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In recent years there has been a growing focus on the how people with disabilities are
represented in the media and how these representations can affect the attitudes and
behaviour towards this group.
These studies have focussed primarily on representations in film and on television, and have
largely neglected the burgeoning realm of cyberspace and its rapidly expanding pocket of
social media. Given that around 80% of the Australian population are internet users
(Internet World Stats, 2009) and that social media channels such as Facebook and YouTube
rank as the country’s most visited sites (Hitwise, 2009), it seems timely to start examining
how people with disabilities are portrayed in social media, as well as determining the
potential for social media to be used as a tool for disability advocacy.
As such, this study sought to determine the effectiveness of social media – specifically
YouTube and Facebook – as tools for awareness-raising and attitudinal change towards
people with disabilities. To this end, the following research questions were formulated:
Is social media effective in raising awareness of issues and/or abilities of people with
disabilities?
Is social media effective in changing attitudes towards people with disabilities?
What kinds of representations effect positive attitudinal change?
What kinds of representations are likely to be distributed on a large scale?
Allport’s (1954) Contact Hypothesis argues that the facilitation of positive interactions
between conflicting majority and minority groups (that meet a particular set of criteria)
reduces prejudice. By extension, it could be argued that it could go even so far as to
promote inclusion.
Disability in Cyberspace:
Using Social Media for Social Change
Literature Review
Introduction
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Although Allport’s theory specifically refers to face-to-face interpersonal contact, other
scholars have branched out beyond his core work to determine if the same results can be
attained though parasocial interactions (e.g. via mass media). For example in 1956, Horton
and Wohl sought to examine parasocial interaction as they claimed that “one of the most
striking characteristics of the new mass media – radio, television and the movies – is that
they give the illusion of a face-to-face relationship with the performer” (p. 215). More
recently, Schiappa, Gregg & Hewes (2005) applied their Parasocial Contact Hypothesis and
found that parasocial contact via television shows about homosexual and transvestite men
reduced prejudice towards this group.
Although the term parasocial contact isn’t referred to verbatim in disability in film literature,
disability scholars essentially subscribe to the notion that this parasocial contact has the
ability to decrease prejudice (and subsequently, enhance inclusion). For example, Safran
(2001) and others (Norden, 1994; Cumberland and Negrine, 1992) believe that media such
as film and television may have a “substantial impact on public attitudes towards people
with disabilities” (p. 233) and that “media portrayals reflect, define, or perpetuate ways of
thinking about disabled persons” (Susman, 1994, p. 18).
These assertions are backed up by a number of studies that have determined that film and
television may influence viewer attitudes towards people with disabilities. For example, a
1989 study by Wahl and Yonatan Lefkowits found that the screening of a film involving a
mentally ill killer resulted in its viewers developing negative attitudes towards people with
mental illness. Similarly, but on a more positive note, a study by Hall and Minnes (1999)
showed that documentaries and dramas provoked both attitudinal and behavioural change
towards a person with Down Syndrome.
Some argue that this occurs because:
entertainment media, especially visual media, present more than
information. They draw the viewer into the portrayal and involve
them emotionally with dramatic acting, music, and cinematography.
If such presentations are successful, they involve the audience
emotionally as well as intellectually (Wahl & Yonatan Lefkowits,
1989, p. 525).
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Others believe that it is because onscreen representations provide an opportunity for
“sanctioned staring” (Donaldson, 1981, cited in Ralph, 1989), thus reducing the avoidance of
people with disabilities due to “novel stimuli” becoming “less novel”(Langer, 1976, cited in
Ralph, 1989).
In addition to this parasocial contact, it is also important to consider how people with
disabilities are portrayed. For example, the earlier reference to the negative depiction of the
mentally ill serial killer demonstrated how a negative and stereotypical portrayal can
contribute to the development of negative attitudes towards people with disabilities. Many
disability scholars instead argue for realistic portrayals of people with disabilities (Harnett,
2000; Barnes, 1992). Whilst other declare that “unless images are clearly made positive,
people will see them as confirming their negative preconceptions – whether that is intended
or not – and because negative images are so powerful and deep, it takes deliberate thought
and action to combat them” (Shearer, 1984, p. 5).
So given the overwhelming body of evidence that demonstrates the effectiveness of
parasocial contact to change attitudes, reduce prejudice and enhance inclusion through the
traditional forms of media such as television and film, it seems obvious to begin to examine
whether the same results can be achieved in the brave new world of social media.
Participants
There were 95 participants (58 females, 37 males) who voluntarily clicked on a link to a web
survey either via Facebook link sharing or Facebook advertising. Ages ranged from under 18
through to 55+, with the bulk of respondents (47%) falling into the 25-34 age bracket.
