An Overview of Education and ReligionSociological Perspectives on EducationFunctionalist Perspectives on EducationConflict Perspectives on EducationSymbolic Interactionist Perspectives

on EducationProblems Within Elementary

and Secondary SchoolsUnequal Funding of Public SchoolsSchool ViolenceDropping OutRacial Segregation and ResegregationOpportunities and Challenges

in Colleges and UniversitiesOpportunities and Challenges

in Community CollegesOpportunities and Challenges

in Four-Year Collegesand Universities

The Saari ng Cost of a College EducationRacial and Ethnic Differences

in EnrollmentReligion in Historical PerspectiveReligion and the Meaning of LifeReligion and Scientific ExplanationsSociological Perspectives on ReligionFunctionalist Perspectives on ReligionConflict Perspectives on ReligionSymbolic Interactionist Perspectives

on ReligionTypes of Religious OrganizationEcclesiaThe Church-Sect TypologyCultsTrends in Religion in the United StatesEducation and Religion in the Future

We are teaching our children a theory[evolution] that most of us don't believein. I don't think God creates everything

on a day-to-day basis, like the color of the sky. ButI do believe he created Adam and Eve-instantly.

-Steve Farrell, a resident of Dover, Pennsylvania, explainingwhy he approves of the Dover school board's decision to

require eighth-grade biology teachers to teach "intelligentdesign" -an assertion that the universe is so complex

that an intelligent, supernatural power must havecreated it-as an alternative to the theory

of evolution (Powell, 2004: Al)

Idefinitely would prefer to believe that Godcreated me than that I'm 50th cousin to asilverback ape. What's wrong with wanting

our children to hear about all the holes in thetheory of evolution?

-Lark Myers, another resident of Dover, who alsowants her child to learn about intelligent

design at school (Powell, 2004: Al)

Thomson 0Just what you need to know NOW!This logo signals when ThomsonNOWhasonline resources available to help youstudy and improve your grade. See thefoldout at the front of this text for infor-mation on how to access ThomsonNOW.

Ibelieve it is wrong to introduce a non-scientific "explanation" of the origins of lifeinto the science curriculum. This policy was

not endorsed by the Dover High School sciencedepartment. I think this policy was approved forreligious reasons, not to improve scienceeducation for my child.

-Tammy Kitzmiller, one of the eleven parents who fileda lawsuit (Kitzmiller v. Dover) against the school board,

challenging its controversial decision (ACLU,2005)

3. You have been appointed to a presidential com-mission on child-care problems in rhe UniredSrares. How to provide high-qualiry child care araffordable prices is a key issue for rhe first meeting.What kinds of suggestions would you take to the

The Kendall Companion Websitehttp://thomsonedu.com/socioLogy/kendaLL

Supplemenr your review of this chapter by going tothe companion website to take one of the tutorialquizzes, use the flash cards to master key terms, andcheck our the many other study aids you'll find

meeting? How do you think your suggestionsshould be funded? How does the future look forchildren in high-, middle-, and low-income fami-lies in the United States?

there. You'll also find special features such as GSSData and Census 2000 information that will putdata and resources at your fingertips to help you withthat special project or help you do some research onyour own.

People have an impatienceabout science. They thinkit's this practical process that

explains how everything works, butthat's the least interesting part. Weunderstand a lot of the mechanismsof evolution but it's what we don'tunderstand that makes it exciting ....It's very clear that intelligent designhas become a stalking-horse. If theseschool boards had their druthers,they would teach Noah's flood and the6,OOO-year-olddesign of Earth. Myfear is that they are making realheadway in the popular imagination.

-Kenneth R. Miller, a university biologist and authorof the biology textbook used in Dover beforethe school board's decision, explaining whyhe believes that the teaching of intelligent

design in public classrooms is a verybad idea (Powell, 2004: Al)

What is all the controversy about? Howdid a small school district draw somuch attention to itself and end up

with a district judge ruling that the school board'sdecision to introduce intelligent design as an al-ternative to evolution violated the First Amend-ment to the United States Constitution? 1J,

The argument over intelligent design is the lat- ~«

est debate in a lengthy battle over the teaching of @

creationism versus evolutionism in public schools,and it is only one of many arguments that willcontinue to take place regarding the appropriaterelationship between public education and religionin the United States. More than seventy years ago,

For many years, people have argued about what should (or shouldnot) be taught in U.S. public schools, including the teaching ofcreationism or intelligent design as contrasted with evolution.Shown here is Dr. Kenneth Miller, a biology professor, during adiscussion of the pros and cons of incorporating the teachingof intelligent design into the Ohio state science curriculum.

for exampLe, evoLutionism versus creationism washotLy debated in the famous "Scopes monkeytriaL," so named because of CharLes Darwin's as-sertion that human beings had evoLved fromLower primates. In this case, John ThomasScopes, a substitute high schooL bioLogy teacherin Tennessee, was found guiLty of teaching evoLu-tion, which denied the "divine creation of man astaught in the BibLe." ALthough an appeaLs courtLater overturned Scopes's conviction and $100fine (on the grounds that the fine was excessive),teaching evoLution in Tennessee's pubLic schooLsremained illegaL until 1967 (ChaLfant, BeckLey,and PaLmer, 1994). By contrast, recent U.S.Supreme Court ruLings have Looked unfavorabLy

An Overview of Educationand ReligionEducation and religion are powerful and influentialforces in contemporary societies. Both institutions im-part values, beliefs, and knowledge considered essentialto the social reproduction of individual personalitiesand entire cultures (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990). Ed-ucation and religion both grapple with issues of societalstability and social change, reflecting society even asthey attempt to shape it. Education and religion alsoshare certain commonalities as objects of sociologicalstudy; for example, both are socializing institutions.

c,5, Whereas early socialization is primarily informal and~ takes place within our families and friendship net--g works, as we grow older, socialization passes to the~ more formalized organizations created for the specific:3 purposes of education and religion.'"~ Areas of sociological inquiry that specifically focus

-0

u.J on those institutions are (l) the sociology of education,which primarily examines formal education orschooling in industrial societies, and (2) the sociologyof religion, which focuses on religious groups and or-ganizations, on the behavior of individuals within

on the teaching of creationism in pubLic schooLs,based on a provision in the Constitution thatrequires a "waLLof separation" between church(reLigion) and state (government). InitiaLLy, thiswaLLof separation was erected to protect reLigionfrom the state, not the state from reLigion.

Who is to decide what shouLd be taught inU.S. pubLic schooLs? What is the purpose of edu-cation? Of reLigion? In this chapter, we examineeducation and reLigion, two sociaL institutionsthat have certain commonaLities both as institu-tions and as objects of socioLogicaL inquiry. Be-fore reading on, test your knowLedge about theimpact reLigion has had on U.S. education bytaking the quiz in Box 12.1.

those groups, and on ways in which religion is inter-twined with other social institutions (Roberts, 2004).Let's start our examination by looking at sociologicalperspectives on education.

Sociological Perspectiveson EducationEducation is the social institution responsible for thesystematic transmission of knowledge, skills, and cul-tural values within a formally organized structure. Inall societies, people must acquire certain knowledgeand skills in order to survive. In less-developed soci-eties, these skills might include hunting, gathering,fishing, farming, and self-preservation. In contempo-rary, developed societies, knowledge and skills are oftenrelated to the requirements of a highly competitive jobmarket.

Sociologists have divergent perspectives on thepurpose of education in contemporary society. Func-tionalists suggest that education contributes to themaintenance of sociery and provides people with anopportunity for self-enhancement and upward social

How Much Do You Know About the Impact of Religionon U.S. Education?True False

T F 1. The Constitution of the United States originally specified that religionshould be taught in the public schools.

T F 2. Virtually all sociologists have advocated the separation of moralteaching from academic subject matter.

T F 3. The federal government has limited control over how funds are spentby school districts because most of the money comes from the stateand local levels.

T F 4. Parochial schools have decreased in enrollment as interest in religionhas waned in the United States.

T F 5. The number of children from religious backgrounds other thanChristianity and Judaism has grown steadily in public schools over thepast three decades.

T F 6. Debates over textbook content focus only on elementary educationbecause of the vulnerability of young children.

T F 7. More parents are instructing their own children through homeschooling because of their concerns about what public schools are(or are not) teaching their children.

T F 8. The U.S. Congress has the ultimate authority over whether religiouseducation can be included in public school curricula.

Answers on page 350.

mobility. Conflict theorists argue that education per-petuates social inequality and benefits the dominantclass at the expense of all others. Symbolic interac-tionists focus on classroom dynamics and the effect ofself-concept on grades and aspirations.

ThomsonNOWLearn more about the functionalist perspective on educa-tion by going through the Roles in Education Video Exercise.

Functionalist Perspectiveson Education

sires and aspirations. Contemporary functionalistssuggest that education is responsible for teachingU.S. values. According to sociologist Amitai Etzioni(1994: 258-259),

Functionalists view education as one of the most impor-tant components of society. According to Durkheim,education is the "influence exercised by adult genera-tions on those that are not yet ready for social life"(Durkheim, 1956: 28). Durkheim asserted that moralvalues are the foundation of a cohesive social order andthat schools have the responsibility of teaching a com-mitment to the common morality.

From this perspective, students must be taught toput the group's needs ahead of their individual de-

We ought to teach those values Americans share,for example, that the dignity of all persons oughtto be respected, that tolerance is a virtue and dis-

education the social institution responsible for thesystematic transmission of knowledge, skills, andcultural values within a formally organized structure.

Due to the diversity of religious backgrounds of the early settlers, no mention ofreligion was made in the original Constitution. Even the sole provision thatcurrently exists (the establishment clause of the First Amendment) does not speakdirectly of the issue of religious learning in public education.

2. False. Obviously, contemporary sociologists hold strong beliefs and opinions on manysubjects; however, most of them do not think that it is their role to advocatespecific stances on a topic. Early sociologists were less inclined to believe thatthey had to be "value-free." For example, Durkheim strongly advocated thateducation should have a moral component and that schools had a responsibility toperpetuate society by teaching a commitment to the common morality.

3. True. Most public school revenue comes from local funding through property taxes andstate funding from a variety of sources, including sales taxes, personal incometaxes, and, in some states, oil revenues or proceeds from lotteries.

4. False. Just the opposite has happened. As parents have felt that children were notreceiving the type of education they desired in public schools, parochial schoolshave flourished. Christian schools have grown to over five thousand in number;Jewish parochial schools have also grown rapidly over the past decade.

5. True. Although about 86 percent of those age 18 and over in the 48 contiguous states ofthe United States describe their religion as some Christian denomination, there hasstill been a significant increase in those who either adhere to no religion (7.5percent) or who are Jewish, Muslim/Islamic, Unitarian-Universalist, Buddhist, orHindu.

6. False. Attempts to remove textbooks occur at all levels of schooling. A recent caseinvolved the removal of Chaucer's "The Miller's Tale" and Aristophanes' Lysistratafrom a high school curriculum.

7. True. Some parents choose home schooling for religious reasons; others embrace it forsecular reasons, including fear for their children's safety and concerns about thequality of public schools.

8. False. Ultimately, issues relating to the separation of church and state, includingreligious instruction in public schools, are constitutional issues that are decided bythe U.S. Supreme Court in the absence of a constitutional amendment.

crimination abhorrent, that peaceful resolutionof conflicts is superior to violence, that ... truthtelling is morally superior to lying, that democra-tic government is morally superior to totalitarian-ism and authoritarianism, that one ought to givea day's work for a day's pay, that saving for one'sown and one's country's future is better thansquandering one's income and relying onothers to attend to one's future needs.

