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T he four horses of an Iron Age
apocalypse: war-horses from the
third-century weapon sacrifice at IUerup
Aadal (Denmark)
Andres S. Dobat^ T. Douglas Priced Jacob Kveiborg^ Jörgen
Peter Rowley-Conw y^
originally come ftom.
The IUerup Aadal weapon sacrifice m irrors
the m aterial world ofi a Germanic army
firom c. AD 2L0. Apart ftom the personal
equipment and the weaponry ofi more than
400 warriors it com prises fiour horses.
The present paper gives the first conclusive
analysis o fi the skeletal remains ofi these
animals involving osteologic l investigation
and strontium isotope analysis. The results
shed new light on the c haracter ofi the
sacrificial
ceremonies
which
unfiolded
in the
aftermath ofi Iron Age battles; on the nature
ofi c v lry and its significance in Iron Ag e
warfiare; and on the much debated question
as to w here the army ofi IUerup Aadal had
Keywords: Scandinavia, Denmark, IUerup Aadal, Roman Iron Age, horses, sacrifice, warfare
ntrodu tion
Since the late nineteenth century, more than 30 so-called weapon sacrifices dating from the
period between the pre-Rom an Iron Age and the M igration period (c. 350 B C -A D 600)
have been discovered and investigated in the area of modern-day Denmark. While varying
considerably in size and composition, all finds include various types of weapons, elements
of personal equipment and other objects. Historical and archaeological parallels suggest that
the finds represent the votive offerings of
victorious army to some sort of war god.
' Departmen t of Culture and Society Aarhus University MoesgârdA llé 20 H ejbjerg DK 8270 Denm ark
^ Departmen t of Anthropology U niversity of Wisconsin Mad ison WI53706 USA
^ Moesgärd Museum Moesgârd Allé 20 Hêjbjerg DK 8270 Denmark
'' Departmen t of Archae ology Durham University South Road Durham DHl 3LF UK
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The four horses of an Iron Age poc lypse
Four different offerings from the period berween the third an d the fifth centuries A D have
been identified and excavated at Illerup Aadal, a long stretch of river valley on the eastern
side of the pen insula of Jutland , south-west of the m odern city of Aa rhus. Th e m ajority of
the artefacts be lon g to the oldest, and by far the biggest, of the various offerings (Illerup
Aadal A) dating from the early third c entury. Today, this particular offering can be regarded
as one of the largest and most complex sites of
ts
kind (Ilkjser 2000). The assemblage from
Illerup Aadal A alone com prises 35 0 shields, 36 6 lances an d 41 0 spears, at least 100 swords,
11 sets of riding gear, 124 sets of strike-a-lights and othe r elem ents of the w arriors' pe rsonal
equipment, as well as a complete set of different tools for wood- and metalworking. The
find therefore paints a complex picture of an army consisting of at least 400 men organised
wi thin a strict hierarchical struc ture with complex functional differentiation an d associated
with a well-developed logistical apparatus (Ilkjsr 1990, 1 993 , 20 01 ; von Ca rnap -Bo rnhe im
Ilkjsr 1996a; Do bat 2008 ).
In the course of the sacrificial ritual, the majority of the artefacts underwent a process of
systematic destruction before being deposited on the bottom of the shallow lake of Illerup
Aadal, either as wrapp ed b undles dro pped from boats or simply throw n in to the lake from
its southern shore (llkja^r 1990: 13-27, 2002).
Although the different artefacts ob-
viously tepresent individual combatants,
there is no evidence at all for the sacrifice
of humans or war-related deaths. The only
living creatures that apparently played a
role in the sacrifice were at least four
horses and a single bovine (see also R owley-
Co nw y 1980). T he skeletal remains of these
animals are exttaordinarily well preserved
due to the favourable conditions in the
peat layers of the Illerup Aadal river valley
(Figure 1). Hence, they provide a rare view
of cavalry as a central aspect of Iron Age
military infrastructure in Northetn Europe.
