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INTERNATIONAL COMPARISONS OF SCHOOL-TO-WORK TRANSITION
Curtis Finch, Martin Mulder, Graham Attwell, Felix Rauner, & Jan Streumer
OVERVIEW
Many educational policy measures related to Vocational Education and
Training (VET) make the assumption that VET contributes to the economic
development of nations. One key aspect of making VET an effective
contributor to economic growth is assumed to be School-to-Work (STW)
transition. This is the process of preparing students for working life before
they graduate, so they can be successful at finding paid employment in the
economy after graduation. Thus, the better this transition is, the greater the
societal return on an investment in VET.
However, the linkage between educational institutions and programs
on one hand, and the labor market on the other hand can be less than
optimal. There are various reasons for this suboptimal STW transition.
Examples include:
Educational institutions have too few and/or too ineffective contacts
with business and industry;
Absorption of younger persons into the labor market is limited,
resulting in high youth unemployment;
A mismatch exists between the demand for and supply of persons
with needed competencies and qualifications;
______________Curtis Finch is Professor, Human Resources and Education, at VirginiaPolytechnic Institute and State University, U.S.A. Martin Mulder and JanStreumer are faculty members at the University of Twente, Enschede, The
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Netherlands. Graham Attwell and Felix Rauner are faculty members at theInstitut Technick und Bildung, University of Bremen, Germany.
Students learning experiences during internships and other applied
portions of their educational programs are not extensive enough;
There is a disconnect between educational programs and
developments in the workplace;
Responsiveness of the curriculum is limited due to structural delay
factors. The process of curriculum development and the duration of
a VET program may take several years.
Behind these reasons are other factors that contribute to suboptimal STW
transition: profound and accelerated socio-economic, demographic, cultural,
technological, and changes. These changes make it difficult for educational
institutions to align their programs with labor market requirements labor.
Many activities have been initiated at different levels to improve the
situation. At the instructional level, programs focusing on career guidance
have been introduced. The content of general subjects has been shifted in
the direction of vocationally relevant subject matter. Vocational subjects
have been updated, and various applied experiences have been introduced
into the curriculum, such as simulations, excursions, internships, and
apprenticeships. At the organizational level, institutions have intensified
their contacts with the corporate community. Companies are sponsoring
educational programs. Teachers are participating in exchange programs
with business and industry so that they can learn about the latest
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developments. Business and industry leaders are being asked to participate
in articulating competence requirements. And, at the formal national or
state level, more and more elements of the VET infrastructure are regulated
and formalised.
Examples of formalization domains include administration, the
curriculum, teacher education, testing, and quality management. At the
administrative level, states or nations can choose to position the
responsibilities for VET within educational institutions instead of leaving
vocational competence development up to the individual or the employer.
At the curriculum level, policy makers can opt for a national curriculum
instead of a local curriculum. As for teacher education, policy makers can
decide to create a system with national standards or one with local
autonomy. The system for evaluating educational achievement of students
can also be nationalized, or institutions may have the right to perform their
own appraisals. And quality management can be either conducted by a
national inspectorate, or institutions may use quality management systems
internally that have no outside requirements. Although the formalization
domains are presented here in a dichotomous way, in reality VET
configurations are seldom characterised by extreme positions within these
domains. In most instances, the configurations are determined by
combinations of positions located somewhere in between the extremes.
VET configurations differ most at the national formalization level. An
international comparison may thus contribute to understanding of the
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complexity of VET configurations in general, and the STW transition in
particular. What activities have certain countries taken during the last
decades to improve the STW transition for their students? What are the
benefits of these activities? What problems have arisen and what solutions
were found for these problems? In our view, it is worthwhile to take notice of
the cross-national differences that exist in STW policies and practices.
However, it is overly simplistic to think that solutions to common problems in
STW practice are generally and directly applicable from one country to
another. Solutions are contingent upon national VET configurations, and
those differ considerably. By understanding the various traditions different
nations have and the approaches they have taken to providing STW
transition, much can be learned about the enormous complexity of this
problem area. From that deeper understanding, the limitations inherent in
national VET configurations may be more clearly perceived, and better
solutions may be found to the deficiencies that exist in national STW
transition systems.
Therefore, four countries were selected for examination. The countries
were chosen because they vary considerably in their national formalization
dimension, internal variation, and the struggle to develop a comprehensive
VET system. We first focus on Germany, a country with much internal
variation, but which above all is characterised by its widely developed
functional system of apprenticeship training (the Dual System). Next, we
focus on The Netherlands with its nationally formalised occupational school-
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based system for VET. We then turn to the United Kingdom with specific
emphasis on England and Wales, which can be characterised by its internal
variation and struggle to develop a comprehensive system of VET. And
finally, we focus on STW transition in the United States, which is viewed as
having multiple systems rather than a single national system of education.
In the concluding section, a cross-national comparison of STW transition in
the four countries is provided. We believe the descriptions and analyses of
STW transition policies and practices within the national VET configurations
of these countries will be helpful in building a better understanding of STW
policies and practices, and in solving some of the common problems nations
experience as they move forward with their STW transition efforts.
