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SOCIAL CAPITAL, CIVIC ENGAGEMENT, AND SUCCESS IN HIGHER EDUCATION
Adam Blaylock
BYU-Idaho
Senior Seminar in Political Science
April 8, 2011
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This paper could not have been completed without the help of several people, and it
would be incomplete to publish it without expressing due thanks.
First, Trent M. Rose, my advisor for this paper, for providing helpful feedback and
placing my feet on solid ground with respect to my understanding of the importance of civic
engagement in our communities, and whose dissertation provided an outline for this study.
Second, Garrett Saunders, whose assistance with the statistical analysis of the survey
used for this paper, was invaluable and without whose help this could not have been completed.
Third, all of the participants who willingly took time out of their busy school schedules to
answer a thorough survey about their lives and academic experiences, many of whom wrote
helpful and encouraging words of feedback throughout this process.
As much as I am indebted to these people for their help, I alone am responsible for the
content of this paper.
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I. INTRODUCTION
In an April 29, 2009 speech, while explaining the importance of educational achievement
in America, President Barack Obama said, There are few things as fundamental to the American
dream or as essential for Americas success as a goodeducation. This has never been more true
than it is today (Obama 2009, emphasis added). This paper examines what part social capital
and civic engagement play in the success of students in higher education. Given what is known
about the vast array of benefits that accompany high levels of civic engagement and social
capital in a number of different areas of life (Rose 2006), it seems wise to make an effort to
determine the extent to which civic engagement and social capital play a role in determining
outcomes of student achievement in higher education. Interestingly, this is not something the
academic community has done. Hence, this study ventures into largely uncharted waters and
conducts new research while relying only peripherally on secondary sources for illumination
about the role of civic engagement and social capital in determining educational success at one
institution of higher education, Brigham Young University-Idaho. Given what is already known
about the positive effects that high civic engagement and social capital tend to have on society as
a whole, the author proposes that high levels of civic engagement and social capital will tend to
be positively correlated with high levels of educational achievement.
Although politicians are known more for making statements based more on ideology and
political correctness than on well-researched facts, when President Obama proclaimed the
importance of attaining a good education, he was on solid secular ground. In 2000, the National
Center for Public Policy and Higher Education noted that For most Americans, college is no
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First, can civic engagement and social capital be measured accurately among a
population that, due to the close living proximity of its members, is inherently interconnected?
In a university setting such as that in which students find themselves at BYU-Idaho, social
capital is often taken for granted. Since students share the education experience wholly with
their peersthey study together, eat together, live together, socialize together, and worship
togetherit is assumed that every student will therefore automatically have high levels of social
capital with at least a few people or a few groups of people. In addition, because students are
entirely affected every day by the decisions, policies, and actions of policymakers in the
university and community for the first time in their lives and since they are finally empowered
to have an effect on those actionsit is easy to assume that they will almost automatically
embrace civic engagement with enthusiasm.
With all of this in mind, can any study venturing to understand the social and civic
elements at play in higher education come to any accurate conclusions about the higher
educations state of affairs with regard to these measures of student behavior? The answer is
yes. Although virtually every student attending BYU-Idaho has at least one roommate (and
usually more), this does not mean all of them have automatically created vibrant, beneficial
social connections with their peers. Some students are more engaged in the Rexburg/BYU-Idaho
community than others. Some serve as leaders of clubs, chairpersons of organizations, editors of
newspapers, members of the Student Representative Committee, and as coordinators and coaches
of athletic groups. Still others connect with and serve their peers through church callings and
assignments, as many Relief Society and Elders Quorum Presidents, Sunday School teachers,
and Family Home Evening coordinators can attest. This papers aims to discover not how
connected to and how happy with their roommates students are, but rather how connected and
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involved students are with other, non-roommate/non-family individuals and groups throughout
the Rexburg/BYU-Idaho community and how these associations play a role in their educational
achievements. Simply put, social capital and civic engagement are just as measurable on a
university campus as they are in any other community.
Second, can educational achievement be accurately measured beyond any of the basic
indicators already available, such as grade-point average? To be sure, the most elementary (and
most easily-understood) measure of academic fulfillment is included in each students
semesterly-updated grade-point average. The grade-point average, or GPA, takes into account
how well a student has performed in completing coursework, meeting expectations and
deadlines, and demonstrating comprehension of the assigned material. Insofar as higher
education is designed to prepare and equip students for post-graduate careers or further study in
their chosen fields, GPA is a useful measure of how successful a students academic career has
been. This study does not overlook the importance of grade-point average in measuring
outcomes of academic achievement. Indeed, this study relies on GPA, considering it the single
most important measure of a students current educational achievement. What this study
recognizes, however, is that measures other than GPA can be used in conjunction with GPA to
determine whether students receive a useful and rewarding educational experience or not.