Furthermore, the horses ftom Illerup Aadal
also provide a medium for the application
of new scientific m etho ds such as stro ntiu m
isotope analysis, which has proved to be a
powerful tool for the investigation of the
origins of archaeological material. Tooth enamel from two of the horses has been analysed
for strontium isotopes. The results afford new perspectives on the origin of the army from
Illerup Aadal A.
Figure ¡. Ihe skeletal remains oj horse 3 urouiid point
¡3 ¡ 00/85 00 of the site during excavation seen from the
north.
The horses in the context of the Illerup Aadal deposit
The four horses were excavated close to the southern shore of the Iron Age lake; horses
1 and 2 were found within the core area of the major deposit of Illerup Aadal A, around
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Andres S. Dohat
et al.
58 00/46 00
Eigure 2. Skeletal remains o f horse 1 dark grey) around point 59 50/47 00 of the sacrificial site.
point 59,5 0/47 ,00 and poin t 62,0 0/47 ,00 of the excavated area (see plan C in von C arnap -
Bo rnheim Ilkjs r 1996 b). Lance- or spearheads and other pieces of we apon ry and personal
equipment were found lying together with the animal bones, documenting the connection
of these two animals with the major sacrifice of Illerup Aadal A (dating to around the year
AD 210) (Figure 2). The circumstances are more ambiguous in the case of horses 3 and
4 ,
which were both found in the periphery of the deposition at Illerup Aadal A, around
po int 13 1,0 0/85 ,00 8 (see 131/85 Plan 1 in von Car nap -Bo rnhe im 0¿ Ilkjíer 1996b) an d
po int 2 23 ,00 /13 2,0 0. H owever, the similarity regarding ritually inflicted injuries o n all four
horses (see below) strongly suggests that they were all part of the sacrificial events. Horses
1 and 2 were accompanied by a single bovine; this animal will, however, not be fiarther
discussed in the present study.
W ith the exception of a few m issing bon e elem ents, the skeletons of horses 1 and 3 were
almost com plete. In the case of horse 1, the lower leg bones (me tapodia a nd phalanges) were
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The four
horses
of an Iron Age
poc lypse
found in the immediate vicinity of the torso, suggesting that some displacement occurred
during the decay of the carcass. Horse 2 completely lacks both rear legs including the pelvic
girdle, while ho rse 4 lacks only the left rear leg. Som e of the an imals were partly disarticulate d
prior to their deposition in the lake. The complete lack of gnawing marks on the skeletal
remains of all four horses indicates that the horses were deposited and covered by water
immediately or shortly after the sacrifice. The isolated left hind leg (from the femur to the
phalanges) of a horse was found at poi nt 8 3,00 /93 ,00 (see 83/9 3 Plan 1 in von Ga rnap
Born heim Ilkjsr 1996 b). It is probable that this leg belonged to either horse 2 or 4. Du e
to the lack of bone elements suitable for detailed aging and sexing, however, these bones are
not included in the following discussion.
T he IUerup Aadal horses are not u niq ue. Several horse skeletons were found dur ing the
early excavation of the weapon sacrifices at Nydam in southern Judand (Engelhardt 1865:
36-42). Here they can probably be associated with major offerings during the third and
fourth centuries A D (Rau 201 0). Bones from one or more horses were also recorded d urin g
the early excavations of the sacrifices at Vim ose, which is partly co nte m por ary with the IUerup
Aadal A sacrifice, and at Kragehul (Eng elhardt 18 67 ,18 69 : 30), bo th on the island of Fune n.
The ritual killings
Just as wit h th e othe r material co m po ne nts of the find, the horses show clear traces of
seemingly violent 'destruction'. The skull of horse 2 (Figure 3) displays traces of at least 12
cuts from sharp-edged (bu t not particularly heavy) instrum ents, 10 w oun ds from poin ted
weapons struck or shot from various directions and a heavy blow to the forehead with a
massive blunt instrument (a hammer or the back of an axe). Three injuries from pointed
weapons were found on the palate bone inside the nasal cavity, showing that the weapons
were driven with great force thro ug h th e skull. O nly th e heavy blow to the anima l's forehead,
however, can be identified as most definitely fatal. Of the 18 paired ribs only two ribs (costae)
from the left and three ribs from the right have no visible injuries. T h e im pacts are dom ina ted
by perforations made by pointed weapons and cut marks made by sharp-edged weapons.
