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Designing Democracy:
What Constitutions Do
CASS R. SUNSTEIN
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
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DESIGNING
DEMOCRACY
What ConstitutionsDo
.
3
2001
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1 Oxford NewYork
Athens
Auckland
Bangkok
Bogotá
Buenos
Aires
Cape
Town
Chennai DaresSalaam Delhi Florence HongKong Istanbul Karachi
Kolkata KualaLumpur Madrid Melbourne MexicoCity Mumbai
Nairobi Paris SãoPaulo Shanghai Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw
and
associated
companies
inBerlin Ibadan
Copyright2001byOxfordUniversityPress
PublishedbyOxfordUniversityPress,Inc.
198MadisonAvenue,NewYork,NewYork10016
Oxfordisaregisteredtrademarkof OxfordUniversityPress
Allrightsreserved.Nopartof thispublicationmaybereproduced,
storedinaretrievalsystem,ortransmitted,inanyformorbyanymeans,
electronic,
mechanical,
photocopying,
recording,
or
otherwise,
without
the
prior
permission
of
Oxford
University
Press.
Libraryof CongressCataloging-in-PublicationData
Sunstein,
Cass
R.
Designingdemocracy:whatconstitutionsdo /CassR.Sunstein.
p. cm.
Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex.
ISBN0-19-514542-9
1. Constitutionallaw. 2. Democracy. I. Title.
K3165
.S86
2001
342'.02—dc21
00-069301
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed
in
the
United
States
of
America
onacid-freepaper
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For Stephen Holmesand Jon Elster
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[T]heConstitutionisnot simply somekind of statutory codifica
tionof anacceptableor legitimate past.It retains from the past only
what isacceptableand representsaradical and decisivebreak from
that part of the past which isunacceptable.It constitutesadecisive
break . . . to
a
constitutionally
protected
culture
of
openness
and
democracy and universal humanrights for . . . all ages,classes,and col-
ours. . . . The past was pervaded by inequality,authoritarianism,and
repression.Theaspirationof the future isbased onwhat is justifiable
inanopenand democratic society based on freedomand equality.It
is premised ona legal cultureof accountability and transparency.
Therelevant provisionsof theConstitutionmust thereforebe inter
preted
to
give
effect
to
the
purposes
sought
to
be
advanced
by
their
enactment.
—TheConstitutional Court of South Africa,
Shaballalaand Othersv. Attorney General
of theTransvaal and Another,1996
South Africa 725(C.C.)
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Contents
Introduction:Talesof Democracy andLaw,3
1 DeliberativeTrouble,13
2 ConstitutionalPrincipleswithoutConstitutionalTheories,49
3
AgainstTradition,67
4 WhatShouldConstitutionsSay?SecessionandBeyond,95
5 ImpeachingthePresident,115
6 Democracy andRights:TheNondelegationCanons,137
7 TheAnticastePrinciple,155
8 Homosexuality andtheConstitution,183
9 Sex Equality vs.Religion,209
10
Social
and
Economic
Rights?
Lessons
from
South
Africa,
221
Conclusion:Democracy’sConstitution,239
Notes,245
Acknowledgments,261
Index,263
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Introduction
Tales
of
Democracy
and
Law
Formany years,Israel’sGeneralSecurity Servicehasengagedincertainforms
of physicalcoercion,sometimesdescribedas“torture,”againstsuspectedter-
rorists.According to theGeneral Security Service, thesepracticesoccurred
only
in
extreme
cases
and
as
a
last
resort,
when
deemed
necessary
to
prevent
terroristactivity andsignificant lossof life.Nonetheless,practicesworthy of
thename “torture”didoccur, and they werenot rare.Suspected terrorists
were repeatedly shaken, in away that causes thehead andneck to dangle
andvacillaterapidly.They weretiedinchairsforlongperiodsof time,their
heads covered in an opaque and foul-smelling sack,while loudmusicwas
played. They were deprived of sleep. They were subject to other forms of
physical
harassment,
designed
to
elicit
information
about
terrorist
activities.
ThosepracticeswerechallengedbeforetheSupremeCourtof Israel,on
the ground that they were inconsistentwith the nation’s fundamental law.
Thegovernmentrespondedthatabstractionsabouthumanrightsshouldnot
bepermittedtoovercomereal-worldnecessities,soastobanapracticethat
was, incertaincircumstances,genuinely essential topreventmassivedeaths
inanareaof theworldthatwasoftensubjecttoterroristactivity.According
tothegovernment,physicalcoercionwas justifiedinthesecircumstances.A
judicialdecisiontotheoppositeeffectwouldbeaformof unjustifiedactiv-
ism,evenhubris.
Indeciding thecase, theSupremeCourtof Israelrefusedtoresolvethe
most fundamental questions.1 It declined to say that the practices of the
security forceswouldbe illegitimate if expressly authorizedby ademocratic
legislature.
But
the
Court
nonetheless
held
that
those
practices
were
unlawful.
TheCourt’sprincipalargumentwasthatif suchcoercionweretobeaccept-
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able, it couldnot be because theGeneral Security Service,with itsnarrow
and potentially self-serving agenda, said so. At aminimum, the disputed
practicesmustbeendorsedby thenationallegislature,afterafulldemocratic
debateon theprecisequestion.“[T]his isan issue thatmustbedecidedby
the
legislature
branch
which
represents
the
people.
We
do
not
take
any
stand
on thismatter at this time. It is there that various considerationsmustbe
weighed.”
Insteadof deciding the fundamental issue, theCourt reliedonwhat it
saw astheinadequacy,fromthedemocraticpointof view,of a judgmentby
theunelectedGeneral Security Service alone.To say the least,membersof
thatorganizationdonotrepresentabroad spectrumof society.It isall too
likely
that
people
who
work
with
the
General
Security
Service
will
share
points of view and frames of reference.When such peopledeliberatewith
oneanother, they are likely to strengthen, rather than to test, theirexisting
convictions—very possibly tothedetrimentof humanrights.Abroaderde-
bate,withagreaterrangeof views, isanecessary (if notsufficient)precon-
dition forpermittingcoercionof thissort.
Because of its narrowness, the Court’s decision does not do all that
might
be
done.
It
does
not
impose
an
unambiguous
barrier
to
government
action—to say the least, a special problemwhere torture is involved and
wheremostof thevictims lack the rightsof citizens.But it is importantto
see that in protecting basic rights, liberty-protecting nations have often
taken an approach of just this sort—requiring broad democratic debate,
and clear legislative permission, before permitting liberty or equality tobe
invaded.
Consider
an
example
from
the
United
States.
In
the
1950s,
when
the
United States was in themidst of the “Red Scare,” the secretary of state
bannedmembers of theCommunistParty from traveling abroad.Theban
was challengedunder theConstitution,on theground that itviolatedboth
freedomof speechandtherighttotravel.2 Thecentralquestioninthecase—
whether theUnitedStates government coulddeny apassport to commun-
ists—was bitterly contested. But the Supreme Court of theUnited States
refused toresolve it. Instead theCourt said that if peopleweregoing tobe
bannedfrom leavingtheUnitedStatesbecauseof theirpoliticalconvictions,
itwasnot sufficient for the executivebranch tohave inaugurated thatban
on its own. Itwas necessary, at aminimum, that the national legislature,
withitsgreaterdiversity anddeliberativepedigree,shouldmakethedecision.
Inotherwords, theSupremeCourt suggested thatpurely internaldelibera-
tions,
involving
only
the
executive
branch
itself,
are
an
insufficient
safeguard
againstoppressionandabuse.
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Invokingdemocraticconstitutions,andintimesof bothwarandpeace,
courts have said that such deliberations are inadequate to support gov-
ernment action. Liberty-protecting courts have shown great suspicion of
liberty-invading judgments by onebranchof government,or at thebehest
of
deliberating
groups
of
like-minded
people.
By
showing
that
suspicion,
they have linked the project of ensuringdemocraticdeliberationwith that
of promoting rights, by saying that if the latter are at risk, the former is
required.
Now letusexpandtheviewscreen:
1.
A
city
in
California
adopts
an
ordinance
authorizing
same-sex
marriage.