Measures such as absenteeism, dropout rates, peer collaborative habits, instructor and
administrative trust, and expectations of future success can also indicate degrees of academic
accomplishment. In other words, there is more to educational fulfillment than the much-touted
grade-point average.
Third, what do social capital and civic engagement have to do with educational success?
This, of course, is a simple way of stating the primary question this paper seeks to answer. Is
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there a real, statistically-sustained connection between a students level of outreach in the
community around him and how much he takes away from his time spent earning a
baccalaureate degree? Is there a similar association between how well a student connects with
her collegiate peers and what she manages to accomplish during her non-social, intellectual
hours? If there is such a connection between either of these two measures and educational
success, what does the prototypical Civically-Engaged, High-Social Capital, Accomplished
University Student look like? It may be that all of BYU-Idaho students social connections are
doing nothing to add to or detract from their academic success. In the event that a significant
connection between this papers twin behavioral measures does become apparent, yet more
questions arise. Are some social connections more scholastically-helpful than others? Is
spending time at an art show, concert, or play more conducive to intellectual success than
participation in organized sports? Of course, this merely scratches the surface as far as what this
study hopes to learn about university student academic behavior is concerned. It is clearly within
the realm of feasible possibility that studying the connections between civic engagement, social
capital, and academic achievement may lead to unexpected conclusions and unorthodox
recommendations. But for a study that represents a new contribution to the literature on some of
the unseen factors driving university student behavior and affecting educational outcomes, such
results may (at the very least) act as a reminder of the need for further research on the subject.
Even so, having the results of this study may provide a snapshot of where BYU-Idaho
stands with respect to its social capital undercurrents, level of student involvement, and academic
achievement. Given the importance of these three measures of social development, educators,
administrators, civic leaders, and students can be aware of the need to make what changes are
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necessary to improve the likelihood of success in todays highly-competitive global economy
that demands a well-educated population.
II. LITERATURE REVIEW
Any discussion of Social Capital and Civic Engagement must include an understanding
of what each is and what the different sub-classifications of each entails.
Robert D. Putnam, an intellectual giant in modern studies of social capital and civic
engagement, defined social capital this way: whereas physical capital refers to physical objects
and human capital refers to properties of individuals, social capital refers to connections among
individualssocial networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from
them (Putnam 19). In other words, a study of social capital focuses on interpersonal
associations and the behavioral results that occur because of these associations. Whether aware
of it or not, every person that does not live under a rock is constantly building, damaging,
shaping, or defining reserves of social capital with every individual he or she comes in contact
with. For the most part, frequent contact between two individuals tends to build the social
capital that that relationship enjoys. Where frequent contact would be detrimental to the social
capital between two people, those individuals tend to curb the amount of time spent associating
with one another until and unless one party or the other takes an action to build that particular
reserve of social capital. One way of thinking about social capital is to consider what the term
capital normally refers to. In economics, capital refers to those factors of production that are
used in the production of goods and services. Since this capital generally comes in the form of
machinery or equipment, it will likely become useless and unable to continue producing goods
unless it is regularly inspected, maintained, and upgraded. Firms with outdated, inefficient, or
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depleted sources of capital will flounder unless they make regular capital investments that will
allow them to continue producing goods or services. Likewise, individuals who do not regularly
maintain and continually improve upon existing social capital will find their relationships and
connections with others useless and unable to help them continue producing the positive life
benefits associated with them. Put simply, care must be taken in relationships if they are to help
individuals reach life goals or attain some measure of contentment.
Just as all physical capital is not all of the same type, social capital has been recognized
in two primary forms: Bonding social capital and bridging social capital.
Bonding social capital may be thought of as the levels of trust and norms of reciprocity
(willingness to do something for individuals who are connected) that exist within an exclusive
group. For the most part, bonding social capital occurs among homogenous populations and
has a tendency to provide benefits solely to those with internal access to the group (Leonard
2004). Relational trust within families, churches, and informal clubs and organizations are
classic examples of bonding social capital. While building bonding social capital is usually
thought of as being easier to build, its benefits may often be limited as far as making societal and
career advances are concerned. Pointing this out, one scholar noted that The very factors that
promote [bonding social capitals] development such as tight bonds of trust and solidarity may
ultimately prevent its entrepreneurial members from reaching their full potential (Leonard
2004). In other words, tight bonds of social capital within an exclusive group can make it more
difficult to form important ties characterized by mutual trust with others outside the group.
