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8/12/2019 1988 Issue 2 - Book Review: Patrick Henry, Patriot and Statesman - Counsel of Chalcedon
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Patrick Henry: ~ a t r l ~ t md m r e ~ m a n
by Norine Dickson Campbell
A review article by Robert Miller
Patrick
Henry:
Patriot and
Statesman,
by
Norine Dickson Camp
bell. 1969. The
D e v i n ~ A d a i r
Company,
Old Greenwich, Connecticut 06870,
439 pages of text with index. Reviewed
by Robert Miller, meinber
of
h a l c e ~
don Presbyterian Church and founder of
Libertas and the
ommiUee
or
the
Memorial to
the
Victims
o o m ~
munism
.
Patrick Henry ( 7 3 6 ~ 1799) was, with
out
any doubt, the greatest statesman
orator of our nation's revolutionarY per
iod.
e
was from Virginia. that state
which, along with MassacHusetts, gave
young America
so
many
of
its great
founding spiritS and intelleCts.
It
is
cil-
ways difficult to convey the power and
dynamism ofa great orator to someone
who has never heard the individual in
person. And to piace the orator properly
in the context of his times is perhaps .
even more difficult.
However Patrick Henry was such an
outstanding and unique pearl .
n
the
founding history of out country that
it
is
unswpassitigly important that
n
Americans know him well and under
stand the unequ.alll:d contributions
which he made to the foundations of
America.
e
was
a
star in the early
American firmament that shone with a
brilliance and truth that lit up the hea
vens.
The stories are legion of how, when
Henry spoke, the hall or
chat11bel'
would
become totally still as
he
warmed to his
subject, and the people would remain
absolutely quiet for hotirs as Patrick
Henry spoke, leaning forward to hear
the inflection and meaning .of every
word and phrase.
It
was always evident
to his countrymen .that Henry was the
great and uncompromising defender of
their liberty and freedom.
n him
re
posed their unbroken faith and trust that
he would unfailingly protect their in
terests without fail, fearing
no
one but
God in so doing.
But Patrick Henry was much, much
more than an orator. He was a Christian
whose integrity and ethics always
reflected the Christian way
of
life. Too,
he was a practicing lawyer with a wide
and successful practice. And, of course
he was a very successful politician who
became one of America's leading s t a t e s ~
man. He was a member of the Virginia
House of Burgesses and elected gover
nor
of
Virginia many times. In
the
very
last yearsof his life, President Washing
ton offered him the positions
of
Secre
tary of
State, the Chief Justiceship of
the Supreme Court of the United
States, and as ambassador to Spain in
order to conclude a treaty, all
of
which
he had to turn down because
of
poor
health.
In terms of today, Patrick Henry was
a populist, a man of the people. The
people's business was his business. He
was their champion always. And the
idea
of
liberty was always
at
the center
of
his
heart and mind. In the very
critical period just before the opening
shots in Massachusetts that heralded the
American Revolutionary War, when the
American colonialists were variously
'mired in confusion, uncertainty, and
contention about how to react to the
growing oppression
of
the British
Parliament and King,
it
was Patrick
Henry, later to
be
acclaimed the
t:rum-
pet'' of the revolution, who fanned tHe
words and achieved the eloquence of
language to crystallize their thoughts.
He put words to the emotions in
their
hearts and, because of this, he became
the great, resounding trumpet
of
tile
American Revolution.
n Monday; March 20, 1775, Pat-
rick Henry, having been elected a dele
gate from Hanover County, Virginia to
the second Virginia Convention, joUr-
neyed
to
Richmond to participate in the
Convention to be held in St. John's
Church. This was a momentous time in
the life of the American Colonies, and
each colony was having to determine its
response to the current crises with Eng
land. The author sets the stage of
this
momentous occasion for us Ameqcans
of today
(all
240,000,000 of us ) who
live in an abiding freedom and
liberty,
in
great measure because of what this great
and wise early American, Patrick Hen-
ry, said and did
at
this convention that
so electrified.all the people o Virginia
and many beyond when they heard of it.
He created a watershed of thought and
opinion in the people and set the path
ahead for the people . . . and ;the
leaders. After Henry spoke fmally a
this convention, the course for all
Americans was set irrevocably. He
shaped America's destiny. Herewitli ilie
author sets the stage:
He knew that tomorrow he must
face an irresolute body; that he would
be opposed by the powerful, wealthy,
Tory element among
the
members. e
realized that the Loyalists were i n s i d i ~
ously entrenched and. the outcome was
uncertain. Patrick Henry's risk was tre
mendous one that could easily bring
him to
the
block. At the Continental
Congress, 'he saw with great clarity
that the Declaration of Rights
artd
Grievances, and the further agreementS
of non-importation were not sufficien
weapons for the disarmed colbnies. ' 1
(p.
123) '
Gathered in St. John's Church on' the
20th were delegates from all the
61
counties in Virginia. Peyton Randotph,
the former King's Attorney, as usual
was elected President
of
the convention;
and therefore was in the chair t6 check-
Page 20 _ _._ ..._
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.....