Many
citizens
of
California
are
alarmed
by
this
ordinance,
which
they
be-lieve
to
be
a
threat
to
traditional
moral
values
and
a
“caricature”
of
civil
rights.
A
statewide
referendum
is
held
on
a
ballot
measure
that
would
forbid
same-sex
marriage.
After
an
intense
campaign,
with
much
ad-
vertising
on
both
sides,
the
referendum
is
approved
as
state
law.
It
is
promptly
challenged
in
federal
court.
The
Supreme
Court
eventually
rules
that
the
law
violates
the
federal
Constitution.
Is
the
Court’s
decision
unde-
mocratic?
2.
A
religious
school
in
a
large
city
does
not
hire
women
teachers.
It
insiststhat
it
is
permitted
to
discriminate
in
this
way
because
the
religion’s
deepest
convictions
prescribe
“different
social
roles”
for
men
and
women.
But
many
citizens
have
come
to
believe
that
no
school
should
be
allowed
to
dis-
criminate
against
women.
The
local
government
enacts
a
law
to
forbid
sex
discrimination
in
education,
even
by
religious
institutions.
The
school
con-
tends
that
the
new
law
violates
religious
freedom
as
guaranteed
by
the
Con-
stitution.
Is
it
right?
3.
A
nation
in
eastern
Europe
is
considering
amendments
to
its
Constitution.After
years
with
an
“interim”
post-Communist
constitution,
it
is
time
to
produce
a
more
permanent
document.
But
debates
are
now
stalling
over
two
questions.
Some
people
argue
that
the
Constitution
should
guarantee
a
right
to
secede,
as
a
protection
against
oppression
and
discrimination.
Others
fear
that
a
right
to
secede
would
endanger
national
unity.
Some
people
argue
that
the
Constitution
should
protect
“positive”
rights
to
food,
housing,
and
health
care.
Others
think
that
such
rights
are
beyond
the
state’s
financial
capabilities,
and
in
any
case
that
their
constitutional
pro-tection
would
entangle
courts
in
impossible
managerial
judgments.
Who
is
correct?
4.
The
newly
elected
governor
of
Minnesota
is
frustrated
by
his
inability
to
enact
new
legislation,
an
inability
he
attributes
to
the
state’s
bicameral
legis-
lature.
He
argues
that
if
the
legislature
consisted
of
only
one
house,
the
sys-
tem
would
be
far
more
democratic.
Invoking
the
idea
of
democracy,
he
ar-
gues
for
an
amendment
to
the
state
constitution,
designed
to
create
a
unicameral
legislature.
Does
the
idea
of
democracy
support
the
amend-ment?
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of
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and
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DeliberativeDemocracy andtheConstitution
We are in themidst of a periodof dramaticnew thinking about the rela-
tionship between democracy and constitutionalism.Much of the thinking
has
been
spurred
by
the
remarkable
collapse
of
two
political
systems:
com-munismineasternEuropeandapartheidinSouthAfrica.New constitutions
areinplaceinmany nationsallovertheglobe,includingSouthAfrica,Russia,
theCzechRepublic,Hungary,Bulgaria,Canada,Ukraine,Lithuania,andSlo-
vakia. Constitutional provisions, and constitutionalism itself, are receiving
fresh consideration inmany more, includingGermany, theUnited States,
France,Brazil,andevennationslackingawrittenconstitution,suchasIsrael
and
England.
As
of
this
writing,
it
appears
possible
that
a
Palestinian
state
mightbecreatedatsomepoint;discussionsarebeginningaboutthecontents
of aconstitution for thatnew nation.Thewriting,rewriting,interpretation,
and reconsiderationof constitutionalprovisions is takingplace amid sharp
debates aboutwhether awritten constitution isnecessary toprotect rights,
helpfulorharmful todemocracy,valuableordangerous toeconomicpros-
perity,orasafeguardof property rightsorof theprospectsof disadvantaged
groups.
Thisbook calls forademocraticunderstandingof theroleof aconsti-
tution inpolitical life.Thisunderstanding competeswithprominentalter-
nativesbasedonnationaltraditions,orequality,oreven justice.Inmy view,
the central goalof a constitution is to create thepreconditions for awell-
functioning democratic order, one inwhich citizens are genuinely able to
govern themselves. Self-government is a good in itself. It is an important
aspect
of
freedom.
But
self-government
is
also
associated
with
other
valuable
goals.ConsiderAmartyaSen’sastonishingfinding that in thehistory of the
world,no faminehaseveroccurred inacountry withdemocraticelections
anda freepress.3 Thisfindingshouldbeseenasan illustrationof themany
ways thatdemocracy canpromote socialwell-being,by increasing the like-
lihood thatgovernmentwillact in the interestof the citizenry, rather than
theotherway around.Agoodconstitutionensuresdemocraticelectionsand
afreepress.Itthuscreatesself-governmentondualgrounds:liberty requires
self-government, and self-governmentmakes it farmore likely that citizens
willhavegood lives.
Of course the idealof democracy canbeunderstood inmany different
ways.Somepeoplethink thatdemocracy callssimply formajority rule;other
people think that a democratic system qualifies as such if it is highly re-
sponsive
to
popular
will.
I
reject
these
views.
I
contend
that
a
constitution
should promote deliberative democracy , an idea that ismeant to combine
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political accountability with a high degree of reflectiveness and a general
commitment to reason-giving.My principal aim is to link the project of
constitutionalismwiththenotionof deliberativedemocracy,nottoelaborate
thatnotionon itsown.4 But tounderstand the link, it is important to see,
in
broad
outline,
what
deliberative
democrats
seek
both
to
avoid
and
to
ensure.
Thosewhobelieveindeliberativedemocracy think thatby itself theidea
of “majority rule” is a caricature of the democratic aspiration.They insist
that government is not a kind of AggregatingMachine, trying to uncover
people’sdesires,tosumthemup,andthentotranslatethem into law.They
claimthatademocraticgovernmentisbasedonreasonsandarguments,not
just
votes
and
power.
Deliberative
democrats
believe
that
people
tend
to
overstatethetensionbetweendemocracy,properly understood,andindivid-
ual rights.Democracy comeswith its own internalmorality—the internal
morality of democracy .This internalmorality requiresconstitutionalprotec-
tion of many individual rights, including the right of free expression, the
right to vote, the right to political equality, and even the right to private
property, for people cannot be independent citizens if their holdings
are
subject
to
unlimited
government
readjustment.
Properly
understood,
democracy is not antagonistic to rights. It enthusiastically protects rights,
thusconstrainingwhatmajoritiesareabletodotoindividualsorgroups.A
democratic constitution is drawn up and interpreted with these ideas in
mind.
Deliberative democrats emphatically reject the view that a government
should be run on the basis of popular referenda.They seek constitutional
structures
that
will
create
a
genuine
republic,
not
a
direct
democracy.
They
hope to create institutions to ensure that peoplewill be exposed tomany
topics and ideas, including ideas that they reject, and topics inwhich they
have,as yet,expressed little interest.Adeliberativeapproach todemocracy,
andtoaconstitution,isclosely attunedtotheproblems,eventhepathologies,
associated with deliberation among like-minded people. A good constitu-
tional systemmakes space for deliberating groups of this kindwhile also
limiting the risks of misunderstanding, and ultimately even violence, that
comewhenpeopleareexposedonly toechoesof theirownvoices.
Underademocraticconstitution,whatistheroleof nationaltraditions?
Democracy’sconstitution isnot traditionbound; it looks forwardaswellas
backward.Because deliberative democratswant to ensure rule by free and
equalcitizens, they refuse tohonortraditionsassuch.Ademocraticconsti-
tution
makes
it
more
likely
that
people
will
look
behind
traditions
in
order
toseewhatcanbesaidon theirbehalf.
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Forsimilarreasons,aself-governingcitizenry doesnottakeexistingpref-
erencesandbeliefsasunalterable,asnatural,oras“givens.”Acentralpoint
of deliberation, in theprivateandpublicdomains, is to shapebothprefer-
ences andbeliefs, and frequently to alter them,by subjecting them to rea-
soned
arguments.
For
the
same
reason,
deliberative
democrats
are
skeptical
of socialpracticesthatformpreferences,andespecially children’spreferences,
in away that inculcates beliefs that threaten free and equal citizenship.A
democraticconstitutioncreates structures thatwillpromote freedom in the
formation of preferences and not simply implementwhatever preferences
peoplehappentohave.