SCHOOL-TO-WORK TRANSITION IN GERMANY
A distinction can be made between four ways of undertaking the transition
from school to the working world in Germany. A majority of school leavers
(significantly more than 50%) decide to enroll in the dual vocational training
system in Germany. The proportion of young people who complete
vocational training between the ages of 16 and 19 is over 70%. School-
based vocational training, on the other hand, is favoured by approximately
10% of the young people in a given year. Most of the occupations involved
are in the fields of health, social care, and education as well as assistant
occupations that correspond to semi-academic professions in terms of
content. With respect to curriculum the assistant occupations are clearly
oriented toward specialised knowledge of the academic professions. Within
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companies, assistant occupations are allocated to management or academic
professions. A relatively low percentage of school-based vocational training
in the overall vocational training system results from a specific demand for
semi-academic qualifications in areas of responsibility where specialised,
systematic academic knowledge very clearly dominates. Assistant
occupations that relate to the natural sciences, such as physical-technical
assistant and medical-technical assistant, fall under this segment of school-
based vocational training as do the majority of the social occupations (e.g.
kindergarten teacher). To this extent, school-based vocational training does
not compete with dual vocational training. It is worthy of note that the
health and social care occupations are becoming more important as the age
structure of the population changes. Training in this occupational field is
undergoing radical transformation. Becker and Meifort (1994) call for a
professionalization of health and social care occupations in view of the
European process of integration and propose a move from traditional school-
based training to the concept of dual vocational training.
Young people with learning difficulties who have not completed 9-year
secondary modern school (Hauptschule) represent a special problem. In
1993 this group accounted for 6.2% of all newly concluded training
contracts. For the most part these young people are trained in craft trades
(see Ptz, 1993). An analysis of statistical data on young people with
learning difficulties reveals that over a longer period of time the proportion
of young people classified as having learning weaknesses increases in times
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of shortage of traineeships. This can be seen in the proportion of school-
leavers who undertake a vocational preparation year in order to attain the
requirements for an occupational apprenticeship. Conversely, the proportion
of young people with learning problems always drops when there is a lack of
skilled labor and a large supply of traineeships. In large measure, therefore,
the school-to-work transition problem for young people with learning
difficulties cannot be solved through training measures, but only by
increasing the quality and quantity of jobs and traineeships on a long-term
basis.
More than 30% of young people achieve the academic standard
required for university entrance and the majority of those decide to pursue
university studies. An interesting aspect here is that approximately 30% of
university students have also completed vocational training through the dual
system. The duality of vocational training and university education is held in
very high regard by students (see BMBW, 1994, p. 2; 1993, p. 3). This
figure has risen rapidly from 1985 when only 21% of graduates entered
vocational training. Over 50% of the students at polytechnics have
completed apprenticeships within the dual vocational training system. For
the transition of university graduates to the labor market combining dual
vocational training with subsequent university studies involves a
considerable degree of subjective mobility and labor market flexibility.
Within the university education sector a special form of dual university
training, the Vocational Academy, has come into being with approximately
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15,000 students currently enrolled. The student receives equal portions of
training at the Vocational Academy and through practical work at the
training enterprise. Despite not being a formal part of the university system,
this dual university training model at the polytechnic level now has a firm
place in the university system and is widely recognised.
The most important strengths of Vocational Academy training
include the 3-year training period, the pronounced orientation to
practice and the knowledge acquired on a scientific basis, which
enable rapid application to company tasks as well as acquisition
of social qualifications (such as the ability to work in teams) 1 in
the dual studies. This fundamental competence acquired in
connection with company-based socialisation forms a central
element of the qualification profile of the Vocational Academy
(Wissenschaftsrat, 1994).
The second threshold in the transition from school to the working world does
not exist in this university segment since students have permanent jobs at
the training enterprises when they begin their studies.
If university and polytechnic students are excluded, the phase of
transition from general education to the working world in Germany entails on
average a three-year vocational training period. The legal foundation of the
training system between general education schools and the working world
calls for a permanent dialogue and planning process, in which the
Bundeslnder (federal states) and the federal government as well as
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management and labor participate. Programs that are
limited in time and react to specific situations play a marginal role in this
system. Even during the baby boom period between 1975 and 1990 the dual
vocational training system proved to be astonishingly elastic. In 1984, for
example, 705,600 training contracts were signed. Today the figure is less
than 500,000.
The great decline in the training figures is based on a combination of
two factors. There has been a demographic downturn with three generations
(post-World War 1, post-Second World War, and the generation of the
1960s), all recording low birth rates. At the beginning of the 1990s, this
cumulative effect finally led to a deep decline in school-leavers and potential
applicants for traineeships. Decrease in the demand for traineeships
coincided with an economic recession and a period of reduced
industrialization in the new Bundeslnder. Extensive rationalization
measures in industry and trade resulted in a great reduction in traineeships.
While the reduction in traineeships coincided with the demographic
downturn, this was contrasted with considerable demand for skilled labor.
During the phase of high demand for traineeships, the Bundeslnder
and the federal government developed a comprehensive set of instruments
to eliminate the shortage of traineeships. Since 1973 the federal
government has been promoting the construction and maintenance of
industry-wide training centers (A) that are part of company-based
vocational training. They are sometimes referred to as the third learning
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site, in addition to the training enterprise and the vocational school.