The majority of the wounds have been infiicted laterally but some perforations were found
on the inside of the ribs suggesting that the weapons (most probably arrows) penetrated
the torso. The direction of the injuries indicates that horse 2 was struck, shot and stabbed
several times from various directions. T he group ing of two distinct types of wo und s probably
indicates that the wounds were infiicted by at least two individuals standing next to each
othe r with two different types of we apon s (prob ably a sword an d a lance or spear) (Figure 4).
The orientation of the injuries and the fact that they are found on both sides of the torso
indicate that the anima l was standing while the woun ds were infiicted.
Ho rse 1 received a blow to the forehead similar to horse 2. T h e injuries inflicted o n t he
torso are no t as conclusive as in the case of horse 2; however, as w ith the latter, som e injuries
may have been infiicted while the animal was standing. The position and direction of the
deep cut marks on the lower front legs of horse 1, by contrast, indicate that they happened
when the horse was lying on its left side. The injuries from cutting weapons inflicted on
the right radius, ulna and metacarpal bones are found on the lateral side of the bones
while injuries infiicted on the left third metacarpal are found on the medial part of the
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The four
horses
of an Iron Age
apocalypse
Table 1. The estimated sex, age and height at withers of the four horses from
IUerup Aadal A and strontium isotope ratios of tooth enamel from horses 1 and 3.
Horse 1
Horse 2
Hotse 3
Horse 4
Sex
male
male
male
male
Age in years
10
7
8-9
6-7
Min .
123.7
138.5
130.2
128.8
Heig ht at withers in cm)
Max.
133.0
144.2
139.6
139.1
Mean
129.8
141.3
136.3
135.0
^Sr/'^^Sr
0.710657
0.710357
Figure 4. The skeleton
o f
horse
2
showing two
distinct
groups
of njuries
from
cutting -) an d pointed
weapons <)) probably
swords and lances or spears, respectively). Horse drawing by Michel Coutureau a nd Vianney Forest © 1996ArcheoZoo.org
Charger or nag?
All four horses have pronounced canine teeth indicative of the male sex. Based on tooth
developm ent a nd wear of the m andib ular incisor teeth, horse 1 can be estimated to have
been ab out 10 years old, while horse 2 may have been somew hat younger, probably arou nd
7 years (estimates on the basis of Habermehl 1975). Horses 3 and for 4 are estimated to
have had an age of 8-9 years and 6-7 years respectively (Table 1). In modern dressage,
reminiscent of military training (Museler 1972), the basic preparation of a horse is norm ally
concluded after the animal is 6 or 7 years of age.
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Andres S Dobat et al.
For this study, all complete long bones (i.e. femur, tibia, metatarsus, humérus, radius
and metacarpus) and shoulder blades (scapulae) were measured according to the guide
hnes given by von den Driesch and Boessneck (1974: fig. 1) and von den Driesch (1976).
The final estimation of the stature (height) of each horse was based on the mean value of
all measurements from each individual as recommended by Kiesewalter (1888), von den
Driesch and Boessneck (1974: 335) and Ambros and Müller (1975: 45-47). According
to the size of the long bones, the horses had an estimated height at the withers between
130cm and 4 cm (Table 1). The Illerup Aadal horses would thus have been comparable
with average or large-sized prehistoric horses and modern day Icelandic horses with height
at withers between 120cm and l40cm. Compared to other contemporary finds of horses
ftom Iron Age contexts in Scandinavia, horse 2 appears to have been a surprisingly large
animal. In a supra-regional perspective, it can be categorised as belonging to the upper range
of Iron Age horses in Central and Northern Europe (Bökönyi 1968; Reichstein 2003). One
could speculate whe ther this migh t indicate the imp ort of horses from either Eastern Eu rope
or the Roman Empire. It is of particular interest in this respect that various elements of
ridmg equipment found in southern Scandinavian weapon sacrifices show close similarities
to riding gear from the northern Danube area or the Roman Empire (Lau 2009: 272, 276).