The Counsel or Cbakedon, Febriaary, t988
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8/12/2019 1988 Issue 2 - Book Review: Patrick Henry, Patriot and Statesman - Counsel of Chalcedon
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mate Heruy. ile author carries us for
Wilfd into the convention:
The proceedings of
the
Continental
Congress were discussed and approved,
and
the
de
legates
were thanked for dis
charging their duties. Looking toward
the second meeting of Congress to be
held
in
Philadelphia in
May,
Mr. Henry
and
the
other delegates were reappointed
by ballot.
On
Thursday,
the
third
day of
the
convention, after much of
the
pre-
liminaries had
been
dispensed with,
the
important
matter of
arming the
colony
was
t
be taken up. This, Mr. Henry
probably awaited with impatience, feel
ing the keen necessity for an efficient,
well-organized
army,
fmanced
and
con
trolled
by the
colony
(p. 124)
The
too
abject tone of these re
solutions aroused the patriotic indigna
tion of PatrickHenry . He arose and pro
posed the following resolutions
(p. 124)
.
.
But
the
second resolution of
Mi . Henry looked
t
an immediate pre-
.paration for a conflict of arms; not sim-
ply
t
the drilling
of
the militia, but to
the
embodying
of an army for the de
fense of
the
colony . The resolution it
self clearly disclosed its object,
and
Mr.
Henry,
in
his speech enforcing it, left
no doubt of
his
purpose. He would have
the Convention, with him, give up all
hope of a peaceful settlement,
and
recog
nize
the
fact that they were virtually at
war with Great Britain. (Henry asked:
'What
means this
martial array,
i
its
purpose
be
not
to
force
us to
submis
sion?')
The
opposition of
his col-
leagues
in the
Congress
was
repeated
here
(p. 125)
As
Patrick
Henry
rose to defend his
resolutions before the Convention, in
the u d i ~ n c e on this memorable day
in
St. John's Church in Richmond, Vir
ginia were some
of the
greatest names
of
our nation's history: George Wash
ington,
Thomas
Jefferson, Richard Hen
ry Lee,
Ge
orge
Mason,
George Wythe,
Edmund Randolph, General
Thomas
Nelson, Jr.,
and
Edmund Pendleton.
The church was filled with audience,
and people were gathered at every win
dow
t
hear the proceedings and
the
debate.
s. When Henry
rose to defend
his
resolutions, it was the third day
of
the
Convention. Herewith then, hear the
words that every school boy in former
days
was
raised
on words
that still
ring strongly
and
truly in
the
hearts
of
all
Americans who love liberty and who
love America. . . .even two hundred
thirteen years later:
Mr. President, no man thinks more
highly than I do
of
the patriotism,
as
well
as
abilities,
of
the very worthy
gentlemen who have just addressed the
house. But differetit men often see the
same subject in different lights; and,
therefore, I hope
it
will not be thought
disrespectful
to
those gentlemen,
i
entertaining,
as
I do, opinions
of
a
character very opposite to theirs,/ shall
speak forth my sentiments freely, and
without reserve. This is no time
for
ceremony. The question before this
house is one
of
awful moment to this
country. For my part, I consider it as
nothing less than a question of reedom
or
slavery.
And
in proportion to the
magnitude of the subject, ought to e
the freedom of debate. It is only
in
this
way that we can hope to arrive at truth
and fulfill the great responsibility
which we hold
to
God and our country.
Should I keep back my opinions at
such time, through fear of giving
offense, I should consider my
self
guilty
of reason toward my country, andofan
act of disloyalty toward the majesty of
Heaven, which I revere above all earthly
kings.
Mr. President, it is natural
for
a
man to indulge in the illusions of hope.
We
are apt
to
shut our eyes against a
painful truth - and listen
to
the song of
that siren till she transforms us into
beasts. Is this the part
of
wise men,
engaged in a great and arduousstruggle
for liberty? Are we disposed
to
be of the
number
of
those who, having eyes, see
not, and having ears, hear not, the
things which so nearly concern their
temporal salvation? For my part, what
ever n g u ~ s h of spirit it might cost, I
am willing to know the whole truth; to
know the worst and to provide for it
I have but one lamp
by
which
my
feet are guided, and that
is
the lamp
of
experience I know of no way of judg
ing the future but by the past.
And
judging by the past, I wish to know
what there has been in the conduct of
the British ministry for the last ten
years to justify those hopes with which
gentlemen have been pleased to solace
themselves and the house? Is
it
that
insidious smile with which
our
petition
has been lately received? Trust it not,
sir; it will prove a snare to your feet.
Suffer
not
yourselves to be betrayed
with a kiss.
Ask
yourselves how this
gracious reception
of our
petition
comports with those warlike p r e p r ~
tions which cover our waters and darken
our land.
Are
fleets and armies neces
sary to a work of love and reconcilia
tion? Have we shown ourselves so un
willing to be reconciled that force must
be called in
to
win back our love? L
et
us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are
implements of war and subjugation -
the last arguments to which kings
resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means '
this martial array, i its purpose be not
to force us to submission? Can gentle
men assign any other possible motive
for it? Has Great Britain any enemy
in
this quarter
of
the world
to
call for all
this accumulation
of
navies and armies?
