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This report is published by the Sindh Education Foundation, Karachi, Pakistan with support from
the Commonwealth Education Fund, UK. The primary purpose of this report is to generate a
debate on promoting and streamlining education in the public, private and civil society.
Opinions and views shared in the report, either by the author or by the respondents do notnecessarily reflect the views of Sindh Education Foundation or other concerned organizations
involved in the study.
Any part of this report may be reproduced freely with appropriate acknowledgement.
For further information please contact:
Sindh Education Foundation
Plot 9, Block 7, Kehkashan, Clifton 5, Karachi-75600 Pakistan.
UAN: (021) 111-424-111. Fax: (021) 9251652
Email: [email protected] Website: www.sef.org
Research Website: www.sef.org.pk/iie.asp
Principal AuthorMoizza Binat Sarwar
Editorial and Research CoordinationMohammad Ali Raza
Tatheer Zehra HamdaniMohammad Ali
Nosheen KhashkheliSindhu Baloch
Designing and Website ManagementAbdul Munim Khan
Fawwad HamidSomaiya AyoobTooba Fatima
Youshey ZakiuddinZulfiqar AliZulfi
Communication & CorrespondenceUmme Salma Hamdani
Tehreem Husain
(Sitara-e-Imtiaz)
Research Planning and Coordination
Professor Anita Ghulam AliSyed Mashhood Rizvi
Aziz KabaniAbdullah Abbassi
Technical SupportNoman-ul-Haq Siddiqui
PhotosSEF Picture Databank
Year of Publication2006
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contentsAcknowledgements
Preface
Acronyms
Executive Summary
17
15
21
25
31
45
49
61
63
65
i. introduction
ii Background Public sector education
Private sector education
Civil society provision of education
iii Research methodology
iv Marginalized children: research findings & discussion Push factors for out-of-school children
Civil society response Establishment of schools
v Documenting innovative practices Sustainability and Financing
Access
Retention
Relevance
vi The dilemma of civil society
vii Policy avenues
Sustainability/Financing Access
Retention
Relevance
viii Conclusion
ix Citations
x Appendices
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acronyms
0
AASP: Adopt-A-School Program
ADB: Asian Development Bank
ADO: Assistant District Officer
AFED: Alliance For Education Development
ANCE: Association of Networks of Community Empowerment
BELA: Basic Education Literacy Authority
BES: Behbud Education Society
CARE: Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere
CBSP: Community Based School Program
CEF: Commonwealth Education Fund
CEO: Chief Executive Officer
CRSP: Community Support Rural Schools Program
CSO: Civil Society Organization
CSP: Community Schools Program
DCO: District Coordinating Officer
EDO: Executive District Officer
EDO-E: Executive District Officer- EducationEFA: Education For All
EMIS: Education Management Information System
ESR: Education Sector Reforms
FLAME: Friends of Literacy And Mass Education
GDP: Gross Domestic Product
GoP: Government of Pakistan
ICG: International Crisis Group
ILO: International Labor Organization
IRC: Indus Resource Center
ITA: Idara-e-Taleem-o-Agahi
MDG: Millennium Development Goals
MoU: Memorandum of Understanding
NCHD: National Commission on Human Development
NFBES: Non-Formal Basic Education Schools
NFE: Non Formal Education
NGO: Non-Governmental Organization
NSM: New Social Movements
OUP: Oxford University Press
PILER: Pakistan Institute for Labor, Education and Research
PMSP: Punjab Middle Schooling Project
PPP: Public-Private Partnership
SAHE: Society for the Advancement of Education
SEF: Sindh Education Foundation
SINP: School Improvement Network Pakistan
SMC: School Management Committee
SPDC: Social Policy and Development CentreSSSS: Social Sector Support Service
TAC: Teach-A-Child School System
TCF: The Citizens Foundation
UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization
UNICEF: United Nations International Children Educational Fund
UPE: Universal Primary Education
VEC: Village Education Committee
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Our public education system has been at the crossroadsfor well over half a century. A more precise comparisonwould be with a crazy pavement. Bits and pieces of allsizes and shapes put in and taken out as required at thespur of moment.
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ur public education system has been at the crossroads for well over half a century. A more precise comparison
would be with a crazy pavement. Bits and pieces of all sizes and shapes put in and taken out as required
at the spur of moment. The result - rambling infrastructure and innumerable trained professionals exist
without much purpose and direction and the deterioration is occurring exponentially throughout the education
system. The effects of the mushrooming private education sector with no real sense of quality and accountability has
added insult to injury. At this point in time, we have no choice but to radically transform our education system, both
public and private, if we are honest and serious about saving our future generations from complete social breakdown.
On a positive note, Pakistan has a strong tradition of public education on which to build this new education system
for the 21st century. Right now, however, public education system, as compared to the private industry, is particularly
vulnerable. Continued neglect of public education system could ultimately lead to its near collapse. The process of
creating an education system that is appropriate for the diverse people of Pakistan, with the right mix of local, national
and international elements by forming meaningful partnerships with the civil society, is a process that will take both
time and the willingness to experiment and try new approaches and ideas to learning and education. The essence
of it lies in the creation of a learning system based on an open spirit of sharing practices between the civil society and
public education system.
True as it is that critical junctures are discomforting, it as true that they also provide an exciting time for those whoventure to change mindsets and explore the possibility of having government look at the more human side of
education, rather then be overawed by grandiose plans. While many problems exist, a unique window of opportunity
that is created by the present government in the shape of policy revisions and education sector reforms seems to be
at hand.
The clear lessons from the past have created the opportunity to develop a new way of looking at educational
development and establishing strong foundations for sharing practices for educational change. Everything - rules,
relationships, and systems - that have existed in the past are being thrown into question. Such openness to discuss
issues is unprecedented and serves as a significant shift towards real partnerships between the civil society, private
and the public sector. The window of opportunity is currently open but history has demonstrated that such windows
are not only extremely rare but also that they do not last for long. What remains to be seen is whether the education
planners of our country are able to seize this opportunity with renewed energy, initiative, commitment and innovation.
They have no choice but to face up to this awesome challenge - for the future of the country and for the future of our
children.
This study, at best, should be seen as a humble effort to contribute to the process of rebuilding by creating an
opportunity of sharing best practices within some select civil society organizations for the enrichment of the public
sector.
preface
0
O
There is no reason why we must have a system that gives the wealthy andpowerful high-quality information and education so they may rule the worldwhile the rest of the population is fed a diet of schlock
Robert McChesney
Professor Anita Ghulam Ali,Managing Director,
Sindh Education Foundation
Sitara-e-Imtiaz
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Undeniably, our efforts to regenerate education anddevelopment will serve as a tool for societal justice, andnot simply as an act of charity for the general public.
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his report could not have been possible without the generous support
of the Commonwealth Education Fund, in particular, the support of a
number of people and organizations both governmental and non-
governmental who have helped us record and analyze data from all parts of
the country. Weve had endless hours of discussion with most of these people
and their insightful comments and comprehensive feedback has helped us
immensely. Indeed, the right technical advice at the exact time that we needed
it helped made this report achieve what we feel is its full and complete shape.
The people whose names are mentioned have generously provided their
valuable advice for this report. The quality of material is witness to their
knowledgeable commitment and labor. These people have had the judgment
and wisdom to consider a range of issues and problems and also to outline
needs and possibilities for future action. Apologies are extended to anyone
whose name has been inadvertently omitted.