DisagreementandDeliberativeTrouble
Inany democracy thatrespects freedom, theprocessof deliberation facesa
pervasive problem:widespread and even enduring disagreement.A central
goalof constitutionalarrangements,andconstitutionallaw,istohandlethis
problem,partly by turningdisagreementintoacreativeforce,partly by mak-
ing
it
unnecessary
for
people
to
agree
when
agreement
is
not
possible.
Undergoodconditions,deliberationislikely toclarify thebasisfordis-
agreement. Sometimes it will bring people into accordwith one another.
Somepeoplewillhavemisunderstood therelevant facts.Or they mightnot
haveseenthelikely consequencesof proposedpolicies.Onceitisshownthat
some policy will actually make thingsworse rather than better, thosewho
initially supporteditarelikely toreconsider.If ahighminimumwagereally
would
increase
unemployment,
people
who
thought
that
they
favored
a
high
minimumwagemightconsiderotherwaysof helpinglow-incomeemployees.
In some cases, peoplemight even be convinced to reconsider what they
thoughtwere theirpriorities,or their judgmentsof value.They mighthave
believed,forexample,thattheoverridingsocialgoalistopromoteeconomic
prosperity,butafterdiscussion,they mightcometothink thatitmakessense
tosacrificeoverallprosperity forothersocialgoals.Shiftsof thissorthappen
allthetime.
Inmany cases,however,allthedeliberationintheworldwillnotdissolve
disagreement.Many of thediscussionsheretakeupthequestion:Intheface
of intractabledisagreements,how shouldconstitutionaldemocraciesproceed?
One of my principal themes is the danger posed by group polarization—a
processby whichgroupsof like-mindedpeoplemoveoneanothertoincreas-
ingly
extreme
positions.
This
is
a
particular
problem
for
heterogeneous
or
multicultural societies, especially if members of groups, defined in ethnic,
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religious,orpoliticalterms,aremostly speakingonly withoneanother.Eth-
nic,religious,andracialconflictsareoftenaproductof grouppolarization.
Anotherof my principal themes is thevalueof incompletely theorized agree-
ments—aprocessby whichpeopleagreeonpractices,oroutcomes,despite
disagreement
or
uncertainty
about
fundamental
issues.
Incompletely
theo-rized agreements have a central role in constitution-making and constitu-
tional interpretation;they arealsoakey partof democracy’sconstitution.
Group polarization is often the source of deliberative trouble. Incom-
pletely theorized agreements are often the solution to deliberative trouble.
And it isespecially important foradiversedemocracy tocreate institutions
toensure thatgovernmentalpower isnotavailableonly to segmentsof so-
ciety,
and
to
promote
deliberation
among
people
who
would
otherwise
like
to talk only to like-minded people. A system of checks and balances, or
separationof powers, isbestunderstood in this light.Oneof thekey goals
of democracy’s constitution is to solve the problem of enduring disagree-
ment—by promotingexposure tomultipleperspectives,by proliferatingthe
pointsof accesstogovernment,andby findingproductivecoursesof action
whendisagreementscannotbesolved.
Democracy’sConstitution:CasesandPractices
To return to the caseswithwhich I began: The decision of the Supreme
Courtof Israel is an incompletely theorized agreement,one thatpromotes
democracy ratherthanunderminingit.Ademocraticconstitutionshould,in
my
view,
ban
torture
under
all
circumstances;
but
judges
and
citizens
who
disagree on that question should be able to agree that it ought not to be
imposedwithoutdemocraticauthorization. In thecaseof thestatewideref-
erendumonhomosexualmarriage,deliberativedemocratsfearthatwhathas
happened isaparody of democraticaspirations. Judicial invalidationof the
outcomewillpromotedemocracy,properly understood.
In the caseof thediscriminatory schools, adeliberativedemocratdoes
notbelievethatreligious institutionshaveautomaticprotectionagainstlaws
designed topromote sex equality.Such lawsareanoutcomeof deliberative
processes; they mightbenecessary to ensure free and equal citizenship. In
thecaseof theproposedrighttosecession,thetwenty-first-century deliber-
ativedemocrat(followingnineteenth-century deliberativedemocratAbraham
Lincoln)isskeptical,becauseof abelief thattheConstitutionshouldpromote
a
well-functioning
political
order
and
a
fear
that
the
suggested
right
would
compromise thatgoal. In the caseof theproposed rights to food,housing,
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andhealth care, the deliberativedemocrat isnervous about judicial entan-
glementinmanagerialissues—butalsostressesthatpeopleindesperatecon-
ditionscannothavetheindependenceandsecurity thatcitizensrequire.The
deliberativedemocratdoesnot think that aunicameral legislature is tobe
preferred,
on
democratic
grounds,
to
a
bicameral
legislature;
the
latter
might
bebetter forreflectionandreason-giving.
In these and other cases, a belief in deliberative democracy, and in a
constitutionthatprotectsit,hasconcreteandsometimesradicalimplications.
Tobe sure,thisbelief helpsexplainmany practices inexistingdemocracies.
But italsosuggestswhy many of thosepracticesdeservetobechanged.
Adversaries
Against thosewho seeacontinuingconflictbetweenconstitutional law and
democracy, I urge that there need be no such conflict at all.Whether a
constitutionconflictswithdemocracy dependsonwhatkindof constitution
wehave,andwhatkindof democracy weseek.Inadeliberativedemocracy,
one
of
the
principal
purposes
of
a
constitution
is
to
protect
not
the
rule
of
themajority butdemocracy’sinternalmorality,seenindeliberativeterms.A
systeminwhichmany peoplecannotvoteorvoteequally,orinwhichsome
peoplehave farmorepoliticalpowerthanothers,violatesthat internalmo-
rality.
Againstthosewho identify thecontentsof agoodconstitutionwiththe
requirements of justice, I suggest that constitutions are pragmatic instru-
ments,
not
outlines
of
a
just
society,
and
hence
there
is
a
gap
between
what
constitutions say andwhat justice requires.Against thosewho think thata
democraticconstitution isbestunderstoodby referencetotraditions,Isug-
gestthattraditionsdonotcome labeled foreasy identificationandthatna-
tional traditions containmuch that is bad as well asmuch that is good.
Againstthosewho favora largerole for the judiciary,Istress thevalueand
omnipresence of incompletely theorized agreements by which courts (and
sometimes citizens) avoid,when they can, the largestandmostabstract is-
sues.Against thosewho believe that a democratic constitution is bestun-
derstoodtopromotefreedom,Isuggestthatinaway thisiscorrectbutthat
judgeshaveseriouslimitationsingivingcontenttothatlargeideal,andhence
they properly proceed inan incrementalway,givingalargeemphasistothe
prerequisitesfordemocraticself-government.
Against
those
who
believe
that
the
equality
principle
is
violated
whenever
thegovernmenttreatspeopledifferently onthebasisof raceandsex,Iargue
10
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thatdemocracy’sconstitution isbesttakentoembody ananticaste principle,
whichmeans that some of the time, government can indeed treat people
differently onthebasisof raceandsex.Italsomeansthatacentralobligation
of agovernmentcommittedtoequality istoeliminatethecaste-likefeatures
of
contemporary
society.
The
anticaste
principle
turns
in
large
part
on
a
notionof equalcitizenship.Itisthereforeclosely associatedwiththeidealof
deliberativedemocracy.Therearealsocloselinksbetweentheanticasteprin-
cipleandanunderstandingof thevirtues(andlimits)of deliberationwithin
enclaves.And thosewho favordeliberativedemocracy areat leastwillingto
considerconstitutionalprotectionsdesignedtoensuredecentconditionsfor
all.
One
of
my
major
themes
is
that
judges
have
both
limited
wisdom
and
limitedtools.They arealsoparticipantsinsystems,andcomplex onesatthat,
inwhich apullor a tug atone point canhave largeunanticipated conse-
quenceselsewhere.Hencetheappropriate judicialroleiscatalyticratherthan
preclusive—an idea that I apply to anumberof areas, includingdiscrimi-
nationon thebasisof sexualorientationand the separationof powers.But
anappreciationof the limitedroleandcapacity of the judiciary shouldnot
be
confused
with
skepticism
about
rights.