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During periods of high demand for traineeships or traineeship
shortages, the Bundeslnder have given structural support in solving the
problem connected with the transition from school to the working world
through establishment and extension of vocational preparation schools (one
year ) (BVJ) and the basic school-based vocational training year (BGJ). The
basic vocational school year is a form of vocational training that integrates
theory and practice into the vocational school. It comprises the first year of
vocational training in twelve different occupational fields (e.g. metal
technology). The portion of the basic vocational school year devoted to
practice takes place in school workshops. The high investment,
maintenance, and constant modernisation costs for these workshops as well
as the additional personnel costs for instructors were rarely adequately
provided by the Bundeslnder. For some branches of industry and in some
regions the basic vocational training year has thus regained its original
educational policy significance, namely because of improvement of the
quality of vocational training through closer linkage of vocational and
general education as well as through systematic basic vocational training.
When the training market was tight, the basic vocational training year
became a reservoir for young people without any training. The basic
vocational school year has not been able to compete with the dual vocational
training system during the first training year.
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The vocational preparation year is useful to pupils who have not
received training contracts after completion of the general education school
requirements or have not received certificates of graduation from the
secondary modern school (Hauptschule). The establishment and extension
of a one-year vocational preparation phase for young people without
traineeships is therefore aimed at entry into vocational training (1st
threshold). Both forms of school have lost a great deal of their importance
by virtue of the traineeship market easing up since the end of the 1980s.
Instruction during the vocational preparation year is practical training
oriented. The basic vocational school year is very controversial from an
educational policy point of view since, in the opinion of critics, its existence
essentially results more from the lack of suitable traineeships than from
original shortcomings in the educational system.
SCHOOL-TO-WORK TRANSITION IN THE NETHERLANDS
It is incorrect to speak of school-to-work programs in The Netherlands
since separate programs do not exist as such, at least not in the formal
sector of the education system. However, for a number of years the Dutch
education systems vocational sector has been very responsive to changes in
the labor market. These responses cannot be understood unless the
relationship between general and vocational streams within the education
system is clarified (Ministry of Education and Science, 1993). This
relationship has evolved over the last 20 years to the point where both
streams are currently regarded as complementary components of a single
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coherent whole that serve a common purpose. Until the early 1980s,
opinions were heavily influenced by the ideal of equal opportunities with the
aim being to reduce differences between general and vocational education
as far as possible. However, more recently, interest has centered on
employment opportunities and the need to meet a demand for qualifications,
while more emphasis has been placed on the specific character of vocational
education.
Vocational education differs from general education in its degree of
orientation towards particular sectors of the labor market. Its emphasis is on
applied knowledge rather than theory. General education is increasingly
considered as a transitional form of education, leaving more options for
further study and careers. The range of later occupational practice is much
more limited in vocational education, which is therefore considered more as
a form of final education (Ministry of Education and Science, 1993).
Vocational education became a major theme in the economic and
social debate beginning in the early 1980s. Business and industry gained a
decisive role in this field as a result of several stimuli. The first was the
report of the Wagner Committee in 1980, which recommended an increase in
the influence of business and industry by creating central as well as sectoral
consultative bodies. This influence was to be given in exchange for an
adequate supply of practical training and work experience placements. In
1990, the Rauwenhoff Committee expanded on the concept of shared
responsibility. Based on the Rauwenhoff report, central themes of the
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agreement between employers and workers organizations and the
government were: (a) the achievement of at least a so called starting
qualification by all (potential) workers at a level comparable to the primary
level of the apprenticeship system, (b) the development of a national
qualification structure and an attainment target for each occupation by
tripartite consultative bodies, (c) joint initiatives between schools and
enterprises which are the most important means of gearing education to the
labor process (Dercksen & Van Lieshout, 1993), and (d) the integral
dualisation of vocational education, (e.g., the apprenticeship system).
Whether dualisation would help to ensure that courses at all levels of
vocational education respond flexibly to industry needs was severely
questioned and criticized by the Commissie Dualisering (1993). Dercksen &
Van Lieshout (1993) noted that currently selective dualisation exists, that
further dualisation possibilities are being examined, and that the principle of
integral dualisation has been rejected.
Another stimulus for business and industry to play a major role was the
Manpower Service Act which was introduced in January 1991. A key section
of this Act relates to the formulation of an administrative, financial, and
statutory framework within which central government and the social partners
can bear joint responsibility for implementing broad employment policies.
Aims include the preservation and expansion of employment and an
adequate supply of manpower. The frameworks tripartite structure consists
of representatives from employer, trade union, and central government
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groups. It is based on a single planning structure for the formulation of
national employment policies. The general national policy outline is then
interpreted and implemented at regional levels. One of the main tasks of the
employment-strategy framework is to promote training, (e.g., training for
those seeking work). In this way it is hoped to harmonize the various
training programs and gear them more toward actual labor market needs
(Ministry of Education and Science, 1993).
VET courses and programs are presently offered at schools for pre-
vocational education (VBO), at schools for senior secondary vocational
education (MBO), within the apprenticeship system, at vocational colleges
(HBO) and universities (higher education), and at a broad range of
institutions for adult/continuing education. Each of these areas is described
below.
In August 1993 the government introduced a new form of basic
education, which replaced the first two years of all types of secondary
education including junior secondary vocational education. The first two
years ofpre-vocationaleducation (VBO) are mainly devoted to general
subjects, whereas the last two years are vocationally oriented, with students
being able to choose from a maximum of 16 vocational options.
Following VBO or junior general secondary education (MAVO), senior
secondary vocational education (MBO) lasts for a maximum of four years.