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Forging those bonds of mutual trust and reciprocity with the community at large is what
is meant by bridging social capital. Activities that do something to connect various
heterogeneous individuals in a community to one another tend to build reserves of bridging
social capital. By its very nature, bridging social capital does more to promote entrepreneurship,
economic development, cultural development, and political reform than bonding social capital
does. As Putnam put it, bonding social capital is good for getting by, but bridging social
capital is good for getting ahead (Putnam 2000). This is true of individuals as well as groups.
Political parties, civic groups, political action committees, and even government organizations
are generally thought of as attempts at creating bridging social capital, although they are not the
only groups that do so. Even informal ties, such as those formed between casual acquaintances,
can build bridging social capital.
On this note, the author wishes to anticipate one criticism of this paper. Given that the
only subjects who are participants in the study are all of a generally homogenous, exclusive
group, it may be argued that the only social capital that will or can be measured among them is
bonding social capital. Indeed, the population of BYU-Idaho is comprised largely of white,
middle-class Americans (with smatterings of other groups throughout) and all but a handful of
them are Latter-day Saints. Granted, options for building reserves of bridging social capital are
limited, but this does not mean that the potential academic benefits will be significantly different
because of this situation. In fact, if bonding social capital truly is easier to develop than bridging
social capital, BYU-Idaho may actually represent an ideal location for testing whether social
capital can be correlated with educational achievement. The homogeneity of the population and
its accompanying ease of creating socializing experiences ought to provide ample opportunity for
students to experience either the positive or negative effects that becoming part of the
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community around may be associated with. The minimal opportunities for powerfully
unmistakable bridging social capital do not detract from the possibility that other sources of
social capital may have an effect on educational achievement. In any case, it is often difficult to
tell where one of these forms of capital begins and the other ends. As Putnam noted,
Many groups simultaneously bond along some social dimensions and bridge
across others. The black church, for example, brings together people of the same
race and religion across class lines. The Knights of Columbus was created to
bridge cleavages among different ethnic communities while bonding along
religious and gender lines. . . In short, bonding and bridging are not either-or
categories into which social networks can be neatly divided, but more or less
dimensions along which we can compare different forms of social capital
(Putnam 23).
Thus, although students who come to BYU-Idaho (or any institution of higher education, for that
matter) do so among a generally homogenous group and experience primarily bonding
experiences, the variety of backgrounds from which students come to BYU-Idaho provides
abundant opportunity for bridging.
To summarize, social capital refers to the bonds or networks that have been built up
between connected individuals. Sociologists distinguish between two types of social capital:
bonding and bridging. While bonding social capital is exclusive, focusing primarily on
strengthening connections among members of a homogenous group, bridging social capital is
inclusive, seeking to build ties among differentiated, heterogeneous members of society or a
community.
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Although much of the research on civic engagement is relatively new, the concept of
civic engagement is nearly as old as politics itself. In Politics, Aristotle famously argues that a
human being is by nature a political animal (c.f., Steinberger 2000). Having lived in political
societies throughout the whole of human experience, nearly everyone can probably agree that of
course people are political. Indeed, Aristotle went on to say that it is necessary that man
associate with his fellows in a community, and in doing so he demonstrated the need for civic
engagement. Anyone who cannot form a community with others, or who does not need to
because he is self-sufficient, is no part of a city-statehe is either a beast or a God (c.f.,
Steinberger 2000). Human beings have an innate need to associate with and benefit from other
human beings. What Aristotle was getting it was this: The only way human beingspolitical
animals, he called themcan beneficially associate with other human beings is if a society of
people have built up a significant reserves of social capital while becoming engaged in
promoting the betterment of the community. Without this, no community can survive. In
addition, Aristotle noted that the ability to promote that which is desirable is a trait peculiar to
humanity:
It is also clear why a human being is more of a political animal than a bee or any
other gregarious animal. Nature makes nothing pointlessly, as we say, and no
animal has speech except a human being. A voice is a signifier of what is
pleasant or painful, which is why it is also possessed by the other animals (for
their nature goes this far: they not only perceive what is pleasant or painful but
signify it to each other). But speech is for making clear what is beneficial or
harmful, and hence also what is just or unjust. For it is peculiar to human beings,
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in comparison to the other animals, that theyalone have perception of what is
good or bad, just or unjust, and the rest(Steinberger 2000, emphasis added).
All animals feel pleasure and pain, and all can express some feeling of satisfaction or discomfort.
But unique among the animals, humans have a method for expressing not just that they have
experience something pleasant or painful, but what specifically is good or bad, just or unjust.
