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Loca%ng Associated Mo%on:
an underdescribed morphological category
Daniel Ross University of Illinois at Urbana-‐Champaign
Rice Linguis%cs Society's 6th Biennial Conference
Saturday, March 21st, 2015
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Encoding %me on the verb…
• Tense encodes when an event takes place. – (Past, Present, Future…)
• Aspect encodes how that event takes place at that %me: – Before: perfec%ve; ATer: prospec%ve – Con%nuous: progressive – Repeated: itera%ve
• Tense is central in syntac%c theory for clauses.
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What about space?
• In fact, similar systems exist for morphological encoding of spa%al rela%onships on the verb. – (Technically more like aspect than tense.)
• We’ll call these Associated Mo/on (AM). • Most common is ‘going’ vs. ‘coming’ contrast: Maasai (Nilo%c, Kenya/Tanzania; Tucker & Mpaayei 1955: 127)
asi asieku asioyo ‘to be impa%ent’ ‘to come quickly’ ‘to go away quickly’
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I%ve and Ven%ve
Maasai (Tucker and Mpaayei 1955, 126; 123) • A-‐rew-‐aa nkishu 1SG-‐drive-‐ITV cafle ‘I shall drive the cafle away.’ • Te-‐re-‐u nkishu IMP-‐drive-‐VEN cafle
‘Drive the cafle this way!’
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Associated Mo%on Morphology
• Quechua (Soto Ruiz 2010:353) Llamka-‐mu-‐saq Filipi-‐wan Work-‐AM-‐1SG.FUT Felipe-‐WITH ‘I will (go) work (over there) with Felipe.’
In Quechua, just one general movement suffix.
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Defining Associated Mo%on • Wilkins (1991:251) describes associated mo%on as “a no%onal
seman%c category which can be found crosslinguis%cally in typologically and gene%cally unrelated languages … [with] a unique morphosyntac%c treatment that dis%nguishes it from other categories [as in Mparntwe Arrernte, which] is evidence for recognising a dis%nct gramma%cal category, to be added to the list of possible morpho-‐syntac%c categories which a natural language may manifest.”
• Guillaume (2013:131) defines associated mo%on as “referring to
gramma%cal markers that afach to non-‐mo%on verbs and specify that the verb ac%on occurs against the background of a mo%on event with a specific orienta%on in space.”
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Associated Mo%on in Australia The term Associated Mo/on originates in Australia (Koch 1984;
Tunbridge 1988; Wilkins 1991, 1997; McGregor 2002).
“Gramma%cal category”? Mparntwe Arrernte (Wilkins 1991: 225, 207)
(1) Re ayenge tw-‐intye-‐ke 3sgA 1sgS hit-‐DO.COMING-‐past.comple%ve ‘S/he hit me as s/he came (this way).’
(2) angke-‐tye.lhe-‐ke speak-‐GO&DO-‐pc ‘went and then spoke’
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Associated Mo%on in Australia • Wilkins (1991)
described 14 categories in Mparntwe Arrernte
• Go vs. come • Temporal:
– Previous – Concurrent – Subsequent
• (Also one for a new subject.)
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Deriva%on or Inflec%on? • Shasta, 13 affixes (Mithun 1999: 141)
• Some languages have many contrasts…
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• More than 60 suffixes in Kwakwala (incomplete list!)
(Mithun 1999: 149-‐50)
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Terminology • Associated Mo/on is convenient but not common outside of Australia.
• In North America, the terms transloca/ve (‘away from speaker’) and cisloca/ve (‘toward’), even disloca/ve (‘go away and…’).
• Ven/ve/veni/ve (‘come and…’) and i/ve/anda/ve (‘go and…’) common in African descrip%ve tradi%on and elsewhere.
• Some%mes also centripetal and centrifugal. • Otherwise just direc/onal/spa/al/loca/onal.
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Areal studies • Several studies for Australian languages. • Mithun (1999) discusses North America. • Many studies of African languages, some comparison (Bourdin 2005), no overviews.