As
we
will
see,
the
anticaste
prin-
ciple,asanunderstandingof bothfreedomandequality,helpsplaceanum-
berof democratic initiatives, combatingbothpoverty and subjection tovi-
olence,inanemphatically constitutionallight.Initiativesof thiskindshould
not be compelled by the judiciary. But they too are part of democracy’s
constitution.
Noneof thesepoints ismeanttoprovideablueprint forconstitutional
design.
Nor
do
I
attempt
to
specify
the
ingredients
of
well-functioning
con-
stitutions.Of coursesomeidealsareuniversal;butthereisroomforconsid-
erablevariety among reasonablenations.Nordo Imean to setouta com-
prehensiveaccountof deliberativedemocracy orof therelationshipbetween
theideaof democracy andtheideaof constitutionalism.Butby focusingon
aseriesof particularquestionsaboutthatrelationship,Idohopetoadvance
understanding of both ideas. Inmy view, the route to future advances, in
boththeory andpractice,willlielessthroughabstractions,andindiscussions
of theconceptsthemselves,andmorethroughanappreciationof theconcrete
contexts inwhichanation’sdiverseaspirationsare testedand specified.At
least that isahope thatpervadesthisbook.
Tales
of
Democracy
and
Law
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1
DeliberativeTrouble
The
differences
of
opinion,
and
the
jarrings
of
parties
in
[the
legislative]
department
of
the
government . . .
often
promote
delibera
tion
and
circumspection;
and
serve
to
check
the
excesses
of
the
ma
jority.
Alexander
Hamilton,
The
Federalist
In
everyday
life
the
exchange
of
opinion
with
others
checks
our
partiality
and
widens
our
perspective;
we
are
made
to
see
things
from
the
standpoint
of
others
and
the
limits
of
our
vision
arebrought
home
to
us. . . . The
benefits
from
discussion
lie
in
the
fact
that
even
representative
legislators
are
limited
in
knowledge
and
the
ability
to
reason.
No
one
of
them
knows
everything
the
others
know,
or
can
make
all
the
same
inferences
that
they
can
draw
in
concert.
Discussion
is
a
way
of
combining
information
and
enlarg
ing
the
range
of
arguments.
John
Rawls,
A
Theory
of
Justice
Each
person
can
share
what
he
or
she
knows
with
the
others,
mak
ing
the
whole
at
least
equal
to
the
sum
of
the
parts.
Unfortunately,
this
is
often
not
what
happens. . . . As
polarization
gets
underway,
the
group
members
become
more
reluctant
to
bring
up
items
of
in
formation
they
have
about
the
subject
that
might
contradict
the
emerging
group
consensus.
The
result
is
a
biased
discussion
in
which
the
group
has
no
opportunity
to
consider
all
the
facts,
be
cause
the
members
are
not
bringing
them
up. . . .
Each
item
they
contributed
would
thus
reinforce
the
march
toward
group
consen
sus
rather
than
add
complications
and
fuel
debate.
Patricia
Wallace,
The
Psychology
of
the
Internet
Considerthe followingevents:
• Affirmative
action
is
under
attack
in
the
state
of
Texas.
A
number
of
profes-sors
at
a
particular
branch
of
the
University
of
Texas
are
inclined
to
be
sup-
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portive
of
affirmative
action;
they
meet
to
exchange
views
and
to
plan
fur-
ther
action,
if
necessary.
What
are
these
professors
likely
to
think,
and
to
do,
after
they
talk?
• Afteranationally publicizedshootingatahighschool,agroupof people in
the
community,
most
of
them
tentatively
in
favor
of
greater
gun
control,
come
together
to
discuss
the
possibility
of
imposing
new
gun
control
mea-
sures.
What,
if
anything,
will
happen
to
individual
views
as
a
result
of
this
discussion?
• A jury isdecidingonanappropriatepunitivedamageaward inacaseof
recklessly
negligent
behavior
by
a
large
company;
the
behavior
resulted
in
a
serious
injury
to
a
small
child.
Before
deliberating
as
a
group,
individual
ju-
rors
have
chosen
appropriate
awards,
leading
to
an
average
of
$1.5
million
and
a
median
of
$1
million.
As
a
statistical
generalization,
how
will
the
jury’s
ultimate
award
tend
to
compare
to
these
figures?
• Agroupof womenareconcernedaboutwhatthey considertobeamount-
ing
“tyranny
of
feminism.”
They
believe
that
women
should
be
able
to
make
their
own
choices,
but
they
also
think
that
men
and
women
are
fundamen-
tally
different
and
that
their
differences
legitimately
lead
to
different
social
roles.
The
group
decides
to
meet
every
two
weeks
to
focus
on
common
con-
cerns.
After
a
year,
is
it
possible
to
say
what
its
members
are
likely
to
think?
Every
society
contains
innumerable
deliberating
groups.
Church
groups,
political parties, women’s organizations, juries, legislative bodies,regulatory
commissions, multimember courts, faculties, student organizations, people
participating in talk radioprograms, Internetdiscussion groups,andothers
engage indeliberation.It isasimplesocialfactthatsometimespeopleenter
discussionswithoneview andleavewithanother,evenonpoliticalandmoral
questions. Emphasizing this fact, many recent observers have embraced the
aspiration
to
deliberative
democracy,
an
ideal
that
is
designed
to
combine
popularresponsivenesswithahighdegreeof reflectionandexchangeamong
peoplewithcompetingviews.1 Butwhatare thereal-worldconsequencesof
deliberation? In a constitutional democracy, how can deliberation be made
towork well?Whenandwhy does itwork poorly?
The standardview of deliberation isthatof HamiltonandRawls,given
intheepigraph.Groupdiscussionislikely toleadtobetteroutcomes,if only
becausecompetingviewsarestatedandexchanged.Aristotlespokeinsimilar
terms, suggesting that when diverse groups “all come together . . . they may
surpass—collectively and as a body, although not individually—the quality
of the few best. . . . When there are many who contribute to the process of
deliberation, each can bring his share of goodnessand moralprudence; . . .
someappreciateonepart,someanother,andalltogetherappreciateall.”2 But
under
what
circumstances
is
it
really
true
that
“some
appreciate
one
part,
someanother,andall togetherappreciateall”?
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My principal purpose in this chapter is to investigate a striking sta-
tistical regularity—that of group polarization—and to relate this phenome-
non to underlying questions about the role of deliberation in the “public
sphere” of a heterogeneous democracy. In brief, group polarization means
that
members
of
a
deliberating
group
predictably
move
toward
a
more
extreme
point in the direction indicated by the members’ predeliberation tendencies.
Thus, for example, members of the first deliberating group are likely to
becomemorefirmly committedtoaffirmativeaction;thesecondgroupwill
probably end up favoring gun control quite enthusiastically; the punitive
damages jury is likely to come up with an award higher than the median,
perhapshigherthanthemeanaswell,andvery possibly ashighasorhigher
than
that
of
the
highest
predeliberation
award
of
any
individual
member;
the group of women concerned about feminism is likely to become very
conservative indeed on gender issues. Notably, groups consisting of indi-
vidualswithextremist tendenciesaremore likely toshift,and likely toshift
more; the same is true for groups with some kind of salient shared iden-
tity (likeRepublicans,Democrats,and lawyers,butunlike jurorsandexper-
imental subjects). When like-minded people meet regularly, without sus-
tained
exposure
to
competing
views,
extreme
movements
are
all
the
more
likely.
Twoprincipalmechanismsunderliegrouppolarization.Thefirstpoints
tosocial influencesonbehavior andinparticulartopeople’sdesiretomaintain
theirreputationsandtheirself-conceptions.Thesecondemphasizestherole
of reasons in deliberation—in particular, the limited “argument pools”
withinany group,andthedirectionsinwhichthoselimitedpoolsleadgroup
members.
An
understanding
of
the
two
mechanisms
provides
many
insights
into democratic institutions. It illuminates a great deal, for example, about
likely processeswithinmultimembercourts, juries,politicalparties,andleg-
islatures—not to mention ethnic groups, extremist organizations, criminal
conspiracies, studentassociations, faculties, institutionsengaged in feudsor
“turf battles,”workplaces,and families.