Etzioni suggests that "shared" values should be trans-mitted by schools from kindergarten through college.However, not all analysts agree on what those sharedvalues should be or what functions education shouldserve in contemporary societies. In analyzing the val-ues and functions of education, sociologists using afunctionalist framework distinguish between manifestand latent functions. Manifest functions and latentfunctions of education are compared in Figure 12.1.

Manifest and Latent Functions of Educati~n ,\

Manifest functions-open, stated, andintended goals or consequences ofactivities within an organization orinstitution. In education, these are:

• socialization

• transmission of culture

• social control

• social placement

• change and innovation

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Learn more about the functions of education by goingthrough the Functions in Education Learning Module.

MANIFEST FUNCTIONS OF EDUCATION Some functionsof education are manifest functions, previously de-fined as the open, stated, and intended goals or con-sequences of activities within an organization orinstitution. Examples of manifest functions in edu-cation include teaching specific subjects, such as sci-ence, mathematics, reading, history, and English.Education serves five major manifest functions insociety:

1. Socialization. From kindergarten through college,schools teach students the student role, specificacademic subjects, and political socialization. Inprimary and secondary schools, students aretaught specific subject matter appropriate to theirage, skill level, and previous educational experi-ence. At the college level, students focus on more

Latent functions-hidden, unstated, andsometimes unintended consequences ofactivities within an organization. Ineducation, these include:

• match making and production of socialnetworks

• restricting some activities

• creating a generation gap

detailed knowledge of subjects that they have pre-viously studied while also being exposed to newareas of study and research.

2. Transmission of culture. Schools transmit culturalnorms and values to each new generation and playan active part in the process of assimilation,whereby recent immigrants learn dominant cul-tural values, attitudes, and behavior so that theycan be productive members of society.

3. Social control. Schools are responsible for teachingvalues such as discipline, respect, obedience, punc-tuality, and perseverance. Schools teach confor-mity by encouraging young people to be goodstudents, conscientious future workers, and law-abiding citizens.

4. Social placement. Schools are responsible for identi-fYing the most qualified people to fill availablepositions in society. As a result, students are chan-neled into programs based on individual abilityand academic achievement. Graduates receivethe appropriate credentials for entry into the paidlabor force.

5. Change and innovation. Schools are a source ofchange and innovation. As student populationschange over time, new programs are introduced tomeet societal needs; for example, sex education,drug education, and multicultural studies havebeen implemented in some schools to help studentslearn about pressing social issues. Innovation in theform of new knowledge is required of colleges anduniversities. Faculty members are encouraged, andsometimes required, to engage in research and sharethe results with students, colleagues, and others.

LATENT FUNCTIONS OF EDUCATION In addition to man-ifest functions, all social institutions, including edu-cation, have some latent functions, which, as you willrecall, are the hidden, unstated, and sometimes unin-tended consequences of activities within an organiza-tion or institution. Education serves at least threelatent functions:

1. Restricting some activities. Early in the twentiethcentury, all states passed mandatory education laws

that require children to attend school until theyreach a specified age or until they complete a min-imum level of formal education. Out of these lawsgrew one latent function of education, which is tokeep students off the streets and out of the full-time job market for a number of years, thus help-ing keep unemployment within reasonable bounds(Braverman, 1974).

2. Matchmaking and production of social networks. Be-cause schools bring together people of similar ages,social class, and race/ethnicity, young people oftenmeet future marriage partners and develop socialnetworks that may last for many years.

3. Creating a generation gap. Students may learn in-formation in school that contradicts beliefs held bytheir parents or their religion. When educationconflicts with parental attitudes and beliefs, a gen-eration gap is created if students embrace thenewly acquired perspective.

When popular culture and the media portray edu-cation, it is often the latent functions of education,

N...•..Ql.•..~ What vaLues are these schoolchiLdren being taught? Is there a consensus about what today'si5 schools should teach? Why or why not?

such as the production of social networks, thatare highlighted whereas other, more pressingconcerns about schools receive little attention(see Box 12.2).

DYSFUNCTIONS OF EDUCATION Functionalistsacknowledge that education has certain dys-functions. Some analysts argue that U.S. edu-cation is not promoting the high-level skills inreading, writing, science, and mathematicsthat are needed in the workplace and theglobal economy. For example, mathematicsand science education in the United Statesdoes not compare favorably with that found inmany other industrialized countries. In the lat-est available (2003) Trends in InternationalMathematics and Science Study (TIMSS),which compares the mathematics and scienceperformance of U.S. students with that oftheir peers in other nations, U.S. eighth-gradestudents scored lower than did students infourteen other nations, including Singapore,the Republic of Korea, and Japan (NationalCenter for Education Statistics, 2005).

Are U.S. schools dysfunctional as a result of scoressuch as these? Analysts do not agree on what thesescore differences mean. For example, Japanese stu-dents may outperform their U.S. counterparts be-cause their schools are more structured and teachersfocus on drill and practice (Celis, 1994). EducatorsDavid C. Berliner and Bruce J. Biddle (1995) believethat data on cross-cultural differences in educationalattainment actually involve comparisons of "apples"and "oranges": They found that studies such as thisoften compare the achievement of eighth-gradeJapanese students who have already taken algebrawith the achievement of U.S. students who typicallytake such courses a year or two later. Among U.S.students who had already completed an algebracourse, most did at least as well as their Japanesecounterparts on the mathematics exam (Berliner andBiddle, 1995).

Clearly, test scores are subject to a variety of inter-pretations; however, for most functionalist analysts,lagging test scores are a sign that dysfunctions exist inthe nation's educational system. According to this ap-proach, improvements will occur only when morestringent academic requirements are implemented for

Children who are able to visit museums, libraries, and musical eventsmay gain cultural capital that other children do not possess. What iscultural capital? Why is it important in the process of classreproduction?

students. Dysfunctions may also be reduced by morethorough teacher training and consistent testing ofinstructors.

Conflict Perspectives on EducationIn contrast with the functionalist perspective, conflicttheorists argue that schools often perpetuate class,racial-ethnic, and gender inequalities as some groupsseek to maintain their privileged position at the ex-pense of others (Ballantine, 2001).

CULTURAL CAPITAL AND CLASS REPRODUCTION Al-though many factors-including intelligence, familyincome, motivation, and previous achievement-are l/)

oimportant in determining how much education a ~.person will attain, conflict theorists argue that -8access to quality education is closely related to social ~.class. From this approach, education is a vehicle for iFreproducing existing class relationships. According to ~the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, the school le- ~.gitimates and reinforces the social elites by engaging ~in specific practices that uphold the patterns of gbehavior and the attitudes of the dominant class. ~Bourdieu asserts that students from diverse class back- ;.grounds come to school with different amounts of g

Do High SchooL Students RuLe in Media Land?Scene: The student lounge at from films such as The Breakfast Club (1985L Fern·sHarbor High. Seth, Zach, and Bueller's Day Off (1986), Dangerous Minds (1995), andSummer are discussing the school The Substitute (1996) to television shows such as The

prom, and Summer tells the boys that one of them o.c., portray high school as being run primarily by themust take her to the prom. She will go with the one students. Routinely, students outsmart teachers andwho is in front of her house on prom night in a tux. principals, even using them as the butt of their pranks

and jokes, while school officials are clueless buffoonswho do not know what's going on around them(Hainsworth, 1998). Portrayals of teachers typically sug-gest that they dislike teaching, feel contempt for theirstudents, and wish they had chosen another career.

Do such media images influence how people thinkabout schools? Analysts suggest that how the mediaframe stories about education does have an effect onhow we view students and teachers. A number of recur-ring images are used to portray teachers and students,and these images may reinforce existing (and often inac-curate) perceptions about u.S. high schools (see Weberand Mitchell, 1995; Dalton, 1999). Among the recurringimages of students are the privileged student (who iswealthy, well-dressed, and typically condescending toteachers and other students), the student athlete (who isa "dumb jock" who slides by on athletic skills), the cheer-leader (who is sexy, popular, boy crazy, and mindless in

Scene: Summer and Seth are seated on the leathercouch in the student lounge, and Taylor plops downbetween them and joins their conversation aboutSummer's father. Taylor suggests that they find a "hotdate" for Summer's father in order to get his mind offhis recent divorce.

If these scenes sound familiar to you, it is likely that youwatch Fox TV's popular series The o. c., about teens andtheir parents living in Newport Beach (Orange County,from which the show derives its name), California. View-ers may get the impression that the students at HarborHigh (an exclusive, private school) control the schooland have ample time to engage in gossip, arguments,and bullying in the school's lounge, hallways, and court-yard because they are seldom in class.

Is this portrayal of high school students unusual? No,an entire genre of television shows and movies, ranging

cultural capital-social assets that include values,beliefs, attitudes, and competencies in language andculture (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990). Cultural cap-ital involves "proper" attitudes toward education, so-cially approved dress and manners, and knowledgeabout books, art, music, and other forms of high andpopular culture.

Middle- and upper-income parents endow theirchildren with more cultural capital than do working-class and poverty-level parents. Because cultural capi-tal is essential for acquiring an education, childrenwith less cultural capital have fewer opportunities tosucceed in school. For example, standardized teststhat are used to group students by ability and to as-sign them to classes often measure students' culturalcapital rather than their "natural" intelligence or apti-tude. Thus, a circular effect occurs: Students withdominant cultural values are more highly rewarded by

the educational system. In turn, the educational sys-tem teaches and reinforces those values that sustainthe elite's position in society.

TRACKING AND SOCIAL INEQUALITY Closely linked tothe issue of cultural capital is how tracking in schoolsis related to social inequality. Tracking refers to thepractice of assigning students to specific curriculumgroups and courses on the basis of their test scores,previous grades, or other criteria. Conflict theoristsbelieve that tracking seriously affects many students'educational performance and their overall academicaccomplishments. In elementary schools, tracking isoften referred to ability grouping and is based on theassumption that it is easier to teach a group of stu-dents who have similar abilities. However, class-basedfactors also affect which children are most likely tobe placed in "high," "middle," or "low" groups, often

,'I' I 'r~' :~ J

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the classroom), the brainy student (who is portrayed as anerd without social skills), and the bottom-feeder student(who is a loser in the classroom and life and thus thebutt of many jokes).

Similarly, among the recurring images of teachers arethe popular teacher (who is good-looking and "cool" tobe around), the boring teacher (who is so dull that stu-dents are justified in sleeping, writing notes, or talkingon their cell phones during class), the coach (whoseteaching is full of "jock talk" and who treats female stu-dents as sex objects while male students are "toughenedup" so that they will become "men"), and the ditzyteacher (typically a woman who appears to be over-whelmed by everything from her students to her car).