We hope that the people who have worked on this report and have helped us
complete it will continue on expanding the level of partnership between the
civil society and the public sector with more energy and more dedication than
ever. Undeniably, our efforts to regenerate education and development will
serve as a tool for societal justice, and not simply as an act of charity for the
general public.
acknowledgements
0
TWe thank the generous support of:
Dr. Baela Reza JamilChairperson
Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi
Ms. Fakher Karim Siddiqui
EDO-Schools, Karachi
Ms. Huma SikanderCluster Coordinator
Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi
Ms. Maria Rahat
Ms. Rabia NusratExecutive Coordinator
The Indus Entrepreneurs, Lahore
Ms. Sadaf Zulfiqar AliActing Coordinator
Commonwealth Education Fund
Mr. Saeed ShahManager WSIP
Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi
Ms. Saima HasratProgram development officer
Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi
Ms. Shagufta Dada
Mr. Shahjahan BalochCountry Coordinator, Pakistan
Commonwealth Education Foundation
The teachers and field staff:ANCE, Behbud Association,Bunyad Foundation, CARE,
Catco Kids International,FLAME, Godh,
Idara-e-Taleem-e-Agahi,Indus Resource Center,
Insan Foundation, Pahchaan, PILER,
SAHE, Sanjan Nagar, Shirkat Gah,SSSS, Sudhaar,
Teach-A-Child School System,The Citizens Foundation and
The Zindagi Trust
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Constitutionally the provision of education is viewed asthe responsibility of the state1, and institutionally theactual provision is the responsibility of each provincewhile the execution of the matter rests with the localgovernment.
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akistan is among the signatories of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as well
as the Dakar World Education Forum 2000. Policy
initiatives aimed at the achievement of these goals have
ranged from the National Plan of Action for Educationfor All (EFA); the Education Reform Action Plan derived
from the National Education Policy 1998-2010 to the
National Commission on Human Development (NCHD)
in Pakistan Universal Primary Education (UPE) program.
The objectives of these programs focus on three goals,
namely universal access to primary education by
increasing the net enrolment and higher rate of survival
of children till grade 5, increase in the adult literacy rate
and to attain gender equality at all levels.(GoP, 2006: pg
159)
Constitutionally the provision of education is viewed as
the responsibility of the state1, and institutionally the
actual provision is the responsibility of each province
while the execution of the matter rests with the local
government. The indicators emerging from practices at
the public sector level present a multitude of concerns
in state provision of education. The budget for education
in Pakistan is comparatively low as compared to other
South Asian countries and stands at a meager 2.1% of
the GDP. Enrolment rates are low while drop out rates
are considerably high reaching almost 50% in some
districts (Nayyar-Stone et. al., 2006).
Although the government has made primary educationfree, compulsory and in some cases also provided
stipends, scholarships, subsidized textbooks; such
measures have met with only fractional success. The vast
majority of state schools are felt to be lacking in teaching
and curriculum quality thus failing to provide meaning
or relevance to contemporary circumstances. Field
coordinators interviewed in the course of the study
claimed that community surveys indicate that poor
parents see education as a dead end, particularly parents
of girl children.
The role of the private sector tends to be streamlined
towards filling the gaps noted in the public sector. 39%of the private institutions are in rural areas and 61% in
the urban reflecting an inversion of supply and demand
brought about by the entrance of education into the
market sector. Accountability to market forces alone is
one facet of the private schooling system; another is the
quality of the curriculum which, although of a better
standard (particularly in English) than the public sector
is relevant and accessible to only a small segment of the
population. One quality indicator is the low teacher:
student ratio with an estimated range of 1:20 to 1:40
(Baqir, 2001) as compared to that of government schools
which can be as high as 1:65. The nature of provision of
education by this sector generates widespread
discrimination in access and opportunity limiting it to a
small subpopulation of the urban populace which can
afford to send children to private schools.
The third tier to rise in response to the gaps in service
delivery sustained by the public sector and private sector
comprises the community schools set up mainly by Non-
Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Civil Society
Organizations (CSOs). In the current scenario, the pressure
on public-private partnerships from international donors
and the need for a more intensive grassroots approach
(particularly in the context of decentralization) has ledthe government to mobilize CSOs. While mainstream
educational functions remain shrouded in vicious cycles
of access, enrollment, retention and quality2, there has
been a parallel emergence of many innovative models
within public and private education sectors 3 .
To explore the different innovations currently underway
in education at the national, provincial and grassroots
executive summary
1
P
1 Article 372 As success in achieving one indicator results in the failure of another, e.g. increase in enrollment is inextricably entwined with the decline of the
quality of education3 Not necessarily profit oriented entities but outside the sphere of public education
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levels, this research study focuses on the translation of
innovative ideas into educational practices. Innovative
models will include both indigenous as well as
adaptable/replicable models that have been customized
according to local needs. However, preference has been
given to those models which have been developed,
p r i m a r i l y , t o c a t e r t o t h e n e e d s o f t h e
marginalized/excluded children and youth (focusing on
girls and working children). The innovation may be in the
model itself or in a component of the model such as the
curriculum, assessment methods or teaching methods.
FindingsCivil Society OrganizationsPush factors driving the identified groups of marginalized
children away from schooling range from the households
poverty status; inflexibility in curriculum and school timings;
lack of relevance of education to the daily routine and the
future of the child; the direct cost of education (loss of childearnings, fee, books, papers, uniforms, clothing); the indirect
cost of education (loss of assistance to parents, household
and extended family) and the geographical inaccessibility
of schools. Progressively, CSOs have provided innovations
that are being captured in mainstream education often
through the vehicle of public-private partnerships.
CSOs in the education sector share some common features
in their expressed vision; funding mechanism, type of
schooling, curriculum and school establishment which are
delineated in the following discussion. While the expressed
vision and mission statements of most CSOs center on theempowerment of poor children/working children/girl child
through education, the strategies of how to implement
that vision vary from institution to institution (from setting
up home schools to adopting public sector schools).
On the theme of education most of the surveyed
organizations had a few common funding agencies, notably,
Save the Children UK, Save the Children Sweden, ILO and
ActionAid. In addition to these donors, organizations also
received funding from sources such as Oxfam, Pakistan
Poverty Alleviation Fund, Gender Equality Project,
Developments in Literacy, Unicef, Agha Khan University
Institute of Educational Development, Unilever, Right to
Play (Canada), US Dol.
Financial sustainability of projects is a chief area of concern
as most donor driven projects are handed down with
timelines and renewal of funding is uncertain. It is felt, that
at best, donor money and the circumscribed project period
suffices for experimentation in models of education as
opposed to their creation and maintenance. With the
exception of The Citizen Foundation and partly ITA, the
remaining organizations operate non-formal schools,
minimally till the primary level. The curriculum in some
schools is infused with CSO material or supplementary
activities concentrating on educating children on civic
sense, health, workers rights and often to facilitate the
regular activities. However during the field visits, the
implementation of the techniques imparted at teacher
training workshops was seen to be irregular at best, if,
applied at all. Clearly, there is an emphasis on indicators ofquality as input materials as opposed to processes or
outcomes. CSOs either waived any charge of fee for their
program or charged minimally up to Rs. 20. Books and
materials in some cases were provided for free and in others
for half price.
Responses concerning the civil society initiatives
relationship with the formal sector are ambiguous even
from school to school within the same organization. At the
grassroots level, the experience is usually mixed but most
actors acknowledge that initially mainstreamed children
are discriminated against by public sector schoolteachers.Anecdotal evidence collected in the course of this study
makes it clear that while most CSOs are aware and declare
their primary responsibility to be that of advocacy, in the
course of their interaction with the government a number
of factors coerce them into focusing energies on to service
delivery, which admittedly should only form a fraction of
their mandate.
The focus of this study has been principally to examine the
models of education practiced in non-governmental/civil
society setups for the marginalized/excluded children
Documenting Educational Innovation
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with the intention of distinguishing innovative practices
that can be replicated at the national level in the public
schooling system. The CSO component of the private sector
has moved for innovation and adaptation along 4
dimensions- i.e. sustainability/financing, access, retention
and relevance -cognizant of a heterogeneous composition
of the student population along socio-economic
backgrounds.
