Download - Against phonological -dislocation
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How to linearize weight?
Jochen Trommer & Eva Zimmermann (University of Leipzig)
UC Santa Cruz: Phlunch
February 22, 2013
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Introduction
Major Theories of AXx Linearization
Phonological Dislocation theories
Horwood (2002): AXxes are preVxes or suXxes to the base, but may inVxunder the pressure of phonological constraints
Morphological pivot aXxation
Yu (2007): AXxes are preVxes or suXxes to speciVc (possibly internal) basepositions (‘pivots’) and cannot be dislocated by phonological processes
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Introduction
Tagalog um-InVxation
(1)Base Actor Focusabot umabot ‘reach for, pf.’tawag tumaawag ‘call, pf.’
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Introduction
InVxation as AXxation+Phonological Dislocation (Horwood 2002)
(2) um ↔ Base[
(3) V-initial Base
um-abot NoCoda Lin-μ
+ a. u.ma.bot *b. a.um.bot **! *c. a.bu.mot * *!*
(4) C-initial Base
um-tawag NoCoda Lin-μ
a. um.ta.wag **!+ b. tu.ma.wag * *
c. ta.um.wag **! **
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Introduction
InVxation as Pivot AXxation (Yu 2007)
(5) um ↔ Base[ . . . V
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Introduction
Possible pivots for aXxation (Yu 2007)
(6)
a. Initial pivot(i) First consonant/onset(ii) First vowel/nucleus(iii) First syllable
b. Final pivot(i) Final vowel/nucleus(ii) Final syllable
c. Prominence pivot(i) Stressed syllable(ii) Stressed vowel/nucleus
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Introduction
Mora aXxation
(7) Emphatic adjectives in Shizuoka Japanese (Davis&Ueda 2006)
Adjective Emphatic Forma. katai kattai ‘hard’
osoi ossoi ‘slow’ CV.C˚. . . ⇒ CV.C
˚:. . .
takai takkai ‘high’
b. hade hande ‘showy’ozoi onzoi ‘terrible’ CV.C
ˇ. . . ⇒ CVN.C
ˇ. . .
nagai naNgai ‘long’
c. zonzai zo:nzai ‘impolite’suppai su:ppai ‘sour’ CVC.C. . . ⇒ CV:C.C. . .okkanai o:kkanai ‘scary’
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Introduction
Central Question of this Talk
How are μ-aXxes linearized?
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Introduction
Our claim
â μ-aXxation is pivot aXxation
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Introduction
1. Introduction
2. A typology of mora aXxation
3. Against phonological μ-dislocation3.1 Lack of non-local inVxation3.2 Coexistence of μ-aXxes3.3 Lack of Variable InVxation3.4 Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
4. Conclusion
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A typology of mora aXxation
A typology of mora aXxation
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A typology of mora aXxation
Morphological μ’s
I. A μ as morpheme
(8) Gidabal (Geytenbeek&Geytenbeek 1971, Kenstowicz&Kisseberth 1977)
Base Imperativegida ‘to tell’ gida:ma ‘to put’ ma:
II. A μ is part of a morpheme
(9) Plural suXx /–weP/ in Zuni (Newman 1965, Saba Kirchner 2007)
Base Plurallupa ‘box of ashes’ lupa:wePhomata ‘juniper tree’ homata:weP
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A typology of mora aXxation
Realization of a μ-aXx
Vowel lengthening:
σ
μ + μ
VC
Ù
σ
μ μ
VC
Gemination:
σ
μ+μ
VC
Ù
σσ
μμ
VC
(Epenthesis:)
σ
μ + μ
VC
Ù
σ
μ μ
VC P
(Reduplication:)
σ
μ+μ
VC
Ù
σσ
μμ
VCVC
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A typology of mora aXxation
Empirical study: loci of μ-realization
� 25 cases of μ-aXxation in 21 languages