• The Tacanan family in South America (Guillaume 2013), and broader discussion in (Aikhenvald 2012).
• rGyalrong, in western China (Jacques 2013) • Sparse descrip%ons elsewhere
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Methodology
• First broad compara%ve study of AM. • Based on the methodology of WALS (Haspelmath 2005), looking through descrip%ve grammars for 324 languages. – Data for 200 ready now.
• Can be challenging to compare different styles of wri%ng grammars and not miss data.
• Data is likely underes/mated rather than exaggerated due to underdescrip%on.
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Research Assistants
• Collabora%ve project with four undergraduate research assistants.
– Ryan Grunow – Kelsey Lac
– George Jabbour – Jack Dempsey
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WALS
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WALS
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WALS
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325 Languages [200 presented now] Abkhaz, Abun, Acehnese, Acoma, Agarabi, Ainu, Alamblak, Alyawarra, Ambae (Lolovoli Northeast), Amele, Apurinã, Arabic (Egyp%an), Araona, Arawak, Arop-‐Lokep, Arrernte (Mparntwe), Babungo, Badimaya, Bagirmi, Baka (in Cameroon), Bali-‐Vitu, Banoni, Basque, Batak (Karo), Bawm, Berber (Middle Atlas), Bininj Gun-‐Wok, Bozo (Tigemaxo), Brahui, Brokskat, Buduma, Buma, Burushaski, Busa, Cahuilla, Canela-‐Krahô, Cantonese, Cayuga, Chamorro, Chechen, Chemehuevi, Chichewa, Chocho, Chukchi, Coahuilteco, Coos (Hanis), Cop%c, Dagbani, Dargwa, Degema, Dhaasanac, Dhivehi, Djabugay, Doyayo, Drehu, Dullay (Gollango), English, Erromangan, Evenki, Ewondo, Fijian, Finnish, Fongbe, French, Gapapaiwa, Garo, Georgian, German, Gola, Gooniyandi, Greek (Modern), Greenlandic (West), Guaraní, Gujara%, Gunbalang, Gurr-‐goni, Haida, Hamtai, Hatam, Hausa, Hawaiian, Hebrew (Modern), Hindi, Hixkaryana, Hmong Njua, Hoava, Hungarian, Hunzib, Ika (Arhuaco), Imonda, Indonesian, Iraqw, Italian, Itzaj, Jabêm, Jakaltek, Jaminjung, Japanese, Ju|'hoan, Kairiru, Kalkatungu, Kamaiurá, Kambera, Kana, Kannada, Kanuri, Karen (Pwo), Karok, Kashmiri, Kâte, Kera, Ket, Kham, Khanty, Khasi, Khmu', Khoekhoe, Kiriba%, Koasa%, Kobon, Kolami, Kombai, Korean, Korku, Koromfe, Korowai, Koyraboro Senni, Krongo, Kugu Nganhcara, Kukú, Kuot, Kutenai, Kwaio, Lai, Lak, Lakhota, Lamang, Lango, Latvian, Lavukaleve, Laz, Lele, Lepcha, Lezgian, Lillooet, Longgu, Lugbara, Luvale, Maale, Ma'di, Madurese, Maithili, Malayalam, Mam, Mandarin, Mangarrayi, Mangghuer, Maori, Mapudungun, Marathi, Maricopa, Marquesan, Matsés, Maybrat, Mbay, Mbili, Meithei, Midob, Mixtec (Chalcatongo), Miya, Mocoví, Mohawk, Monumbo, Mosetén, Mundari, Mupun, Musgu, Mussau, Nabak, Nagatman, Nahuatl (Mecayapan Isthmus), Nahuatl (Tetelcingo), Nambikuára, Navajo, Ndebele (in South Africa), Ndjébbana, Nelemwa, Nepali, Newar (Dolakha), Nez Perce, Ngalakan, Nhanda, Nias, Nisgha, Niuafo'ou, Niuean, Nivkh, Nkore-‐Kiga, Nsenga, Nuaulu, Obolo, Ojibwa (Eastern), O'odham, Oromo (Harar), Otomí (Mezquital), Paamese, Páez, Paiute (Northern), Paiwan, Palauan, Passamaquoddy-‐Maliseet, Pech, Pero, Persian, Pirahã, Pitjantjatjara, Popoloca (Metzontla), Puluwat, Purépecha, Qafar, Qiang, Quechua (Huallaga), Quechua (Imbabura), Retuarã, Rotuman, Russian, Saami (Kildin), Saami (Northern), Salt-‐Yui, Sango, Sangu, Sanuma, Selkup, Sentani, Shoshone, Siar, Siuslaw, Slave, So, Somali, Southeast Ambrym, Spanish, Squamish, Sudest, Suena, Sundanese, Supyire, Taba, Tagalog, Taiof, Tamabo, Tamil, Tarao, Tauya, Tepehuan (Southeastern), Teribe, Tetun, Thai, Thompson, Tibetan (Shigatse), Tidore, Tigrinya, Tikar, Tinrin, Tiwi, Tobelo, Tommo So, Totonac (Xicotepec de Juárez), Trumai, Tsat, Tugun, Tukang Besi, Turkish, Tuvaluan, Tzutujil, Udihe, Udmurt, Ulithian, Upper Kuskokwim, Urubú-‐Kaapor, Usan, Vafsi, Vietnamese, Walman, Warao, Wardaman, Wari', Wichí (Mataca), Wolof, Yagua, Yaqui, Yawelmani, Yawuru, Yidiny, Yimas, Yoruba, Yukaghir (Kolyma), Zapotec (Quiegolani), Zoque (Chimalapa), Zulu, Zuni, Arapesh (Mountain), Asmat, Barasano, Burmese, Cree (Plains), Daga, Dani (Lower Grand Valley), Grebo, Kayardild, Kewa, Khalkha (Mongolian), Kiowa, Makah, Malagasy, Martuthunira, Maung, Ngiyambaa, Oneida, Rama, Rapanui, Swahili, Wichita, Irish, Selknam
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Distribu%on of Associated Mo%on
200 languages: 82 with AM; 118 without
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Type of Associated Mo%on
200 languages: morphology (68); compounding (12) Par%cles (21); Serial Verb Construc%ons (34)
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Languages with both Ven%ve and I%ve
200 languages: 47 with AM; 153 without
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Languages with I%ve
200 languages: 56 with AM; 144 without
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Languages with Ven%ve
200 languages: 52 with AM; 148 without
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Unspecified direc%onal
200 languages: 7 with AM; 193 without
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Any horizontal direc%onal
200 languages: 67 with AM; 133 without
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Ver%cal Direc%onals
200 languages: 21 with AM; 179 without
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Number of AM categories
200 languages: zero (133); one (14); two (26); three-‐five (17); six-‐fourteen(10)
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Number of AM categories
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 14
14 26 8 4 5 1 1 2 2 1 0 2 1
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Beyond morphology: • “In many Australian languages, [in addi%on to] the verbal
categories of tense, aspect and mood, … verbs may … be specified for no%ons having to do with the mo%on associated with the ac%on denoted by the verb” (Koch 1984:23)
Why just morphology?
Consider tense: • He walked • He walks • He will walk.
• In WALS (Dahl & Velupillai 2005a,b), 24% of languages do not have past tense nor have a morphological future.
And 13% have no Tense-‐Aspect inflec%onal at all (Dryer 2005).
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Serial Verbs • Serial verb construc%ons (SVCs) are:
– two or more juxtaposed verbs – with no marker of dependency or linking element – expressing a single event in a single clause – with shared values for Tense-‐Aspect-‐Modality and nega%on – and shared arguments (subject and/or object) – encoding various seman%c rela%onships.