Although a few films such as Stand and Deliver, TheDead Poets Society, and The Emperor's Club portray teach-ers who inspire their students to greatness, the typicalrepresentation of teachers is less flattering. One scholarhas referred to media depictions of educators as "teacherlore-the personal narratives and stories people tell toexplain the function and roles of teachers, students, andteaching in a culture" (Alley-Young, 2003). If this is anaccurate assessment, then "teacher lore" and "studentlore" as portrayed within popular culture are issues thatwe should not ignore because these powerful images may

referred to by such innocuous terms as "Blue Birds,""Red Birds," and "Yellow Birds." This practice is de-scribed by Ruben Navarrette, Jr. (1997: 274-275),who tells us about his own experience with tracking:

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One fateful day, in the second grade, my teacherdecided to teach her class more efficiently by di-viding it into six groups of five students each.Each group was assigned a geometric symbol todifferentiate it from the others. There were theCircles. There were the Squares. There were theTriangles and Rectangles.

influence our nation's educational policies at themacro level and affect our individual views of whatschools are all about at the microlevel. As one analyststated, "We cannot dismiss popular culture as mindlessentertainment because its representations of educationhave become measuring sticks with which we compareour educational experiences" (Alley-Young, 2003). Fromthis perspective, we should take a careful look at howpopular myths and representations of education may in-fluence us. We should also think about ways in whichschools might provide a better learning/teaching envi-ronment for both students and teachers.

The next time you see a film or television show thatincludes a high school or college setting, think about themedia cliches it presents about students and teachers,such as the attributes given to male and female studentswho are portrayed as being in the "in crowd" and the"out crowd." What about depictions of "popular teach-ers" and "unpopular teachers" (see Media Awareness Net-work, 2005)? Do these portrayals influence our thinkingabout schools? What pressing issues regarding education(such as adequate funding for schools, levels of studentachievement, and school violence) are largely ignored incurrent media framing of story lines about students andteachers?

I remember being a Hexagon .... I remembersomething else, an odd coincidence. The Hexa-gons were the smartest kids in the class. Thesedistinctions are not lost on a child of seven ....Even in the second grade, my classmates and Iknew who was smarter than whom. And on theday on which we were assigned our respectiveshapes, we knew that our teacher knew, too. AsHexagons, we would wait for her to call on us,

cultural capital Pierre Bourdieu's term for people'ssocial assets, including values, beliefs, attirudes,and competencies in language and culture.

tracking the assignment of srudents to specific coursesand educational programs based on their test scores,previous grades, or other criteria.

then answer by hurrying to her with books andpencils in hand. We sat around a table in our"reading group," chattering excitedly to one an-other and basking in the intoxication of positivelearning. We did not notice, did not care to no-tice, over our shoulders, the frustrated looks onthe faces of Circles and Squares and Triangleswho sat quietly at their desks, doodling onscratch paper or mumbling to one another. Weknew also that, along with our geometric shapes,our books were different and that each group haddifferent amounts of work to do .... The Circleshad the easiest books and were assigned to readonly a few pages at a time .... Not surprisingly,the Hexagons had the most difficult books ofall, those with the biggest words and the fewestpictures, and we were expected to read the mostpages.

The result of all of this education by separa-tion was exactly what the teacher had imaginedthat it would be: Students could, and did, learnat their own pace without being encumbered byone another. Some learned faster than others.Some, I realized only [later], did not learn at all.

As Navarette suggests, tracking does make it possiblefor students to work together based on their perceivedabilities and at their own pace; however, it also ex-tracts a serious toll from students who are labeled as"underachievers" or "slow learners." Race, class, lan-guage, gender, and many other social categories maydetermine the placement of children in elementarytracking systems as much or more than their actualacademic abilities and interests.

The practice of tracking continues in middleschool/junior high and high school. Although schoolsin some communities bring together students fromdiverse economic and racial/ethnic backgrounds, thestudents do not necessarily take the same courses ormove on the same academic career paths (Gilbert,2003). Numerous studies have found that abilitygrouping and tracking affect students' academicachievements and career choices (Oakes, 1985;Welner and Oakes, 2000). Moreover, some social sci-entists believe that tracking is one of the most obviousmechanisms through which students of color andthose from low-income families receive a diluted aca-demic program, making it much more likely that they

will fall even further behind their white, middle-classcounterparts (see Miller, 1995). A recent study ofLatinas concluded, for example, that school practicessuch as tracking impose low expectations that createself-fulfilling prophecies for many of these youngwomen (Ginorio and Huston, 2000). Instead of en-hancing school performance, tracking systems mayresult in students dropping out of school or endingup in "dead-end" situations because they have nottaken the courses required to go to college.

THE HIDDEN CURRICULUM According to conflict theo-rists, the hidden curriculum is the transmission ofcultural values and attitudes, such as conformity andobedience to authority, through implied demandsfound in the rules, routines, and regulations ofschools (Snyder, 1971).

SociaL class and the hidden curricuLum Althoughstudents from all social classes are subjected to thehidden curriculum, working-class and poverty-levelstudents may be affected the most adversely (Polakow,1993; Ballantine, 2001; Oakes and Lipton, 2003).When teachers from middle- and upper-middle-classbackgrounds instruct students from working- andlower-income families, the teachers often have a morestructured classroom and a more controlling environ-ment for students. These teachers may also have lowerexpectations for students' academic achievements. Forexample, one study of five elementary schools in dif-ferent communities found significant differences inhow knowledge was transmitted to students eventhough the general curriculum of the school was orga-nized similarly (Anyon, 1980, 1997). Schools forworking-class students emphasize procedures androte memorization without much decision making,choice, or explanation of why something is done aparticular way. Schools for middle-class studentsstress the processes (such as figuring and decisionmaking) involved in getting the right answer. Schoolsfor affluent students focus on creative activities inwhich students express their own ideas and applythem to the subject under consideration. Schools forstudents from elite families work to develop students'analytical powers and critical thinking skills, applyingabstract principles to problem solving.

Through the hidden curriculum, schools makeworking-class and poverty-level students aware that

they will be expected to take orders from others, ar-rive at work punctually, follow bureaucratic rules, andexperience high levels of boredom without complain-ing (Ballantine, 2001). Over time, these students maybe disqualified from higher education and barredfrom obtaining the credentials necessary for well-paidoccupations and professions (Bowles and Gintis,1976). Educational credentials are extremely impor-tant in societies that emphasize credentialism-aprocess of social selection in which class advantageand social status are linked to the possession of aca-demic qualifications (Collins, 1979; Marshall, 1998).Credential ism is closely related to meritocracy--previ-ously defined as a social system in which status is as-sumed to be acquired through individual ability andeffort (Young, 1994/1958). Persons who acquire theappropriate credentials for a job are assumed to havegained the position through what they know, not whothey are or who they know. According to conflict the-orists, the hidden curriculum determines in advancethat the most valued credentials will primarily stay inthe hands of the elites, so the United States is not ac-tually as meritocratic as some might claim.

Gender bias and the hidden curriculum Accordingto conflict theorists, gender bias is embedded in boththe formal and the hidden curricula of schools. Al-though most girls and young women in the UnitedStates have a greater opportunity for education thanthose living in developing nations, their educationalopportunities are not equal to those of boys andyoung men in their social class (see AAuw, 1995;Orenstein, 1995). For many years, reading materials,classroom activities, and treatment by teachers andpeers contributed to a feeling among many girls andyoung women that they were less important thanmale students. Over time, this kind of differentialtreatment undermined females' self-esteem and dis-couraged them from taking certain courses, such asmath and science, that were usually dominated bymale teachers and students (Raffalli, 1994).

In recent years, some improvements have takenplace in girls' education, as more females have en-rolled in advanced placement or honors courses andin academic areas, such as math and science, wherethey had previously lagged (AAuw, 1998). However,girls are still not enrolled in higher-level science (suchas physics) and computer sciences courses in the same

numbers as boys. Girls and young women continue tomake up only a small percentage of students in com-puter science and computer design classes, and thegender gap grows even wider from grade eight toeleven. Whereas male students are more likely to en-roll in courses where they learn how to develop com-puter programs, female students are more likely toenroll in clerical and data-entry classes (AAuw,1998). Some researchers find that the hidden curricu-lum works against young women in that some educa-tors do not provide females with as much informationabout economic trends and the relationship amongcurriculum, course-taking choices, and career optionsas they provide to male students from middle- andupper-income families. Latinas are particularly af-fected by the hidden curriculum as it relates to gen-der, race/ethnicity, and language (AAuw, 1998).

SymboLic InteractionistPerspectives on EducationUnlike functionalist analysts, who focus on the func-tions and dysfunctions of education, and conflicttheorists, who focus on the relationship between edu-cation and inequality, symbolic interactionists focuson classroom communication patterns and educa-tional practices, such as labeling, that affect students'self-concept and aspirations.

LABELING AND THE SELF-FULFILLING PROPHECY Chap-ter 6 explains that labeling is the process whereby aperson is identified by others as possessing a specificcharacteristic or exhibiting a certain pattern of behav-ior (such as being deviant). According to symbolic in-teractionists, the process of labeling is directly relatedto the power and status of those persons who do thelabeling and those who are being labeled. In schools,teachers and administrators are empowered to label

hidden curriculum the transmission of cultural valuesand attitudes, such as conformity and obedience toauthority, through implied demands found in rules,routines, and regulations of schools.

credentialism a process of social selection in whichclass advantage and social status are linked to thepossession of academic qualifications.

children in various ways, including grades, writtencomments on deportment (classroom behavior), andplacement in classes. For example, based on standard-ized test scores or classroom performance, educatorslabel some children as "special ed" or low achievers,whereas others are labeled as average or "gifted andtalented." For some students, labeling amounts to aself-fulfilling prophecy-previously defined as an un-substantiated belief or prediction resulting in behav-ior that makes the originally false belief come true(Merton, 1968). A classic form of labeling and theself-fulfilling prophecy occurs through the use of IQ(intelligence quotient) tests, which claim to measure aperson's inherent intelligence, apart from any familyor school influences on the individual. In manyschool systems, IQ tests are used as one criterion indetetmining student placement in classes and abilitygroups.

USING LABELING THEORY TO EXAMINE THE IQ DEBATEThe relationship between IQ testing and labeling the-ory has been of special interest to sociologists. In the1960s, two social scientists conducted an experimentin an elementary school during which they intention-ally misinformed teachers about the intelligence testscores of students in their classes (Rosenthal andJacobson, 1968). Despite the fact that the studentswere randomly selected for the study and had nomeasurable differences in intelligence, the researchersinformed the teachers that some of the students hadextremely high IQ test scores, whereas others hadaverage to below-average scores. As the researchersobserved, the teachers began to teach "exceptional"students in a different manner from other students.In turn, the "exceptional" students began to out-perform their "average" peers and to excel in theirclasswork. This study called attention to the labelingeffect ofIQ scores.

However, experiments such as this also raise otherimportant issues: What if a teacher (as a result ofstereotypes based on the relationship between IQ andrace) believes that some students of color are less capa-ble oflearning? Will that teacher (often without realiz-ing it) treat such students as if they are incapable oflearning? In their controversial book The Bell Curve:Intelligence and Class Structure in American Lift,Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray (1994) ar-gue that intelligence is genetically inherited and that

people cannot be "smarter" than they are born to be,regardless of their environment or education. Accord-ing to Herrnstein and Murray, certain racial-ethnicgroups differ in average IQ and are likely to differ in"intelligence genes" as well. For example, they pointout that, on average, people living in Asia score higheron IQ tests than white Americans and that AfricanAmericans score 15 points lower on average thanwhite Americans. Based on an all-white sample, theauthors also concluded that low intelligence leads tosocial pathology, such as high rates of crime, droppingout of school, and winding up poor. In contrast, highintelligence typically leads to success, and family back-ground plays only a secondary role.