Sustainability/Financing: Public private partnerships are
generally considered to be an advance made towards
sustainability of privately initiated projects. After initial
trials, PPP is now regarded with mixed views mostly because
although it draws a considerable greater space for CSOs to
work with the state on service delivery, the contracts drawn
between the state and the CSOs are ambiguous at best
without delineating the specific role of each party and how
it is to be made sustainable. CSOs have made a move
towards ensuring that strategies and programs be devised
through a public-private partnership based on clearlydefined areas of jurisdiction and rules of conduct through
legal processes such as MoUs. Admittedly CSOs in isolation
cannot sustain projects without linking up with the public
sector that can learn and build on innovations made
through CSO pilot programs.
Access: Issues of access have multiple definitions ranging
from physical remoteness of school; timing inflexibility to
high direct and indirect costs of schooling. The main thrust
of CSOs working towards improvement of education service
delivery for girls and working children is the establishment
of a physical infrastructure that meets the particular needs
of the community in which the children live (in terms
of adaptable timings and physical structure that is
geared to suit community needs of safety or migration)
and
a substantially self-sustainable delivery mechanism
through better coordination between the direct
providers of education and outside school stakeholders
ensuring both school administrators and community
members share equal responsibility in the sustainability
of the system
Typically the pressure on the public sector is to move away
from generic models of schoolings towards systems that
cater to the demand of the heterogeneous population of
school going children.
Retention: Schools for marginalized groups of children
need to move away from the generic pattern of schooling
along a number of dimensions including timing; curriculum
feasibility. Most importantly CSO experience shows that
public sector needs to move from concentrating on brick
and mortar operations alone to not only people-centered
but also people-intensive measures e.g. counseling and
interacting with employers and parents of working and
female children.
Relevance: For working children and girl children, from a
disadvantaged economic background, the question of
quality does not revolve around conventional
interventions of textbooks, teacher training, or classroom
materials. The matter of concern lies in the consequenceof the material taught at school to the life of the child at
home, at work and to his/her future economic perspectives.
There needs to be a recognition of the immunity
characterizing formal schooling in adapting to the needs
of marginalized children and corresponding movement
towards introduct ion of vocat ional t raining
centers/technical studies in accompaniment with traditional
schooling.
1
Sharing Practices for Educational Change
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A historical overview of the governments majoreducation plans since 1947 reflect appropriate targetswithout much substantial attention to the operationaland administrative facet of the policies.
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akistan is among the signatories of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as well as the Dakar Framework
of Action (2000). Policy initiatives aimed at the achievement of these goals have ranged from the National
Plan of Action for Education for All (EFA); the Education Reform Action Plan derived from the National Education
Policy 1998-2010 to the National Commission of Human Developments (NCHD) Universal Primary Education (UPE)
program. The objectives of these programs focus on three goals, namely the universal access to primary education
by increasing the net enrolment and higher rate of survival of children till grade 5, increase in the adult literacy rate
and to attain gender equality at all levels.(GoP, 2006: pg 159)
The target goals of the programs are indicative of the deficiencies afflicting the public sector provision of education
which quality to efficiency. Constitutionally the provision of education is viewed as the responsibility of the state 4,
and institutionally the actual provision is the responsibility of each province while the execution of the matter rests
with the local government. A historical overview of the governments major education plans since 1947 reflect
appropriate targets without much substantial attention to the operational and administrative facet of the policies.
At one end, the public sector system is mindful of the need for re-invention while at the other end of the spectrum
the civil sector and private sector are experiencing explosive growth in promulgation of educational models. However
there is little or not attention paid to the bridges that can be built across sectors to transfer learnings and innovations.
The strategic focus of this report is to promote mechanisms and practices that can be shared across the spectrum of
public, private and civil society systems of education provision. The purpose of this report is to identify practices in
the civil society that improve the supply of education to marginalized groups of children in Pakistan, particularly,
working children and the girl child. The report highlights the major practices in education in the civil society sphere
with the aim of showcasing them for adoption in the public sector.
The first section of the report presents a brief indicator profile of the education provision emerging from three tiers
in Pakistan, namely, the state, the private sector and the civil society with an acknowledgement of the need to examine
the deepening role of NGOs/civil society in education in the contemporary focus on decentralization and public-
private partnership in service delivery. The second section centers on the research component of the study, outlining
the research questions and research methodology. The third section presents and discusses the universal research
findings of the study. The fourth section outlines case studies showcasing best practices that counter the factors
distancing disadvantaged children from education. Following that, the fifth section of the report critically examines
the role of civil society in general and in Pakistan. The sixth section of the report outlines policy action points extracted
from best practices emerging from this study with the understanding that their application is extendable beyond thefocus group of this study to the larger public schooling system. Finally, the seventh section of report presents the
conclusion to the study.
Innovation in the framework of this study carries a more liberal interpretation that the advantageous introduction
of practices previously untested in the public sector. While a distinction has been drawn in the introduction between
the private sector (referring strictly to the profit making sector) and CSOs (the non-profit making sector); the policy
component of the paper uses the two terms interchangeable to mean non-profit making, CSOs. More specifically here,
CSOs refer to a narrow group of actors i.e. non governmental organizations working in the field of education. While
all organizations included in the final sample showed innovation in the contexts studied, the size of this report
necessarily limited the number of case studies that could be included. However briefs, documenting the innovation
in the work of each individual organization, are available separately on request.
introduction
1
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4 Article 37
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Accessibility is not only a geographical issue but also oneof discrepancy between the numbers of primary andsecondary schools available...
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backgroundPublic Sector EducationIndicators emerging from practices at the public sector
level present a multitude of concerns in public sector
education. The budget for education in Pakistan is
comparatively low as compared to other South Asiancountries and stands at a meager 2.1% of the GDP.
Enrolment rates are low while drop out rates are
considerably high, reaching 50% in some districts at the
elementary level (Nayyar-Stone et. al., 2006). The low
public expenditure on education reflects the poor quality
of education, poor coverage of the nation (as a result of
poor planning based on unreliable statistics emerging
from badly organized surveys) and weak schooling
infrastructure. Given that almost 33% of the Pakistani
population lies below the poverty line, the low
expenditure pinpoints to a failure on part of the state to
subsidize the education of the poor thus leading to anabysmal national performance.
i) Enrolment and Drop out ratesAs of 2005, the GoP has estimated the net enrolment at
the primary level to be 52%. Enrollment at the primary
level increased from 19.92 million in 2001-02 to 21.33
million in 2004-05, 4.28 million to 4.55 million at the
middle level and 1.79 million to 1.88 million at the
secondary level during 2001-02 to 2004-05. (GoP, 2006:
pg 162). Appendix 1 presents a comprehensive look at
enrolment statistics for 2004-05. The drop out rate is
estimated at a high 45% at the primary level andattributed to inaccessibility of schools and the poor
infrastructure of the government schools. (Ministry of
Education, 2006) Accessibility is not only a geographical
issue but also one of discrepancy between the numbers
of primary and secondary schools available e.g. Sindh
has 41, 215 primary schools and 1568 secondary schools
while Punjab has 44, 176 primary schools and 4482
secondary schools. (Ministry of Education, 2004-05)
Combined with a low net participation rate of
57%(Ministry of Education, 2006) at the primary level,
drop outs have formed the basis of a low national literacy
rate standing at 53% (without accounting for gender
variation) according to the Economic Survey of Pakistan
(2005-2006).
ii) Gender disparityIn all indicators, gender disparity is a cross-cutting theme.
Gender disparity in literacy in urban areas stand at 14-
16% while rural areas register a rate of 23-30% in the
period 2005-2006. Conventionally cultural reservations,
lack of economic power with females and social
restrictions on movement are considered to hinder female
access to schools particularly in the rural areas. The gap
persists mostly due to issues of access ranging from the
distance from school to the physical costs of attending
school thus impacting their enrolment and retention.