A large-scale innovation introduced within MBO is the so-called SVM
operation (sector formation and innovation of senior secondary vocational
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education). Apart from attempting to increase program efficiency, reduce
drop-out rates, and improve student progress; SVM operation fosters the
relationship between education and the labor market. Recently, MBO
schools have been merged, along with the apprenticeship system and
several types of adult education, into regional training centers (ROCs). The
last few years have seen an increased demand for senior secondary
vocational education. In 1991 MBO students numbered approximately
350,000 having nearly doubled since 1980. Since 1991 the number of MBO
students has remained stable. The practical training (i.e. internship)
component of MBO, which is a required part of every vocational program,
lasts approximately 200 days and is usually scheduled during the students
third year of study.
VBO completion is generally required for admission to the
apprenticeshipsystem, along with additional requirements including
specific subjects and examination levels. The apprenticeship system
involves students spending one or two days a week at school and receiving
practical in-company training for the rest of the week. The primary training
program (initial course) within the apprenticeship system lasts two years,
whereas the secondary training program (continuation course) is an
additional year. After receiving a secondary level certificate a student can
continue on to the tertiary level. There are approximately 400 different
technical and non-technical occupations within the apprenticeship system.
In 1993, national apprenticeship bodies merged with the MBO
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consultative bodies to form national bodies for vocational education. The
national bodies are responsible for output quality of secondary vocational
education and the apprenticeship system as well as for defining their
attainment targets and for setting and monitoring the examinations. Trends
in apprenticeship system participation are very sensitive to the state of the
economy: the higher the level of industrial activity, the more apprenticeship
firms will offer. In times of economic recession the opposite is true.
Enrollment in apprenticeship systems was approximately 150,000 students
in 1996, up substantially from 100,000 students in 1986.
For admission to higher vocational education (HBO), at least a MBO
diploma or a diploma of senior general secondary education (HAVO) is
necessary. As with other types of vocational education, HBO has gained
greater autonomy, both educationally and managerially. The increased
autonomy afforded HBO colleges has also changed relationships with the
business community: the HBO college itself is now responsible for setting
attainment targets. Most colleges set targets in consultation with the
business world by means of advisory councils. HBO education aims
principally at development of skills which are directly relevant to the world of
work. HBO courses can last up to four years and offer a so called first-phase
training program. For occupations with more demanding requirements,
second-phase postgraduate courses of variable duration are available. In
1991, HBO colleges enrolled 250,000 students, and recently, the number and
variety of HBO courses expanded considerably.
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The current HBO curriculum normally includes internships where
students gain practical work experience through placement within a
company or institution. This is frequently a students first introduction to
actual working practice. The practical training ranges from 15 to 25% of the
total program. Students receive an expense allowance during the time they
spend in their internships. In addition, there are quite a number of part-time
HBO courses, where the practical training acounts to 50% of the content.
When students are working for at least 20 hours a week in a job relevant to
their course, the phrase concurrency education is used. Another HBO
innovation used to improve the transition from education to work is called
cooperative learning (CO-OP) where each four and six month period of
learning is followed by an equivalent period of work. The first year consists
of theory. Students prepare for their working period (and consequently the
labor market) by labor market orientation and application training.
Adult/continuing education can function in three ways (Dercksen &
Van Lieshout, 1993): First, as an intermediary support with different
vocational orientations (from general vocational to job-specific), it can be an
important instrument for starting or changing a career. Second, it can give
adults, especially ethnic minorities, a second chance. Third, it can contribute
to greater participation in the labor market. Although neither adult basic
education nor adult general secondary education directly prepare people for
the labor market, they can be prerequisites for admission to any of the
vocationally-oriented schooling programs. Vocational education for adults
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includes the apprenticeship system, part-time secondary vocational
education, and specific training, e.g. courses via the National Employment
Agency (NBA) or the Regional Employment Agency (RBA).
SCHOOL-TO-WORK TRANSITION IN THE UNITED KINGDOM
Over the last twenty years, school-to-work transition has attracted
increasing attention in the United Kingdom1 . Until the sharp increase in
youth unemployment in the early 1970s, transitions followed a predictable
path with social background and parental occupation being the most
important determinants in aspiration and opportunity. Economic upheavals
and social change of the last twenty five years have seen the rise of
uncertainty and risk for young people and has placed a new focus on this
transition as not only the period in young peoples lives between the
completion of general school education but also the beginning of gainful
employment and the training systems, institutions, and programs that
prepare young people for employment after completion of school (Rauner,
1995). General economic recessions have been accompanied by profound
technological and structural changes in labor markets and in work processes.
At the same time, the social process of individualisation and the resultant
breakdown of traditional socialising institutions and agencies of social
reproduction have opened up an infinite range of potential courses of
action for young people and at the same time have created significantly
increased risks (Evans, 1994, p. 42). Transitions are increasingly disorderly
with the growing mismatch between aspirations, expectations, and
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qualifications of younger generations and the employment opportunities
open to them leading to social conflict and to the growth of a youth culture
characterised by introspection, psychological attachment to peers, concern
for the underdog, and interest in change (Adamski, Grootings, & Mahler,
1989, p. 4).
Technological and structural changes in industry have led economists
and politicians to reassert the importance of a skilled workforce as a factor in
economic competition and advantage. The tendency to extend the period of
education and training, and thus the transition from school-to-work has been
accompanied by qualification incrementalism by employers in recruitment
policy.