� excludes:cases of vowel-lengthening for monosyllabic bases (e.g. Western Nilotic)patterns of templatic morphologypatterns where reduplication/epenthesis is the only exponent of amorphemethe same μ-aXxation pattern in languages of the same language family
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A typology of mora aXxation
Empirical study: loci of μ-realization
� 25 cases of μ-aXxation in 21 languages� excludes:
cases of vowel-lengthening for monosyllabic bases (e.g. Western Nilotic)patterns of templatic morphologypatterns where reduplication/epenthesis is the only exponent of amorphemethe same μ-aXxation pattern in languages of the same language family
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A typology of mora aXxation
(classiVcation according to AUTOTYP)
Language Stock Area ContinentSaanich Salishan Alaska-Oregon WN AmericaSouthern Sierra Miwok Yokuts-Utian California WN AmericaNootka Wakashan Alaska-Oregon WN AmericaAymara Jaqui Andean S AmericaQuechua Quechuan Andean S AmericaGuajiro Arawakan NE South America S AmericaHiaki Uto-Aztecan Mesoamerica C AmericaShoshone Uto-Aztecan Mesoamerica C AmericaTepecano Uto-Aztecan Mesoamerican C AmericaAlabama Muskogean E North America EN AmericaZuni Zuni Basin and Plains EN AmericaHausa Chadic African Savannah AfricaAsante Twi (Akan) Kwa African Savannah AfricaClassical Arabic Semitic N Africa AfricaArbizu Basque Basque Europe W and SW EurasiaSlovak Slavic Europe W and SW EurasiaKeley-i Austronesian Oceania S/SE AsiaShizuoka Japanese Japanese N Coast Asia N-C AsiaTawala Austronesian Oceania NG and OceaniaLardil Tangkic N Australia AustraliaGidabal Pama-Nyungan S Australia AustraliaTrommer & Zimmermann (U Leipzig) How to linearize weight? Phlunch, February 22, 2013 15 / 53
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A typology of mora aXxation
Mora aXxation: Distribution of Languageslanguage families, WALS
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A typology of mora aXxation
Where (in their base) are morphological μ’s realized?
Ù on the Vnal vowel.
(10) Gidabal (Geytenbeek&Geytenbeek 1971, Kenstowicz&Kisseberth 1977)
Base Imperativegida ‘to tell’ gida:ma ‘to put’ ma:jaga ‘to Vx’ jaga:ga:da-li-wa ‘keep on chasing’ ga:daliwa:
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A typology of mora aXxation
Where (in their base) are morphological μ’s realized?
Ù on the Vnal vowel.
(10) Gidabal (Geytenbeek&Geytenbeek 1971, Kenstowicz&Kisseberth 1977)
Base Imperativegida ‘to tell’ gida:ma ‘to put’ ma:jaga ‘to Vx’ jaga:ga:da-li-wa ‘keep on chasing’ ga:daliwa:
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A typology of mora aXxation
Where (in their base) are morphological μ’s realized?
Ù on the Vrst vowel.
(11) Shizuoka Japanese (Davis&Ueda 2006)
Base Emphaticzonzai ‘impolite’ zo:nzaisup:ai ‘sour’ su:p:aionzukutai ‘ugly’ o:nzukutaikandarui ‘languid’ ka:ndaruiok:anai ‘scary’ o:k:anai
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A typology of mora aXxation
Where (in their base) are morphological μ’s realized?
Ù on the consonant following the Vrst vowel.
(12) Shoshone (Crum&Dayley 1993, Haugen 2008, McLaughlin 2012)
Base Durativekat1 ‘sit’ kat:1j1ts1 ‘get up, Wy’ j1t:s1jakai ‘cry’ jak:ainemi ‘travel’ nem:imaka ‘feed’ mak:ataikwa ‘speak’ taik:wa
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A typology of mora aXxation
Where (in their base) are morphological μ’s realized?
Ù after the Vrst vowel: epenthesis.