Only 46% of villages sampled in Sindh and Punjab had
a girls elementary school within the village, while 87%
had a boys elementary school within the village. (World
Bank, 2005) Appendix 1 presents the gender gap in over
all literacy and enrolment statistics.
iii) Teacher AbsenteeismTeacher absenteeism plays a large role in contributing to
a low retention and a high drop out rate as it directly
affects the quality and participation in education. The
fact that government teachers are accountable to only
the provincial departments and cannot be hired or fired
by local authorities or parents of students allows
absenteeism to grow largely unchecked. The teacher to
student ratio is highly disproportionate with an estimated40.6 students per primary school teacher in 2001. The
highest student-teacher ratios are for Balochistan where
there were 62 students per teacher. (Shah et.al., 2005)
iv) InfrastructureA study by the SPDC in 2002-2003 states that a review
of the physical conditions of public schools shows that
16% of them are without a building, 55% without a
boundary wall, 79% without electricity, 44% without
water and 60% without a latrine. (SPDC, 2003: pg 16) The
Punjab EMIS database reports that 1 in 40 government
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schools have no building, 1 in 5 has no electricity or water,
1 in 4 has no furniture and 1 in 7 has no toilet. (GoP, 2006)
Although the government has made primary education
free, compulsory and in some cases also provided stipends,
scholarships, subsidized textbooks; such measures have
met with only fractional success. The vast majority of state
schools are felt to be lacking in teaching and curriculum
quality thus failing to provide meaning or relevance to
contemporary circumstances. Field coordinators
interviewed in the course of the study claimed that
community surveys indicate that poor parents see
education as a dead end, particularly parents of girl
children. The quality of education is poorer in rural than
urban areas. Comparatively, public sector students perform
poorly in standardized tests even in state conducted
examinations. Judging by standard test performance even
non-elite private school students tend to perform better
than public sector students. (Shah et.al., 2005)
Private Sector Education The role of the private sector tends to be streamlined
towards filling the gaps in education provision noted in
the public sector. After partition the government assumed
the largest role in the provision of education particularly
in primary and middle education. Nationalization of all
institutions -barring missionary schools-in 1972 buttressed
state role, however by the time the policy petered out; the
private sector had emerged as a strong stakeholder in the
education sector. Andrabi, Das and Khawaja (2002) note
that there are more than 36,000 private institutions in
Pakistan catering to the education needs of 6.3 millionchildren. Of the total number of private institutions, 66.4%
lie in the Punjab, 17.9% in Sindh, 12.3% in NWFP, 1.5% in
Balochistan, 0.9% in FATA and 1% in Islamabad capital.
(Federal Bureau of Statistics, 2005)
39% of the private institutions are in rural areas and 61%
in the urban (Federal Bureau of Statistics, 2005) reflecting
an inversion of supply and demand brought about by the
entrance of education into the market sector. Accountability
to market forces alone is one facet of the private schooling
system; another is the quality of the curriculum which,
although, of a better standard (particularly in English) than
the public sector is relevant and accessible to a small
segment of the population. Variability in quality remains a
leitmotif in both mediums given the lack of monitoring,
however a better examination result as compared to
government schoolchildren is often seen as a quality
indicator (a touchstone that is controversial in its emphasis
on the quantitative element alone).
A more definitive indicator is the low teacher: student ratio
with an estimated range of 1:20 to 1:40 (Baqir, 2001) as
compared to that of government schools (statistics provided
above). The nature of provision of education by this sector
generates a widespread discrimination in access and
opportunity limiting it to a small subpopulation of the
urban populace which can afford to send their children to
private schools. Though the curriculum and environment
of private schools generally has lesser gender bias than the
public education system, the fee structure limits access for
girls even at middle income levels.
Civil Society Provision ofEducationThe third tier to rise in response to the gaps in service
delivery sustained by the public sector and private sector
comprises the community schools set up by Non
Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Civil Society
Organizations (CSOs). In the current scenario the pressure
on public-private partnership from international donors
such as the World Bank and the need for a more intensive
grassroots approach particularly in the context ofdecentralization has led the government to mobilize CSO
in the financing, management and delivery of education
services in Pakistan. (GoP, 2005: pg 167)
The National Education Foundation was created in 1994 to
supervise public-private partnerships in education all across
the country, particularly those catering to disadvantaged
groups. One of its major interventions is the Community
Support Rural Schools Program (CRSP) that encourages
pilot innovation in rural areas particularly for working
children. (GoP, 2005)
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The assumption is that public-private partnerships would
be better attuned to handling issues of access, equity and
relevance because they possess resources at the grassroots
level that the government lacks. While mainstream
educational functions remain shrouded in vicious cycles
of access, enrollment, retention and quality5 , there has
been a parallel emergence of many innovative models
within public and private education sectors6. To explore
the different innovations currently underway in education
at the national, provincial and grassroots levels, this research
study focuses on the translation of innovative ideas into
educational practices. Innovative models have included
both indigenous as well as adaptable/replicable models
that have been customized to suit local needs. Within the
parameter of this sturdy, innovative models have been
defined to constitute the following features:
Models that cater to that part of the population which
has been marginalized or excluded from the
mainstream education system .
Those models which respond to the particular needsor circumstances of marginalized/excluded
communities.
Moreover, innovation at any level of educational context7
have been considered in the scope of this study. However,
preference has been given to those models which have
been developed primarily to cater to the needs of the
marginalized/excluded children and youth (e.g. girls and
working children). The innovation may be in the model
itself or in a component of the model such as the curriculum,
assessment methods or teaching methods.
This study is one such attempt to note and document how
gaps of service delivery evinced in educational indicators
are addressed by one of the sectors above, namely, the civil
society sector. The intention is not to posit one specific civil
society model as the universal remedy to problems seen
in the education sector. The objective, instead, is to identify
practical dimensions of practice along which the different
sectors can collaborate and move forward along.
5 As success in achieving one indicator results in the failure of another,e.g. increase in enrollment is inextricably entwined with the decline ofthe quality of education
6 Not necessarily profit oriented entities but outside the sphere of publiceducation
7 This includes the ownership of the school, relevance of education withcommunity and the lives of the learners, policies, content, methodologyand assessment of learnings, institutional norms and practices,administration etc.
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The study focused on exploring... innovative models ofeducation being practiced (in non-governmental/civilsociety setups) for marginalized/excluded children?
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research methodologyResearch QuestionsThe study focused on exploring the following research
questions and sub-questions:
Main Research Question What innovative models of education were being
practiced (in non-governmental/civil society setups)
for marginalized/excluded children?
Subsidiary Questions Did these models reflect innovation ensuring
relevance and meaning for the beneficiaries?
Were these models linked with formal education?
What were the learning innovations that have been
introduced into the models?
Were these models more effective in terms of quality,
equality, relevance and manageability as compared
to mainstream educational system?
Project research was carried out in 4 phases:
documentation research; interviews with 1-2 key
organization personnel (depending on the CSO); field
trips to schools operated by the organization and the
collection of quantitative information followed by a
discriminating data analysis adhering to the research
template. Since the report essentially aimed at collating
data from case studies the first task was the identification
of CSOs concentrating on providing education to working
children and the girl child.
The criteria centered notably on compiling an inventory
of organizations whose outreach encompassed both rural
and urban areas in the provinces identified and
organizations that had been plying the education sector
for a considerable period of time. However, organizations
with a shorter functioning time span were not
automatically excluded; the methods they employed in
terms of model establishment, teacher training of
curriculum development were whetted before their
inclusion/exclusion was confirmed. Identification of
organizations in the provinces of Sindh and the Punjab
were carried out by the Sindh Education Foundation (SEF)
through a desktop mapping activity following a desktop
information research activity. Table 1 below presents the
initial sample while Table 2 shows details of the final
sample. A list of the key personnel interviewed are
presented in Appendix 2.