For a significant number of young people, increased risk combined with
social disadvantage is experienced as marginalization and social exclusion.
As the segmentation of pathways becomes more complex leading to the
need for young people to develop individual occupational biographies,
support and advice structures become ever more important. However it
appears that the least support is available to those who most are in need
(European Commission, 1995).
Compulsory education in the UK ends at the age of 16 when most
students take a number of single subject graded examinations called the
General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE). Whilst there is some
limited provision for pre-vocational school education under the National
Curriculum, this is primarily targeted at low achievers and students with
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special learning needs. Careers advice and guidance is provided through
two different structures, through school based careers teachers and the
Training and Enterprise Council funded local careers service.
There are five main routes for progression post-16 embracing a
number of different modes of learning and a diversity of provider institutions.
There is no commonality between the different pathways which have
different methods of assessment and no shared core of general education,
although young people may frequently move in and out of different routes
(Green, 1992).
The first is an academic route leading to individual subject
examinations A (Advanced) level at the age of 18 pursued either through
school or tertiary institutions. A levels are traditionally targeted at the top
30% of achievers and serve as an entry qualification for university or
management training. Assessment is through written examinations.
However, over the last ten years there has been a rapid growth in the
numbers of students remaining in full time education after the age of 16
although last year there was for the first time as slight decline, possibly due
to an upturn in the labor market. One of the major transition trends in the
UK has been an unprecedented growth in university provision. There are
now over 150 universities in the UK with 1.5 million students representing a
growth of 250% over the last 25 years (Institute for Employment Studies,
1996). Over 700, 000 of these are full-time first degree students with
500,000 studying part time. Part of the increase has been due to increased
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numbers of mature students returning to university, the proportion of young
people entering university currently standing at 33%. There is evidence to
suggest that university attendance is seen by significant numbers of young
people as a way of postponing transition to work.
The second mode of transition is through vocational education and
training delivered mainly by local further education colleges. Prior to 1988
there was a bewildering plethora of different vocational qualifications,
offered by independent examining and assessment bodies and by industry
based organizations. In 1988 the government established the National
Council for Vocational Qualifications to reform and modernise the
qualification system for vocational qualifications. The NCVQ instigated
Industry Lead Bodies for different occupational sectors with the remit of
establishing national standards expressed in terms of competencies and
associated performance criteria on a five rung hierarchy of qualifications.
When complete, there should be around 900 different National Vocational
Qualification routes. Assessment is mixed mode although formal validity is
stressed with emphasis on observation of performance in a range of tasks.
More recently the importance of underpinning knowledge has been
acknowledged in order to improve the reliability of assessment. NVQs have
no age or gender barriers, nor do they stipulate any prescribed form of
learning. Although designed for work-based learning and assessment, most
students are college-based with work placements or simulated work practice
providing practical training and opportunity for assessment. The
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introduction of NVQs remains highly controversial with widespread criticisms
of the alleged low standards compared with other European vocational
training programs, the lack of knowledge requirements, and the unreliability
of the assessment process. NVQs are a purely vocational qualification and
students do not normally follow any general education curriculum. Whilst a
minority of students may achieve employed status prior to entering
vocational education and training the majority progress to employment
following their training and are heavily dependent on local labor market
conditions. A significant number of higher level vocational students progress
to university from further education.
More recently NCVQ has introduced the General National Vocational
Qualification (GNVQ). This pathway comprises 14 more broadly based
vocational routes providing a two year vocational and general education
foundation for students. Available at four different levels, assessment is
provided through a mixed mode which includes project work and written,
nationally administered, multiple choice tests. Although usually
incorporating a period of work placement, these qualifications are designed
to be delivered in a full-time education setting. The government has
attempted to establish the equivalence of esteem between Level III GNVQs
and A levels, referring to the new qualifications as vocational A levels.
GNVQs also incorporate core skills in numeracy, communication, and the use
of information technology, with an optional extra in a modern language. It is
intended that GNVQs present young people with a transition path either to
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more specific job related vocational training and thus to employment or as
an alternative route to university study.
A third transition mode isYouth Training. For young people choosing
to leave full-time education at the age of 16 the choice is more complicated.
Immediate transition into full-time employment is heavily dependent on local
labor markets with a general reduction in the availability of unskilled manual
work. With low wage differentials for skills in manual labor, early leaving is
seen as a rational choice. Despite the governments goal that all young
people participate in some form of education until age 18, there is little
evidence that employers are providing such training. Since 1984, when the
proportion of employees participating in job-related training stood at just
under 10% of the United Kingdoms workforce, that figure had only increased
to 15% in 1994 (Unwin & Wellington, 1995). Reliable information has been
more difficult to locate for 16-18 year olds. For those not wishing to continue
in full time education and training and unable to obtain employment, there is
a guarantee of a two year placement in Youth Training. There are two
different forms of Youth Training, one being industry-based and the other
non industry-based either with private or public sector training providers.
Funding for both forms is administered through the Training and Enterprise
Councils. There is no guarantee of employment at the end of either form of
training and whilst the firm-based provision has a slightly better reputation,
Youth Training has always suffered from an extremely poor image by young
people and parents. There has been sustained criticism of the low level of
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training and qualifications actually provided and only 34% of participants
actually complete a full NVQ with most of these at the lowest levels (1 and 2)
(Unwin & Wellington, 1995). Non-industry YT is often seen as the choice if
nothing else is available, with young people continuing to aspire to a paid job
at the earliest possible opportunity. Once more the percentage entering YT
is dependent on local labor market conditions, higher proportions being
found in areas with high structural unemployment. For those failing to
obtain employment during or after a period of youth training, there is the
danger of long term unemployment and social exclusion from the labor
market.