That is to say, human expression goes beyond mere acknowledgement of pleasure or pain. The
ability to express thoughts and feelings about what is good, bad, just, or unjust implies an ability
to determine why some things are pleasurable and others are painful. Civic engagement,
generally speaking, is nothing if not an attempt to express opinions about the state of society
while attempting to do something about redressing those very grievances. If this conjures up
images of petitions, rallies, marches, and fundraisers, that is due largely to the fact that that these
are among the more common and obvious ways in which citizens become civic-minded and
reach out to the broader community.
Yet civic engagement encompasses a broad range of activities that includes everything
from book clubs to blood drives to bowling leagues. It includes voting as well as voter
registration drives. It is seen in petition signing, sports attendance, and a night at the opera
house. Even casual, informal activities, such as inviting friends over for dinner or hosting a
party, may be considered part of civic engagement. Anything that builds bonds and bridges of
trust throughout a community and gives opportunity for individuals to see the multitude of ways
in which citizens can build a better community must be considered a part of civic engagement.
Of course, exercises in civic engagement are not all equal. Signing a petition, for
example, engages an individual in the community, but does so while doing very little to build
bonds of trust (social capital) with others in the community. Likewise, voting is an essential
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civic activity for anyone concerned about the state of affairs in a representative democracy, but it
too is limited in its efforts to enhance the overall community. Participating in a club or other
group is certainly a more beneficial way to become civically engaged and foster bonds of mutual
trust and reciprocity. Yet more valuable from a civic engagement perspective are those
individuals who serve as leaders of organizations hoping to affect some specific issue of concern
to the community. These more active forms of civic engagement clearly do more to connect a
community in beneficial ways than the passive civic engagers who will participate, but only as
far as their front porches. Yet in all of these forms of civic engagement, researchers have noticed
a distinct decline:
Beginning, roughly speaking, in the late 1960s,Americans in massive numbers
began to join less, trust less, give less, vote less, and schmooze less. At first
people hardly noticed what was happening, but over the last three decades
involvement in civic associations, participation in public affairs, membership in
churches and social clubs and unions, tie spent with family and friends and
neighbors, philanthropic giving, even simple trust in other people. . . all have
fallen by 25 to 50 percent(Putnam and Feldstein, 4).
Hence the need for this paper. If civic engagement truly is in the midst of a steep decline,
serious questions must be asked about the effects that this decline will have on American
life. Here the author examines how education is effected by civic engagement and social
capital.
The research this paper introduces is long past due. True, there have been
numerous studies examining the relationship between social capital and civic engagement
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in educational achievement at the elementary and secondary levels, but these have
primarily tended to focus on how civic engagement and social capital among parents
not studentshas an effect on educational achievement for elementary, middle, and high
school students. Some, for instance, have narrowed their focus to parental involvement
in the form of school visits (Steinberg 1996; c.f., Goddard 2003). One study examined
the odds of fourth-grade students passing state-mandated tests and noted that as
members of schools, families, and communities, students may have access to various
forms of social support that can facilitate their success in school. Indeed, researchers
have increasingly recognized the importance of social support for students academic
success (Goddard, 59). Others have examined the prevalence of social capital among
parents ofchildrens friends and found that for each friends parent who was known, a
students odds of dropping out decreased by almost a third (Carbonaro 1998). This is
certainly powerful and demonstrates the need for further enlightenment of the effect that
social capital and civic engagement have on the educational experience, but does little to
provide new understanding as to how these play a role in academic achievement in higher
education.
Studies searching for determinants to success in higher education were equally
unhelpful in providing a foundation upon which this study can build. One author found
that high school performance, SAT scores, and study skills can act as predictors for first-
year success in higher education, but only insofar as these indicators are used in
conjunction with a variety of other indicators (Libutti 2005). Another viewed post-
secondary education through the lens of first-generation students and found that students
whose parents had not attended an institution of higher education had a more difficult
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enigmatic. In addition, as Putnam observed, A well-designed poll can provide a useful snapshot
of opinions and behavior (416). Much of what takes place in social science goes unobserved or
is taken for granted by its participants. A survey that asks questions about much of this
previously-unconsidered behavior can dig up a treasure trove of information about things taking
place just beneath the surface of observed social experience.
Nevertheless, using a survey to collect information about social capital, civic
engagement, and educational achievement is not without its disadvantages (nor, of course, is any
study that uses a survey as a primary source for its information and research). Perhaps the most
significant disadvantage to using a survey to collect information is that surveys work more like a
still camera than a video camera. A survey is, naturally, limited to providing information about
precisely the point in time in which it is conducted. For this studys purposes, for example, it
provides information only about student attitudes at BYU-Idaho in March of 2011. It can say
nothing about what student attitudes and opinions were like in March of 2010 or what they will
be like in March 2012. The survey cannot even, strictly speaking, make any statements about
what BYU-Idaho students behaviors were like in February or April of 2011, even though very
little is likely to have taken place in that time to have effected student behavior. Thus, surveying
is limited to providing information about a given point in time (see Putnam 416-417).