The sample was finalized in accordance with the key
features of the sample population set out in the research
proposal, notably; the organization caters to the
education of working children and the girl child and that
SINDH PUNJAB
Behbud Association
Indus Resource Center
Pakistan Institute for Labor Education and Research
Zindagi Trust
Catco Kids International
Shirkat Gah
The Citizens Foundation
Friends of Literacy and Mass Education
Social Sector Support Service
Idara-e-Taleem-o-Agahi
Sanjan Nagar-Public Education Trust
Sudhaar
Pahchaan
Insan Foundation
Godh
Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere
Association of Networks for Community Empowerment
Society for the Advancement of Education
Bunyad Foundation
Teach-A-Child School System
Table 1. Initial Sample
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it must rely on donors other than the state. As such, after
the first two phases the Pakistan Institute for Labor,
Education and Research (PILER), Shirkat Gah and Catco Kids
International were dropped from the Sindh sample while
Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE)
and Teach-A-Child School (TAC) systems were excluded
from the Punjab sample.
Since the report essentially aimed at collating data from
case studies the first task was the identification of CSOs
concentrating on providing education to working children
and the girl child. The criteria centered notably on compiling
an inventory of organizations whose outreach encompassed
both rural and urban areas in the provinces identified and
organizations that had been plying the education sector
for a considerable period of time. However, organizations
with a shorter functioning time span were not automatically
excluded; the methods they employed in terms of model
establishment, teacher training of curriculum development
were whetted before their inclusion/exclusion was
confirmed.
i) Documentation review & keypersonnel interviewIn most cases the documentation review occurred
simultaneously with the interviews. The documents under
perusal nominally included organizational promotional
material with reference to education and in some cases
annual reports, curriculum material, teacher training
material and school development plans/outlines. The
Organization Area[s] of Focus Geographical Area
IDARA-E-TALEEM-O-AAGAHI
SUDHAAR
SANJAN NAGAR
PAHCHAAN
ASSOCIATION OF NETWORKS FORCOMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT
INSAN FOUNDATION
SOCIETY FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OFEDUCATION
GODH
BUNYAD FOUNDATION
BEHBUD ASSOCIATION
INDUS RESOURCE CENTER
ZINDAGI TRUST
SOCIAL SECTOR SUPPORT SERVICE
THE CITIZENS FOUNDATION
FRIENDS OF LITERACY AND MASSEDUCATION
Girl child and working children (girlsand boys)
Working children (girls and boys)
Girl child
Street children
Working children (girls and boys)
Working children (boys)
Girl child (particularly in areaswithout schools)
Working gypsy children (usually ragpickers)
Working children and girl child
Girl child
Girl children
Working children (girls and boys)
Working children (girls and boys)
Girl and Boy children
Working children (girls and boys) &areas without schools
Islamabad, Sheikhupura, Lahore:Dharum Pura and the Walled City
Sheikhupura, Kasur, Sialkot
Lahore: Ferozepur Road
Lahore: Gulshan-e-Ravi
Lahore: Saddar, Kot Lakpat, BaghbanPura, Gulshan-e-Ravi
Lahore: Johar Town
Pakpattan, Lodhran, Vehari
Lahore (7): Abhad colony, Chacowali, Ferozepur Road, Johar Town,Sabzazar, Shayran Kot, babusabu
Punjab
Karachi (9): mostly located in KachiAbadis.
Khairpur, Dadu, Mithi
Karachi (17): South Region
Karachi: Banaras, Baloch Colony,Khadda, Lyaari
311 school units in Karachi andinterior Sindh
Karachi (71): Bhains Colony, Landhi,Baldia Town, Neelum Colony. 30 in
interior Sindh.
Table 2. Final Research Sample
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interview format was semi-structured and flexible in
allowing the interviewee to build on the focal point of their
organization. The interviews were conducted with either
the CEO of the organizations and/or key education/field
coordinators and aimed to flesh out the process of initiation
and establishment of alternative education systems.
ii) Field visitsThe field visits occurred over the period from August 2006-
September 2006. The conduction of field visits was
hampered by the timing of the study which extended over
the vacation period in most schools thus slowing down
data collection. Additionally the high incidence of rainfall
made a number of schools inaccessible either due to direct
damage to the school infrastructure (thus closing the school
down) and also by blocking access due to flooding in certain
sample areas. Minimally the field team visited one school
operated by the organization in question and at the most
up to 3 schools per organization. A field tool was developed
for observation and outlined the key areas in schoolinfrastructure and teaching methods to be noted. All
organization schools, with the exception of one where
entry was disallowed, received the field team for a period
ranging from 2- 5 hours during which the team observed
the school infrastructure and carried out class observations
in classes being conducted at the time. Often the field
coordinator of the organization in the area would
accompany the field team.
Normatively the field visits should have included extended
interviews with the social actors in the education process
such as the school children, the teachers and the parents,
the school committees and the surrounding community.
However the expanse of the study limited the depth it
could delve into particularly in light of the time constraint.
Therefore the study is constrained to examine the innovative
models from the light of brick and mortar alone and bars
anything beyond a superficial analysis of implementation
and outcomes.
The sample leans towards an urban bias as an outcome of
an overweening concentration of NGO centers in urban
areas; Organizations with relatively higher shares of rural
a r e a s i n c l u d e : R e l i g i o u s E d u c a t i o n ( 3 1 % ) ,
Vocational/Technical Education (37%), and Community and
Neighborhood Improvement (33%). (Pasha et al., 2002: pg
14)A few work in both urban and rural areas while in some
instances although the head office may be located in an
urban center, the outreach is exclusively rural.
iii) Quantitative dataThe quantitative form essentially seeks to elicit quantitative
indicators relevant to the educational initiatives regarding
school beneficiaries (ranging from the gender ratio of the
student population to the teacher: student ratio and teacher
qualifications). While the proforma does not form an intrinsic
part of the study, it provides an overview of the outcomes
achieved by the specific models set up. The form was left
with the organization to be completed and returned. While
some organizations have returned the completed form,
the full sample has not been returned.
iv) Interviews with field coordinatorsand community membersField coordinators were interviewed formally with additional
informal discussions occurring during field visits and
community interviews. The field coordinators were the key
people who gathered a community sample for the field
team at one point to gather their feedback on the education
system. The biases natural to such a selection will obviously
form one limitation to this study.
Limitations of the studyPakistan carries a strong tradition of indigenous and
community education (SAHE, 2003) with a widespreadoutreach. This report recognizes the immense work carried
out by non-formal CSOs that operate on the true spirit of
volunteerism but have not been captured in the profile of
this study. The time constraints surrounding the study
limited sampling to institutionalized CSOs working in the
education sector thus leaving out other effective initiatives
by definition or circumstance. In the light of the nature of
sampling in the report, it is important to certify that the
findings of this study cannot be generalized to the entire
spectrum of CSOs working in the education sector.
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The households poverty status is one of the maindeterminants of child labor and child schooling. A poorhousehold is more likely to be dependent on the incomeof a child earner and hence perceive a trade off betweeneducating a child and receiving his/her earnings.
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marginalized childrenresearch findings & discussion
n replicating the blueprint of the education system
conceived under British rule (ICG, 2005), Pakistan has
sustained an institutional heritage that continues to
be largely geared towards the education of an urban
skilled workforce excluding, through distribution and
curriculum, rural and sub-urban children (especially the
girl child) and working children in both urban and rural
areas. Interaction with the beneficiaries of CSO initiatives
have shown that efforts to transform the education system
in order to make it accessible and relevant to the majority
of Pakistans children have been limited at the state level,
particularly in terms of outcome.