The new Modern Apprenticeship was launched in September, 1994
with apprenticeships being provided in 14 different industrial sectors. Until
the 1960s apprenticeship had been the main route for transition to skilled
employment but suffered dramatic collapse in the recession of the 1970s.
The new model differs from traditional apprenticeship in that formal training
is provided through further education colleges. The intention in the new
model is to provide training in both traditional and non-traditional sectors,
equally available to both men and women. The projected number of
apprenticeships was 150,000 across all industrial sectors but in 1994 there
were only 700 apprentices. In an initial evaluation, Unwin and Wellington
(1995) found that the vast majority of the apprentices were white and 88.7%
were male. Two sectors, Childcare and Business Administration, predictably
had few male apprentices. Three sectors, Agriculture, Engineering
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Construction, and the Steel Industry were entirely male. One sector, Retail,
had equal numbers of males and females. The majority (72%) had been in
full time education prior to becoming apprentices and possessed above
average GCSE results. The survey uncovered considerable differentials in
pay with the highest paid occupational sectors in Marine and Engineering,
Agriculture, and Engineering Manufacturing and the lowest paid in Childcare.
They also reported a hierarchy according to which employer the young
person was attached to (if any). Despite this, nearly all the apprentices felt
their work based route was a cut above Youth Training. Many felt
themselves to be caught in the middle of the academic/ vocational divide. A
number had rejected A levels as an option because of a perception that
employers preferred to recruit people with work experience.
SCHOOL-TO-WORK TRANSITION IN THE UNITED STATES
The educational system in the United States serves as the basic
context for school-to-work transition. In actuality this educational system
consists of over 50 systems or one for each state, territory, and island.
However, many of the administrators and governing boards for the 14,000
plus school districts (A Quarter Century, 1996) across the United States
appear to hold a different view. Since these school districts have by most
other countries standards a tremendous amount of local autonomy,
residents of these localities do not necessarily attend to what state and
national officials say should be taught and/or how it is to be taught.
Depending on their particular governance structures, post-secondary
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community and technical colleges likewise may or may not be sensitive to
directives emanating from state and national levels. This situation can be
both a blessing and a curse for the implementation of an educational reform.
One school district may take a proactive stance by implementing positive
change long before it is generally recognized as being of value. Another
district may be more reactive by choosing to lag behind everyone else in the
implementation process or just taking a wait and see attitude. Implementing
educational reform across the United States can thus present tremendous
challenges. As contrasted with centralized ministry of education models
found in most countries, educational change in the United States relies
mostly on federal and state money and mandates as incentives to affect
change at the local level. Money is typically available for short time periods
(e.g., one to five years) and requires states and localities to make significant
financial contributions to the change. This carrot approach to
implementing change can actually work very well but may cause change to
occur more slowly, thus resulting in some poorer school districts and
community and technical colleges beginning to implement a particular
change many years after it has been fully implemented by the wealthy ones.
In addition to decentralized educational governance, several factors
have contributed to the current status of school-to-work transition in the
United States. One of the factors that appears to have stimulated the
growth of school-to-work transition efforts is concern about the declining
position of the United States in the world economy (Finch, 1993). Over the
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past ten plus years, numerous reports have been published stating that the
United States has been falling behind other countries in areas such as
productivity, product quality, customer satisfaction, and economic growth
(Carnevale, 1991). Most of these report recommendations have been
targeted at schooling and/or the workplace and called for major structural
changes and improvements. Concern about the need for these changes and
improvements has resulted in (1) major shifts in the ways businesses and
industries function and (2) implementation of national and state legislation
designed to more formally link education and the workplace.
A second factor is the perception that education may not be meeting
students future work needs. As Gray (1996, April, p. 530) notes, in the
United States during the next ten years at least one-third of all graduates of
four-year colleges will not find employment commensurate with their
education. The outlook is even worse for those with graduate degrees. This
situation, coupled with the dismal employment opportunities for high school
dropouts and high school graduates who have not developed highly
marketable talents, has caused educators, employers, and even entire
communities to realize that formal links between education and the
workplace are important.
Another factor is the growing view that schooling may actually be a
contributor to economic development (Berryman & Bailey, 1996). However,
before schooling can become a major contributor, it must undergo significant
changes. Here is where school-to-work transition enters the picture. Many
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educators and employers have begun to recognize that in terms of the sub-
university degree labor market, education has neither met business and
industry needs nor the needs of students who want to obtain good jobs when
they graduate from high schools and community and technical colleges. This
recognition has enabled school-to-work transition to have more widespread
acceptance by those who are in the best position to implement this reform
(i.e., teachers, educational administrators, employers, community leaders,
and policy makers).