One of my largest purposes is to evaluate the social role of enclavede
liberation, understood as deliberation within small groups of like-minded
people.Isuggestthatenclavedeliberationis,simultaneously,apotentialdan-
gertosocialstability,asourceof socialfragmentation,andasafeguardagainst
socialinjusticeandunreasonableness.AsIwillshow,grouppolarizationhelps
explain an old point, with clear foundations in constitutional law in many
nations,totheeffectthatsocialhomogeneity canbequitedamagingtogood
deliberation.
When
people
are
hearing
echoes
of
their
own
voices,
the
con-sequencemay be farmore thanmeresupportandreinforcement.
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Group polarization is naturally taken as a reason for skepticism about
enclave deliberation and for seeking to ensure deliberation among a wide
group of diverse people. But there is a point more supportive of enclave
deliberation: Participants in heterogeneous groups tend to give least weight
to
the
views
of
low-status
members3—in
some
times
and
places,
women,
African Americans, less educated people. Hence enclave deliberation might
be the only way to ensure that those views are developed and eventually
heard.Withoutaplaceforenclavedeliberation,citizensinthebroaderpublic
sphere may move in certain directions, even extreme directions, precisely
because opposing voices are not heard at all. The ultimate lesson is that
deliberating enclaves can be breeding grounds for both the development of
unjustly
suppressed
views
and
for
unjustified
extremism,
indeed
fanaticism.
Group polarization thus explains why and when many groups—including
legislative majorities, political dissenters, hate groups, and civil liberties or-
ganizations—gotoextremes.4
Social
Influences
and
Cascades
InGeneral
Peoplefrequently think anddowhatthey think anddobecauseof whatthey
think (relevant)others think anddo.5 Employeesaremore likely tofilesuit
if membersof thesameworkgrouphavealsodoneso6;thosewhoknow other
peoplewhoareonwelfarearemore likely togoonwelfarethemselves7; the
behavior
of
proximate
others
affects
the
decision
whether
to
recycle8;
a
good
way to increasethe incidenceof tax compliance isto informpeopleof high
levelsof voluntary tax compliance9;broadcasterstendtofollow oneanother10;
and students are less likely to engage in binge drinking if they think that
most of their fellow students do not engage in binge drinking, so much so
thatdisclosureof this fact isoneof the few successfulmethodsof reducing
bingedrinkingoncollegecampuses.11
Social influences can lead people to go quite rapidly in identifiable di-
rections,oftenasaresultof “cascade”effects, involvingeitherthespreadof
information (whether true or false) or growing peer pressure. Sometimes
cascade effects are highly localized and lead members of particular groups,
quiterationally,tobelieveortodosomethingthatmembersof othergroups,
alsoquiterationally,findtobesilly orworse.Thuslocal cascadescanensure
that
different
groups
end
up
with
very
different,
but
entrenched,
views
about
the same issues and events. With the rise of the Internet, local cascades
16
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are sometimes dampened, but they continue to be an extremely important
phenomenon.
Socialinfluencesaffectbehaviorviatwodifferentmechanisms.Thefirst
is informational. Whatotherpeopledo,or say,carries an informational ex-
ternality;12 if
many
other
people
support
a
particular
candidate,
or
refuse
to
usedrugs,orcarry guns,observers,andparticularly observerswithinacom-
mongroup,aregivenasignalaboutwhat itmakessensetodo.Thesecond
mechanismisreputational,asgroupmembersimposesanctionsonperceived
deviants, and would-be deviants anticipate the sanctions inadvance.13 Even
whenpeopledonotbelievethatwhatotherpeopledoprovidesinformation
aboutwhatactually shouldbedone,they may think thattheactionsof others
provide
information
about
what
other
people
think
should
be
done.
People
care about their reputations; hence they havean incentive todowhat(they
think) othergroup members think they should do. Reputationalconsidera-
tions may, for example, lead people toobey ornot to obey the law, urge a
certain view in group discussions, buy certaincars, drive whiledrunk,help
others,ortalk aboutpoliticalissuesinacertainway.Aconcernforreputation
exerts a ubiquitous influence on behavior, including that of participants in
democratic
debate,
who
often
shift
their
public
statements
in
accordance
with
reputational incentives.
SomeClassic Experiments
Inthemostvividexperimentsinvolvinggroupinfluences,conductedby Sol-
omon Asch, individuals were apparently willing to abandon the direct evi-
dence
of
their
own
senses.14 In
the
relevant
experiments,
a
certain
line
was
placed on a large white card. The task of the subjects was to “match” that
lineby choosing,as identicalto it in length,oneof threeotherlines,placed
on a separate large white card. One of the lines on the second white card
was in fact identical in lengthto the linetobematchedto it;theothertwo
were substantially different, with the differential varying from an inch and
three-quarters to three-quarters of an inch. The subject in the original ex-
periments was one of eight people asked to engage in the matching. But
unbeknown to the subject, the other seven people apparently being tested
wereactually thereasAsch’sconfederates,servingaspartof theexperiments.
Asch’s experiments unfolded in the following way. In the first two
rounds, everyone agreed about the right answer; this seemed to be an ex-
tremely dull experiment. But the third round introduced “an unexpected
disturbance.”
15
Other
group
members
made
what
was
obviously,
to
the
sub- ject and to any reasonable person, a clear error; they matched the line at
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issuetoonethatwasobviously longerorshorter.Inthesecircumstancesthe
subject had thechoice of maintaining his independent judgmentor instead
yielding to the crowd. A large number of subjects ended up yielding. In
ordinary circumstances,subjectserredlessthan1percentof thetime;butin
rounds
in
which
group
pressure
supported
the
incorrect
answer,
subjects
erred36.8percentof thetime.Indeed,inaseriesof twelvequestions,noless
than 70 percent of subjects went along with the group, and defied the evi-
denceof theirownsenses,at leastonce.
Notably,susceptibility togroupinfluencewashardly uniform;somepeo-
pleagreedwiththegroupalmostallof thetime,whereasotherswereentirely
independentintheir judgments.Significantly,asmallvariationintheexper-
imental
conditions
made
a
big
difference:
the
existence
of
at
least
one
com-patriot, orvoice of sanity,dramatically reducedbothconformity anderror.
When just one other person made an accurate match, errors were reduced
by three-quarters, even if there was a strong majority the other way. By
contrast, varying the size of the group unanimously making the erroneous
decision mattered only up to a number of three; increases from that point
hadlittleeffect.Oppositionfromonepersondidnotincreasesubjects’errors
at
all;
opposition
from
two
people
increased
error
to
13.6
percent;
and
op-
position from threepeople increasederror to31.8percent,notsubstantially
differentfromthe level thatemerged from further increases ingroupsize.
Morerecentstudieshaveidentifiedanimportantfeatureof socialinflu-
ence,directly bearingongroupbehavior indemocracies:Muchdependson
thesubject’sperceivedrelationshiptotheexperimenters’confederatesandin
particular on whether the subject considers himself part of the same group in
which
those
confederates
fall .
Thus
conformity—hence
error—is
dramatically
increased , inpublicstatements,whenthesubjectperceiveshimself aspartof
areasonably discretegroupthatincludestheexperimenter’sconfederates(all
psychology majors, for example).16 By contrast, conformity is dramatically
decreased ,anderrorisalsodramatically decreased,inpublicstatements,when
thesubjectperceiveshimself as inadifferentgroupfromtheexperimenter’s
confederates(allancienthistory majors,forexample).Notably,privateopin-
ions,expressedanonymously afterward,wereaboutthesamewhetherornot
the subject perceived himself as a member of the same group as others in
theexperiment.There isabig lessonhereaboutboththerisk of inaccuracy
andinsincerity of publicstatementsof agreementwithamajority view,when
relevantspeakersclosely identify themselvesasmembersof thesamegroup
as themajority.17
Both
informational
and
reputational
factors
lead
people
toward
errors.
In Asch’s own studies, several people said, in private interviews, that their
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own opinions must have been wrong. On the other hand, these statements
may have been an effort to avoid the dissonance that would come from
confessingthatthestatementwas falsebutmadeonly toprotectreputation.
