg, NC example)
I pre-/N/ > pre-/n/(Fargo, ND)
I pre-/N/ = pre-/g/(Barrie, ON)
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 35/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing: /N/ > /g/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0025
00
nov12 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
NNGG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
-10
12
nov12 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I 16/20 North Americans: nopre-/N/ peak, but tenserthan pre-/g/(Harrisburg, NC example)
I pre-/N/ > pre-/n/(Fargo, ND)
I pre-/N/ = pre-/g/(Barrie, ON)
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 35/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing: /N/ > /g/
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
010
0020
00
nov20 c("F1n_frequency", "F2n_frequency")
time (normalized)
NNGG
-0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0
-20
12
34
nov20 art.Z2Z1
time (normalized)
I 16/20 North Americans: nopre-/N/ peak, but tenserthan pre-/g/(Harrisburg, NC example)
I pre-/N/ > pre-/n/(Fargo, ND)
I pre-/N/ = pre-/g/(Barrie, ON)
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 35/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
/æ/ tensing across contexts
I Managing invariance across contexts is challenging
I Tensing before /m n/ indicates distinct vowel target(like /f T s/ in Philadelphia)
I Tensing before voiced velars appears to be di�erent degrees ofanticipation of velar constriction
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 36/37
Mapping from phonetic biases to phonological patternsArticulatory studies
Covert motivationsVowel studies
From phonetic biases to phonological patterns. . .
I Typologically frequent types of phonological patterns matchexpected production/perception e�ects.
I Losses in the sound change→phonological pattern mapping:I QUESTION: What are the relative rates of occurrence of
context-free and context-sensitive sound change?I QUESTION: What proportion of potential sound changes
maintain their trajectory at each stage?
I Non-obvious innovations: Sound change is predicted to favorparameters that can change and progress without beingnoticed, e.g.:
I ambiguity between intentional and non-intentional sourcesI inter-speaker di�erences in magnitude/nature of covert e�ectsI multiple phonetic motivations for similar e�ects
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 37/37
References
Thanks
I Support: This work has been supported by the University of Ottawa andSSHRC grants #410-2007-0735, �Measuring the Phonetic Similarity of SpeechSounds� and #410-2010-0552, �Data Mining Sound Patterns�, and CFI grant#15834 �Sound Patterns Laboratory/Laboratoire des structures sonores�, andthe NCSU Department of English and CHASS.
I Collaborators: Anthony Brohan (MIT), Christopher Carignan (NCSU),Robin Dodsworth (NCSU), Je�rey Lamontagne (Ottawa→McGill)
I Thanks also: Diana Archangeli, Adam Baker, Will Dalton, Nathalie Dion, RezaFalahati, Brendan Henry, Laura Kastronic, William Labov, Lyra Magloughlin,Kimberley Miller, Peter Milne, Elliott Moreton, Shana Poplack, Megan Risdal,Joseph Roy, Alan Yu
I P-base: http://phon.chass.ncsu.edu/pbase-app/
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 38/37
References
Baker, A. (2005). Palatoglossatron 1.0. University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona.
Baker, A., Archangeli, D., and Mielke, J. (2011). Variability in English s-retractionsuggests a solution to the actuation problem. Language Variation and Change,23(3):347�374.
Blevins, J. (2004). Evolutionary Phonology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Brohan, A. and Mielke, J. (2014). Frequent segmental alternations in P-base 3.Submitted for Hyman/Plank phonological typology volume.
Carignan, C. (to appear). An acoustic and articulatory examination of the �oral� in�nasal�: The oral articulations of French nasal vowels are not arbitrary. Journal ofPhonetics.
Carignan, C. and Mielke, J. (ms). A PCA-based technique for automatically extractingarticulatory signals from ultrasound video. North Carolina State University ms.
Carignan, C., Shosted, R., Shih, C., and Rong, P. (2011). Compensatory articulationin american english nasalized vowels. Journal of Phonetics, 39:668�682.
De Decker, P. M. and Nycz, J. R. (2012). Are tense [æ]s really tense? the mappingbetween articulation and acoustics. Lingua, 122:810�821.
Delattre, P. and Freeman, D. C. (1968). A dialect study of American r's by x-raymotion picture. Linguistics, 44:29�68.
Falahati, R. (2013). Cluster simpli�cation in Persian. PhD thesis, University ofOttawa.
Garrett, A. and Johnson, K. (2013). Phonetic bias in sound change. In Yu, A. C. L.,editor, Origins of sound change: Approaches to phonologization. Oxford UniversityPress, Oxford.
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References
Gick, B., Wilson, I., and Derrick, D. (2013). Articulatory Phonetics. Wiley-Blackwell,Malden, MA.
Guenther, F., Espy-Wilson, C., Boyce, S., Matthies, M., Zandipour, M., and Perkell, J.(1999). Articulatory tradeo�s reduce acoustic variability during American English/r/ production. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 105 (5):2854�2865.
Hueber, T., Aversano, G., Chollet, G., Denby, B., Dreyfus, G., Oussar, Y., Roussel, P.,and Stone, M. (2007). Eigentongue feature extraction for an ultrasound-basedsilent speech interface. In IEEE International Conference on Acoustics, Speech and
Signal Processing, pages 1245�1248, Honolulu, HI. Cascadilla Press.
Janda, R. D. and Joseph, B. D. (2003). Reconsidering the canons of sound-change:Towards a big bang theory. In Historical Linguistics 2001. Selected papers from the
15th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Melbourne, 13�17 August
2001., pages 205�219.
Labov, W. (2001). Principles of Linguistic Change: Social Factors. Blackwell, Oxford.
Labov, W., Ash, S., and Boberg, C. (2005). The atlas of North American English:
Phonetics, phonology and sound change. De Gruyter Mouton.
Lamontagne, J. and Mielke, J. (2013). Perception of Canadian French rhotic vowels.Poster presented at Acoustics 2013, Montreal.
Mielke, J. (2008). The Emergence of Distinctive Features. Oxford University Press,Oxford.
Mielke, J. (2013). Ultrasound and corpus study of a change from below: Vowelrhoticity in Canadian French. In Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 19.2: Papers
from NWAV 41.
Mielke Typological/articulatory/context 38/37
References
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