Traditionally, both educators and employers in the United States have
shown little concern about establishing a comprehensive school-to-work
transition system. And, until quite recently, most national level policy
makers have chosen to consider school and work as separate entities. The
transition between education and work has thus tended to occur more
informally, with limited financial incentives and support. Although federal
funding for vocational education has existed in the United States since 1917,
formal federal recognition of the need for national emphasis on school-to-
work transition originated with the Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Applied
Technology Education Act of 1990 (Perkins II). This legislation, which is
grounded in the notion that the United States is falling behind other nations
in its ability to compete in the global marketplace, reflects the evolution of
federal support for vocational education. Among its various provisions, the
Perkins II legislation offers the states financial incentives to create and
operate education programs that have as their goal producing workers who
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function more effectively and thus increase United States competitiveness in
the current and future international workplace. The Perkins II legislation
ushered in a new era of preparing students to enter and succeed in the
workplace. For example, this law shifted emphasis from reactive and rigid
vocational education curriculum and instructional models to those that
emphasize flexibility and collaboration. In contrast with earlier laws that
contributed to a wide separation between academic and vocational
education, the Perkins II legislation supported the integration of academic
and vocational studies. Also included in the Act were provisions for using
Tech Prep to formally link high school and post-high school technical studies
in creative ways. This landmark legislation appears to be having positive
and meaningful impact on students; however, it has also provided educators
with many implementation challenges.
More recently enacted legislation, termed the School-to-Work
Opportunities Act of 1994, has expanded on the proactive elements of
Perkins II by allowing states to combine federal education and job training
program money so more meaningful school-to-work programs and services
can be provided. In order to receive school-to-work funding, programs are
required to include three components: school-based learning, work-based
learning, and connecting activities that link the school- and work-based
activities in meaningful ways. The School-to-Work Opportunities Act is seen
by many as legislation that brings it all together to form a powerful
delivery system. However, since school-to-work efforts involve educators
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and business, industry, public service, and community representatives in
running the system; organization, articulation, and collaboration activities
can be daunting. Even though the national school-to-work legislation has
been in effect for only a few years, several states passed similar legislation
that predates the national act. These states have had more time to begin
creating school-to-work programs that are more comprehensive than what
has existed in the past. This means school-to-work transition in the United
States includes some states and localities that have had over five years
experience with the reform. These early adopter states and schools have
learned much about school-to-work implementation. Others, however, are
just beginning to explore the implementation process.
Even though school-to-work transition in the United States has existed
for many years, programs have tended to rely on the expertise and creativity
of individual teachers rather than more comprehensive systems that enable
large numbers of students to benefit from the experience. Passage of the
Perkins II legislation and the School-to-Work Opportunities Act have, for the
present, formalized a national commitment to the school-to-work concept
and provided money so state and local educators can link with business,
industry, and the community. Although the movement is gaining
momentum nationally, a school-to-work system or set of systems is still at
more of an incubation stage than being fully grown and healthy. For some of
the states (early adopter states in particular), financial stimulation already
provided by the federal government may be enough to insure that
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meaningful school-to-work systems established. Other states may not be as
fortunate. If they do not continue to receive federal funding in support of
school-to-work transition, progress on the implementation of this important
reform may slow down and eventually stop altogether. This would be
unfortunate since the school-to-work transition movement in the United
States has great potential to involve entire communities in the successful
preparation of future citizens and workers.
A CROSS-NATIONAL COMPARISON
Many differences exist between the four countries in terms of STW policies
and practices. The most evident differences between the countries are
highlighted.
United States
The VET system in the USA is characterized by its low formalization
level. The same holds for the STW transition configuration.
The STW transition issue has only recently been formalized, and at
present receives much attention.
Although there is no real comprehensive national structure for VET
and STW transition, national and state educational agencies have
adopted a stimulating policy.
Educators as well as employers rely heavily on corporate Human
Resource Development for workers competence development.
VET programs and STW transition approaches are performance-
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oriented.
United Kingdom
The United Kingdom has internal differences (like the USA) but in
general there also exists a low formalization level of STW transition.
STW transition has become an issue since the onset of mass youth
unemployment.
There is intensive government intervention aimed at structuring the
VET system. Much emphasis is put on (general) national vocational
qualifications and modular training schemes for various subgroups
of adolescents.
Many adolescents rely heavily on getting a job as soon as possible.
They perceive this as a higher priority then staying in an initial VET
program longer.
As a consequence of this phenomenon, many subpopulations that
have had little further vocational education are characterized by a
low skills equilibrium.
Germany
The German VET system and the STW transition practice is
characterized by a high formalization level.
STW transition practice is connected to the Dual System. Students
first find an employer and a job, and then enroll in an
apprenticeship training program which is tightly regulated.
Traditionally, skilled labor, the occupation, and the Dual System are
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held in high esteem, not only at the bottom end of the job hierarchy
but at the top end as well (for example, one third of all university
graduates enroll in this system).
There is a strong emphasis on formally regulated job training.
Training programs are developed according to nationally agreed
procedures, and employers and employee organizations must
approve these programs before they are officially recognized.
because of the strength of vocational education and training there
is a high skills equilibrium throughout the working population.
There is an explicit linkage policy: job requirements and training
content are carefully linked together.
The Netherlands
As with Germany, there is a high level of formalization as to VET
and STW transition.
The VET system is dominated by full-time vocational schools and
colleges at different levels.
There is a well developed apprenticeship system for lower and
intermediate level jobs. The government follows an active
stimulating policy to let the apprenticeship system grow further,
which is difficult because the apprenticeship enrollment is
contingent upon fluctuations in the economy. The apprenticeship
system flourishes when the economy is doing well.
There is a broad employability diploma culture. This means
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students focus on pre-employment graduation.