Experimenters find somereducederror, in the samebasiccircumstancesas
Asch’s
experiments,
when
the
subject
is
asked
to
give
a
purely
private
an-swer—apointsuggestingthatreputationiswhatisproducingmistakes.And
note that in the study described in the immediately preceding paragraph,
people who thought that they were members of the same group as the ex-
perimenter’s confederates gave far more accurateanswers, and far lesscon-
forminganswers,whenthey werespeakingprivately.18
In a statement of direct relevance to constitutional democracies, Asch
concluded
that
his
results
raised
serious
questions
about
the
possibility
that
“the social process is polluted” by the “dominance of conformity.”19 He
added: “That we have found the tendency to conformity in our society so
strongthatreasonably intelligentandwell-meaning youngpeoplearewilling
tocallwhiteblack isamatterof concern.”Asch’sexperimentsdidnotinvolve
deliberation, forpeoplewerenotexchangingreasons; indeed,wemightex-
pect that reason-giving, on the part of Asch’s confederates, would have se-
verely
weakened
his
results.
What
reasons
could
have
been
given
for
incorrect
matches?Buttheexistenceof substantialnumbersof mistakes,asaresultof
mereexposuretothe incorrectconclusionsof others,raisesquestionsabout
whetherandwhendeliberationwithingroupsandinstitutionswillleadpeo-
ple in therightdirections.
Social
(and
Law-Related)
Cascades
Societiesarevulnerabletocascadeeffects,inwhichlaw,policy,opinion,and
behaviorshiftrapidly inoneoranotherdirection.20 Considerissuesinvolving
race and sex equality, global warming, capital punishment, AIDS, the filing
of lawsuits,orpresidentialcandidates.Indeed,Asch’swork demonstratescon-
siderable individual susceptibility to cascade effects. What is striking about
such effects is their epidemic-like nature, or the quality of apparent conta-
gion.Grouppolarizationissometimes,butnotalways,aproductof cascade
effects.Itwillbeusefultounderstandthe formeragainstthebackgroundof
the latter.
Informational cascades. Apuzzlingquestionhereiswhy individualsandso-
cial
groups
move
so
rapidly.
A
useful
starting
point
is
that
when
individuals
lack agreatdealof privateinformation(andsometimesevenwhenthey have
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such information), they rely on information provided by the statementsor
actionsof others. If Bdoesnotknow whetherabandonedwastesitesare in
facthazardous,hemay bemovedinthedirectionof fearif Aseemstothink
thatfearis justified.If AandBbothbelievethatfearis justified,Cmay end
up
thinking
so
too,
at
least
if
she
lacks
reliable
independent
information
to
the contrary. If A, B, and C believe that abandoned waste dumps are haz-
ardous,Dwillhave tohaveagooddealof confidence torejecttheirshared
conclusion.
Peopletypically havedifferent“thresholds”forchoosingtobelieveordo
something new or different. Some people will require very convincingrea-
sonstochangetheirview;otherpeoplewillrequiremuchless.Asthosewith
low
thresholds
come
to
a
certain
belief
or
action,
people
with
somewhat
higherthresholdswill jointhem,possibly toapointwhereacriticalmassis
reached, making groups, possibly even nations, “tip.”21 The result of this
processcanbetoproducesnowballorcascadeeffects,assmallorevenlarge
groups of people end up believing something—even if that something is
false—simply becauseotherpeopleseemtobelievethatitistrue.Thereisa
greatdealof experimentalevidenceof informationalcascades,whichareeasy
to
induce
in
the
laboratory;22 real-world
phenomena
also
seem
to
have
a
greatdealtodowithcascadeeffects.23 Consider,forexample,smoking,par-
ticipating in protests, voting for third-party candidates, striking, recyling,
using birth control, rioting, buying stocks,24 choosing what to put on tele-
vision,25 even leavingbaddinnerparties.26
The sameprocesses influenceviewsonpolitical, legal,andmoralques-
tions; we can easily find political, legal, and moral cascades. Suppose, for
example,
that
A
believes
that
affirmative
action
is
wrong
and
even
unconsti-
tutional,thatBisotherwiseunsurebutshiftsuponhearingwhatAbelieves,
andthatCisunwillingtopersistinhismodestapprovalof affirmativeaction
whenAandBdisagree;itwouldbeavery confidentDwhowouldrejectthe
moral judgmentsof three(apparently)firmly committedothers.Sometimes
peoplearenotentirely surewhethercapitalpunishmentshouldbeimposed,
whetherapresidentshouldbeimpeached,whethertheConstitutionprotects
therighttohaveanabortion,whetheritiswrongtolitterortosmoke.Many
people, lacking firm convictions of their own, may end up believing what
(relevant) others seem to believe. Even judges are vulnerable to cascadeef-
fects.27
The same process is sometimes at work in the choice of political can-
didates, as a fad develops in favor of one or another—a cascade “up” or
“down,”
with
sensational
or
ruinous
consequences.
We
can
easily
imagine
cascade effects in the direction of certain judgments about the appropriate
20
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courseof governmentregulation,environmentalprotection,orconstitutional
law.Notethatapreconditionforaninformationalcascadeisalack of much
private information on the part of many or most people; if people have a
good deal of private information, or are confident about their own judg-
ments,
they
are
unlikely
to
be
susceptible
to
the
signals
sent
by
the
actions
of others.
Reputational cascades. Thus far the discussion has involved purely infor-
mationalpressuresandinformationalcascades,wherepeoplecareaboutwhat
other people think because they do not know what to think, and they rely
ontheopinionsof otherstoshow whatitisrighttothink.Buttherecanbe
reputational
pressures
and
reputational
cascades
as
well.28
The basic idea here is that people speak out, or remain silent, or even
engage in certain expressive activity partly in order to preserve their repu-
tations, even at the price of failing to say what they really think. Suppose,
forexample, thatAbelieves thathazardouswastedumpsposeaseriousen-
vironmental problem; suppose too that B is skeptical. B may keep quiet or
(likesomeof Asch’ssubjects)evenagreewithA,simply inordertopreserve
A’s
good
opinion.
C
may
see
that
A
believes
that
hazardous
waste
dumps
pose a serious problem and thatB seems to agree withA; C may therefore
voiceagreementeventhoughprivately she isskepticalorambivalent.
It iseasy toseehow thiskindof thingcanhappeninpoliticallifewith,
forexample,politiciansexpressingtheircommitmenttocapitalpunishment
(even if they are privately skeptical)or theirbelief inGod(even if they are
privately unsure).Peoplewill typically havedifferent thresholdsfor yielding
to
perceived
reputational
pressure;
some
people
will
follow
perceived
pressure
only when it isvery severe(for example,becausea largenumberof people
impose it,orbecause they careagreatdealaboutthosepeoplewhoimpose
it),whereasotherswill follow when it is mild(forexample,simply because
a few relevant others impose it). Here too the consequence can be cascade
effects—large social movements in one direction or another—as increasing
numbersof people yieldtoapressurethatthey simultaneously impose,even-
tually reachingacriticalmass.Atthatstagea largenumberof peopleeven-
tually appear to support a certain course of action simply because others
(appearto)doso.
As in the contextof the informational cascade, what is true for factual
beliefs istrueaswellformoral, legal,andpolitical judgments.Peoplemight
say,forexample,thataffirmativeactionviolatestheConstitutionsimply be-
cause
of
perceived
reputational
sanctions
against
saying
the
opposite;
they
mightsupportoropposethedeathpenalty largely inordertoavoidtheforms
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of social opprobrium that might come, in the relevant community, from
taking the opposing view. A precondition for reputational cascades is that
for people in the relevant group, reputational considerations must be an
important motivation for behavior. If people do not careabout theirrepu-
tations,
or
if
reputation
is
a
small
component
of
the
choice
involved,
the
perceived intrinsicmeritswillbecrucial,andcascadesareunlikely toresult.
Aresocialcascadesgoodorbad?Nogeneralanswerwouldmakesense.
Sometimescascadesarequitefragile,precisely becausepeople’scommitments
are based on little private information; sometimes cascades are rooted in
(and greatly fuel) blunders. Sometimes cascade effects will eliminate group
orpublicneglectorindifference,by generatingconcernaboutseriousthough
previously
ignored
problems.