The use of bits is indicated by pathological changes on the mandibles of the two oldest
horses (1 and 3), which can be associated with the use of hard metal bits. Horse 1 exhibits
distinct 'bone spurs ' on the diastema (the gap between the canines and the cheek teeth),
whereas horse 3 has a very steep bevel and a distinct dentine/enamel abrasion on the vertical
anterior/mesial edge of the second lower premolars (P2) (Bendrey 2007 ; An tho ny ôc Brown
2011). Two different types of mouth pieces are present in the Illerup Aadal assemblage: two
examples of simple iron-jointed snaffle bits and nine complete sets of curb bits with stiff
mouthpieces (Figure 5). The latter are highly complex devices with the actual mouthpiece
and the lower parts of the reins made of bronze and iron. Their ftinctional principle is
equivalent to modern curb bits, which ate particularly common in Western-style riding,
with a stiff mouthpiece and lever arms. The standard equipment used for war-horses in the
Roman cavalry displays clear parallels (Junkelmann 1992). Such curb bits are considered
highly specialised gear which, when used in action, affect several parts of the horse's head
and m ou th. A ccentua ting the pressure applied by the rider, they hold the p otential to inflict
severe pain on the horse, and thu s gain absolute obedience a nd c ontrol over its mo vem ents
(Junke lma nn 1992: 15; see also Lau 20 09: 28 7). Th e use of such harsh tools wou ld have
presupposed a long process of training, making the animal accustomed to this particular
type of mouthpiece.
Th e famous fourth-century-BC works on horses and horsemanship by Xen ophon {Peri
hippikes and Hipparchicus; M arch ant Bowersock 1968 [1925]) and the treatise on cavalry
tact ics in the^w áctica by Arrian (second century AD ; Hyland 1993) provide a detailed
view of the enormous effort that was involved in the education of horses intended for use
on the battlefield in a Greek or Roman military context (Gillmor 1992; Hyland 1993).
The horses deposited at Illerup Aadal had reached the peak of their individual physical
and mental development and the pathological changes on the mandibles and premolars
are indicative not only of intensive use, but also training with iron bits. Even though horse
train ing in Iron Age Scandinavia m ost certainly followed different stan dard s than in Classical
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The four horses of an Iron Age apocalypse
Greece and Rome or in modern dressage,
we may assume that these animals
underwent a lengthy and intensive training
regime, enabling their masters to use them
in a battlefield environment that was
stressful for both rider and horse.
War-horse or scapegoat?
We cannot take for granted that these
horses originally belonged to the armies
represented by the offering. Several
alternative scenarios leading to the horses
inclusion as an element of the sacrifice at
Illerup Aadal can be proposed. They may
have been picked up in enemy territory
following the arrival of the armies via ship or
boat. Another possibility is that the horses
from Illerup Aadal did not belong to the
opposing armies at all, but were chosen
among the local stock, belonging to the
victorious community
itself
and used only
for the occasion of the sacrifice.
There are, however, several lines of
evidence which suggest that the inclusion
of the horses in the sacrifice reflects
their original association with the defeated
armies of Illerup Aadal A. First of all, the
horses show the same traces of des tructio n
as we see on certain material elements of
the offering, especially the military equipment and the riding gear belonging to the highest
level of the military hierarchy. Another argument can be based on the fact that the headgear
found at Illerup Aadal seems to have been made to fit individual horses, given that it lacks
any ability for adjustment to cater to the varying sizes and shapes of the heads of different
horses (Lau 2009: 285). Indeed, the image of a military leader bringing non-adjustable
headgear into enemy territory in the hopes of finding a suitable horse on which to put it
renders this scenario rather implausible.