The majority of respondents were heavy internet users (15+ hours per week) whose primary
purpose for internet usage was socialising (47%), with Facebook being their social media of
choice (12.8% of respondents spent 15+ hours or more per week on Facebook).
Instrument Design and Procedure
Given that the study was examining social media, it seemed apt to utilise a web survey
distributed via a social networking website (See Appendix A for copy).
Methodology
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Participants were required to complete an initial survey about internet usage and pre-
existing knowledge, attitudes and interactions with people with Autism, Cerebral Palsy and
Down Syndrome. They were then required to watch a short clip on one of these areas and
complete a post-clip survey to gauge their response to the clip as well as any change in
knowledge, attitudes and willingness to interact.
A small pilot study was initially conducted (4 respondents) and adjustments were made to
question wording and some technical difficulties with the display of the clips were
remedied.
Participants were required to answer 31 questions, the majority of which were Likert items.
There were also a few open-ended questions included to glean qualitative data.
The survey was kept open for one week, during which time the survey’s link was circulated
via Facebook linking and Facebook advertising. At the close of the survey, 95 respondents
had completed the survey, 20 had partially completed it and 144 had abandoned it (that is,
opened the link but did not begin).
Stimuli
Three YouTube clips were used in this study. The disabilities of Autism, Cerebral Palsy and
Down Syndrome were chosen due to (a) availability of appropriate clips online and (b) their
relatively high profile in the community.
Clip One – Autism (Length – 1 minute 20 seconds)
This clip was created by an autism advocacy group in the United Kingdom. The clip shifts
from one point of view to another, taking the viewer in and out of the mind of a person with
autism who has just witnessed an accident. In doing so, the clip highlights difference and
seeks to promote acceptance. At the end of the clip, a small snippet of information is given
about autism, and the advocacy group’s details are displayed.
Clip Two – Cerebral Palsy (Length – 2 minutes 1 second)
This clip features Swedish band, “Boys on Wheels”, which includes three musicians with
Cerebral Palsy who produce satirical music about their disability. The group performs a
medley of hard rock cover songs with altered lyrics highlighting both difference andsimilarity between themselves and able-bodied people. The clip was chosen due to its
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Autism
Cerebral Palsy
Down Syndrome
20%
18%
21%
61%
48%
59%
19%
33%
20%
Figure 2: Increase in Awareness
Significantly Slightly Not at All
25%
47%
28%
0%
13%
23%
57%
7%
15%
39%
45%
1%
HighMediumLowNone
Figure 1: Pre-Clip Knowledge
Autism Cerebral Palsy Down Syndrome
humour value as (a) “humour tends to attract attention to the message [and] creates a
more favourable attitude toward the source of the message” (Sparks, 2006, p. 163).
Clip Three – Down Syndrome (Length – 3 minutes 44 seconds)
This clip was created by the National Down Syndrome Society (U.S.A) and presents an array
of people with Down Syndrome speaking to the camera about their abilities and dreams.
The clip utilises persuasive techniques (emotive music, social role valorisation) to emphasise
sameness and acceptance. Information about the advocacy group is displayed at the end.
Post-clip response questions were uniform for all clips and data were collated to determine
the following:
Ability of the clip to raise awareness.
Viewer’s response to the representation.
The impact on the viewer’s willingness to interact with the person in the clip.
Likelihood of clip circulation.
Ability of the Clip to Raise Awareness
Prior to viewing the clips, respondents were asked to self-report on their current level of
knowledge about each of the three disabilities (see Figure 1). Most respondents felt that
they had a low level of knowledge about Cerebral Palsy and Down Syndrome (“I have read
or heard a little bit about it”) whilst the majority of respondents felt they had a medium
level of knowledge about Autism (“I know of someone with the disability or have seen/read
Results and Discussion
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a number of sources about it.”).
Following the clip, respondents were asked if the clip had increased their level of awareness
of abilities and/or issues faced by people with each disability. The overwhelming majority
reported that the clips either slightly or significantly increased their awareness. The least
effective clip was the Cerebral Palsy clip, with over a third reporting that it did not increase
their awareness at all.
Although this provides evidence that social media has the ability to inform and increase
awareness, this aspect would have been more accurately measured through the use of a
post-clip scale that mirrored the pre-clip knowledge scale.
Viewer’s Response to the Representation
In order to gauge response to the clips, respondents were asked to identify their initial
emotional reactions from a pre-determined list with an option for “other”. They were also
asked how they felt that the person with disability was portrayed in the clip on a scale from
very positively to very negatively. Additionally, viewer response could be gauged via the
qualitative data attained through the open-ended questions.