Many scholars disagree with Herrnstein and Mur-ray's research methods and conclusions. Two majorflaws found in their approach were as follows: (1) theauthors used biased statistics that underestimate the im-pact of hard-to-measure factors such as family back-ground, and (2) they used scores from the ArmedForces Qualification Test, an exam that depends on theamount of schooling that people have completed. Thus,what the authors claim is immutable intelligence is ac-tually acquired skills (Weinstein, 1997). Despite thisrefutation, the idea of inherited mental inferiority tendsto take on a life of its own when people want to believethat such differences exist. According to researchers,many African American and Mexican American chil-dren are placed in special education classes on the basisof IQ scores when the students were not fluent inEnglish and thus could not understand the directionsgiven for the test. Moreover, when children are labeledas "special ed" students or as being learning disabled,these terms are social constructions that may lead tostigmatization and become a self-fulfilling prophecy(Carrier, 1986; Coles, 1987).

Labeling students based on IQ scores has been anissue for many decades. Immigrants from southernand eastern Europe-particularly from Italy, Poland,and Russia-who arrived in this country at the begin-ning of the twentieth century had lower IQ scores onaverage than did northern European immigrants whohad arrived earlier from nations such as Great Britain.For many of the white ethnic students, IQ testing be-came a self-fulfilling prophecy: Teachers did not ex-pect them to do as well as children from a northernEuropean (WASP) family background and thus didnot encourage them or give them an opportunity to

overcome language barriers or other educationalobstacles. Although many students persisted andachieved an education, the possibiliry that differencesin IQ scores could be attributed to linguistic, cultural,and educational biases in the tests was largely ignored(Feagin and Feagin, 2003). Debates over the possibleintellectual inferioriry of white ethnic groups are un-thinkable today, but arguments pertaining to AfricanAmericans and IQ continue to surface.

Problems Within Elementaryand Secondary SchoolsEducation in kindergarten through high school is amicrocosm of many of the issues and problems facingthe United States. Today, there are almost 15,000U.S. school districts in what is probably the most de-centralized system of public education in any high-income, developed nation of the world. One of thebiggest problems in public education today resultsfrom unequal funding.

Unequal Funding of Public SchoolsWhy does unequal funding in public education exist?Most educational funds come from state legislative ap-propriations and local properry taxes. State and localgovernments contribute about 47 percent each towardeducational expenses, and the federal government paysthe remaining 6 percent, largely for special programsfor students who are disadvantaged (e.g., the HeadStart program) or have disabilities (Bagby, 1997). Al-though public school spending increased by 28 percent

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between 1991 and 1996, there was an 8A-percent in-crease in enrollment during that same period, and spe-cial education programs received an increasing share ofschool budgets (New York Times, 1997).

Per-capita spending on public and secondary educa-tion varies widely from state to state. In part, this is be-cause the local properry-tax base has been eroding incentral cities as major industries have relocated or goneout of business. Many middle- and upper-income fam-ilies have moved to suburban areas with their ownproperry-tax base so their children can attend relativelynew schools equipped with the latest textbooks andstate-of-the-art computers-advantages that schools incentral cities and poverry-ridden rural areas lack (seeKozol, 1991; Ballantine, 2001).

In recent years, some states have been held account-able by the courts for unequal funding that results in"rich" and "poor" school districts. However, proposalsto improve educational funding have been relativelylimited in scope. Recently, voucher systems-whichwould allow students and their families to spend aspecified sum of government money to purchase edu-cation at the school of their choice-have gainedmany supporters, who believe that this system mightbe an answer to some of the problems that plague pub-lic education today; however, opponents strongly dis-agree with this approach, believing that it would harmpublic education instead of helping it.

School ViolenceViolence and fear of violence continue to be problemsin schools throughout the United States. In the1990s, violent acts resulted in numerous deaths in

"Rich" schools and "poor" schools are readily identifiable by their buildings and equipment.What are the long-term social consequences of unequal funding for schools?

schools across the nation. Schools in communltlessuch as Pearl, Mississippi, West Paducah, Kentucky,Jonesboro, Arkansas, Springfield, Oregon, and Little-ton, Colorado, witnessed a series of killings in schoolsby students that shocked people across the world.

Throughout the nation, there has been a call forgreater school security. As a result, more students arein an academic environment that is similar to a prison.However, many education analysts believe that tech-nology and increased law enforcement should not bethe primary tools for achieving school discipline andending violence and crime on school campuses. Edu-cation scholar John Devine (1996) emphasizes thatschools must be understood as part of a larger, tumul-tuous society: Violence in schools will not end untilguns are eliminated from U.S. society. Given the factthat some schools do not motivate students to learnand are arranged much like a prison, is it any wonderthat school dropout rates are high?

Dropping OutAlthough there has been a decrease in the overallschool dropout rate over the past two decades, about10 percent of people between the ages of fourteen andtwenty-four have lefr school before earning a highschool diploma. However, ethnic and class differencesare significant in dropout rates. For example, Latinos/as (Hispanics) have the highest dropout rate (24.0percent), followed by Mrican Americans (12.2 per-cent), non-Hispanic whites (7.9 percent), and AsianAmericans (1.0 percent) (Shin, 2005). The dropoutrate also varies by region. In New York City, for exam-ple, Mrican American, Puerto Rican, and ItalianAmerican youths have the highest dropout rates (Pin-derhughes, 1997).

ThomsonNOW'

Learn more about dropping out by going through the % ofPersons Who Are High School Graduates Map Exercise.

Why are Latinos/as more likely to drop out of highschool than are other racial and ethnic groups? First,the category of "Hispanic" or "Latino/a" incorporatesa wide diversity of young people-including thosewho trace their origins to Mexico, Puerto Rico, Haiti,and countries in Central and South America-who

may leave school for a variety of reasons. Second,some students may drop out of school partly becausetheir teachers have labeled them as "troublemakers."Some students have been repeatedly expelled fromschool before they actually become "dropouts."Third, some critics disagree with the use of the term"dropout," believing that Latinos/as have been ex-cluded from meaningful academic programs and dis-couraged from gaining the education necessary tomove into the middle-income categories, and thushave been pushed out of the educational systemrather than dropping out of it.

Students who drop out of school may be skepticalabout the value of school even while they are still at-tending because they believe that school will not in-crease their job opportunities. Upon leaving school,many dropouts have high hopes of making somemoney and enjoying their newfound freedom. How-ever, these feelings often turn to disappointment whenthey find that few jobs are available and that they donot meet the minimum educational requirements forany "good" jobs that exist (Pinderhughes, 1997).

RaciaL Segregation and ResegregationIn many areas of the United States, schools remainracially segregated or have become resegregated afterearlier attempts at integration failed. In 1954 the U.S.Supreme Court ruled (in Brown v. The Board of Edu-cation of TOpeka,Kansas) that "separate but equal" seg-regated schools are unconstitutional because they areinherently unequal. However, five decades later, racialsegregation remains a fact of life in education.

Efforts to bring about desegregation-the abolitionof legally sanctioned racial-ethnic segregation-orintegration-the implementation of specific actionto change the racial-ethnic and/or class compositionof the student body-have failed in many districtsthroughout the country. Some school districts havebused students across town to achieve racial integra-tion. Others have changed school attendance bound-aries or introduced magnet schools with specializedprograms such as science or the fine arts to change theracial-ethnic composition of schools. But school seg-regation does not exist in isolation. Racially segregatedhousing patterns are associated with the high rate ofschool segregation experienced by Mrican American,Latina/o, and other students of color. Ethnic enclaves

of recent immigrants may also result in a concentra-tion of students in a particular school where they haveno opportunity to interact with children from otherincome levels or family backgrounds.

Even in more-integrated schools, resegregation of-ten occurs at the classroom level (Mickelson andSmith, 1995). Because of past racial discriminationand current socioeconomic inequalities, many chil-dren of color are placed in lower-level courses andspecial education classes. At the same time, non-Latina/o white and Asian American students are morelikely to be enrolled in high-achievement courses andprograms for the gifted and talented.

Despite the difficulties associated with U.S. publiceducation, many people have not lost hope thatschools can be improved. Some individuals have be-gun their own initiatives to make a difference in edu-cation (see Box 12.3).

Opportunities and Challengesin Colleges and UniversitiesWho attends college? What sort of college or univer-sity do they attend? For students who complete highschool, access to colleges and universities is deter-mined not only by prior academic record but also bythe ability to pay. One of the most remarkable successstories over the last fifty years has been the develop-ment and rapid growth of community colleges in theUnited States.

Opportunities and Challengesin Community CollegesOne of the fastest-growing areas of U.S. higher educa-tion today is the community college; however, thehistory of two-year colleges goes back more than acentury. Today, the oldest existing public two-yearcollege is Joliet Junior College in Illinois. Like othercommunity colleges, Joliet offers pre-baccalaureateprograms for students planning to transfer to a four-year university, occupational education leading di-rectly to employment, adult education and literacyprograms, work-force and workplace developmentservices, and support services to help students succeed(Joliet Junior College, 2005). Originally, two-yearcolleges focused on general liberal arts courses, butduring the 1930s these institutions began offering

job-training programs. Following World War II, theGI Bill of Rights provided the opportunity for morepeople to attend college, and in 1948 a presidentialcommission report called for the establishment of anetwork of public community colleges that wouldcharge little or no tuition, serve as cultural centers, becomprehensive in their program offerings, and servethe area in which they were located (Vaughan, 2000).

Hundreds of community colleges were openedacross the nation during the 1960s, and the numberof such institutions has steadily increased since thattime as community colleges have responded to theneeds of their students and local communities. Com-munity colleges offer a variety of courses, some ofwhich are referred to as "transfer courses," in whichstudents earn credits that are fully transferable to afour-year college or university. Other courses are intechnical/occupational programs, which provide for-mal instruction in fields such as nursing, emergencymedical technology, plumbing, carpentry, and com-puter information technology. Community collegesalso pride themselves on offering remedial educationfor students who need to gain additional backgroundor competence in a subject, as well as courses to bene-fit those international students who need assistance inlearning a new language or developing other skills. Fi-nally, community colleges offer continuing educationor lifelong learning courses and work-force develop-ment activities in which the schools partner withbusiness and industry to provide skilled workers intheir communities.

Did you know that community colleges educate ~"0

about half of the nation's undergraduates? According ~to the American Association of Community Colleges §a-:(2005), there are a total of 1,166 community colleges ~(including public and private colleges) in the UnitedStates, and these institutions enroll almost 12 millionstudents in credit and noncredit courses. Communitycollege enrollment accounts for 46 percent of all U.S.undergraduates.

Who benefits most from community colleges?Community colleges provide significant educationalopportunities to students across lines of income, gen-der, and race/ethnicity. Because community collegesare more affordable, with an average of about one-halfthe tuition and fees of the typical four-year college,more students are able to take advantage of the educa-tional opportunities provided in their community.

You Can Make a Difference

Tutoring is the highlight of my week. While going toa university, it is easy to lose a sense of curiosity andenthusiasm for learning because we get caught up inhomework and grades. But, when I am at MartinLuther King Elementary, I feel refreshed and invigo-rated because of the excitement and curiosity withwhich young students approach their learning ....For this reason, I think that I get more out of thistutoring experience at times than the kids do. I haveso much fun working with students and feel lucky tohave the chance to help them learn.