But
sometimes
cascade
effects
will
make
people
farmoreworriedthanthey oughttobeorwillotherwiseproducelarge-scale
distortions in private judgments, public policy, and law. The antislavery
movement inAmerica haddistinctivecascade-like features,asdid theenvi-
ronmentalmovement, the fallof Communism,andtheantiapartheidmove-
ment inSouthAfrica;sotoowithMao’sCulturalRevolutionandtheriseof
Nazism in Germany. Cascades need not involve deliberation; but related
problems
infect
processes
of
group
deliberation,
as
we
will
now
see.
How andWhy GroupsPolarize
My basic interest here is the relationship between social processes within
groups29 and democratic theory and in particular that aspectof democratic
theory
that
interacts
with
law
and
especially
constitutional
law.
How
do
small
groupsof like-mindedpeopledifferfromlargegroupsof heterogeneouspeo-
ple?Whatislikely tohappenwithinisolateddeliberatingenclaves?How does
all thisbearon deliberativedemocracy or thecontentof ademocraticcon-
stitution? To answer these questions, it is necessary to understand group
polarization.
TheBasic Phenomenon
Grouppolarization isamongthemostrobustpatternsfoundindeliberating
bodies, and it has been found in many diverse tasks. Polarization occurs
“when an initial tendency of individual group members toward a given di-
rection isenhanced[by]groupdiscussion.”30 Theresultisthatgroupsoften
make
more
extreme
decisions
than
would
the
typical
or
average
individual
in the group (where “extreme” is defined solely internally, by reference to
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thegroup’s initialdispositions).There isaclearrelationshipbetweengroup
polarization and cascade effects. As we will see, the former, like the latter,
has a great deal to do with both informational and reputational influences.
Akey differenceisthatgrouppolarizationinvolvestheeffectsof deliberation.
In
addition,
it
may
or
may
not
involve
a
cascade-like
process;
polarization
canresultsimply fromsimultaneous independentdecisionstomovetoward
thegroupextreme.
Though standard within psychology, the term “group polarization” is
somewhat misleading. It is not meant to suggest that group members will
shifttotwopoles.Insteadthetermreferstoapredictableshiftwithinagroup
discussingacaseorproblem.31 Astheshiftoccurs,groups,andgroupmem-
bers,
move
and
coalesce,
not
toward
the
middle
of
antecedent
dispositions
buttowardamoreextremeposition inthedirection indicatedby thosedis-
positions.Theeffectof deliberationisbothtodecreasevarianceamonggroup
members, as individual differences diminish, and also to produce conver-
genceonarelatively moreextremepointamongpredeliberation judgments.
Consider some examples of the basic phenomenon, which has been
found in over a dozen nations.32 (1) A group of moderately profeminist
women
will
become
more
strongly
profeminist
after
discussion.33 (2)
After
discussion,citizensof Francebecomemorecriticalof theUnitedStatesand
its intentions with respect to economic aid.34 (3) After discussion, whites
predisposed to show racial prejudice offer more negative responses to the
questionwhetherwhiteracismisresponsibleforconditionsfacedby African
Americans inAmericancities.35 (4)Afterdiscussion,whitespredisposednot
toshow racialprejudiceoffermorepositiveresponsestothesamequestion.36
As
statistical
regularities,
it
follows,
for
example,
that
those
moderately
critical
of anongoingwareffortwill,afterdiscussion,sharply oppose thewar;that
those who believe that global warming is a serious problemare likely,after
discussion,toholdthatbelief withconsiderableconfidence;thatpeopletend-
ing to believe in the inferiority of a certain racial group will become more
entrenched in thisbelief asaresultof discussion.
Thephenomenonof grouppolarizationhasconspicuousimportanceto
the communications market, where groups with distinctive identities often
engage in within-group discussion—as well as to the operation of many
deliberating bodies of relevance to law and politics, including legislatures,
commissions, multimember courts, and juries. I will return to this point
shortly; for now, notice a few obvious possibilities. If the public is sharply
divided,and if differentgroupsdesign theirownpreferredcommunications
packages,
the
consequence
may
be
further
division,
as
group
members
move
oneanothertowardmoreextremepointsinlinewiththeirinitialtendencies.
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Differentdeliberatinggroups,eachconsistingof like-mindedpeople,may be
driven increasingly far apart, simply because most of their discussions are
withoneanother.
In a similar vein, members of a political party, or of the principalpo-
litical
parties,
may
polarize
as
a
result
of
internal
discussions;
party-line
vot-ingissometimesexplicablepartly onthisground.Extremistgroupswilloften
becomemoreextreme.Asetof judgeswithsimilarpredilectionsonathree-
judge panel may well produce a more extreme ruling than any individual
memberwouldwriteif hewere judgingonhisown.Aswewillsoonsee,the
largest group polarization typically occurs with individuals already inclined
towardextremes.
Risky Shiftsand CautiousShifts
Group polarizationwasfirst found ina seriesof intriguingexperiments in-
volvingrisk-takingdecisions.Before1961,conventionalwisdomhadbeenthat
as compared with the individuals who compose it, a group of decision-
makers—for example, a committee or board—would be likely to favor a
compromise
and
thus
to
avoid
risks.
But
the
relevant
experiments,
originally
conducted by Stoner, found otherwise; they identified what has become
knownas the“risky shift.”37 Deliberation tended toshiftgroupmembers in
the direction of greater risk-taking; anddeliberating groups, asked toreach
a unanimous decision, were generally more risk-inclined—sometimes far
morerisk-inclined—thanthemean individualmember,predeliberation.
It is importanttodistinguishatthispointbetweentwoaspectsof these
findings,
both
of
relevance
to
democracy
and
constitutional
law.
The
first
involvesthemovementof deliberatinggroups,whenagroupdecisionisnec-
essary,towardthegroup’sextremeend;callthis(asitissometimesdescribed)
achoiceshift .Thismeansthatif agroupdecisionisrequired,thegroupwill
tend toward an extreme point, given the original distribution of individual
views.Undoubtedly thegroup’sdecisionrulewillmatterhere;arequirement
of unanimity may well,forexample,produceashifttowardthemostextreme
points, at least if those with the most extreme views are least tractableand
most confident. The second involves the movement of (even private) indi-
vidual judgmentsasaresultof group influence;call thissimply (as is stan-
dard)grouppolarization.Thismeansthattotheextentthattheprivate judg-
mentsof individualsaremovedby discussion,themovementwillbetoward
amoreextremepointinthedirectionsetby theoriginaldistributionof views.
It
is
possible
to
have
one
kind
of
movement
without
the
other,
though
or-dinarily thetwoaccompany oneanother.
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A possible (and contemporaneous) reading of Stoner’s early studies
wouldbe thatgroupdynamics are generally suchas tomovepeople—both
groupsand individualswithinthem—inthedirectionof greaterrisk-taking.
Butthisconclusionwouldbewrong.Laterstudiesshowedthatundercertain
conditions,
it
was
possible,
even
easy,
to
induce
a
“cautious
shift”
as
well.
Indeed, certain problems reliably produced cautious shifts.38 The principal
examples involved the decision whether to marry and the decision whether
to board a plane despite severe abdominal pain possibly requiring medical
attention. In these cases, deliberating groups moved toward caution, as did
thememberswhocomposedthem.Burglars, in fact,show cautiousshiftsin
discussions,thoughwhenthey work together,thetendency istowardgreater
risk-taking.39
InStoner’soriginaldata,subsequentresearchersnoticed,thelargestrisky
shiftscouldbe foundwhengroupmembershadanextreme initialposition,
in the sense that the predeliberation votes were weighted toward the risky
end, whereas for the items that shifted a little or not at all, people started
outnearthemiddleof thescale.Agroupof very cautiousindividualswould
produce a significant shift toward greater caution; a group of individuals
inclined
toward
risk-taking
would
produce
a
significant
shift
toward
greater
risk-taking; andgroups of individuals in themiddlewouldproducesmaller
shifts in the direction indicated by theiroriginaldisposition.Similarresults
have been found in many contexts with relevance to law and democracy,
involving, forexample,questionsabouteconomicaid,architecture,political
leaders, race, feminism, and judgments of guilt or innocence. Polarization
has been found for questions of obscure fact (e.g., how far Sodom on the
Dead
Sea
is
below
sea
level)
as
well
as
for
evaluative
questions,
including
politicaland legal issuesandeventheattractivenessof people inslides.