Another major hurdle that stands in the way of a successful survey is the issue of
comprehensiveness. Clearly, no survey can realistically answer all questions about all things that
take place in the human experience, and for reasons of practicability no survey ever should.
However, this does not mean that surveys must and can only attempt to scratch the surface with
regard to whatever information it attempts to uncover. A well-designed survey can discern
information on an impressive amount of topics with relatively few questions. Yet even the best
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have voted, and whether individuals have attended a town council meeting. These are simple,
though minimal, actions that indicate at least a basic level of civic engagement and concern
about the community at large. Individuals who attend political speeches and rallies, or who
display a sign, bumper sticker or button indicate a willingness to participate at least minimally in
promoting individual candidates, as opposed to mere voting for a candidate on a secret ballot.
Clearly, those who are more actively engaged and more evidently willing to contribute to
creating a more civically-engaged society get involved in local politics by working for political
parties or candidates or even running for a political office. The author does not expect that many
university students, already constrained by school, work, religious, and other responsibilities,
will have participated in the community to such a deep extent. However, this research does
expect to find a positive correlation between increased political participation and increased
educational achievement.
Survey questions focusing on religious participation center on the level of activity in the
LDS Church. While a survey at most universities would likely ask if an individual was simply
affiliated with a specific religious organization, this survey, which takes place at BYU-Idaho, can
safely assume church membership and instead ask individuals whether they are active
participants in the LDS religious experience. Additionally, religious participation questions will
seek to understand the level of trust participants feel with their ecclesiastical leaders, including
bishops, stake presidents, and elders quorum and relief society presidents. These questions are
designed not just to measure religious engagement, but also religious-minded social capital. As
with political participation, the author expects high levels of religious engagement and religious
social capital to correlate positively with a high degree of academic achievement.
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This survey will also cover community and university group participation. These
questions will seek to discern whether individuals are involved and associated with any clubs,
honors societies, or other groups on the BYU-Idaho campus. The survey will discover if
individuals are affiliated with any groups or organizations in the Rexburg community that are not
directly affiliated with the university. Of course, the nature of the groups students are a part of
may act as an indicator of the level of civic engagement that takes place on campus and in the
Rexburg community. For this reason, the survey will also question whether the groups students
belong to have taken steps to affect some sort of social, political, or university policy change on
campus or in the community. Perhaps the most important part of this section of the survey
centers on the relationships of trust that students feel exists between themselves and their
instructors and university administrators. Results from this section of the survey are likely to
maintain a similar correlation to educational achievement as those from the previous two
sections. If students are civically engaged on campus or in the community, it is expected that
they will have developed helpful networks of friends and associates on whom they can rely for
assistance in their academic endeavors. At the same time, those who feel they can trust their
instructors and school administrators are also expected by this study to perform much better
academically, since they will lack skepticism about the educational process and participate
willingly in attempts to meet classroom expectations.
Volunteerism and Charity represent an interesting way to measure civic engagement and
social capital. For the most part, examinations of civic engagement focus on formal group
participation and involvement in specific organizations that seek to accomplish some kind of
overarching community goal. When examining volunteerism and charity, however, researchers
look at what seem to be largely unplanned, spontaneous acts of service designed to provide some
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sort of benefit for the community. Volunteerism often focuses on acts of charity that generally
effect a small number of people, whereas most formal group civic participation focuses on acts
designed to influence an entire community, or at least a specific group of people within a
community. For this reason, the survey includes questions about small acts of service that build
social capital and foster an environment where civic engagement is more likely to take place,
such as helping a neighbor, donating blood, or working on a community or university service
project. The author does not expect that there will be a very strong correlationif there is any
correlation at allbetween volunteer acts of charity and educational success, since charity is
generally seen as a religious or moral obligation instead of an opportunity to build social capital.
Studying cultural and athletic participation at BYU-Idaho provides a unique opportunity
to see whether participating in unelected volunteer leadership capacitiessuch as coaching a
basketball teameither help or hurt academic achievement. While most four-year universities
have a lively intercollegiate athletic program and a menial intramural sports program, BYU-
Idaho does the complete opposite, having no intercollegiate athletics of any kind and a vibrant,
student-directed intramural sports program. Cultural participation, on the other hand, is most
likely fairly similar to many universities, with the exception of the fact that Rexburgs location is
so isolated from cultural centers that frequent cultural participation becomes difficult. Even so,
participation in arts and culture provide additional avenues for examination of the connection
between engagement, social capital, and educational participation. As with university group
participation, the author expects that high levels of cultural and artistic participation will
correlate positively with high academic achievement. On the other hand, the author predicts that
athletic participation will be negatively correlated with high academic achievement, since
participation in the most competitive intramural sports programs on campus necessarily involves
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a more significant weekly investment of time than most of the other measured indicators of civic
engagement.