• Examples from Sranan (Sebba, 1987: 43, 46): (1) A waka go na wowoyo. (2) Mi fringi a batra broko. He walk go LOC market I throw the bofle break ‘He walks to the market.’ ‘I threw the bofle and broke it.’
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Serial Verbs • Most common type of SVCs is with mo%on verbs
• “Every serializing language I have encountered includes a category of mo/on serializa/on, where a verb of mo/on is combined with some other verb in such a way that the mo/on verb comes first and the moving argument is the Agent of the second verb.” (Durie 1997: 310)
• “Every serializing language has … verbs of mo%on …
[and some languages only have] this type of serializa%on.” (Aikhenvald 2006: 48)
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Serial Verb Construc%ons
210 languages: 95 with SVCs (45%); 115 w/out
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Complex predicates and AM: • Par%cles (Hawaiian: Hawkins 1982:16)
mai ‘toward speaker’; aku ‘away’; iho ‘down’; a’e ‘upward’ E hā’awi mai I ka waiū ‘Give me the milk.’ – German hin-‐ ‘thither’, her-‐ ‘hither’? (Lehmann 1991:515-‐516)
• Pseudocoordina%on (English): We went and saw a movie.
• Converbs (Japanese: Shibatani 2003:271) Hi-‐ga sizun-‐de it-‐ta sun-‐NOM sink-‐CONJ go-‐PAST ‘The sun went down.’
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Associated Mo%on beyond morphology
SVCs (green): 30 Complementa%on (pink): 14 Converbs (blue): 13 Par%cles (yellow): 9 (Pseudo)coordina%on (aqua): 3 Switch-‐Reference (orange): 2
(Based on a preliminary 120-‐language sample, excluding morphological AM.) But it is unclear how many of these are really gramma%calized as AM.
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AM extended: • Consider English ‘went and V’:
“Look what he went and did this %me!” Doctor: “The pa%ent went and died on me.” – Gramma%calized from physical movement away from the deic%c
center to (metaphorical movement to) viola%on of expecta%ons.
• Abkhaz i%ve prefix indicates surprise (Hewif 1979:213-‐214). À-‐ bna d-‐ nə̀-‐ l-‐ q’e-‐ yt’ ‘He suddenly emerged the wood he ITV from.in emerge (fin.) from the wood.’
• Pseudocoordina%on with ‘surprise’ in other languages (Weiss 2007; Wiklund 2009)
• Joseph (1990) describes a SVC-‐like construc%on in Modern Greek with ‘come’ with interlocutor-‐aligning proper%es.
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Conclusions
• AM is not rare: 25% ~ 33% ~ 40% ~ 100%?
• Should be a focus of descrip%ve work
• Should be given a similar status to tense in theory
• More research is needed! • Especially for phrasal encoding of AM.
• For example, how produc%ve are these affixes? Which verbs do they combine with?