-Zahra, a University of Washington pre-medstudent, describes how it feels to be a tutor ata local public school (qtd. in Stickler, 2004)

Across the nation, increasing numbers of college stu-dents such as Zahra are actively participating in tutor-ing and mentoring programs in kindergarten throughgrade 12. Some college student tutors are educationmajors, but many come from diverse undergraduate ma-jors including pre-med, engineering, the sciences andmath, humanities, and social sciences such as sociology,psychology, and women's studies. At the University ofWashington, for example, only about 40 percent of thetutors are planning to go into teaching as a career(Stickler, 2004).

College students tutoring students in local publicschools is a win-win situation for everyone. Publicschool teachers benefit from the presence of college tu-tors in their classroom because it provides the teacherswith a chance to work individually with more students orto have the tutor assist a child who needs special help inreading, writing, spelling, math, science, or some othersubject. Students in kindergarten through grade 12 ben-efit by having a college tutor because they have the op-portunity to learn in a one-on-one situation and to askquestions about the subject matter that they otherwisemight not ask their teacher. With the assistance of

According to the American Association of Commu-nity Colleges (2005), almost 40 percent of all com-munity college students receive financial aid to helpmeet the $1,076 average annual tuition. Womenmake up a slight majority (58 percent) of community

tutors, top students are able to achieve even more thanthey otherwise would, and middle- and lower-tier stu-dents are able to gain not only academic skills but also agreater feeling of confidence as they succeed in school.

For college students, tutoring provides an opportu-nity to make a difference in the lives of children andyoung people who are looking for role models closer totheir own age with whom they can identify. Gainingknowledge of the real world through field experienceand service activities is an important component of acollege education. For individuals who plan to go intothe education field, tutoring in the classroom provideshands-on experience that cannot be gained in the stan-dard college classroom (Musick, 2004). For college stu-dents who are planning to go into other careers,tutoring in public schools opens up new worlds of com-munication and social interaction with young peoplefrom diverse backgrounds. Even as college students pro-vide a service for kids and local communities, the tutorsalso gain valuable experience and insights that may beuseful throughout life. As Jill, another University ofWashington student tutor, stated,

I would, without hesitation, encourage anyone [whois] up to a meaningful and worthwhile challenge: toget involved in [the tutoring program]. Not only doesthe organization provide an incredible service to thekids and communities it holds classes in, but it offersreal life learning unlike anything found in a textbookor university classroom. (qtd. in Stickler, 2004)

Are you interested in making a difference in educa-tion? Would you like to learn more about children andyoung people and help them meet their educationalneeds? If so, tutoring might be a good avenue for youto begin to develop this interest. and you may wish tofind out what tutoring programs are available at yourcollege or university.

college students, and for working women and moth-ers of young children, these schools provide a uniqueopportunity to attend classes on a part-time basis astheir schedule permits. Men also benefit from flexiblescheduling because they can work part time or full

time while enrolled in school. About 62 percent of allcommunity college students are enrolled part time,while 36 percent are full-time students (taking 12 ormore credit hours each semester).

One of the greatest challenges facing communitycolleges today is money. Across the nation, state andlocal governments struggling to balance their budgetshave slashed funding for community colleges. In anumber of regions, these cuts have been so severe thatschools have been seriously limited in their ability tomeet the needs of their students. In some cases, col-leges have terminated programs, slashed course offer-ings, reduced the number of faculty, and eliminatedessential student services. Limited resources are one ofthe major problems that community colleges face,and this problem is shared by many four-year collegesand universities as well.

Opportunities and Challenges inFour-Year Colleges and UniversitiesMore than ten million students attend public or pri-vate four-year colleges or universities in the UnitedStates. Whereas community colleges award certifi-cates and associate degrees, four-year institutions offera variety of degrees, including the bachelor's degree,the master's degree, and the doctorate, the highest de-gree awarded. Some also award professional degrees infields such as law or medicine. According to the Asso-ciation of American Colleges and Universities, pro-viding a liberal education is the goal of manyinstitutions of higher education. Liberal education isa philosophy of education that aims to empower indi-viduals, liberate the mind from ignorance, and culti-vate social responsibility. For this reason, four-yearschools typically offer a general education curriculumthat gives students exposure to multiple disciplinesand ways of knowing, along with more in-depthstudy (known as a "major") in at least one area of con-centration. Having a liberal education provides op-portunities for students in that it offers them adiversity of ideas and experiences that will help themnot only in a career but in their interpersonal rela-tionships and civic engagements. Today, it is increas-ingly important for people to acquire educationbeyond the high school level because the demand forcollege-educated workers has risen faster than thesupply. Average earnings of college graduates are

Soaring costs of both public and private institutions of highereducation are a pressing problem for today's college studentsand their parents. What factors have contributed to thehigher overall costs of obtaining a college degree?

much higher than those of persons with only a highschool diploma. However, many challenges are facedby four-year institutions, including the cost of highereducation, problems with students completing a de- ogree program in a reasonable time frame, racial and :g

oethnic differences in enrollment, and lack of faculty ;:+c::diversity. We now turn to the key challenges in higher a.:education. [;:

The Soaring Cost of a CollegeEducationWhat does a college education cost? Studies by the

::::lCollege Board (a nonprofit organization that provides n

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dents, schools, and colleges) have found that a college [;:education is quite expensive and that increases in av- ~erage yearly tuition for four-year colleges are higher ~than the overall rate of inflation (Bagby, 1997). Al- ~.though public institutions such as community col- @:leges and state colleges and universities typically have [;:

lower tultIon and overall costs-because they arefunded primarily by tax dollars-than private collegeshave, the cost of attending public institutions has in-creased dramatically over the past decade. The totalnumber of low-income students has dropped sincethe 1980s as a result of declining scholarship fundsand also because many students must work full timeor part time to pay for their education.

According to some social analysts, a college educa-tion is a bargain-even at about $90 a day for privateschools or $35 for public schools-because for theirmoney students receive instruction, room, board, andother amenities such as athletic facilities and job place-ment services. However, other analysts believe that thehigh cost of a college education reproduces the existingclass system: Students who lack money may be deniedaccess to higher education, and those who are able toattend college tend to receive different types of educa-tion based on their ability to pay. For example, a com-munity college student who receives an associate'sdegree or completes a certificate program may be pre-pared for a position in the middle of the occupationalstatus range, such as a dental assistant, computer pro-grammer, or auto mechanic (Gilbert, 2003). In con-trast, university graduates with four-year degrees aremore likely to find initial employment with firmswhere they stand a chance of being promoted to high-level management and executive positions. Althoughhigher education may be a source of upward mobilityfor talented young people from poor families, the U.S.system of higher education is sufficiently stratified thatit may also reproduce the existing class structure(Gilbert, 2003).

RaciaL and Ethnic Differencesin EnrollmentHow does college enrollment differ by race and eth-nicity? People of color (who are more likely than theaverage white student to be from lower-income fami-lies) are underrepresented in higher education. How-ever, some increases in minority enrollment haveoccurred over the past three decades. Latina/o enroll-ment as a percentage of total college enrollment in-creased from about 5.7 percent to 9.8 percentbetween 1990 and 2001 (Chronicle of Higher Educa-tion, 2004: 16). Even so, Latinos/as are underrepre-sented in higher education: Today, Latinos/as account

for 13.4 percent of the total U.S. population (U.S.Census Bureau, 2006).

Although African American enrollment increasedsomewhat between 1990 and 2001, it remains steadytoday at about 11 percent. Gender differences are evi-dent in African American enrollment: Women ac-counted for more than 63 percent of all AfricanAmerican college students in 2001 (Chronicle ofHigher Education, 2004: 16). Native American enroll-ment rates have remained stagnant at about 0.9 per-cent from the 1970s to the 2000s; however, two-yearcommunity colleges-known as tribal colleges-onreservations have experienced an increase in NativeAmerican student enrollment. Founded to overcomeracism experienced by Native American students intraditional four-year colleges and to shrink the highdropout rate among Native American college stu-dents, there are now 27 colleges chartered and run bythe Native American nations (Holmes, 1997). Unlikeother community colleges, however, the tribal col-leges receive no funding from state and local govern-ments and, as a result, are chronically short of fundsto fulfill their academic mission. But for most NativeAmericans residing on reservations, these schools pro-vide the best hope for attaining a higher education(Holmes, 1997).

The proportionately low number of people ofcolor enrolled in colleges and universities is reflectedin the educational achievement of people age 25 andover, as shown in the "Census Profiles" feature. If wefocus on persons who receive doctorate degrees, theunder representation of persons of color is even morestriking. Minority group members accounted for onlyabout 18 percent of the doctorates awarded in 1999-2000 (Chronicle of Higher Education, 2002).

At all levels of formal education in the UnitedStates, some schools are operated by the government(primarily by state and local governments), and othersare run by various types of nongovernmental entities.In the private sector, some of the schools either werefounded by or are operated by religious organizations.By way of example, some of the best-known privateuniversities in this country were initially run by reli-gious groups that sought to integrate the principles ofeducation with the teaching of the religious andmoral beliefs of their group. Consequently, there is anoverlap between education and religion in a variety ofacademic institutions at all levels. To gain a better un-

Census Profiles

Educational Achievementof Persons Age 25 and Over

The Census Bureau asks people to indicate the high-est degree or level of schooling they have com-pleted. Sixteen categories, ranging from "noschooling completed" to "doctorate degree," are setforth as responses on the form that is used; however,we are looking only at the categories of high schoolgraduate and above.

As shown below, census data reflect that the high-est levels of educational attainment are held by AsianAmericans, followed by non-Hispanic white respon-dents. For these statistics to change significantly,greater educational opportunities and more-affordablehigher education would need to be readily available toAfrican Americans and Latinos/as, who historicallyhave experienced racial discrimination and inade-quately funded public schools with high dropout ratesand low high school graduation rates.

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derstanding of how sociologists systematically exam-ine religion in society, let's first look at religion from ahistorical perspective.

eLigion in HistoricaLerspective

Religion is a system of beliefs, symbols, and rituals,based on some sacred or supernatural realm, thatguides human behavior, gives meaning to life, andunites believers into a community (Durkheim,1995/1912). For many people, religious beliefs pro-vide the answers for seemingly unanswerable ques-tions about the meaning of life and death.

Religion and the Meaning of LifeReligion seeks to answer important questions such aswhy we exist, why people suffer and die, and whathappens when we die. Whereas science and medicinetypically rely on existing scientific evidence to respondto these questions, religion seeks to explain suffering,death, and injustice in the realm of the sacred. Accord-ing to Emile Durkheim, sacred refers to those aspectsof life that are extraordinary or supernatural-inother words, those things that are set apart as "holy."People feel a sense of awe, reverence, deep respect, orfear for that which is considered sacred. Across cul-tures and in different eras, many things have been con-sidered sacred, including invisible gods, spirits, specificanimals or trees, altars, crosses, holy books, and specialwords or songs that only the initiated could speak orsing (Collins, 1982). Those things that people do notset apart as sacred are referred to as profane--theeveryday, secular or "worldly" aspects of life(Collins, 1982). Thus, whereas sacred beliefs arerooted in the holy or supernatural, secular beliefs have

religion a system of beliefs, symbols, and rituals,based on some sacred or supernatural realm, thatguides human behavior, gives meaning to life, andunites believers into a community.

sacred those aspects oflife that are extraordinary orc upernatural.

profane the everyday, secular, or "worldly" aspectsof life.