(13) Tepecano (Mason 1916, Haugen 2008)
Base Pluralgogoc ‘dog’ goPgocimai ‘squash’ iPmaidudu:r ‘jaguar’ duPdu:rasa:k ‘net’ aPsa:k
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A typology of mora aXxation
Language #(C) V C . . . C V (C)#SaanichTawalaKeley-i (I)Hiaki (I)Cl. Arabic (BIII)Shizuoka JapaneseTepecanoKeley-i (II)Hiaki (II)ShoshoneCl. Arabic (BII)AlabamaArbizu BasqueGidabalZuniHausaDiegeñoSlovakNootkaAsante TwiGuajiroQuechuaLardilS. Sierra MiwokAymara
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A typology of mora aXxation
μ-aXxation as Pivot AXxation
Pivots for μ-aXxation
� Vrst/last μ
� Vrst/last σ
Ù they describe all and only the possible landing sites for μ-aXxes
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Against phonological μ-dislocation
Against phonological μ-dislocation
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Against phonological μ-dislocation
Arguments against Phonological μ-Dislocation
� Lack of non-local inVxation
� Coexistence of μ-aXxes
� Lack of Variable InVxation
� Cases of Fixed InVxation
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Against phonological μ-dislocation
The general logic of μ-dislocation approaches
(14) Long vowels in Gidabal
μ + gida *C: Lin-μ *V:
+ a. giμda [gi:da] *b. gidμa [gid:a] *! *
(15) Geminates in Shoshone
μ + maka *V: Lin-μ *C:
a. maμka [ma:ka] *!+ b. makμa [mak:a] * *
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Against phonological μ-dislocation
The general logic of μ-dislocation approaches
(14) Long vowels in Gidabal
μ + gida *C: Lin-μ *V:
+ a. giμda [gi:da] *b. gidμa [gid:a] *! *
(15) Geminates in Shoshone
μ + maka *V: Lin-μ *C:
a. maμka [ma:ka] *!+ b. makμa [mak:a] * *
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of non-local inVxation
Arguments against Phonological μ-Dislocation
� Lack of non-local inVxation
� Coexistence of μ-aXxes
� Lack of Variable InVxation
� Cases of Fixed InVxation
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of non-local inVxation
Lack of non-local inVxation
� the pivots Vrst/last μ/Vrst/last σ are suXcient to predict all attestedcases of μ-aXxation
� phonological disVxation accounts inherently predict non-localinVxation
(16) Non-local gemination in unattested Shoshone’Base μ-affixed formgadali gad:alipukalimbu pukal:imbusandagumkil sandag:umkil
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of non-local inVxation
Lack of non-local inVxation
� the pivots Vrst/last μ/Vrst/last σ are suXcient to predict all attestedcases of μ-aXxation
� phonological disVxation accounts inherently predict non-localinVxation
(16) Non-local gemination in unattested Shoshone’Base μ-affixed formgadali gad:alipukalimbu pukal:imbusandagumkil sandag:umkil
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of non-local inVxation
Serious misprediction: non-local inVxation
(17) Shoshone’
gadali + μ *V: Faithσ] Lin-μ
a. gadaliμ [gadali:] *! *b. gadalμi [gadal:i] *! *c. gadaμli [gada:li] *! **
+ d. gadμali [gad:ali] ***
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Coexistence of μ-aXxes
Arguments against Phonological μ-Dislocation
� Lack of non-local inVxation
� Coexistence of μ-aXxes
� Lack of Variable InVxation
� Cases of Fixed InVxation
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Coexistence of μ-aXxes
Moraic Distinctiveness
� diUerent μ-aXxes in the same language result in diUerent outputs(Guerssel&Lowenstamm 1990, Lowenstamm 2003)
(18) Binyanim in Classical Arabic (McCarthy 1979, McCarthy&Prince 1990)
‘write’ ‘do’Binyan I katab faPalBinyan II kat:ab faP:alBinyan III ka:tab fa:Pal
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Coexistence of μ-aXxes
Problem for the Dislocation Approach
If both Binyanim are μ-preVxes
they should inVx in exactly the same way
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Coexistence of μ-aXxes
Classical Arabic under pivot-aXxation
(19) Two μ-aXxes in Classical Arabic
Binyan II ↔ μ / [μ__ (Gemination)
Binyan III ↔ μ / [__ μ (Vowel lengthening)
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Coexistence of μ-aXxes
(20) Binyan II: Gemination
Input: = a. ∗×σ
↑μ
μ
↓•
*V:
a.
σ σ
μ μ-μ
k a t a
*! *
b.
σ σ
μ μ-μ
k a t a
*!
+ c.
σ σ
μ μ-μ
k a t a
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Coexistence of μ-aXxes
(21) Binyan III: Vowel Lengthening
Input: = a. ∗×σ
↑μ
μ
↓•
*V:
a.