Emotional Response
Respondents were able to choose multiple
items to describe their emotional response to
the clip, with many opting to utilise the
“other” option. The top three responses for
each clip are displayed in Figure 3. These
results will be discussed in further in the
“Commentary” section.
Portrayal
Respondents were asked if they felt the clip
portrayed the person with a disability on a
scale from very positively to very negatively,
with an “other” option included. Following data collection, the “other” options were
examined and slotted into the appropriate categories, as well as forming a new category of
“Neutral/Realistically”.
Figure 3: Emotional Response to Clips –
Top Three Responses
Autism
Pity 69%
Informed 49%
Guilty 8%
Cerebral Palsy
Amused – laughing with them 58%
Inspired 27%
Sympathetic 18%
Down Syndrome
Inspired 71%
Informed 49%
Pity 35%
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Autism
Cerebral Palsy
Down Syndrome
AutismCerebral
Palsy
Down
Syndrome
Very positively 9% 26% 63%
Positively 33% 45% 33%
Neutral/Realistically 25% 3% 0%
Negatively 26% 21% 4%
Very negatively 6% 5% 0%
Figure 4: Portrayal of Person with
a Disability
Interestingly, the Autism clip generated an
extensive list of “other” responses compared
to the other two clips. Results
overwhelmingly showed that the Down
Syndrome clip portrayed people with
disabilities “very positively”, and very few
respondents felt that it was a negative
portrayal. The use of humour in the Cerebral
Palsy clip seemed to validate the idea of
Sparks (2006) in that it is able to generate a
more favourable attitude towards the
source, with 71% of respondents feeling itwas a positive portrayal. However, there was
still a significant group who found the clip quite negative and confronting, as evidenced in
the qualitative data (see “Commentary” section).
The Autism clip perhaps generated the most interesting responses with a fairly even spread
from positive to negative. This was similarly reflected in the qualitative data (see
“Commentary” section).
Commentary
The qualitative data (See Appendix B) provided an interesting filter through which to view
the response and portrayal data. Both the Down Syndrome and Cerebral Palsy clip
generated comments that could easily be categorised as positive or negative reactions, with
a few neutral or balanced comments. However, the commentary about the Autism clip was
far more complex and balanced, and indicated that it challenged the mindset of the viewer
and that they had engaged in critical viewing of the clip. Additionally, the Autism clip
generated more qualitative data than the other clips (answering the question was option)
and comment length was markedly longer than those generated by the other two clips.
Some indicative examples of the commentary about the Autism clip are below:
“ I know of people who have Autism and had an understanding of how they
would react to situations, especially out of their routine and strange
environments. I actually feel like finding out more about it so that I can
understand it more.”
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“While it portrays the man's actions negatively it highlights how confusing it
might be for someone trying to understand them. It's a bit disturbing from
both angles. But ultimately I think it illustrates the point well.”
These comments sit in contrast with the polarising effects of the Down Syndrome and
Cerebral Palsy clips. For example, on Cerebral Palsy:
“I didn't think the clip was that successful. I wondered what the filming must
have felt like for those singing karaoke. Did they understand the meaning of
what the ad was attempting to portray? I wondered if they were 'put up to it',
in a negative sense.”
“It’s good to see this band having some fun and still pointing out some of the
issues faced by people in wheelchairs (lack of lifts etc)”
Similar contrasts were found in the commentary about the Down Syndrome clip:
“I really can't stand these sorts of clips - hope stories with lots of smiles set tocorny music.”
“I think all the people in the clip were likeable and seemed so motivated to do
great things with their lives. It made me warm to them.”
Interestingly, one comment on the Down Syndrome clip highlighted the ability of social
media to circulate these kinds of clips and raise awareness:
“Definitely the best clip of the 3. It showed such a range of people of different races and
ages and inspired with what they have achieved. I was drawn to this survey because
recently someone forwarded me a clip with a video about Down Syndrome that was one
of the most moving things i have seen. If you are interested, it's at:
http://www.nfb.ca/film/john_and_michael/”
Willingness to Interact
Prior to viewing the clip, respondents were asked to indicate how comfortable they would
feel working and socialising with people with each of the focus disabilities. The pre-clip
measure included the category “It would depend on the person”. This category was
removed in the post-clip survey so that respondents would be forced into making a
judgement based on the person/s portrayed in the clip.
Pre- and post-clip data were compiled and the difference (indicating change) was mapped in
Figures 5 and 6.