These Jews at the Western Wall in Jerusalem-a wall thatholds special significance for all Jews-express their faithin God and in the traditions of their ancestors.

their foundation in scientific knowledge or everydayexplanations. In the debate between creationists andevolutionists, for example, advocates of creationismview it as a belief founded in sacred (Biblical) teach-ings, whereas advocates of evolutionism assert thattheir beliefs are based on provable scientific facts.

In addition to beliefs, religion also comprises sym-bols and rituals. According to the anthropologistClifford Geertz (1966), religion is a set of culturalsymbols that establishes powerful and pervasivemoods and motivations to help people interpret themeaning of life and establish a direction for their be-havior. People often act out their religious beliefs inthe form of rituals-symbolic actions that representreligious meanings (McGuire, 2002). Rituals rangefrom songs and prayers to offerings and sacrificesthat worship or praise a supernatural being, an ideal,or a set of supernatural principles (Roberts, 2004).Rituals differ from everyday actions in that they havevery strictly determined behavior. According to thesociologist Randall Collins (1982: 34), "In rituals, itis the forms that count. Saying prayers, singing ahymn, performing a primitive sacrifice or a dance,marching in a procession, kneeling before an idol ormaking the sign of the cross-in these, the actionmust be done the right way."

CATEGORIES OF RELIGION Although it is difficult to es-tablish exactly when religious rituals first began, an-thropologists have concluded that all known groupsover the past 100,000 years have had some form ofreligion (Haviland, 2002). Religions have been clas-

4'sified into four main categories based on theif domi-nant belief: Isimple supernaturalism, animism,' theism,and transcendent idealism. In very simple preindus-trial societies, religion often takes the form oHimple~supernaturalism-the belief that supernatural forcesaffect people's lives either positively or negatively.This type of religion does not acknowledge specificgods or supernatural spirits but focuses instead on im-personal forces that may exist in people or natural ob-jects. By contrast, animism is the belief that plants,animals, or other elements of the natural world areendowed with spirits or life forces having an impacton events in society. Animism is identified with earlyhunting and gathering societies and with many Na-tive American societies, in which everyday life wasnot separated from the elements of the natural world(Albanese, 2007).

The third category of religion is theism-a belief ina god or gods. Horticultural societies were among thefirst to practice monotheism-a belief in a single,supreme being or god who is responsible for signifi-cant events such as the creation of the world. Three ofthe major world religions-Christianity, Judaism, andIslam-are monotheistic. By contrast, Shinto and anumber of indigenous religions of Africa are forms ofpoly theism-a belief in more than one god (see Table12.1). The fourth category of religion, transcendentidealism, is nontheistic because it does not focus onworship of a god or gods. Transcendent idealism is a be- ~lief in sacred principles of thought and conduct. Prin-ciples such as truth, justice, affirmation of life, andtolerance for others are central tenets of transcendentidealists, who seek an elevated state of consciousness inwhich they can fulfill their true potential.

Religion and Scientific ExplanationsDuring the Industrial Revolution, scientific explana-tions began to compete with religious views of life.Rapid growth in scientific and technological knowl-edge gave rise to the idea that science would ultimatelyanswer questions that previously had been in the realm

Major World Religions ,

CURRENT

t FOLLOWERS FOUNDER/DATE BELIEFS

Christianity 1.7 billion Jesus; 1st century LE. Jesus is the Son of God. Through good moral andreligious behavior (and/or God's grace), people

rs:::achieve eternal life with God.

IsLam 1 billion Muhammad; Muhammad received the Our' an (scriptures)ca. 600 LE. from God. On Judgment Day, believers who have

submitted to God's will, as revealed in the Our' an,

~

will go to an eternal Garden of Eden.Hinduism 719 million No specific founder; Brahma (creator), Vishnu (preserver), and Shiva

ca. 1500 B.LE. (destroyer) are divine. Union with ultimate realityand escape from eternal reincarnation are achievedthrough yoga, adherence to scripture, and

• devotion .Buddhism 309 million Siddhartha Gautama; Through meditation and adherence to the

500 to 600 B.LE. Eight-Fold Path (correct thought and behavior),people can free themselves from desire and suffer-ing, escape the cycle of eternal rebirth, and

¢achieve nirvana (enlightenment).

Judaism 18 million Abraham, Isaac, and God's nature and will are revealed in the TorahJacob; ca. 2000 B.LE. (Hebrew scripture) and in His intervention in

history. God has established a covenant withthe people of Israel, who are called to a life of

'I)holiness, justice, mercy, and fidelity to God's law.

Confucianism 5.9 million K'ung Fu-Tzu The sayings of Confucius (collected in the(Confucius); circa Analects) stress the role of virtue and order500 B.LE. in the relationships among individuals, their

families, and society.

of religion. Many scholars believed that increases inscientific knowledge would result in secularization-the process by which religious beliefs, practices, andinstitutions lose their significance in sectors of soci-ety and culture (Berger, 1%7). Secularization involvesa decline of religion in everyday life and a correspond-ing increase in organizations that are highly bureaucra-tized, fragmented, and impersonal (Chalfant, Beckley,and Palmer, 1994).

In the United States, some people argue that sci-ence and technology have overshadowed religion, butothers point to the resurgence of religious beliefs andan unprecedented development of alternative reli-gions in recent years (Kosmin and Lachman, 1993;Roof, 1993; Singer with Lalich, 1995). For peoplewho believe that secularization contributes to a de-cline in morality and traditional family values, public

schools are seen as part of the problem, as describedby a woman from Ohio:

It bothers me what they are teaching kids inschool. ... They are changing history around.This country was founded on God. The peoplethat came and founded this country were Godlypeople, and they have totally taken that out ofhistory. They are trying to get rid of everything

animism the belief that plants, animals, or other ele-ments of the natural world are endowed with spiritsor life forces having an impact on events in society.

secularization the process by which religious beliefs,practices, and institutions lose their significance insectors of society and cuI ture.

that ever says anything about God to please some-one who is offended by it. That bothers me. Theyare teaching the kids sex education at too early anage. They know too much. If they have all that ontheir minds all the time, they are going to get intotrouble. (qtd. in Roof, 1993: 98)

However, other parents strongly disagree with thismother's view on public schools and argue insteadthat religious organizations should be responsible forteaching religious beliefs.

SocioLogicaL Perspectiveson ReligionAccording to the sociologist Meredith B. McGuire(2002), religion as a social institution is a powerful,deeply felt, and influential force in human society. So-ciologists study the social institution of religion becauseof the importance religion holds for many people; theyalso want to know more about the influence of religionon society, and vice versa (McGuire, 2002).

ThomsonNOWLearn more about the sociological study of religion by goingthrough the Role of Religion Video Exercise.

The major sociological perspectives have differentoutlooks on the relationship between religion and so-ciety. Functionalists typically emphasize the ways inwhich religious beliefs and rituals can bind people to-gether. Conflict explanations suggest that religion canbe a source of false consciousness in society. Symbolicinteractionists focus on the meanings that people giveto religion in their everyday life.

Functionalist Perspectives on ReLigionEmile Durkheim was one of the first sociologists toemphasize that religion is essential to the mainte-nance of society. He suggested that religion is a cul-tural universal found in all societies because it meetsbasic human needs and serves important societalfunctions.

For Durkheim, the central feature of all religions isthe presence of sacred beliefs and rituals that bindpeople together in a collectivity. In his studies of the

religion of the Australian aborigines, for example,Durkheim found that each clan had established itsown sacred totem, which included kangaroos, trees,rivers, rock formations, and other animals or naturalcreations. To clan members, their totem was sacred; itsymbolized some unique quality of their clan. Peopledeveloped a feeling of unity by performing ritualdances around their totem, which caused them toabandon individual self-interest. Durkheim suggestedthat the correct performance of the ritual gives rise toreligious conviction. Religious beliefs and rituals arecollective representations-group-held meanings thatexpress something important about the group itself(McGuire, 2002). Because of the intertwining ofgroup consciousness and society, functionalists sug-gest that religion has three important functions in anysociety:

1. Meaning and purpose. Religion offers meaning forthe human experience. Some events create a pro-found sense of loss on both an individual basis(such as injustice, suffering, and the death of aloved one) and a group basis (such as famine,earthquake, economic depression, or subjugationby an enemy). Inequality may cause people towonder why their own situation is no better than itis. Most religions offer explanations for these con-cerns. Explanations may differ from one religionto another, yet each tells the individual or groupthat life is part of a larger system of order in theuniverse (McGuire, 2002). Some (but not all) reli-

Throughout recorded history, churches and other religiousbodies have provided people with a sense of belonging andof being part of something larger than themselves. Membersof this congregation show their unity as they visit with oneanother.

gions even offer hope of an afterlife for personswho follow the religion's tenets of morality in thislife. Such beliefs help make injustices in this lifeeasier to endure.

2. Social cohesion and a sense of belonging. Religiousteachings and practices, by emphasizing sharedsymbolism, help promote social cohesion. An ex-ample is the Christian ritual of communion,which not only commemorates a historical eventbut also allows followers to participate in the unity("communion") of themselves with other believers(McGuire, 2002). All religions have some form ofshared experiences that rekindle the group's con-sciousness of its own unity.

3. Social control and support for the government. All so-cieties attempt to maintain social control throughsystems of rewards and punishments. Sacred sym-bols and beliefs establish powerful, pervasive, long-lasting motivations based on the concept of ageneral order of existence. In other words, if indi-viduals consider themselves to be part of a largerorder that holds the ultimate meaning in life, theywill feel bound to one another (and past and futuregenerations) in a way that otherwise might not bepossible (McGuire, 2002). Religion also helpsmaintain social control in society by conferring su-pernaturallegitimacy on the norms and laws of so-ciety. In some societies, social control occurs as aresult of direct collusion between the dominantclasses and the dominant religious organizations.

In the United States, the separation of church andstate reduces religious legitimation of political power.Nevertheless, political leaders often use religion tojustifY their decisions, stating that they have prayedfor guidance in deciding what to do (McGuire,2002). This informal relationship between religionand the state has been referred to as civil religion-the set of beliefs, rituals, and symbols that makes sa-cred the values of the society and places the nationin the context of the ultimate system of meaning.Civil religion is not tied to anyone denomination orreligious group; it has an identity all its own. For ex-ample, many civil ceremonies in the United Stateshave a marked religious quality. National values arecelebrated on "high holy days" such as Memorial Dayand the Fourth of July. Political inaugurations andcourtroom trials both require people to place their

hand on a Bible while swearing to do their duty or tellthe truth, as the case may be. The United States flag isthe primary sacred object of our civil religion, and thepledge of allegiance has included the phrase "onenation under God" for many years now. U.S. cur-rency bears the inscription "In God We Trust."

Some critics have attempted to eliminate all ves-tiges of civil religion from public life. However, soci-ologist Robert Bellah (1967), who has studied civilreligion extensively, argues that civil religion is not thesame thing as Christianity; rather, it is limited to affir-mations that members of any denomination can ac-cept. As McGuire (2002: 203) explains,

Civil religion is appropriate to actions in the offi-cial public sphere, and Christianity (and other re-ligions) are granted full liberty in the sphere ofpersonal piety and voluntary social action. Thisdivision of spheres of relevance is particularly im-portant for countries such as the United States,where religious pluralism is both a valued featureof sociological life and a barrier to achieving aunified perspective for decision making.

However, Bellah's assertion does not resolve the prob-lem for those who do not believe in the existence ofGod or for those who believe that true religion is triv-ialized by civil religion.

Conflict Perspectives on ReligionMany functionalists view religion, including civil reli-gion, as serving positive functions in society, but someconflict theorists view religion negatively.