σ σ
μ μμ-
k a t a
*! *
+ b.
σ σ
μ μμ-
k a t a
*
c.
σ σ
μ μμ-
k a t a
*!
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Arguments against Phonological μ-Dislocation
� Lack of non-local inVxation
� Coexistence of μ-aXxes
� Lack of Variable InVxation
� Cases of Fixed InVxation
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
A serious misprediction: Shoshone”
� only CV, CVC- syllables are licit
� the rightmost C that can be geminated (not followed by another C), islengthened
(22) Shoshone”Base μ-affixed formmataku matak:umakantu mak:antumatalkufti mat:alkufti
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
A serious misprediction: Shoshone’
(23) Shoshone’
]Base + μ *V: Lin-μ *C:
a. ma.ta.kuμ (mataku:) *!+ b. ma.takμu (matak:u) * *
c. ma.taμ.ku (mata:ku) *! *
a. ma.kan.tuμ (makantu:) *!+ b. makμan.tu (mak:antu) *** *
a. ma.tal.kuf.tiμ (matalkufti:) *!+ b. matμal.kuf.ti (mat:alkuV) ***** *
Ù Variable μ-aXxation: inVxation of morphological μ is unstoppable
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
A serious misprediction: Shoshone’
(23) Shoshone’
]Base + μ *V: Lin-μ *C:
a. ma.ta.kuμ (mataku:) *!+ b. ma.takμu (matak:u) * *
c. ma.taμ.ku (mata:ku) *! *
a. ma.kan.tuμ (makantu:) *!+ b. makμan.tu (mak:antu) *** *
a. ma.tal.kuf.tiμ (matalkufti:) *!+ b. matμal.kuf.ti (mat:alkuV) ***** *
Ù Variable μ-aXxation: inVxation of morphological μ is unstoppable
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
A serious misprediction: Shoshone’
(23) Shoshone’
]Base + μ *V: Lin-μ *C:
a. ma.ta.kuμ (mataku:) *!+ b. ma.takμu (matak:u) * *
c. ma.taμ.ku (mata:ku) *! *
a. ma.kan.tuμ (makantu:) *!+ b. makμan.tu (mak:antu) *** *
a. ma.tal.kuf.tiμ (matalkufti:) *!+ b. matμal.kuf.ti (mat:alkuV) ***** *
Ù Variable μ-aXxation: inVxation of morphological μ is unstoppable
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
. . . but isn’t Keley-i such a language?
Samek-Lodovici (1992):
‘Gemination is caused by random aXxation of a moraic morpheme. A verysimple set of independently motivated constraints determines its eventuallocation and what segment is involved.’ (p.8)
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Gemination in Keley-iHohulin (1971), Hohulin&Kenstowicz (1979), Archangeli (1987), Lombardi&McCarthy (1991)
� three tenses (Prs, Pst, Fut) and Vve foci
� Samek-Lodovici’s generalization:gemination of the leftmost consonant that can be geminated in thePrs+Fut (=non-perfect)
(24) Non-perfect gemination (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Access.Focus Ben.FocPi-p:ili Pi-p:ili-PanPi-d:uyag Pi-d:uyag-an
Subj.Focus Obj.Focus Ref.Focum-pil:i pil:i-Pen pil:i-Panum-duy:ag duy:ag-en duy:ag-an
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Gemination in Keley-iHohulin (1971), Hohulin&Kenstowicz (1979), Archangeli (1987), Lombardi&McCarthy (1991)
� three tenses (Prs, Pst, Fut) and Vve foci
� Samek-Lodovici’s generalization:gemination of the leftmost consonant that can be geminated in thePrs+Fut (=non-perfect)
(24) Non-perfect gemination (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Access.Focus Ben.FocPi-p:ili Pi-p:ili-PanPi-d:uyag Pi-d:uyag-an
Subj.Focus Obj.Focus Ref.Focum-pil:i pil:i-Pen pil:i-Panum-duy:ag duy:ag-en duy:ag-an
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Gemination in Keley-iHohulin (1971), Hohulin&Kenstowicz (1979), Archangeli (1987), Lombardi&McCarthy (1991)
� three tenses (Prs, Pst, Fut) and Vve foci