One of the measures made for providing education to
marginalized children was the formulation by the Prime
Ministers Literacy Commission of a project that was titled
Establishment of 82000 Non-formal Basic Education
Schools (NFBES) with particular focus in those areaswhere separate schools for girls did not exist. The project
commenced in 1995 under Benazir Bhuttos government
and was based on the concept of the home-school to be
run through NGOs and CSOs. To date only 10, 825 of the
schools have been established and in September 2006
the government considered shelving the project due to
the Education Ministrys inability to execute the proposal.
Resistance on part of the Education Ministry staked itself
on the claim that Pakistans commitment to international
forums demands a 100% literacy rate by 2015 and hence
entailed a continuation of the plan. As of late, it was
decided that an autonomous body, called the BasicEducation Literacy Authority (BELA), would be set up to
implement the NFBES project. (Ghauri, 2006)
Donor funded projects in the area have ranged from the
World Food Program intervention that was based on food
incentives; Asian Development Bank (ADB) funded Punjab
Middle Schooling Project (PMSP); the ADBs Girls Primary
education project to Tawnana Pakistan (the school
nutrition programs initiated by the government of
Pakistan). Commentators and articles pinpoint financial
constraints and management issues as the main
hampering factor in the food-for-school project. A
diverging school of thought localizes the failure to the
governments inability to permeate conceptually and
practically at the grassroots level for such micro initiatives
despite the decentralization reforms. (Cheema et. al.,
2004) In the case of Kenya, the limitations noted by Oketch
(1995) can be considered applicable to Pakistan as well
in that strategies in education policy have been limited
by an inadequate assessment of resources and the
differing requirements of the target group. To that end
it becomes imperative to examine the push factors that
pave the exit route for working children and the girl
children from schooling systems.
Push Factors for Out-of-School Children
i) Push factors operating uponworking childrenThe concept of an informal sector has gained currency
in development literature recently, due to growing
cognizance of the vast amounts of unskilled and
unregulated labor that is absorbed by this sector. In
Pakistan the informal sector extracts up to 3.3 million
children from 40 million children in the age group of 5-
14 years. (Child Labor Survey in Pakistan, 1996)
The households poverty status is one of the main
determinants of child labor and child schooling. A poor
household is more likely to be dependent on the income
of a child earner and hence perceive a trade off between
educating a child and receiving his/her earnings. Public
sector schools are typically inflexible in curriculum, and
typically school timings clash with the timings of
availability and the needs of a working child. The decision
to send a child to school also gives tremendous weightage
to the quality of education which is balanced against the
direct cost (loss of child earnings, fee, books, papers,
uniforms, clothing) and indirect costs (loss of assistance
to parents, household and extended family) which
particularly apply to girls working at home. Issues
I
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regarding the quality of schooling are based on the
relevance of the curriculum to the childs future employment
skills and/or to a working child who by dint of early exposure
to a vocational environment possesses different skills and
mental capacity as compared to a regular school going
child. Moreover the location of the school plays a significant
role in determining the attendance of working children,
the farther it is from home or place of employment andthe more inflexible the timing, the less likely the attendance.
The case particularly holds for children who work on
agricultural lands, and need to be taken away from school
during planting and harvesting seasons.
ii) Push factors for the girl childCross-cutting themes such as the urban/rural discrimination
(in education access and relevance) and poverty determined
education status contribute to the constriction of education
for the girl child. In addition to the direct cost and indirect
costs (domestic household labor and unpaid help at home
respectively) girls face in entering the education system, amajor prohibitive factor tends to be the distance of the
school from the house and the availability of female
teachers. The distance is directly proportional to the safety
of sending a girl child to school. In Pakistan the distribution
of secondary schools (numerically far below the provision
of primary schools) in particular has severe implications for
the girl child. As an investment, parental attitude favor male
over female children in the arena of education and in areas
where poor quality of education is a cause for concern, girls
are more likely to be withdrawn from school than boys.
(Brock et. al., 1997) The peripheral nature of the curriculum
to the life of a girl child in such socioeconomic settings
plays a large role in the decision to send a girl child to
school.
Civil Society ResponseProgressively, CSOs have provided innovations that are
being captured in mainstream education often through
the vehicle of public-private partnerships. For children
existing at the periphery of mainstream schooling the
experience of education is intrinsically linked with non-
formal systems of education. Non-formal programs of
education are divorced from formal programs along a
number of dimensions (Carr et. al., 1991) namely
Aims and objectives
Target clientele
Organizing agency
Relationship with the formal education system
The selection determinant for these organizations was kept
as the clientele CSOs serve i.e. working children and the
girl child; however along the residual two dimensions the
organizat ions show considerable var iabi l i ty .
i) VisionWhile the expressed vision and mission statements of most
organizations center on the empowerment of poor
children/working children/girl child (depending on the
organizations focus) through education, the strategies to
that end vary from institution to institution subject to the
following factors
the resources (personnel and financial) that the
organization can garner
the political space the organization can maneuver inwith relation to grants of funds, buildings and schools
for implementation of programs
the space available for organization based innovation
within donor agency mandates
organizational relationship with the government
The leitmotif governing the actual direction on these
frontiers is the founding agency of the organization, which
can be a single person or a group of people. The strategies
thus are colored by a personalized paradigm that is the
expected natural outcome of an institution whose
establishment owes itself to a voluntary mechanism. Some
organizations have evolved over time to produce
streamlined processes of functioning such as Behbud
Association, which provides one rare case of a CSO where
the governing body is democratically elected and regularly
rotated. However Behbud Association presents a model
case in the study sample and the contrast it provides has
implications of organizational sustainability that reach
beyond mere funding concerns.
ii) FundingOn the theme of education most of the surveyed
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organizations had a few common funding agencies notably,
Save the Children UK, Save the Children Sweden, ILO and
ActionAid. In addition to these donors, organizations also
received funding from sources such as Oxfam, Pakistan
Poverty Alleviation Fund, Gender Equality Project,
Developments in Literacy, UNICEF, Agha Khan University
Institute of Educational Development, Unilever, Right to
Play (Canada), US Dol.
Organizations such as FLAME and Behbud Association rely
extensively on philanthropic contributions for maintenance
while Zindagi Trust raises funds through concerts held by
the President of the organization at home and abroad.
Financial sustainability of projects is a chief area of concern
as most donor driven projects are handed with timelines
(maximum 2-4 years) and renewal of funding is uncertain.
Donor fatigue, in both organizations and individuals, is also
a common phenomenon. Respondents from organizations
felt that though donor funding came with limitations, it
could still be functionally employed to test out new ideas,an area in which government funding was felt to be scant.
It is felt that at best, donor money and the circumscribed
project period suffices for experimentation in models of
education, as opposed to their creation and maintenance.
The formation of an endowment fund is a recent concept
some organizations have taken up or are in the process of
considering (ITA and Zindagi Trust) but in its incipient stage
it is difficult to remark on its viability.
iii)Operation of formal/non-formalschools
With the exception of The Citizen Foundation and partlyITA, the remaining organizations operate non-formal
schools, minimally till the primary level. While some follow
the state curriculum throughout their program (Zindagi
Trust, ANCE, Godh, TCF, SSSS, FLAME) others innovate on
the syllabus at the primary level. Textbooks are drawn from
the Oxford University Press (Sajanagar) or internally
developed material is applied in class (SAHE, IRC and Sanjan
Nagar). In such cases, adherence to the government
curriculum begins around grade 5 where mainstreaming
becomes an option. Literacy centers operated by the
organizations typically employ the Jugnu curriculum (SSSS,
Sudhaar, ANCE) to impart functional literacy. Pahchaan and
Insan Foundation have developed their own material, which
is used in customized programs targeting street children
and working children respectively. The non-formal schools
are often run concurrently with vocational centers for the
children (SSSS, Sudhaar, ANCE, Behbud Association and
Zindagi Trust) and operate regular summer camps with a
particular concentration on ICT (Sudhaar and ITA).