KARL MARX ON RELIGION For Marx, ideologies-sys-tematic views of the way the world ought to be-areembodied in religious doctrines and political values(Turner, Beeghley, and Powers, 2002). These ideolo- VI

ogies also serve to justifY the status quo and retard so- 5·cial change. The capitalist class uses religious ideology .g-as a tool of domination to mislead the workers about &their true interests. For this reason, Marx wrote his

civil religion the set of beliefs, rituals, and symbolsthat makes sacred rhe values of the society and placesthe nation in the context of the ultimate system ofmeanmg.

those who have faith, perform good works,and achieve economic success are more likelyto be among the chosen of God. As a result,people work hard, save their money, and donot spend it on worldly frivolity; instead, theyreinvest it in their land, equipment, and labor(Chalfant, Beckley, and Palmer, 1994).

The spirit of capitalism grew in the fertilesoil of the Protestant ethic. Even as peopleworked ever harder to prove their religiouspiety, structural conditions in Europe led tothe Industrial Revolution, free markets, andthe commercialization of the economy--de-

~ velopments that worked hand in hand with: Calvinist religious teachings. From this view-~ point, wealth was an unintended conse-l quence of religious piety and hard work.e;; With the contemporary secularizing influ-~~ ence of wealth, people often think of wealth2'~ and material possessions as the major (or@ only) reason to work. Although it is no longer

referred to as the "Protestant ethic," manypeople still refer to the "work ethic" in some-what the same manner that Weber did. Forexample, political and business leaders in the

United States often claim that "the work ethic is dead."Like Marx, Weber was acutely aware that religion

could reinforce existing social arrangements, espe-cially the stratification system. The wealthy can usereligion to justify their power and privilege: It is a signof God's approval of their hard work and morality(McGuire, 2002). As for the poor, if they work hardand live a moral life, they will be richly rewarded inanother life.

From a conflict perspective, religion tends to pro-mote conflict between groups and societies. Accord-ing to conflict theorists, conflict may be betweenreligious groups (for example, anti-Semitism), withina religious group (for example, when a splinter groupleaves an existing denomination), or between a reli-gious group and the larger society (for example, theconflict over religion in the classroom). Conflict theo-rists assert that in attempting to provide meaning andpurpose in life while at the same time promoting thestatus quo, religion is used by the dominant classes toimpose their own control over society and its re-sources (McGuire, 2002). Many feminists object tothe patriarchal nature of most religions; some advo-cate a break from traditional religions, whereas others

According to Marx and Weber, religion serves to reinforce social stratificationin a society. For exampLe, according to Hindu beLief, a person's sociaLposition in his or her current Life is a result of behavior in a former Life.

now famous statement that religion is the "opiate ofthe masses." People become complacent because theyhave been taught to believe in an afterlife in whichthey will be rewarded for their suffering and misery inthis life. Although these religious teachings soothe themasses' distress, any relief is illusory. Religion unitespeople under a "false consciousness" that they sharecommon interests with members of the dominantclass (Roberts, 2004).

MAX WEBER ON RELIGION Whereas Marx believed thatreligion retarded social change, Weber argued just theopposite. For Weber, religion could be a catalyst to pro-duce social change. In The Protestant Ethic and the Spiritof Capitalism (1976/1904-1905), Weber asserted thatthe religious teachings of John Calvin were directly re-lated to the rise of capitalism. Calvin emphasized thedoctrine of predestination-the belief that, even beforethey are born, all people are divided into two groups,the saved and the damned, and only God knows whowill go to heaven (the elect) and who will go to hell.Because people cannot know whether they will besaved, they tend to look for earthly signs that they areamong the elect. According to the Protestant ethic,

seek to reform religious language, symbols, and ritualsto eliminate the elements of patriarchy.

Symbolic InteractionistPerspectives on ReligionThus far, we have been looking at religion primarilyfrom a macrolevel perspective. Symbolic interaction-ists focus their attention on a micro level analysis thatexamines the meanings that people give to religion intheir everyday life.

RELIGION AS A REFERENCE GROUP For many people,religion serves as a reference group to help them de-fine themselves. For example, religious symbols havemeaning for large bodies of people. The Star of Davidholds special significance for Jews, just as the crescentmoon and star do for Muslims and the cross does forChristians. For individuals as well, a symbol may havea certain meaning beyond that shared by the group.For instance, a symbol given to a child may have spe-cial meaning when he or she grows up and faces waror other crises. It may not only remind the adult of areligious belief but also create a feeling of closenesswith a relative who is now deceased. It has been saidthat the symbolism of religion is so very powerful be-cause it "expresses the essential facts of our human ex-istence" (Collins, 1982: 37).

HER RELIGION AND HIS RELIGION Early feminist Char-lotte Perkins Gilman (1976/1923) believed that"men's religion" taught people to submit and obeyrather than to think about and realistically confrontsituations. Consequently, she asserted, the monopo-lization of religious thoughts and doctrines by mencontributed to intolerance and the subordination ofwomen. Along with other feminist thinkers, Gilmanconcluded that "God the Mother" images could beuseful as a means of encouraging people to be morecooperative and compassionate, rather than competi-tive and violent.

Not all people interpret religion in the same way.In virtually all religions, women have much less influ-ence in establishing social definitions of appropriategender roles both within the religious communityand in the larger community. Therefore, women andmen may belong to the same religious group, buttheir individual religion will not necessarily be a car-bon copy of the group's entire system of beliefs. In

fact, according to McGuire (2002), women's versionsof a certain religion probably differ markedly frommen's versions.

Religious symbolism and language typically createa social definition of the roles of men and women. Forexample, religious symbolism may depict the higherdeities as male and the lower deities as female. Some-times, females are depicted as negative, or evil, spiri-tual forces. For instance, the Hindu goddess Kalirepresents men's eternal battle against the evils of ma-terialism (Daly, 1973). Historically, language has de-fined women as being nonexistent in the world'smajor religions. Phrases such as "for all men" inCatholic and Episcopal services gradually have beenchanged to "for all"; however, some churches retainthe traditional liturgy. Although there has been resis-tance, especially by women, to some of the terms, in-clusive language is less common than older maleterms for God.

Concept Table 12.A summarizes the major socio-logical perspectives on education and religion.

ypes of Religious OrganizationReligious groups vary widely in their organizationalstructure. Although some groups are large and some-what bureaucratically organized, others are small andhave a relatively informal authority structure. Somerequire total commitment from their members; oth-ers expect members to have only a partial commit-ment. Sociologists have developed typologies or idealtypes of religious organization to enable them tostudy a wide variety of religious groups. The mostcommon categorization includes four types: ecclesia,church, sect, and cult.

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'"Ecclesia is a religious organization that is so integrated go'into the dominant culture that it claims as its mem- 5ibership all members of a society. Membership in the :iecclesia occurs as a result of being born into the society, ~

N'rather than by any conscious decision on the part of in- ;.dividual members. The linkages between the social in- gstitutions of religion and government are often very

FunctionalistPerspective

EDUCATIONOne of the most important components of society:Schools teach students not only content but alsoto put group needs ahead of the individual's.

RELIGIONSacred beliefs and rituals bind people togetherand help maintain social control.

ConflictPerspective

Schools perpeuate class, racial-ethnic, and genderinequalities through what they teach to whom.

Religion may be used to justify the status quo(Marx) or to promote social change (Weber).

SymbolicInteractionistPerspective

Labeling and the self-fulfilling prophecy are anexample of how students and teachers affecteach other as they interpret their interactions.

strong in such societies. Although no true ecclesia existsin the contemporary world, the Anglican church (theofficial church of England), the Lutheran church inSweden and Denmark, the Catholic church in Spain,and Islam in Iran and Pakistan come fairly close.

The Church-Sect TypologyTo help explain the different types of religious organi-zations found in societies, Ernst Troeltsch (1960/1931)and his teacher, Max Weber (1963/1922), developed atypology that distinguishes between the characteristicsof churches and sects (seeTable 12.2). Unlike an eccle-sia, a church is not considered to be a state religion;however, it may still have a powerful influence on po-litical and economic arrangements in society. A churchis a large, bureaucratically organized religious organi-zation that tends to seek accommodation with thelarger society in order to maintain some degree ofcontrol over it. Church membership is largely based onbirth; children of church members are typically bap-tized as infants and become lifelong members of thechurch. Older children and adults may choose to jointhe church, but they are required to go through an ex-tensive training program that culminates in a ceremonysimilar to the one that infants go through. Leadershipis hierarchically arranged, and clergy generally havemany years of formal education. Churches have veryrestrained services that appeal to the intellect ratherthan the emotions. Religious services are highly ritual-ized; they are led by clergy who wear robes, enter andexit in a formal processional, administer sacraments,and read services from a prayer book or other standard-ized liturgical format.

Midway between the church and the sect is adenomination-a large organized religion charac-terized by accommodation to society but frequently

Religion may serve as a reference group for manypeople, but because of race, class, and gender,people may experience it differently.

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lacking in the ability or intention to dominate soci-ety (Niebuhr, 1929). Denominations have a trainedministry, and although involvement by lay membersis encouraged more than in the church, their partici-pation is usually limited to particular activities, suchas readings or prayers. Denominations tend to bemore tolerant and less likely than churches to expelor excommunicate members. This form of organiza-tion is most likely to thrive in societies characterizedby religiouspluralism-a situation in which many re-ligious groups exist because they have a special appealto specific segments of the population. Perhaps be-cause of its diversity, the United States has more de-nominations than any other country. Table 12.3shows this diversity.

A sect is a relatively small religious group that hasbroken away from another religious organization torenew what it views as the original version of the faith.Unlike churches, sects offer members a more personalreligion and an intimate relationship with a supreme be-ing, depicted as taking an active interest in the individ-ual's everyday life. Whereas churches use formalizedprayers, often from a prayer book, sects have informalprayers composed at the time they are given. Typically,religious sects appeal to those who might be character-ized as lower class, whereas denominations primarilyappeal to the middle and upper-middle classes, andchurches focus on the upper classes.

According to the church-sect typology, as membersof a sect become more successful economically and so-cially, their religious organization is also likely to focus

Table 12.2

CHARACTERISTIC

Characteristics of Churches and Sects

Large, bureaucratic organization, led by aprofessional clergy

Open to all; members usually from upperand middle classesFormal, orderlyGranted by God, as administered by thechurchTolerant

SECTSmall, faithful group, with high degree of layparticipationClosely guarded membership, usually fromlower classesInformal, spontaneousAchieved by moral purity

Type of WorshipSalvation

Attitude Toward OtherInstitutions and Religions

more on this world and less on the next. If some mem-bers of the sect do not achieve financial success, theymay feel left behind as other members and the ministersshift their priorities. Eventually, this process will weakensome organizations, and people will split off to createnew, lessworldly versions of the group that will be morecommitted to "keeping the faith." Those who defect toform a new religious organization may start another sector form a cult (Stark and Bainbridge, 1981).

A cult is a religious group with practices and teachingsoutside the dominant cultural and religious traditionsof a society. Although many people view cults nega-tively, some major religions (including Judaism, Islam,and Christianity) and some denominations (such as theMormons) started as cults. Cult leadership is based oncharismatic characteristics of the individual, includingan unusual ability to form attachments with other peo-ple. An example is the religious movement started byReverend Sun Myung Moon, a Korean electrical engi-neer who believed that God had revealed to him thatJudgment Day was rapidly approaching. Out of thismovement, the Unification church, or "Moonies,"grew and flourished, recruiting new members throughtheir personal attachments to present members.