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Very
comforta
ble
Comfort
able
Slightly
uncomfo
rtable
Very
uncomfo
rtable
Autism 1% 7% 28% 1%
Cerebral Palsy 0% 15% 22% 2%
Down Syndrome 17% 20% 5% -1%
-5%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
% C
h a n g e
Figure 6: Change in Comfort Level -
Socialising
Very
comfort
able
Comfort
able
Slightly
uncomf
ortable
Very
uncomf
ortable
Autism -5% 16% 15% 3%
Cerebral Palsy -5% 22% 18% 3%
Down Syndrome 17% 10% 4% 0%
-10%
-5%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
% C
h a n g e
Figure 5 : Change in Comfort Level -
Working
19%
56%
22%
3%
24%
52%
20%
3%
39%
47%
13%
1%
Very
comfortable
Comfortable Slightly
uncomfortable
Very
uncomfortable
Figure 7: Post-Clip Interaction Levels -
Working
Autism Cerebral Palsy Down Syndrome
The Down Syndrome clip was the most
successful in increasing comfort levels and,
subsequently, willingness to interact, with a
17% shift in people feeling “very comfortable”
working and socialising with people with
Down Syndrome.
Conversely (and despite other data indicating
that the clip promoted positive reactions and
presented a positive portrayal) the Cerebral
Palsy clip made people less comfortable with
the thought of interacting with people with
Cerebral Palsy. The clips had an even greater
negative impact on willingness to interact
with people with Autism.
Despite this, the raw post-clip data shows that
a significant number of respondents would
feel comfortable or very comfortable working
or socialising with people with each of the
disabilities.
It’s also interesting to note that despite respondents being most knowledgeable about
Autism, it is the disability which generates the greatest discomfort in terms of interaction.
17%
48%
33%
2%
22%
48%
28%
2%
33%
55%
11%
1%
Very
comfortable
Comfortable Slightly
uncomfortable
Very
uncomfortable
Figure 8: Post-clip Interaction Levels -
Socialising
Autism Cerebral Palsy Down Syndrome
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0
47%50%
43%37%
33%
41%
16% 17% 16%
Autism Cerebral Palsy Down Syndrome
Figure 9: Likelihood of Circulation
Not Likely Possible Highly Likely
Likelihood of Clip Circulation
Whilst the data thus far has indicated that these clips can promote awareness and shift
attitudes towards people with disabilities, it may well be a moot point if people are not
exposed to the clips. With 20 hours of video being uploaded on YouTube every minute
(YouTube, 2009) and with a YouTube search on the term “disability” returning 32,300
videos (a mere drop in the ocean of the millions of clips housed there), it’s a fairly large feat
to have the voice of disability heard above the noise of the social media throng.
To this end, respondents were asked how
likely it would be that they would send each of
the clips to friends, family or colleagues.
Results (as indicated in Figure 9) indicate that
around half of the respondents would not be
likely to share any of the clips with colleagues
on the Internet.
This study sought to determine the effectiveness of social media in raising awareness and
changing attitudes towards people with disabilities.
It resoundingly found that the use of video clips can raise awareness about issues and/or
abilities of people with disabilities. The scope of the study did not warrant delving into the
hows and whys of this increased awareness, but further research could be conducted to
determine which elements of the videos were most effective in achieving this.
The study also revealed some interesting findings relating to the impact of social media
representations on a person’s attitudes and willingness to interact with a person with a
disability. For example, a clip which sought to highlight acceptance of difference (Autism
clip) invoked a significantly more negative response than a clip which sought to highlight
similarity (Down Syndrome).
Conclusion
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In terms of representation, the portrayal that was deemed to be most realistic (Autism) did
not increase willingness to interact, however it did generate the most discussion.
Meanwhile, a more idealised representation was deemed “very positive” increased
willingness to interact and invoked the more positive reactions. Finally, whilst a realistic yet
humorous approach was viewed as a positive portrayal of people with Cerebral Palsy, it did
not significantly increase willingness to interact. This may be useful for disability advocates
looking to structure a social media campaign.
Finally, the impact of the chosen clips would largely be void beyond the realm of this survey,
given the unlikely prospect of people redistributing the clips. However, further research
could be conducted to identify elements that allow clips to attain popularity in the social
media and seeing how these could be married up with effective representations of disability
to further increase awareness and dismantle attitudinal barriers towards people with
disabilities.
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Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Cambridge, MA: Perseus Books.
Cumberland, G. & Negrine, R. (1992). Images of disability on television. New York:
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Hall, H., & Minnes, P. (1999). Attitudes towards persons with Down Syndrome: The impact
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Hitwise. (2009). Top websites and search engine analysis. Retrieved November 30, 2009,
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Horton, D., & Wohl, R. R. (1956). Mass communication and para-social interaction.
Psychiatry, 19, 215 –229.
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Schiappa, E., Gregg, P. B., & Hewes, D. E. (2005). The parasocial contact hypothesis.
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