At the beginning of March 2011, theBYU-Idaho Civic Engagement, Social Capital, and
Educational Achievement Survey was e-mailed to 300 randomly-selected students at BYU-Idaho.
E-mail addresses for the 300 anonymous students were obtained from the universitys
Educational Research Board. Each potential participant received an e-mail that explained the
purpose of the study along with some brief information regarding social capital and civic
engagement. A more abbreviated e-mail was sent to potential participants about ten days after
the initial mailing to remind recipients that participating in the study was still an option.
Students who participated in the survey were sent to an independent website which hosted the
data collection for the survey. In the five days after the survey was sent out, a large number of
surveys were completed, and over the following two weeks more results continued to come in
from time to time. At the end of the allotted period for which the survey was open to
participants, 57 had completed surveys. The results of these surveys are summarized below.
IV. RESULTS
In the preceding sections, it was explained that social capital and civic engagement are a
daily part of a wide variety of community and campus behavior. It was also explained that this
study is truly a walk into the intellectual darkness, since correlations between civic behavior and
educational results have never truly been examined before. Also mentioned above is the fact that
although 300 surveys were sent to potential participants, 57 responses were completed well
enough to be included in the results.
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Finding any certain conclusions about any of the research conducted here was frustrated
by more than just the small sample size. Self-selection appeared to play a heavy role, too. Most
of the participants were in their senior year (Figure 1) and reported high Grade Point Averages
(Figure 2).
This fact makes coming to any clear conclusions about the effect of civic behavior on
educational achievement extremely difficult. Since nearly two-thirds of the sample population
(65%) reported having GPAs at 3.5 or higher, that means that most of the questions regarding
social capital and civic engagement are answered by individuals with high grade-point averages.
In other words, low-GPA students were severely underrepresented in this study. As an example
of how this underrepresentation of low-GPA students plagued the results of this study, consider
the following:
Participants were asked how often they attended sporting events, with these options for
responses: Every week, Every other week, Once or twice a month, A few times per year, Never,
and Dont know. All told, 11% of participants reported attending a sporting event at least every
other week, 14% said they attend once or twice a month, 49% said they go to sporting events a
3% 6%
8%
83%
Figure 1 - Year in School
Freshman
Sophomore
Junior
Senior
35%
30%
28%
5% 2%
Figure 2 - GPA
3.8 to 4.0
3.5 to 3.79
3.0 to 3.49
2.5 to 2.99
2.0 to 2.49
Below 2.0
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few times per year, and 25% reported not attending sporting events at all. Normally, that sort of
distribution would be ideal for getting reliable results. However, because of the
disproportionately large number of high-GPA respondents, it was nearly impossible to determine
if academic performance had anything to do with attendance at sporting events (p=0.081).
On the other hand, other indicators of academic success were no more useful in
determining whether there was a significant correlation between the students who reported them
and their associated levels of civic involvement. One potentially-promising indicator of
academic success came in the form of those who reported having received rewards or some other
form of academic recognition since leaving High School. 53% of respondents reported having
received such an award, and 46% said they had not. A fairly even distribution, these seemed an
ideal place to check for correlations. Yet the independent variable (that is to say, among those
that measured social capital or civic engagement) that could be most closely correlated with
having received an award was among those respondents who reported having served a full-time
mission. But even this potential association cannot be considered significant, since its
associated p-value was just 0.142, a statistically insignificant correlation. On and on down the
list of associations the research can go, with very little to show for it by way of statistically-
significant correlations.
Nevertheless there were at least two correlations worth mentioning.
First, respondents who reported having taken lessons to improve a cultural, artistic, or
musical skill within the last year tended to have higher Grade Point Averages than those who did
not report having taken such lessons (p=0.048). This is an interesting finding, since many
studies have concluded that there is no significant correlation between individuals who
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participate in musical lessons (likely the most common form of lesson relating to culture, art, or
music) and their academic achievements (see Costa-Giomi 2004, for example). Of course, it is
difficult to say which of these variables acts as cause and which as effect. Perhaps involvement
in lessons to improve a cultural, artistic, or musical skill creates patterns of practice and self-
discipline within individuals involved. Perhaps these practices then have a tendency to spill over
quite naturally into school work habits, causing students to achieve higher grades. Certainly, it
could be the other way around. It may be that students who have worked hard in school have a
desire to experience success in a non-scholastic arena and so involve themselves in cultural,
artistic, or musical endeavors. Which of these variables acts as cause in this relationship remains
unknown, but one thing is known for certain: According to this surveys results, there is a
statistically significant correlation between the two.