� Samek-Lodovici’s generalization:gemination of the leftmost consonant that can be geminated in thePrs+Fut (=non-perfect)
(24) Non-perfect gemination (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Access.Focus Ben.FocPi-p:ili Pi-p:ili-PanPi-d:uyag Pi-d:uyag-an
Subj.Focus Obj.Focus Ref.Focum-pil:i pil:i-Pen pil:i-Panum-duy:ag duy:ag-en duy:ag-an
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Analysis for Keley-i in Samek-Lodovici (1992)
� left-edge proximity for the aXx
� syllabic wellformedness: only CV/CVC are licit
i. Initial gemination ii. Medial geminationσ σ σ
μμ μ μ
i p i l i
σ σ σ
μμ μ μμ
u m p i l i
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Analysis for Keley-i in Samek-Lodovici (1992)
� left-edge proximity for the aXx
� syllabic wellformedness: only CV/CVC are licit
i. Initial gemination ii. Medial geminationσ σ σ
μμ μ μ
i p i l i
σ σ σ
μμ μ μμ
u m p i l i
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Gemination in Keley-i I
(25) Non-perfect root-initial gemination (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Access.Focus Ben.FocFut Pi-p:ili Pi-p:ili-PanPast Pim-pili Pim-pili-Pan ‘to chose’Pres ke-Pi-p:ili ke-Pi-p:ili-Pi
Fut Pi-d:uyag Pi-d:uyag-anPast Pin-duyag Pin-duyag-an ‘to pour’Pres ke-Pi-d:uyag ke-Pi-d:uyag-i
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Gemination in Keley-i II
(26) Non-perfect root-medial gemination (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Subj.Focus Obj.Focus Ref.FocFut um-pil:i pil:i-Pen pil:i-PanPast p-im:-ili p-in-ili p-in-ili-Pan ‘to chose’Pres ka-Pum-pil:i ke-pil:i-Pa ke-pil:i-Pi
Fut um-duy:ag duy:ag-en duy:ag-anPast d-im:-uyag d-in-uyag d-in-uyag-an ‘to pour’Pres ka-Pum-duy:ag ka-duy:ag ka-duy:ag-i
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Morphological analysis for Keley-i
FocusAccess. Ben. Sbj. Obj. Ref.
PstPrs Pi– Pi– Pum– ke– ke–Fut Pi– Pi– Pum–
initial G. medial G.
Ù partially complementary distribution of initial/medial μ-aXxation
FocusAccess. Ben. Sbj. Obj. Ref. stative
Pst Pi–Prs Pi– Pi– Pum– ke– ke– Pi–Fut Pi– Pi– Pum– Pi–
initial G. medial G.
Ù partially complementary distribution of initial/medial μ-aXxationÙ but: both gemination patterns cooccur in the stative paradigm
(27) Initial and medial gemination in Keley-i (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Pst Prs Futbitu ‘to put’ ne-Pi-bitw-an ke-Pi-b:it:u-Pan me-Pi-b:it:u-Pan
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Morphological analysis for Keley-i
FocusAccess. Ben. Sbj. Obj. Ref. stative
Pst Pi–Prs Pi– Pi– Pum– ke– ke– Pi–Fut Pi– Pi– Pum– Pi–
initial G. medial G.
Ù partially complementary distribution of initial/medial μ-aXxationÙ but: both gemination patterns cooccur in the stative paradigm
(27) Initial and medial gemination in Keley-i (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Pst Prs Futbitu ‘to put’ ne-Pi-bitw-an ke-Pi-b:it:u-Pan me-Pi-b:it:u-Pan
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Morphological analysis for Keley-i
FocusAccess. Ben. Sbj. Obj. Ref. stative
Pst Pi–Prs Pi– Pi– Pum– ke– ke– Pi–Fut Pi– Pi– Pum– Pi–
initial G. medial G.
Ù partially complementary distribution of initial/medial μ-aXxationÙ but: both gemination patterns cooccur in the stative paradigm
(27) Initial and medial gemination in Keley-i (Hohulin&Kenstowicz 1979)
Pst Prs Futbitu ‘to put’ ne-Pi-bitw-an ke-Pi-b:it:u-Pan me-Pi-b:it:u-Pan
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Morphological analysis for Keley-i
There are two μ-aXxes!