The most decisive argument, however, for the direct relation between the armies and the
horses from Illerup Aadal A are the specific requirements for horses in combat situations,
which presuppose extensive training and practice. In actual com bat, the acqu aintance of the
horse with equipment and rider would have proved essential (see the discussion above). An
unk now n horse, taken into possession somew here in enemy territory, would simply no t have
done the job. We can at least regard it as most likely that the horses deposited in the great
sacrifice of Illerup Aadal A along with military and personal equipment originally belonged
igure
5
Schematic reconstruction of he harnesses and curh
hits fiom Illerup Aadal A (afier von Ca rnap-Bornheim
Ilkjar 1996a). Drawing hy Lars oged Thomsen.
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Andres S Dobat
et al.
to the warrior group represented by this find. Hence, it follows that they originated from
the same regional contexts as their masters. It is noteworthy that the horses found in the
contex t of the sacrifices at N yda m s upp ort this assum ption. According to the original re port
on their recovery in the late nineteenth century, the horses were found with parts of their
headgear still in position (Engelhardt 1865: 36). Furthermore, the horses at Nydam had
also received similar treatment to the animals at Illerup, showing a multitude of injuries
from different types of weapons (Engelhardt 1865: 40, figs. A-E).
W here did the horses come from?
From the very beginning of modern research on the Illerup Aadal weapon sacrifices, the
origm of the armies that are represented by the assemblage has been one of the major topics
of
debate.
It has been suggested that the provenance of the material (and, hence, opposing
armies) for the Illerup Aadal A deposit is the southern part of the Scandinavian peninsula
(i.e. mo dern -day No rw ay or western Sweden). This hypo thesis, based on th e stylistic analysis
of archaeological material (Ilkjser 1993: 374-85) and scientific methods (Ilkjjer etal 1994;
Ilkjsr
2 0 0 1 :
3 76 ), has constituted the back groun d for a historical scenario in which one or a
coalition of several hostile armies crossed the Kattegat (the sea between Judand and Sweden)
and attacked the Ju da nd peninsula, w here they were eventually defeated by an eastern Jutish
military coalition.
Recent debate has focused on the question of whether the sites mirror defensive or
offensive military actions, in other words whether the sacrifices were conducted by the
defending communities (who had been attacked by the armies represented by the finds)
or whether the booty was collected by attacking armies after a victorious expedition into
foreign areas and thereafter transported back home for later sacrifice in a local context. Both
scenarios seem possible on the basis of the background of the archaeological evidence at
m ost of the finds. For the Illerup Aadal assemblage, the considerable n um ber of im plem ents
of military infrastructure, such as tools for wood- and/or metalworking (Dobat 2008) may
suggest tha t it was in fact the sacrificed arm y tha t had been on cam paign in foreign
territories. In order to include both possible scenarios, we will avoid speaking of the army
from Illerup Aadal A as the
attacking
army and instead use
opposin
army.
T he uniform appearance of the assemblage at Illerup Aadal A suggests that the com batan ts
had their origin within a coherent cultural community. However, there are also artefacts
(e.g. several strike-a-light sets) which point toward the Gontinent (southern Denmark or
modern-day northern Germany) as the most probable place of origin of either the warriors
or the artefacts, or bo th (Ilkj^r 1993 : 37 8). H ence , it is possible that the army had a m ore
or less heterogeneous composition, with different units recruited from different areas, or
individual combatants from various places joining the coalition for the limited period of
single military exped ition (comp are Jensen 2 00 8: 146; see also Price etal 20 11). The horses
from Illerup Aadal are of particular relevance in this regard, as they relate to the military
infrastructure and the leading elites. Tracing the origin of the horses thus enables us at least
to narrow the original spatial context of the organisational and strategic backbone of the
military alliance that made up the army of Illerup Aadal A.