Mechanisms
What explains group polarization? It is tempting to think that conformity
playsalargerole,andastheAschexperimentssuggest,individual judgments
can be greatly influenced by the desire to conform. Perhaps conformity is
sometimesatwork,butthedatamakeclearthatgrouppolarizationisnota
matterof conformity;peopledonot shift to themeanof initialpositions.40
The relevant movement goes to one or another side. Indeed, this is what
defines,andwhat ismostdistinctiveabout,grouppolarization.
Therehavebeentwomainexplanations forgrouppolarization,bothof
which
have
been
extensively
investigated.
41
Massive
support
has
been
found
onbehalf of bothexplanations.
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Social comparison. The first explanation begins with the claim thatpeople
wanttobeperceivedfavorably by othergroupmembersandalsotoperceive
themselves favorably. Once they hear what others believe, they adjust their
positions in the direction of the dominant position. They might want to
signal,
for
example,
that
they
are
not
cowardly
or
cautious,
especially
in
an
entrepreneurial group that disparages these characteristics. Hence they will
frame their position so that they do not appear as such by comparison to
other group members. With respect to risk-taking activity, people want to
occupy acertainpositionincomparisontoothers,andbeforethey hearwhat
other people think, they assume that they do in fact occupy that position.
Butwhen they hear whatother people think, they find,often, that they oc-
cupy
a
somewhat
different
position,
and
they
shift
accordingly.
The
result
is
to press the group’s position toward one or another extreme, as well as to
induce shifts in individual members. The same appears to happen in other
contexts. People might wish, for example, not to seem too enthusiastic or
too restrained in their enthusiasm for affirmative action, feminism, or an
increase innationaldefense;hencetheirviewsmay shiftwhenthey seewhat
othergroupmembersthink.Theresultwillbebothchoiceshiftsandgroup
polarization.
Thus individualsmovetheir judgments inordertopreservetheirimage
toothersandtheirimagetothemselves.Akey claimhereisthatinformation
aloneabouttheactualpositionsof others—withoutdiscussion—willproduce
ashift.Evidencehasconfirmedthisfact;mereexposureinducesasubstantial
risky shift(thoughitissmallerthanwhatisproducedby discussion—about
half aslarge).42 Thiseffecthelpsexplainashifttowardcaution(the“cautious
shift”)
as
well.
Persuasivearguments. Thesecondexplanationisbasedonacommon-sense
intuition: that any individual’s position on an issue is partly a function of
which arguments presented within the group seem convincing. The choice
thereforemovesinthedirectionof themostpersuasivepositiondefendedby
the group, taken as a whole. Because a group whose members are already
inclined in a certain direction will have a disproportionate number of ar-
guments supporting that same direction, the result of discussion will be to
moveindividualsfurtherinthedirectionof theirinitialinclinations.Thekey
is the existence of a limited argument pool, one that is skewed (speaking
purely descriptively) inaparticulardirection.Membersof agroupwillhave
thoughtof some,butnotall,of theargumentsthat justify theirinitialincli-
nation.
In
discussion,
arguments
of
a
large
number
of
individuals
are
stated
and heard, but the total argument pool will be tilted in one or another
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direction,dependingon thepredispositionsof thepeoplewhocomposethe
group.Hencetherewillbeashift inthedirectionof theoriginaltilt.
There is a related possibility, not quite reducible to either of the two
standardargumentsbutborrowingelementsof each.Intheirindividual judg-
ments,
people
are
averse
to
extremes;
they
tend
to
seek
the
middle
of
the
relevantpoles.43 Whenpeoplearemaking judgmentsindividually,they often
erronthesideof caution,expressingaview inthedirectionthatthey really
holdbutstatingthatview cautiously,forfearof seemingextreme.Onceother
people express supportive views, the inhibition disappears, and people feel
freetosay what,inasense,they really believe.Itisreasonabletobelievethat
thisphenomenonplaysarole ingrouppolarizationandchoiceshifts.
Refinements—andDepolarization
Forpurposesof understandingtherelationshipbetweenthephenomenon just
described and constitutional democracy, there are some further points, two
withspecialimportance.First ,itmattersagreatdealwhetherpeopleconsider
themselves
part
of
the
same
social
group
as
the
other
members;
a
sense
of
sharedidentity willheightentheshift,andabelief thatidentity isnotshared
willreduceandpossibly eliminateit.Second ,deliberatinggroupswilltendto
“depolarize” if they consist of equally opposed subgroups and if members
haveadegreeof flexibility in theirpositions.
Statistical regularities. Of course not all groups polarize; some groups end
up
in
the
middle,
not
toward
either
extreme.
Note
that
in
Stoner’s
original
experiments, one of the twelve deliberating groups showed no polarization
at all. Nor is it hard to understand why this might be so. If the people
defending theoriginal tendency are particularly unpersuasive,grouppolari-
zation is unlikely to occur. If the outliers are especially convincing, groups
may even shift away from their original tendency and in the directionheld
by few orevenone.
Sometimes, moreover, external constraints or an external “shock” may
preventorbluntgrouppolarization.Groupmemberswithwell-definedviews
onacertain issue(guncontrol,separationof churchandstate,intervention
in foreign nations) may be prone topolarize;but in order tomaintainpo-
litical effectiveness, even basic credibility, they will sometimes maintain a
relatively moderate face,publicly orevenprivately.Groupsthathavestarted
to
polarize
in
an
extreme
direction
may
move
toward
the
middle
in
order
to
promote theirown legitimacy orbecauseof new revelationsof onekindor
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another.IntheUnitedStates,considertheDemocratsintheearly 1990sand
theRepublicans inthe late1990s.
Affective factors and the role of confidence. Affective factors are quite im-
portant
in
group
decisions.
When
manipulated,
such
factors
will
significantly
increase or decrease polarization. If group members know and like each
other, dissent is significantly less frequent.44 The existence of affective ties
thus reduces the number of divergent arguments and also intensifies social
influences on choice. Hence people are less likely to shift if the direction
advocatedisbeingpushedby unfriendly groupmembers;thelikelihoodof a
shift,and its likely size,are increasedwhenpeopleperceivefellow members
as
friendly,
likeable,
and
similar
to
them.
A
sense
of
common
fate
and
within-group similarity increases group polarization, as does the introduction of a
rival“outgroup.”
Theconfidenceof particularmembersalsoplaysan importantrole.In-
deed,partof thereasonforgrouppolarizationappearstobethat,asaclass,
extremepositionsare lesstractableandmoreconfidently held.Thispointis
an important complement to thepersuasivearguments theory:Thepersua-
siveness
of
arguments
depends,
not
surprisingly,
not
simply
on
the
grounds
givenbutalsoon theconfidencewithwhichthey arearticulated.(Consider
here legislatures, juries, and multimember courts.) Group polarization can
also be fortified through “exit,” as members leave the group because they
rejectthedirection inwhichthingsareheading.If exitispervasive,theten-
dency toextremismwillbegreatly increased.
Identity
and
solidarity.
In
a
refinement
of
particular
importance
to
social
deliberation, constitutionalism, and the theory of democracy, it has been
found tomatterwhetherpeople think of themselves,antecedently orother-
wise,aspartof agrouphavingadegreeof connectionandsolidarity.If they
think of themselvesinthisway,grouppolarizationisallthemorelikely and
is likely, too,tobemoreextreme.45 Whenthecontextemphasizeseachper-
son’s membership in the socialgroupengaging indeliberation,polarization
increases. This finding is in line with more general evidence that social ties
among deliberating group members suppress dissent and in that way tend
to lead to inferior decisions.46 This should not be surprising. If ordinary
findingsof grouppolarizationareaproductof socialinfluencesandlimited
argumentpools, itstands toreasonthatwhengroupmembersthink of one
anotherassimilaralongasalientdimensionorif someexternalfactor(pol-
itics,
geography,
race,
sex)
unites
them,
group
polarization
will
be
heightened.
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