I. μ / [__μ ↔ [–pst, Access ∨ Ben ∨ Stat]
II. μ / [σ__ ↔ [–pst, Sbj ∨ Obj ∨ Ref ∨ Stat]
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Lack of Variable InVxation
Morphological analysis for Keley-i
There are two μ-aXxes!
I. μ / [__μ ↔ [–pst, Access ∨ Ben ∨ Stat]
II. μ / [σ__ ↔ [–pst, Sbj ∨ Obj ∨ Ref ∨ Stat]
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Arguments against Phonological μ-Dislocation
� Lack of non-local inVxation
� Coexistence of μ-aXxes
� Lack of Variable InVxation
� Cases of Fixed InVxation
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
(28) Emphatic adjectives in Shizuoka Japanese (Davis&Ueda 2006)
Adjective Emphatic Forma. katai kattai ‘hard’
osoi ossoi ‘slow’ CV.C˚. . . ⇒ CV.C
˚:. . .
takai takkai ‘high’
b. hade hande ‘showy’ozoi onzoi ‘terrible’ CV.C
ˇ. . . ⇒ CVN.C
ˇ. . .
nagai naNgai ‘long’
c. zonzai zo:nzai ‘impolite’suppai su:ppai ‘sour’ CVC.C. . . ⇒ CV:C.C. . .okkanai o:kkanai ‘scary’
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Shizuoka Japanese in Davis & Ueda (2006)
(29) CVO˚V
μ-katai σ-Cond *V: Dep n *C:
+ a. katμai (kat:ai) *b. ka nμ tai (kantai) *!
c. kaμtai (ka:tai) *!
(30) CVOˇV
μ-hade σ-Cond *V: Dep n *C:
a. hadμe (had:e) *Cˇ: * *
+ b. ha nμ de (hande) *
c. haμde (ha:de) *!
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Shizuoka Japanese in Davis & Ueda (2006)
(31) CVN.OV
μ-zonzai σ-Cond *V: Dep n *C:
a. zonzμai (zon.z:ai) *σ[Cμ! * *b. zon n μzai (zonn.zai) *CC]σ! *
+ c. zoμnzai (zo:n.zai) *
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Sh. Japanese Linearization by Pivot AXxation
(32) μ ↔ Base[ μ
(33)
a.
σ σ
μ μ μ
h a n d e
b.
σ σ
μ μ μ μ μ
z o n z a i
c.
σ σ
μ μ μ μ
k a t a i
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Sh. Japanese Linearization by Pivot AXxation
(32) μ ↔ Base[ μ
(33)
a.
σ σ
μ μ μ
h a n d e
b.
σ σ
μ μ μ μ μ
z o n z a i
c.
σ σ
μ μ μ μ
k a t a i
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Shizuoka Japanese as a Problem for Dislocation
Lin-μ must be ranked below *V: to allow μ-metathesis in n-epenthesis
(34) CVOˇV
μ-hade σ-Cond Linμ *V: Dep n *C:
a. hadμe (had:e) *Cˇ: ** * *
+ b. ha nμ de (hande) *! *
* c. haμde (ha:de) *
(35) CVOˇV
μ-hade σ-Cond *V: Linμ Dep n *C:
a. hadμe (had:e) *Cˇ: * ** *
+ b. ha nμ de (hande) * *
c. haμde (ha:de) *!
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
Shizuoka Japanese as a Problem for Dislocation
Lin-μ must be ranked above *V: to block gemination beyond the Vrst σ
(36) CVN.OV
μ-kata σ-Cond *V: Linμ Dep n *C:
a. onzμokutai (on.z:okutai) *σ[Cμ! ** ** a’. onzokμutai (on.zok:utai) *** *
b. on nμ zai (onn.zokutai) *CC]σ! * *
+ c. oμnzokutai (o:n.zokutai) *
(37) CVN.OV
μ-kata σ-Cond Linμ *V: Dep n *C:
a. onzμokutai (on.z:okutai) *σ[Cμ! ** * *a’. onzokμutai (on.zok:utai) *!** *b. on nμ zai (onn.zokutai) *CC]σ! *
+ c. oμnzokutai (o:n.zokutai) *
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Against phonological μ-dislocation Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
μ-Alignment in Davis & Ueda (2006:4)
(38) Align-L(μe,Wd)Align the emphatic mora with the beginning (left edge) of the word.