Second, students who reported having served full-time missions were significantly more
likely than their non-returned-missionary peers to report being members of an honors society or
some other group that requires a minimum GPA-level to be a member (p=0.017). As with the
previous variables, any explanation for just why this is remains mysterious, but in this case, some
of the other data seems to provide clues as to why there was a significant correlation here. Of all
the non-academic categories tested, the question of whether the participant had served a full-time
LDS mission showed more significance with determining academic success than any other
variable tested. That is not to say that returned missionaries reported statistically significant
correlations with any other areas of academic achievement other than the already-mentioned
honors society variable. However, more than the other independent variables, a mission appears
to explain more about participants educational experience than any other variable tested. Near-
significant correlations were reported with missionary service in the areas of Grade Point
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Average (p=0.169), Awards for academic achievement since leaving high school (p=0.142), and
plans for obtaining some kind of post-graduate degree (p=0.075). It would be irresponsible to
suggest that a near-correlation is a correlation, but a consistent pattern of nearly-significant p-
values seems to suggest that of all the variables tested, probably nothing plays a larger role in
affecting student educational outcomes than whether or not students have served a full-time
mission. This will certainly come as no surprise to LDS Church members, who routinely point
out the self-discipline, time management, and priority-setting skills that each missionary must
learn in order to be successful and which are vital to attaining some measure of educational
achievement. Even so, these results constituted the biggest surprise in the course of this
research.
Another discovery worth discussing revolves around the area of trust. The survey asked
students questions about whether they trusted government officials, school administrators, class
instructors, and their peers. The results were eye-opening. Overall, the trend was toward less
trust for those individuals with whom students have more frequent contact. In other words, the
more students know someone, the less likely they are to report having trust for that person, with
one exception. (see Figure 3). Other than elected officials, students peers were the least-trusted
group about whom participants were asked to respond. This constitutes a significant insight into
the attitudes that BYU-Idaho students have about those around them. They are distrusting of
elected officials, but extremely trusting of their ecclesiastical leaders. Whereas there were no
respondents who said they could trust elected officials to do the right thing All of the time,
there were 47% of respondents who reported feeling that they could always trust their Bishops
and Stake Presidents to do the right thing. As much as students at this highly-religious university
may express disagreements with decisions their church leaders make, they dont appear to let
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all of the time, 66% said they could be trusted most of the time, and 9% said just some of the
time.
As mentioned above, BYU-Idaho students are highly untrusting of elected officials,
compared with other leaders tested. It is worth noting that of all the groups of people about
whom participants were asked trust questions, elected officials were the only group any
participants said they could never trust. These results appear to be consistent with the findings of
others. Putnam has noted a several-decades-long decline in reported levels of public trust (140-
142). In fact, BYU-Idaho students reported feelings of trust for elected officials were probably
closer to general American trends than were their feelings of trust in any of the other categories.
Their expressions of trust for ecclesiastical leaders, on the other hand, are likely an aberration.
This is most likely due to the effect of religious education and training on students. The
religious educational experience that students have at BYU-Idaho is probably unlike any other
(except perhaps for that seen at Brigham Young University-Provo and Brigham Young
University-Hawaii). Students attend school in an environment where they are taught that church
leaders are entitled to the inspiration of Heaven to help them in their responsibilities. In fact,
BYU-Idaho goes so far as to hold Devotional meetings once every week (for the entire student
body to attend) at which students hear school leaders and other prominent Latter-day Saints teach
them about church doctrines. As a result, many students likely feel that an expression of distrust
for their ecclesiastical leaders constitutes an expression of a lack of trust for the very powers of
God. Moreover, very few of the students at BYU-Idaho are likely to have experienced any
significantly negative experiences with ecclesiastical leaders to the degree that it might lead them
to feel skeptical of motives or questioning of decisions rendered by the majority of ecclesiastical
authorities. In other words, BYU-Idahos religious training is designed to create powerful
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experiences that forge bonding social capital. Nevertheless, in spite of the great deal of trust
BYU-Idaho students feel towards their ecclesiastical leaders and school administrators, there is
not any statistically-significant correlation between any of these measures of trust and any
measure of educational achievement.