Mainstreaming as a process is implemented in ITA, Sudhaar,
ANCE, FLAME and Godh. The switch to the public system
of education is usually made at the end of class 5, however
if children are deemed to be ready before that they are
allowed the option of making an earlier switch to formal
schooling. An annual/quarterly assessment program tests
the academic aptitude considered necessary for the switch,
and in some rare cases the potential government school
itself conducts an entrance test. Above class 5,
representatives of CSOs indicated that mainstreaming is
rare, as older children (13-17 years) enrolled in the non-
formal education system have often passed the age of
entrance to a higher class. An equal, if not of more concern
is the tradeoff made of the earning potential of an older
child with the time spent in school, (if he/she is enrolled in
a regular public school). The schools that operate for
working children in nearly all organizations are extremely
flexible with their timings, customarily operating in the
second half of the day for 2-4 hours. The object is to allow
the working child or the girl child to finish their tasks at the
place of work and then come to school. Curriculum
The curriculum in some schools is infused with CSO material
or supplementary activities concentrating on educatingchildren on civic sense, health, workers rights and often to
facilitate the regular activities. However during the field
visits, the implementation of the techniques imparted at
teacher training workshops (as reported by the training
staff at the head offices of the CSOs) was seen to be irregular
at best, if, applied at all. The substitution of depth for
expanse in this study unfortunately precluded a deeper
examination of outcomes of education, however is almost
all cases the community members response was
enthusiastic about the improvement in the quality of
education as compared to previous efforts (state schools).
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iv) Fee and stipendCSOs either waived any charge of fee for their program or
charged minimally up to Rs. 20/month. Books and materials
in some cases were provided for free and in others for half
their original price. Some schools did not require uniforms
to be worn; most children interviewed across the spectrum
said that they identified more with the school if it had a
uniform and felt it was an imperative gauge of the
equivalence of their school with a state or private school.
On an average the cost per child was estimated to be Rs.
1500/month for elementary classes and Rs. 2500/month
for higher classes.
v) CommunityThe horizontal expanse of the study was covered at the
expense of any depth in any one case study thus excluding
analyses of long-term effects apart from those in terms of
statistics stated in each CSOs organizational profile in the
case studies below. One of the segments studied only
peripherally is the nature and development of the
community end of the CSO relationship. Most CSOs
examined, worked in varying districts with varying
community support and practices, the only uniformity in
a CSO was the sector of children it chose to cater to.
The time horizon of the study necessitated that data
collectors met with stakeholders from the community at
the school itself. Largely the responses were positive and
people clearly enunciated their lack of faith in an education
system run by the state. While some often did not know
the name of the organization running the school (which
they referred in generic terms as the falahi idara) mostcould pin point the time at which they felt the management
and content of the school became better. In some cases
community knowledge extended to the degree to which
local officials, such as the Nazim, helped the CSO in
upgrading and facilitating school operations. Parents of
children in one school confessed that though the teachers
asked them to participate in regular meetings, family
members did not always attend such meetings unless it
was urgent and specific. Most parents actively supported
the idea of upgrading CSO based schools to the secondary
and higher levels, particularly parents of girls.
The tenor of the conversations held with community
members emphasized the fact that CSOs take a relatively
top down approach to community participation. Initially,
often the community role is limited to consent either by
choice or by default. Instilling a sense of ownership and
mobilizing the community enough to sustain the project
is a hurdle that CSOs inevitably have to face in order to
phase out their involvement in the project.
vi) CSO-formal sector relationshipResponses concerning the civil society initiatives
relationship with the formal sector are ambiguous even
from school to school within the same organization. At the
grassroots level, the experience is usually mixed but most
actors acknowledge that initially mainstreamed children
are discriminated against by public sector schoolteachers.
However, a session with the school head teacher on part
of the facilitators from CSOs usually smoothes the situation
but most teachers of non-formal schools note that
mainstreamed children face difficulty in adapting to the
public sector way of teaching mostly because their needs
are no longer recognized as individual and special from
the other student body.
At the administrative level, the relationship of organizations
with the Department of Education in the concerned
province was characteristically distant except in the case
of ITA, which entered into a MoU with the Department as
its technical partner. At the level of the local government,
the study discovered variegated responses that not only
fluctuated from school to school but also from regime to
regime of political parties/contesters. The school is usuallydirectly in touch with the Nazim. Official support usually
ranges from rhetorical (SSSS) and material support to the
utility of political influence in facilitating school functioning
(ANCE).
Establishment of Civil SocietySchoolsTypically organizations follow a uniform pattern for the
establishment of schools, which revolves around the role
of the field coordinator in both the setting up and
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maintenance of the institution. Field coordinators can either
be specifically hired or trained for their position (e.g. ITA),
or they can be identified within the geographical area in
which they are trained to work (e.g. IRC).
The first step is to identify the geographical area of work,
which is indicated either by the administration of the CSO
or emerges from a field coordinators recommendation andby necessity has to rank low on education development
indicators. The communities selected are verified by the
field coordinator to be largely poor, illiterate, with a
burgeoning population of children who lack access to
public/private sector schooling. At the most basic level the
entire education project tacks on to a foundation of
community mobilization. Once the location is marked out
as relevant, the role of the field coordinator extends beyond
surveying and moves into social mobilization which is
achieved either through directly contacting the perceived
head of the community i.e. numberdar or by moving from
house to house to call a general body meeting of interestedparents and community members. If the locus of the effort
is an extant school, the consent and cooperation of the
head teacher is sought before making inroads to the
surrounding community members. The meetings are held
and conducted by the field coordinator and his/her team.
The period over which these meetings are held can range
from 1 week to 2 months depending on the willingness of
the community members and the degree of dissent within
the attendant population.
Persuasion takes considerable time and counseling on
topics dealing with the importance of education and the
sincerity of the CSO in the project. CSOs do not have the
luxury of imposing interventions upon communities, in
that they lack the authority of the state to promulgate and
enforce practices. The lack of this crucial political resource
is the central reason why communities have to rely heavily
upon community mobilization. Once consent is obtained
either directly (through MoU) or indirectly (by word of
mouth), commitment is expressed on part of the
community members by identifying a location for a new
school and identifying community female members as
teachers. The field coordinator, before the initiation of the
project, has usually scoped the availability of the latters
services. The formation of school councils and Village
Education Committees (VECs) is a product of the meetings
and membership occurs on a voluntary basis. The
committees are bound to meet for a stipulated period over
the year which can range from once a month to once every
2-3 months.
Subsequently, the field coordinator carries out a needs
assessment survey (formally or informally) noting the basic
infrastructure and quality needs of the community with
regards to education. The field coordinator then mediates
between the CSO and the community in getting the school
off the ground. It is emphasized, throughout that the field
coordinators role is merely that of an assistant in
establishment and monitoring as opposed to a supervisor
since the latter notion detracts from community ownership
of the school. The field coordinator visits the schools under
his/her jurisdiction regularly and is often installed in an
administrative position at one of the schools.
Feedback to the head office is constant and teacher training,
teacher absenteeism, assessment tests etcetera are kept
under his/her observation. As opposed to the monitoring
and linkages system in public schools, whose execution is
problematic because of the supervisors inability to reach
schools particularly in far flung areas, the CSOs have
succeeded in establishing a viable and efficient
communication system with the field staff and hence have
developed a strong interface with the community.
Friction along the community-CSO; field coordinator-CSO
nexus is expected with regards to school needs and
requirements, however the field coordinator on average
successfully negotiates on both fronts. Conflict along the
field coordinator- community nexus is characteristic of the
initial process however it is rare for a falling out to occur
once establishment is underway as the CSO regards the
field coordinator as their spokesman to higher authorities
ranging from the local Nazim to the head of the CSO
operating in the area.