The government has decided to implement a national qualification
structure in which all VET programs are structured by domain,
duration, practical orientation, and educational level.
If a closer look is taken at the problems surrounding and solutions to
STW transition, than the comparisons become less complicated. Why did
countries choose certain solutions? Why did they not select others? Can
countries adopt solutions of other countries? To answer these questions, it is
important to analyze the factors related to STW transition approaches in the
different countries. A discussion of these factors is provided. However,
specific conclusions and answers to specific country questions must be left to
the reader.
The most important cause of STW transition problems is the
disconnection between the VET market on the one hand, and the labor
market on the other hand. The VET system creates a qualification
configuration. The way in which the VET system does this depends on three
categories of variables: the population characteristics, the architecture of
the STW transition configuration, and the level of national regulation. These
three variables strongly influence the supply of qualifications in a society.
Population characteristics that can be distinguished are, among others,
the general education level of students in VET programs, work ethics and/or
morale of students, and students career ambitions and perceptions of STW
transitions importance. STW transition configurations vary according to the
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level in which they are oriented toward the educational supply side, the
industrial demand side, or the Dual system. They also vary according to the
number of thresholds existing in the VET system. Regarding national
regulations, there are quite different general education laws, labor laws,
social security laws, and regulation policies. As can be seen in the country
descriptions, there are differences in the equal opportunities movement, the
prevention of social exclusion, the emphasis on high end labor market
relevant starting qualifications for all, the national qualification structure,
cooperation between schools and employers, the stance on comprehensive
dualization, and drop-out prevention policies.
Despite the variation in all these factors and the wide differences in
qualification configurations as to levels and labor market relevance, all
national systems must face the tensions that exist between the VET market
and the labor market. This is not only caused by imperfections at the
qualification supply side of the market. The qualification demand side also
shows various imperfections such as mass youth unemployment, uncertainty
in the articulation of future qualification needs, and labor substitution caused
by risk and cost reduction behavior of companies.
As for the labor market configuration, cross national variation is as
enormous as the variation in the VET market. For instance, qualification
requirements, wage structures, labor regulations, and tensions within the
labor market may differ considerably. Besides this, wide variations can be
perceived in organizational characteristics, human resource characteristics,
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and the supra-organizational contextual configuration.
Regarding organizational characteristics, organizational visions and
functions, structures, strategies, systems, and cultures differ. As to human
resource characteristics, labor conditions, management, development
policies and practices, and support systems vary. And regarding the context
within which organizations are operating, markets, administrative
regulations, social economic developments, and politics differ. Despite these
differences, the overarching philosophy is that the VET system as a whole
and the STW transition as a specific field within this system contributes to
the economic performance of a nation.
There are several reasons for this. First, the VET system is more cost-
effective than employee education and training. This is mainly caused by
the fact that employee costs are the most important factor in the total costs
of employee education and training. And although VET infrastructure costs
are quite high, the costs per day per student are far less. This is also due to
the long periods of VET instruction students receive when they are enrolled
in initial programs. Employer costs of employee training and development
do not often exceed five percent of the working time, which is in most cases
less than ten days per annum. This excludes intensive career oriented VET
programs in which employees can enroll to get a higher qualification, that in
turn assists them in climbing the career ladder. In most cases employees
themselves carry the main burden of costs associated with these programs.
The belief that VET contributes to economic performance also varies
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across countries. This belief is related to the strength and perceived added
value of the VET system as a whole. And it leads to the paradoxal situation
that when the VET system is weak, organizations choose a micro economic
solution of creating a qualification market: they do it themselves. In this
way, organizations are brought into a prisoner's dilemma: on one hand they
want to reduce their labor costs, which means that they should rely on the
externally provided qualification supply. But because this external supply is
not sufficient they need to invest in their employees, which is very
expensive. The willingness of organizations to invest in their human assets
is restricted further by the risk of losing well trained employees to the
competitor who may invest less in training and development, and therefore
have a better margin to pay higher salaries. So, investing in the VET
infrastructure is clearly a public responsibility.
CONCLUSION
As can be seen from the country descriptions and the analysis
described in this article, formalization of VET can be fruitful, but it does not
regulate STW transition nor does it solve its own problems. On the contrary,
it is striking to see the similarities between STW problems across the
countries that were selected. Apparently STW transition problems arise
independently from the formalization of VET. They result from tensions that
exist between the VET market and the labor market. It is especially the case
when the labor market is not regulated by formalization structures that exist
for the VET system. This is a characteristic that emerged in all four of the
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countries that were examined. Countries that want to solve their STW
transition problems may choose to start with this conclusion: more effective
solutions to STW transition problems may be found in labor market
regulation than in the VET system. In any case, overcoming STW problems
must take the interaction of the VET system and the labor market system
into account. Various stakeholders from both sides should communicate and
cooperate to find new solutions for this perennial problem.
END NOTES
The term social qualifications (social competence) is used in curricula for vocational training adopted by the
German Ministries of Education to designate the ability to perceive and comprehend social relations, situations,
spheres of interest and conflicts as well as to deal with social situations and come to an understanding in such
situations in a rational and responsible manner. This includes, in particular, the willingness to take on social
responsibility and show solidarity.
2Although the systems for school-to-work transition in Scotland and the North of Ireland arebroadly similar, there are significant differences in institutional and educational structuresand systems.
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1