V. CONCLUSION
This paper has sought to determine the extent to which civic engagement and social
capital play a role in the educational experience of university students. Previous research has
demonstrated that civic engagement and social capital have been linked with a number of
positive life benefits, but none of the research has examined specifically whether there is a link
between these and educational success. One of the most consistent challenges this research
faced was whether it was even possible to measure civic engagement and social capital in a
population that is inherently engaged with one another (daily in the classroom) and which has
almost limitless opportunities to develop powerful networks of social capital (especially from
roommates). These difficulties were compounded by the fact that the research was carried out
among students at Brigham Young University-Idaho, a population characterized almost entirely
by Latter-day Saints whose opportunities for engagement and social capital building are
enhanced by their weekly church meetings, callings, and assignments. Nevertheless, this study
overcame the difficulties of measuring social capital and civic engagement by focusing on non-
roommate, non-family interactions among the campus and community surrounding students.
Care has also been taken to closely examine the elements of social capital and civic
engagement. Social capital has been defined as connections among individuals social
networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them (Putnam 19).
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Of all the aspects of social capital, perhaps the most important distinction is made between
bonding social capital and bridging social capital. Bonding refers to the levels of social capital
that exist among an exclusive group, often one with a homogenous population. For the most
part, bonding is viewed as being less beneficial to the overall community than bridging social
capital. However, bonding is usually easier to participate in than bridging, since bonding allows
individuals to make connections with similar or like-minded individuals in the community. On
the other hand, bridging social capital refers to forging those same types of mutual trust and
reciprocity with the community at large. Activities that do something to connect various
heterogeneous individuals in a community to one another tend to be what is meant by bridging
social capital. It connects diverse groups and creates a web, or network, of associations among a
community.
The literature prior to this study that examines social capital and civic engagement with
respect to educational achievement did little to assist in an understanding of how these behaviors
affect university students. Most of the literature related to civic engagement that has focused on
education has tended to focus on relationships among parents of elementary, middle, and high
school students. The author could find nothing that pointed toward anyone having conducted
similar studies that focused on how the relationships among university-level students may have
an effect on academic success.
Likewise, the education literature focused on a number of different determinants for
educational achievement, but none could claim to have considered civic engagement or social
capital as a determinantor at least an influencing factorin educational outcomes.
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Thus, as far as the author is aware, this study is the first of its kind. It makes an original
contribution to political and social science literature that focuses on civic engagement and social
capital. It also constitutes a new addition to education literature.
This study conducted a random-sample survey of 300 participants at BYU-Idaho in
Rexburg, Idaho. Over a period of three weeks in March 2011, participants were asked questions
about their political, religious, community, university, cultural, athletic, and informal community
participation as well as volunteerism and charity. The 49-question survey also asked participants
several questions about their educational achievements.
Results of the survey could not conclude with any statistical certainty that there is any
correlation between either social capital and educational achievement or civic engagement and
educational achievement. Of all the variables cross-tested using Pearsons Chi-Square, just two
showed significant correlations.
Participants who reported having served full-time missions were significantly more likely
to report being members of an honors society or other group on campus with a minimum GPA
requirement (p=0.017). This study suggests that perhaps the reason for this is that serving a full-
time LDS mission requires self-discipline, as well as time management and priority-setting skills.
It is worth noting that other educational variables tested with full-time missionary service
showed somewhat noteworthy correlations with Grade Point Average and plans for post-
graduate study, but the author stresses that these correlations were not statistically significant
(p=0.169 and p=0.075, respectively).
In addition, participants who reported having participated in lessons to improve a
cultural, artistic, or musical skill within the last year were significantly more likely to report
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having a higher Grade Point Average than those who did not report having participated in those
lessons (p=0.048).
In spite of these two significant correlations, this paper concludes that since the vast
majority of the tested variables showed no significant correlation, there is simply no link
between social capital/civic engagement and educational achievement.
Since further study is warranted on this subject (due largely to the authors time
constraints and limited resources), the author makes some recommendations for future research.
First, future researchers would do well to include more independent variables that did not
directly relate to social capital or civic engagement. The survey used for this study included
questions regarding participants gender and class year, but did not ask about race or
socioeconomic status, an unfortunate oversight. Second, future research might likely be more
successful if it employed a different method for sending invitations to participate and receive
results. Traditional mail might likely have achieved more results, and more varied results. This
study suffered from an overrepresentation of high-GPA students. Perhaps a more formal way of
delivering invitations to participate in the survey would result in a more even distribution of
participants.
Because this study could not find a significant connection between civic
engagement/social capital and educational achievement, there is precious little to recommend to
policymakers or school administrators. However, administrators would do well to be careful in
claiming that participation in school clubs or organizations (no matter what kind) are likely to
lead to a more successful university experience. Whether such involvement may be more
socially rewarding is certainly a possibility, but outside the scope of this paper. Yet since it
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