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An intensity of focus, a grassroots presence and skilledpersonnel have combined to make CSOs the ideal vehiclesof social experimentation in models that can be replicatedat a national level for a successful overhauling of thesystem.
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documenting innovative practices
3
tate policies towards education for disadvantaged
children are significantly impoverished due to the
lack of structural or political will to innovate,
essentially miring the process of social transformation
for marginalized children in a catch-22 situation. An
intensity of focus, a grassroots presence and skilled
personnel have combined to make CSOs the ideal vehicles
of social experimentation in models that can be replicated
at a national level for a successful overhauling of the
system.
If issues of logistics are kept aside, CSO experience in
education shows that the largest condition for success
that cuts across all case studies of best practices is social
mobilization. CSO personnel note that some form of
community involvement is crucial to ensure sustainability
of the effort and is indispensable in attaching credibility
to the CSOs name and work. In cases where CSOs havetried to hand over functioning schools to the state, at
times it has been the unwillingness of the community
members that has forced a retreat from an exit strategy.
The process of outreach, more than the content of
schooling is a large determinant of ensuring accessibility
and quality of education at the grassroots level.
CSO initiatives in education have sought to circumvent
the most prevalent setbacks faced by public sector
education systems (i.e. spatial disparity, high drop out
rate and an ossified curriculum), through grassroots
initiatives in conjunction with the community. Issues ofquality and irrelevance often plague such initiatives
themselves, a situation that is exacerbated by the general
CSO environment that fails to be conducive to extensive
networking for the sharing of knowledge systems. This
report draws out case studies that examine some of the
techniques that have been used to avoid and overcome
issues that impede quality education availability for
working children and the girl child. The case studies
address practices that have been employed to remedy
areas of concern in public sector education, underlined
by all key personnel interviewed i.e. financial and good
practice sustainability, spatial distribution of schools, the
drop out phenomenon and curriculum development.
1.Sustainability and
FinancingThe shift in emphasis from advocacy to service delivery
on part of CSOs has been noted severely in development
literature where the critique underscores CSO role in
absolving the state of its responsibility in service delivery.
However, most of the CSOs included in the sample of this
study acknowledged that the role of CSOs, merely from
the resource point of view, should be limited to
experimental models that the state can then replicate.
Nevertheless, practically, in terms of effort, barter is often
made between a pressure group status and a service
delivery status.
The practice necessarily carries implications for the
financial sustainability of a project. The Insan Foundation
took over a ghost school in Badian a venture that was
successful in the short term but had to be terminated
due to lack of funds for project maintenance, even though
the area they were catering to did not possess a school.
Appeals were made to the state and although the project
was lauded, funds were not forthcoming. The
administration of the CSO felt that petitioning the
government for funds required presence and contacts in
the political and bureaucracy circles beyond the presence
of a successful pilot project. External donors typically
fund a project for a period of 2-3 years while donor fatigue
in philanthropic projects is also a common phenomenon.
Public private partnerships are generally considered to
be an advance made towards sustainability of privately
initiated projects. The popularity of PPP in CSO sphere
has comes from the recognition that CSOs in isolation
do not possess the resources to sustain any program
initiated, regardless of the level of innovation. To link up
with the public sector, thus is a feasible method of
ensuring sustainability of good practices, however the
S
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ITA was formed in 2000 and registered in 2001.
ITAs core programs include the School Improvement
Program; School Enrichment Program; School Improvement
Network Pakistan (SINP); Child Labor Initiatives; Alliance
Formation for Scaled Up & Inclusive Action: Forming
alliances such as Alliance For Education Development
(AFED) and Rethinking Education Systems.
The Adopt-A-School-Program (AASP)The organization has taken over several public schools
under the AASP scheme which is a step in public-private
partnerships whereby the government seeks to hand over
under utilized/ failed schools to CSOs for operation. ITA
adopted schools are registered with the Education
Directorate, Government of Punjab and provide free
education to the enrolled students. The medium ofinstruction is primarily Urdu but there is special focus on
spoken English. In curriculum ITAs true innovation is held
to be its precedent in introducing computer skills as a
necessary part of the curriculum in public sector schools.
ITA formulates a school council as part of its needs
assessment program, which is then held responsible for
the direct monitoring and upkeep of the school facilities.
ITA in public-private partnershipITA presents a rare case of an organization that is formally
engaged with the public sector in the strict capacity of a
technical partner as defined in the Memorandum of
Understanding drawn up by ITA and signed by the
Department of Education, Punjab. Head teachers, Associate
District Officers (ADOs) and Executive District Officers (EDOs)are the key stakeholders in formulating the MoU (Annexure
5). DCOs of some districts critically scrutinize the document
once it has been developed.
As such ITA views its role as a transient catalyst that
transforms poorly performing government schools through
trainings, exercises and infrastructure improvements. There
is a clear understanding that the role of ITA is to transfer
knowledge and skill systems to the government employees
working in the adopted institutions and disqualifies any
substitution of the latters role thus creating possibilities
of empowerment through raising capabilities of teachers
and students.
Each school is handed over with a specific budget for the
CSO to maneuver improvements within. ITAs human
resource intensive improvements, as opposed to capital
intensive development, have meant that the budget does
not play a limiting role in school enrichment.
As part of its initial needs assessment of the school and its
specific budget, ITA noted the hindrance posed by assigning
budgets under compartmentalized heads such as the tuck
nuances of how the link should be achieved, have not been
outlined clearly. After the initial trials, PPP is now regarded
with mixed views mostly because although it draws a
considerable greater space for CSOs to work with the state
on service delivery, the contracts drawn between the state
and the CSOs are ambiguous at best without delineating
the specific role of each party and how it is to be made
sustainable. There is a clear absence of a standardized legal
framework that demarcates roles in such partnerships.
In this scenario ITA has managed to strike a balance between
advocacy and service in the education sector. The focus in
this study is on ITAs administrative management of girls
schools with reference to the crucial issue of funding
sustainability in girls schools; an issue identified in literature
and interviews as the main hindrance to any long term
impact of a practice in education.
Case Study:Idara-e-Taleem-o-Agahi
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shop fund. A policy initiative was launched to have the
budget allocated as one holistic fund so that each school
could utilize it according to need rather than according to
a blueprint. Once the change to allocate the budget in one
single portion under the title of Farogh-e-Taleem (i.e.
Promotion of Education) was made at the policy level,
ITA started budget management seminars and tutorials for
the head teachers, teachers and school councils in the
adopted schools.
At the end of the first year, an exit strategy (over 2-3 years)
is defined collaboratively with the SMC and the Directorate
focusing on enhanced resource mobilization from regular
Directorate budgets, regularization of teachers from adopter
to Directorate on contract basis and an evaluation of the
income generation capability at the school. ITA put forward
the vehicle of a school tuck shop and community computer
classes in the school building an avenue for income
generation in schools.
The financial sustainability of the public-private partnership
model is intrinsically linked with the role social actors play
in the management of the school. The most significant
conflict to date noted in CSO practices with adopted schools
has been the removal of teachers and head teachers
resulting in recurring discords between permanent staff
and contracted staff. ITA has attempted to bypass the issue
by ensuring as part of its policy, that no teacher or head
teacher is changed, transferred or dismissed post-adoption.
Additionally no ITA staff is appointed permanently or over
the school management. In practice the process is carried
out through the signing of an MoU between the school
head teacher, teachers and the ITA field coordinator in
his/her capacity as ITA representative. To date ITA has only
encountered one voluntary resignation by a teacher.
Community members and school committees have made
requests for ITA selected teachers to be appointed to the
school at times when enrollment exceeds teacher capacity.
ITA has complied at times but removed the teachers once
government appointed employees ta