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The four
horses
of an Iron Age
poc lypse
In order ro identify rhe possible geographical origin of rhe horses, roorh enamel from
horses 1 and 3 was analysed for srro nrium isotopes. T hi s was do ne in full recognirion of
rhe various m ethodological limirarions of srronrium isoropes as indicarors of regional origin
and despire rhe similariry of baseline values across rhe moraine landscape of sourhern
Scandinavia. Ir was expected, however, rhar rhe analysis would conrribure positively
ro rhe question of wherher or nor rhe army of Illerup Aadal A originared from rhe
ancient crystalline geological zones norrh and easr of rhe Karregar (Norway or wesrern
Sweden), as has previously been proposed, or wherher rhey came from somewhere in rhe
moraine landscapes of southern Scandinavia (modern-day Denmark, norrhern Cermany or
southern Sweden).
T he principles of isoropic proven ancing rely on isoropes rhat exhibir geographic variation
an d are incor pora red in an anima l's skeleron via rhe food chain (Sillen Kavanagh 198 2;
Price 20 00 ; Price
etal.
20 02 ). An essenrial quesrion regarding srronrium isorope analysis, and
a prerequisire for disringuishing between local or foreign origin, is rhe idenrification of the
specific srronrium isotope signal for rhe area in which rhe animal remains were found (Price
etal.
2002). The local bioavailable isoropic signal of rh place of burial can be dererm ined in
several ways: in human bone from rhe individuals whose teerh are analysed; from rhe bones
of orher humans or archaeological fauna ar rhe sire; or from modern fauna in rhe viciniry.
This baseline informarion on isorope values across an area needs ro be obrained in order ro
make useful and reliable sratements about the origins of rhe archaeological remains under
srudy (Price
etal.
200 2; Frei Price 201 2).
Denmark is characrerised by a relatively young (geologically-speaking) and rather
homogenous 'basement' geology. Abour 50 per cenr of Denmark is composed of Lare
Creraceous-Early Terriary carbonare platforms, and rhe orher 50 per cenr by marine clastic
sediments, all covered by glaciogenic sediments deposired during rhe two last ice ages. The
Quarernary glaciogenic sedimenrs are composed of, among orher things, various weathered
Precambrian graniroids (gneiss and granire) from Norway and Sweden. Almost everywhere
in Denmark, glacial deposirs are the source of srronrium isotopes for plants, animals and
people. Th ere is very lirrle bedrock exposure anyw here.
Frei and Price (2012) reporred srronrium isorope rarios from samples of archaeological
fauna as well as m ode rn m ice and snails from D enm ark . In addirion rhey comp ared
rhese rarios wirh srronrium isorope median values from human enamel samples from
archaeological sires w ithi n D en m ar k. Th e faunal samples range from ^''Sr/̂ '̂ Sr = 0.7 07 17
ro 0.71185 wirh an average of 0.70918, and for rhe humans (including non-locals) values
range from
^ ^SÏF^SÎ =
0.7086 ro 0.7110, wirh an average of 0.7098 (Figure 6).
Frei an d Frei (2011 ) m easured ^''Sr/^^Sr in almosr 200 sam ples of D an ish surface wa ter an d
foun d similar resu lts. In all rhese darasers we obs erve a small difference in rhe baseline values
between the west (Jurland) and easr (Funen, Zealand and rhe sourhern islands) of Denmark.
Accordingly, tw o slighrly differenr baseline ranges are prop osed for rhe bioavailable s rron rium
isoropic values wirh in De nm ark . The western area ranges from ^^Sr/^''Sr = 0. 70 79 -0 .7 09 9,
whereas rhe range for rhe easrern area is defined as
^ ^SvñSr:
= 0 .7089-0 .7108 .
Toorh en amel from rhe mandibles of horses 1 and 3 from Illerup Aadal was raken for the
srronrium isorope analysis. Resuirs of
rh
analysis are presenred in Table I. These rwo values
clearly fall within rhe range for Denmark (between 0.70717 and 0.71185) and suggest rhar
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Andres S Dobat et al.
0 . 7 1 1 . ro.712
Figure 6 Strontium isotope s mples
rom
auna and human tooth enamel from southernmost Scandinavia and dj cent
areas
the animals may have been of local origin within the region of Den m ark, south ern Sweden,
or northern Cermany.