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References Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2006. Serial Verb Construc%ons in Typological Perspec%ve. In Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald & R. M. W. Dixon (eds.), Serial verb construc/ons a cross-‐linguis/c typology, 1–68. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2012. The languages of the Amazon. (Oxford Linguis%cs). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bourdin, Philippe. 2005. The marking of direc%onal deixis in Somali: How typologically idiosyncra%c is it? In Friedrich Karl Erhard Voeltz (ed.), Studies in African Linguis/c Typology, 13–41. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing. Dahl, Östen & Viveka Velupillai. 2005a. The Past Tense. In Mar%n Haspelmath, Mafhew S. Dryer, David Gil & Bernard Comrie (eds.), World atlas of language structures, 268–269. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dahl, Östen & Viveka Velupillai. 2005b. The Future Tense. In Mar%n Haspelmath, Mafhew S. Dryer, David Gil & Bernard Comrie (eds.), World atlas of language structures, 270–271. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dryer, Mafhew S. 2005. Posi%ons of Tense-‐Aspect Affixes. In Mar%n Haspelmath, Mafhew S. Dryer, David Gil & Bernard Comrie (eds.), World atlas of language structures, 282–5. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Durie, Mark. 1997. Gramma%cal Structures in Verb Serializa%on. In Alex Alsina i Keith, Joan Bresnan & Peter Sells (eds.), Complex predicates, 289–354. Stanford: CSLI Publica%ons. Guillaume, Antoine. 2013. Reconstruc%ng the category of “associated mo%on” in Tacanan languages (Amazonian Bolivia and Peru). In Ritsuko Kikusawa & Lawrence A Reid (eds.), Historical Linguis/cs 2011 Selected papers from the 20th Interna/onal Conference on Historical Linguis/cs, Osaka, 25-‐30 July 2011., 129–151. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Haspelmath, Mar%n. 2005. Nominal and Verbal Conjunc%on. In Mar%n Haspelmath, Mafhew S. Dryer, David Gil & Bernard Comrie (eds.), World atlas of language structures, 262–265. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hawkins, Emily A. 1982. Pedagogical Grammar of Hawaiian: Recurrent Problems. Manoa: Hawaiian Studies Program, University of Hawaii. Hewif, B. G. 1979. Abkhaz. Amsterdam: North-‐Holland. Joseph, Brian D. 1990. On Arguing for Serial Verbs (with Par%cular Reference to Modern Greek). Ohio State University Working Papers in Linguis/cs 39. 77–90. Koch, Harold. 1984. The category of “associated mo%on” in Kaytej. Language in Central Australia 1. 23–34.
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References Lehmann, Chris%an. 1991. Gramma%caliza%on and Related Changes in Contemporary German. In Elizabeth Closs Traugof & Bernd Heine (eds.), Approaches to Gramma/caliza/on, vol. 2, 493–535. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. McGregor, William. 2002. Verb classifica/on in Australian languages. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The languages of na/ve North America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sebba, Mark. 1987. The syntax of serial verbs: an inves/ga/on into serialisa/on in Sranan and other languages. Amsterdam; Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Shibatani, Masayoshi. 2003. Direc%onal verbs in Japanese. In Erin Shay & Uwe Seibert (eds.), Mo/on, direc/on and loca/on in languages: in honor of Zygmunt Frajzyngier, 259–286. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Soto Ruiz, Clodoaldo. 2010. Quechua, manual de enseñanza. 4th ed. Lima: Ins%tuto de Estudios Peruanos. Tucker, Archibald Norman & John Tompo Ole Mpaayei. 1955. A Maasai grammar with vocabulary. London: Longmans, Green. Tunbridge, Dorothy. 1988. Affixes of mo%on and direc%on in Adnyamathanha. In Peter Aus%n (ed.), Complex sentence construc/ons in Australian languages, 267–283. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Weiss, Daniel. 2007. The Grammar of Surprise: The Russian Construc%on of the Type Koška vzjala da umerla ‚Suddenly, the cat died‘. In Kim Gerdes, Tilmann Reuther & Leo Wanner (eds.), MTT 2007: Meaning-‐Text Theory 2007: proceedings of the 3rd Interna/onal Conference on Meaning-‐Text Theory, Klagenfurt, May 20-‐24, 2007, 427–436. (Wiener Slawis%scher Almanach. Sonderband 69). München: Ofo Sagner. hfp://meaningtext.net/mf2007/proceedings/. Wiklund, Anna-‐Lena. 2009. The syntax of surprise: Unexpected event readings in complex predica%on. Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 84. 181–224. Wilkins, David P. 1991. The Seman%cs, Pragma%cs and Diachronic Development of “Associated Mo%on” in Mparntwe Arrernte. Buffalo papers in linguis/cs. 207–257. Wilkins, David P. 1997. The Verbaliza%on of Mo%on Events in Arrernte (Central Australia). In Eve V. Clark (ed.), The proceedings of the Twenty-‐eighth Annual Child Language Research Forum, 295–308. Stanford: CSLI Publica%ons.
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Thank you!
• Ques%ons?