No, sir, she has none. They are. meant
for
us:
they can be meant
for
no othe
r
They are sent over to bind and rivet
upon
us
those chains which the British
ministry have been so long forging.
And what have we
to
oppose to them?
Shall we try argument? Sir, we have
been trying that for the last ten years.
Have we anything new to offer upon
the subject? Nothing.
We
have held the
subject up in every light
of wh
ich
it
is
capable; but it has been
all
in vain.
Shall we resort to entreaty
and
humble
supplication? What terms shall we
find
which have
not
been already exhausted?
Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive
ourselves longer. Sir, we have done
everything that could be done to avert
the storm which is now coming on.
We
have petitioned- we have remonstrate
d
we have supplicated - we have pro
strated ourselves before the throne, and
have implored its interposition to arrest
the tyrannical hands
of
he ministry and
Parliament. Our petitions have been
slighted; our remonstrances have pro
duced additional violence and insult;our
supplications havebeendisregarded;and
Counsel
.of Chalcedo:n,
Fe
br11ary, 988
Page
21
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8/12/2019 1988 Issue 2 - Book Review: Patrick Henry, Patriot and Statesman - Counsel of Chalcedon
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we have been spurned, with contempt;
from
the foot of the throne.
In
vain,
after these things,
m y
we indulge the
fond ~ o p e of
peace
and
reconciliation.
There
is no
longer any room
for
hope.
If we
wish to
be
free
- if
we mean to
preserve inviolate those inestimable
privileges
for
which we have been so
long _ contending
- if
we mean not
basely to abandon the noble struggle
in
which we have been so long engaged,
and which
we
have pledged ourselves
never to abandon until the glorious
object
of
our contest shall. be obtained
-
we
mustfight
I repeat
it
, sir, we must
fight
n
appeal to arms
and
to the
God
ofHosts
is
all that is left us
"They
tell us, sir, that
weare weak-
unable to cope with so formidable
an
adversary
. But
when shall
we be
-
str.onger? Will
it
be
the next week,
or
_
the next year? Will it
be
when we are
totally disarmed, and when a British
guard shall
be
stationed in every house?
Shall
we
acquire the means
of
effectual
resistance by . lying supinely on our
backs,
and
hugging the delusive phan-
tom
of hope
until our enemies shall
have
bound
us hand
and
foot? Sir,
we
are
not
weak,
if
we
make
a proper use
-
of
hose
~ n s
which the God
of
nature
hath placed
in
OUT power, Three mil-
lions ofpeople, armed in the holy cause
o/liberty, and
in
such a country
as
that
which we possess, are invincible
;
by
:
any
force which
our
enemy can send
against us. Beside,
sir
;
we
shall
not
fight
our
battles alone. There
is
a
just
God who presides over the destinies
of
nations,
and
whb will
rai se
up friends
to fight oUT battles
for
us. The battle,
sir, is not to the strong alone;
it is
to
the vigilant, the active, the brave. Be-
sides, sir,
we
have no election.
If we
were base enough
to
desire it, it
is now
too late
to
retire
from
the contest. There
is no retreat, but in submission
and
slavery
Our
chains are forged, their
clanking may
be
heard on the plains
of
Boston The war
is
inevitable
- and
let
it come I repeat, sir, let it come
"It
is
vain,
sit,
to extenuate the mat-
ter. Gentlemen may cry, peace, peace
-
but there
is
no peace. The
war is
actually begun. The next gale that
sweeps
from
the North will bring to
our ears the clash
of
resounding arms
Our brethren are already in the field
Why stand
we
here idle? What is it that
gentlemen wish? What would they
have? Is life so
dear,
or peace so sweet,
as
to be purchased
at
the price of chains
and
slavery? Forbid
it,
Almighty God I _
know
not
what course others
may
take;
but as for
me, give
me
liberty
or
give
me
death "
(The entire speech appears
on pp. 128-130 of the book.)
It is generally conceded that it was
this
trumpet call of Patrick Henry on
March 23
1775
that sparked the coloni
alists into casting the die for revolu
tion. The
great trumpeter had sounded
the call; he had spoken; his stand was
crystal clear.
A
soldier, Col. Edward Carrington,
listening from a window in the east end
of
the church, was so
mo-ved
by Henry's
eloquence that
he
exclaimed, 'Let
me
be
buried on
this
spot.' His request was
respected 35 years later." (p. 131)
The author is warmly disposed
to
the
persona of Patrick Henry but is not a
blind advocate certainly. A great
amount of research was done in order to
bring this book to publication. It is an
admirable work, well written from one
whoobviously comes from the bosom
of early America's traditions. It is
sprinkled with many of Henry's famous
quotations and excerpts
of
speeches. It
reveals the character of this great man .
and makes for compelling reading for
anyone w o would like to know more
about the early period of our nation and
those great and good men who sacrificed
their all to fonn what would become a
great nation. It is a great book, great .
reading, and
a
great aff:umation -of our
Cbti$tian heritage in Ametica and about
a very great man in our nation's his
tory. lt should be required reading in
every history classroom in the nation
for every youngster in every school, but
unfortunately
it
is not. (My wife
an