Conclusions
The analysis of the four horses in the context of the major weapon sacrifice at IUerup Aadal
invites further discussion on three general topics: 1 the character and significance of the
sacrificial ritu als themselves; 2 the n atu re of cavalry and its use in Iron Age warfare; an d
finally 3 the old que stion of the origins of the armies represented by the offerings.
The sacrifice of the animals has to be seen in the light of the prominent role of horses in
sacrificial rituals th rou gh ou t t he entire Iron Age and in very different contex ts. O nl y rarely,
however, do we see such a detailed view of the chain of events that unfolded during the
sacrificial ceremony as in the case of IUerup Aadal. The osteological analysis suggests that
the h orse sacrifice was a highly d ram atic scene, in wh ich the creatures suffered a gruesom ely
violent death, involving splattering blood and the agonised screams of the poor animals
being cut down by several men with multiple weapons. Together with the shrill sound
of sharp metal on silver-plated ornaments, heavy axes splintering shields and lances, and
spears and swords being smashed to pieces, the scene must have provided a highly evocative
and dramatic spectacle, leaving a lasting impression in the shared memory of the sacrificing
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The four horses of an Iron Age apocalypse
com mu nity, and facilitating the com m em oratio n of the ritual and the battle which preceded
it. In this way the horses were mad e to take a leading part in wha t can be seen as a recreation
of the apocalyptic scenery of the battle, in which they had already played a crucial role.
The combined evidence of the skeletal material from the four horses and the tack that
was used to ride them provides us with a complex image of cavalry and its use in Iron Age
warfare. On the one hand, the extreme ornamentation of mountings, rivets and decorative
strap-ends on head gear, saddle straps and breastcoUars explicitly signalled the high social
status of the riders as well as their prominent role within the military hierarchy. On the
other hand, the horses also emerge as highly developed and effective war machines. Given
that they were likely to have been well trained and were experienced in wearing highly
specialised gear (enabling the rider to fight from horseback with his weapon in one hand,
while at the same time keeping full control of the animal, even in the stressful context of
a battlefield), the horses from Illerup Aadal would have spread fear and terror among any
opposing fighting lines.
With the ^^Sr/^'^Sr values below the baseline of strontium isotope values in both western
Norway and western or central Sweden, it is unlikely that the horses came from either of
those regions. They could, however, have come from the Viken area in southern Norway.
Here we find a very varied baseline, with the very lowest values on the regional scale being
similar to the values of the Illerup horses. O n the other h and , there is a good m atch between
the two Illerup horses and the ^^Sr/^' 'Sr baseline for southern Scandinavia. Values around
0.710 are commonly found in various places in Jutland, Zealand and Scania, suggesting
that the horses might well have been born and raised somewhere in the moraine landscapes
of modern-day Denmark. The data sample is not yet adequate, and the results are not
sufficiently clear to support a reconsideration of the earlier theories on the origin of the
army of Illerup Aadal A. Nonetheless, these new results open up new perspectives on this
question and on the background of the battle that preceded the sacrifice. Instead of an
'external' conflict involving military coalitions from across the Kattegat, the Illerup Aadal
sacrifice might just as well be seen as an expression of a more regional, internal conflict
between various southern Scandinavian groups. Further analyses have to be conducted,
however, to evaluate this hypothesis.
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to thank the two teviewets fot theit beneficial comments and ideas. We are grateful to Lats
Foged Thomsen fot his dtawings of hotses and hotse-geat. Sata Heil Jensen (Moesgâtd Museum) provided
valuable comm ents on the horse equipment ftom IUetup Aadal and its possible use.
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C o p y r i g h t o f A n t i q u i t y i s t h e p r o p e r t y o f A n t i q u i t y a n d i t s c o n t e n t m a y n o t b e c o p i e d o r
e m a i l e d t o m u l t i p l e s i t e s o r p o s t e d t o a l i s t s e r v w i t h o u t t h e c o p y r i g h t h o l d e r ' s e x p r e s s w r i t t e n
p e r m i s s i o n . H o w e v e r , u s e r s m a y p r i n t , d o w n l o a d , o r e m a i l a r t i c l e s f o r i n d i v i d u a l u s e .