“In our analysis, the evaluation of the alignment constraint in (5) is withrespect to the syllable so that if the emphatic mora (μe) is realized in theVrst syllable of the word then the constraint is satisVed; it is violated if it isrealized beyond the Vrst syllable.”
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Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� the alternative of phonological dislocation
predicts unattested instances of non-local inVxation
fails to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fails to predict the coexistence of diUerent μ-aXxation patterns in onelanguage
predicts unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
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Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� the alternative of phonological dislocation
predicts unattested instances of non-local inVxation
fails to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fails to predict the coexistence of diUerent μ-aXxation patterns in onelanguage
predicts unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
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Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� the alternative of phonological dislocation
predicts unattested instances of non-local inVxation
fails to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fails to predict the coexistence of diUerent μ-aXxation patterns in onelanguage
predicts unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
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Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� the alternative of phonological dislocation
predicts unattested instances of non-local inVxation
fails to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fails to predict the coexistence of diUerent μ-aXxation patterns in onelanguage
predicts unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
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Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� the alternative of phonological dislocation
predicts unattested instances of non-local inVxation
fails to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fails to predict the coexistence of diUerent μ-aXxation patterns in onelanguage
predicts unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
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Conclusion
Conclusion
� μ-aXxation is pivot-aXxation
� the alternative of phonological dislocation
predicts unattested instances of non-local inVxation
fails to predict instances of Fixed InVxation without additional(stipulated) machinery
fails to predict the coexistence of diUerent μ-aXxation patterns in onelanguage
predicts unattested instances of variable μ-inVxation
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Conclusion
1. Introduction
2. A typology of mora aXxation
3. Against phonological μ-dislocation3.1 Lack of non-local inVxation3.2 Coexistence of μ-aXxes3.3 Lack of Variable InVxation3.4 Cases of Fixed InVxation: Shizuoka Japanese
4. Conclusion
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Literature
Literature
Archangeli, Diana (1987), Consonant assimilation in Keley-i, in ‘Coyote Papers 6’, University of Arizona.
Crum, Beverly and Jon Dayley (1993), Western Shoshoni grammar, Boise State University, Boise.
Davis, Stuart and Isao Ueda (2006), ‘Prosodic vs. morphological mora augmentation’, Lexicon Forum 2, 121-143.
Geytenbeek, Brian and H. Geytenbeek (1971), Gidabal Grammar and Dictionary, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies,Canberra.
Haugen, Jason (2008), Morphology at the interfaces. Reduplication and noun incorporation in Uto-Aztecan, John Benjamin.
Hohulin, Lou and Michael Kenstowicz (1979), ‘Keley-i phonology and morphophonemics’, South-East Asia Linguistic Studies 4,241-254.
Hohulin, R. M. (1971), Cohesive organisation in Keley-i Kallahan, in R. M.Hohulin and L.Hoholin, eds, ‘Papers in PhilippineLinguistics’, Vol. 4, pp. 1-17.
Horwood, Graham (2001), Antifaithfulness and subtractive morphology. Ms.,Rutgers University, available as ROA 466-0901.
Kenstowicz, Michael and Charles Kisseberth (1977), Topics in Phonological Theory, Academic Press, New York.
Lombardi, Linda and John J. McCarthy (1991), ‘Prosodic circumscription in Choctaw morphology’, Phonology 8, 37-71.
Mason, J. Alden (1916), ‘Tepecano, a Piman language of western mexico’, Annals of the New York Academy of Science XXV, 309-416.
McCarthy, J. (1979), Formal Problems in Semitic Phonology and Morphology, PhD thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
McCarthy, John and Alan Prince (1999), Faithfulness and identity in prosodic morphology, in R.Kager, H.van der Hulst andW.Zonneveld, eds, ‘The prosody-morphology interface’, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 218-309.
McLaughlin, John (2012), Shoshoni grammar, LINCOM.
Newman, Stanley (1965), Zuni grammar, University of New Mexico Publications.
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