Trends in ReLigionin the United StatesAs we have seen throughout this chapter, religion inthe United States is very diverse. Pluralism and reli-gious freedom are among the cultural values mostwidely espoused, and no state church or single de-

nomination predominates. As shown in Table 12.4,Protestants constitute the largest religious body in theUnited States, followed by Roman Catholics, Jews,Eastern Churches, and others.

The rise of a new fundamentalism has occurred atthe same time that a number of mainline denomina-tions have been losing membership. Whereas "old"fundamentalism usually appealed to people fromlower-income, rural, southern backgrounds, the"new" fundamentalism appears to have a much widerfollowing among persons from all socioeconomic lev-els, geographical areas, and occupations. Some mem-ber of the political elite in Washington have vowed tobring religion "back" into schools and public life."New-right" fundamentalists have been especiallycritical of secular humanism-a belief in the per-

ecclesia a religious organization that is so integratedinto the dominant culture that it claims as its mem-bership all members of a society.

church a large, bureaucratically organized religious or-ganizarion that tends to seek accommodation with thelarger society in order to maintain some degree of con-trol over it.

denomination a large, organized religion characterizedby accommodation to society but frequently lacking inability or intention to dominate society.

sect a relatively small religious group that has brokenaway from another religious organization to renewwhat it views as the original version of the faith.

cult a religious group with practices and teachings out-side the dominant cultural and religious traditions of asociety.

MajorU.S. Denominations That Self-Identify as Christian

RELIGIOUS BODY

Roman Catholic ChurchSouthern Baptist ConventionUnited Methodist ChurchChurch of Jesus Christ of Latter Day SaintsChurch of God in Christ"National Baptist Convention, U.S.A:Evangelical Lutheran Church in AmericaNational Baptist Convention of Americaa

Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.)Assemblies of GodLutheran Church-Missouri SynodAfrican Methodist Episcopal Churcha

National Missionary Baptist Convention of Americaa

Progressive National Baptist Conventiona

Episcopal ChurchChurches of ChristaGreek Orthodox ChurchPentecostal Assemblies of the Worlda

American Baptist Churches in U.S.A.African Methodist Episcopal Zion ChurchUnited Church of ChristBaptist Bible Fellowship, InternationalChristian Churches and Churches of Christ"Jehovah's Witnesses

'Current data not available; prior data used may no longer be comparable.Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2006.

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fectibility of human beings through their own effortsrather than through a belief in God and a religiousconversion. According to fundamentalists, "creep-ing" secular humanism has been most visible in thepublic schools, which, instead of offering children afair and balanced picture, are teaching things thatseem to children to prove that their parents' lifestyleand religion are inferior and perhaps irrational(Carter, 1994). The new-right fundamentalists claimthat banning the teaching of Christian beliefs in the

MEMBERS

67,260,000

16,440,000

8,251,000

5,503,000

5,500,000

5,000,000

4,985,000

3,500,000

3,241,0002,730,000

2,489,000

2,500,000

2,500,000

2,500,000

2,320,000

1,500,000

1,500,000

1,500,000

1,433,000

1,433,000

1,297,000

1,200,000

1,072,000

1,041,000

CHURCHES19,431

42,972

35,102

12,112

15,300

9,000

10,657

(NjA)11,064

12,222

6,160

4,174

(NjA)2,000

7,305

15,000

5101,750

5,834

3,2365,738

4,500

5,579

12,054

classroom while teaching things that are contrary totheir faith is an infringement on their freedom of re-ligion. Worse yet, they argue, it is the equivalent ofestablishing an unconstitutional state religion-asecular religion that does not recognize God.

But how might students and teachers who comefrom very diverse religious and cultural backgroundsfeel about religious instruction or organized prayer inpublic schools? Rick Nelson, a teacher in the FairfaxCounty, Virginia, public school system, explains hisconcern about the potential impact of group prayeron students in his classroom:

I think it really trivializes religion when you tryto take such a serious topic with so many differ-

u.s. Religious BodiesMembership

NUMBER OFMEMBERS

91,500,000

63,683,000

6,000,000

5,602,000

5,631,000

1,864,000

795,000

Protesta nts

Roman Catholics

Muslims

JewsOrthodox Christians

Buddhists

Hindus

ent viewpoints and cover it in the public schools.At my school we have teachers and students whoare Hindu. They are really devout, but they arenot monotheistic. ... I am not opposed to indi-vidual prayer by students. I expect students topray when I give them a test. They need to dothat for my tests .... But when there is groupprayer ... who's going to lead the group? Andif I had my Hindu students lead the prayer, Iwill tell you it will disrupt many of my studentsand their parents. It will disrupt the mission ofmy school, unfortunately ... if my students arecaused to participate in a group Hindu prayer.(CNN, 1994)

Should prayer be permitted in the classroom? On the schoolgrounds? At school athletic events? Given the diversity ofbeliefs that U.S. people hold, arguments and court cases overactivities such as prayer around the school flagpole will nodoubt continue in the future.

As we have seen in this chapter, the debate contin-ues over what should be taught and what practices(such as Bible reading and prayer) should be permit-ted in public schools.

ducation and Religionin the FutureWhat will education be like in the future? How will itaccommodate the increasing diversity of the U.S.population? According to Gary D. Fenstermacher(1994), the education we need for the future is differ-ent from that of the past:

For this education is not bent on assimilation, tothe melting of different cultures and languages intosome common American pot, or to merely ready-ing today's children for tomorrow's workforce. Incontrast, the education that must engage us todayand in the future is how to form common spaceand common speech and common commitmentwhile respecting and preserving our differences inheritage, race, language, culture, gender, sexual ori-entation, spiritual values, and political ideologies.It is a new challenge for America.

Will we be able to meet this challenge? The No ChildLeft Behind Act of 200 1 requires that schools must beaccountable for students' learning and sets forth steps to-ward producing a more "accountable" education system:

• States will create a set of standards-beginningwith math and reading-for what all childrenshould know at the end of each grade in school;other standards will be developed over a periodof time.

• States must test every student's progress towardmeeting those standards.

• States, individual school districts, and eachschool will be expected to make yearly progress ~toward meeting the standards. £

• School districts must report results regarding the g'progress of individual schools toward meeting [these standards. ~

• Schools and districts that do not make adequate go'progress will be held accountable and could lose ::J

funding and pupils; in some cases, parents will ~be allowed to move their children from low- ~

""T1

performing schools to schools that are meeting 2-the standards. ro

Will these changes make a difference? It will be sometime before we can assess how effective these changesare in bringing about higher-quality education forstudents and better graduation rates across class andracial-ethnic categories.

Religion also is and will remain an important so-cial institution in the twenty-first century. As one an-alyst has stated,

Whatever the future holds, this generation's struggleover values and commitment is not over-if for noother reason than that the memories of the past liveon as reminders of who they are and where theycame from .... [People] know that religion, for allits institutional limitations, holds a vision oflife's

ThomsonNOW'

Learn more about religion in the future by going through theReligion in the United States and the World Data Experiment.

unity and meaningfulness, and for that reason willcontinue to have a place in their narrative. In a verybasic sense, religion itself was never the problem,only social forms of religion that stifle the humanspirit. The sacred lives on and is real to those whocan access it. (Roof, 1993: 261)

Religious organizations will continue to be impor-tant in the lives of many people. However, the influ-ence of religious beliefs and values will be felt even bythose who claim no religious beliefs of their own. Inmany nations, the rise of religious nationalism has ledto the blending of strongly held religious and politicalbeliefs. Although the rise of religious nationalism isoccurring throughout the world, it is especially strongin the Middle East, where Islamic nationalism hasspread rapidly (Juergensmeyer, 1993). Many analystsbelieve that major conflicts around the globe arelinked to religious nationalism as well as to other eco-nomic and political issues.

Chapter Review I IThomsonNOW

Just what you need to know NOW!Maximize your study time by using ThomsonNOW's person-alized study plan to help you review this chapter. The studyplan will• help you identify areas on which you should concentrate;• provide interactive exercises to help you master the chap-

ter concepts; and• provide a post-test to confirm you are ready to move on to

the next chapter.

• How are the social institutions of educationand religion similar?

Education and religion are powerful and influentialforces in society. Both institutions impart values, beliefs,and knowledge considered essential to the social repro-duction of individual personalities and entire cultures.

• What is the primary function of education?Education is the social institution responsible for thesystematic transmission of knowledge, skills, and cul-tural values within a formally organized structure.

• What is the functionalist perspectiveon education?

According to functionalists, education has both man-ifest functions (socialization, transmission of culture,social control, social placement, and change and in-novation) and latent functions (keeping young peopleoff the streets and out of the job market, matchmak-ing and producing social networks, and creating ageneration gap).

• What is the conflict perspective on education?From a conflict perspective, education is used to per-petuate class, racial-ethnic, and gender inequalitiesthrough tracking, ability grouping, and a hidden cur-riculum that teaches subordinate groups conformityand obedience.

• What is the symbolic interactionist perspectiveon education?

According to symbolic interactionists, education maybe a self-fulfilling prophecy for some students, suchthat these students come to perform up-or down-to the expectations held for them by teachers.

• What is religion?Religion is a system of beliefs, symbols, and rituals,based on some sacred or supernatural realm, thatguides human behavior, gives meaning to life, andunites believers into a community.

• What is the functionalist perspectiveon religion?

According to functionalists, religion has three impor-tant functions in any society: (I) providing meaningand purpose to life, (2) promoting social cohesionand a sense of belonging, and (3) providing socialcontrol and support for the government.

• What is the conflict perspective on religion?From a conflict perspective, religion can have negativeconsequences in that the capitalist class uses religionas a tool of domination to mislead workers about

1 Key TermsaDlmlsm 366church 372civil religion 369credentialism 357cult 373cultural capital 354

their true interests. However, Max Weber believedthat religion could be a catalyst for social change.

What is the symbolic interactionist perspectiveon religion?

Symbolic interactionists examine the meanings thatpeople give to religion and the meanings that they at-tach to religious symbols in their everyday life.

What are the different types of religiousorganizations?

Religious organizations can be categorized as ecclesia,churches, denominations, sects, and cults. Some ofthe world's major religions started off as cults builtaround a charismatic leader and developed into sects,denominations, and churches. No true ecclesia, orgovernment-sponsored religion, exists in the contem-porary world.

denomination 372ecclesia 371education 348hidden curriculum 356profane 365religion 365

I I Questions for Critical Thinking1. Why does so much controversy exist over what

should be taught in U.S. public schools?2. How are the values and attitudes you learned from

your family reflected in your beliefs about educa-tion and religion?

3. How would you design a research project tostudy the effects of civil religion on everyday

I I The Kendall Companion Websitehttp://thomsonedu.com/sociology/kendall

Supplement your review of this chapter by going tothe companion website to take one of the tutorialquizzes, use the flash cards to master key terms, andcheck out the many other study aids you'll find

sacred 365sect 372secularization 367tracking 354

life? What kind of data would be most acces-sible?

4. If Durkheim, Marx, and Weber were engaged in adiscussion about education and religion, on whattopics might they agree? On what topics wouldthey disagree?

there. You'll also find special features such as GSSData and Census 2000 information that will putdata and resources at your fingertips to help you withthat special project or help you do some research onyour own.