Running head: FOOD & MOOD 1

Food and Mood

R. Aviles, J. Pacheco, and M. Townley

Union Institute and University

PSY 731

May 4, 2023

Dr. R. Becker-Klein

FOOD & MOOD 2

Food and Mood

Introduction

We’ve all heard the adage “You are what you eat!” Through the years researchers have

attempted to link this adage to a person’s mental health (Peet, 2004 & 2001). What do people

with mental health issues, specifically mood-related disorders, eat, and does it affect their overall

mental health and well-being? This is an important question, particularly in light of the well-

established disparities in the quality and types of foods which are readily available to most

persons who live with significant and debilitating mental health issues (Taylor, 2009).

Moreover, people of lower socioeconomic status have historically had diminished access to

fresh, healthy food which is indicative of an issue of social injustice (Gottlieb & Joshi, 2010).

The purposes of this study are to attempt to determine if and how people living with

mood-related disorders feel their food choices effect and are affected by their diagnosis. We

posit that determining what foods people choose, and if they feel their choices are impacted by

their diagnosis of a mood-related disorder or food access issues, will help us have a more

concrete understanding of the realities of their lives and will enable us to work toward social

justice and psycho-education.

Background

We believe that mood-related disorders are both affected by food choice and effect food

choice. There is a definite change in mood and arousal that occurs when we are hungry which is

what drives the search for food (Gibson, 2006). For example, it is purported that fatty foods and

sweet foods may serve to reduce stress through their effect on the functioning of the serotonergic

system, and that these foods may also trigger the release of glucocorticoids and insulin

suppressing activity of the HPA axis (Gibson, 2006). This may help explain the selection of

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these unhealthy, “comfort” foods by people suffering with mood-related disorders, as the choice

of those foods is chemically reinforced in our brains. We are interested in finding out if those

persons who live with mood-related disorders have attitudes and opinions that align with the

published research on food and mood interactions. Mood-related disorders have been linked to a

variety of nutritional deficits including insufficient intake of Essential Fatty Acids (EFAs), low

Vitamin D levels, high parathyroid levels, low Vitamin B-12 and low Vitamin B-6 levels and

have also been shown to respond positively to the remediation of such deficits (Hoogendijk, et

al, 2008; Freeman, 2006; Wilkins, et al, 2006; Jorde, et al, 2008; Berk, et al, 2007; Penninx, et al,

2000; and Witte, et al, 2008). This is promising news considering that a previous meta-analysis

has shown that anti-depressants are only marginally more effective than placebos (Kirsch, et al,

2008). Additionally, the FDA just recently (October 2012) released a report saying popular

generic brands of the anti-depressant Wellbutrin are ineffective and that the generics were

released without ever being tested (Maris, 2012). Perhaps, through supplementation and changes

in diet to include more nutritionally dense foods, people with mood-related disorders can be

afforded a better quality of life with fewer medications and/or better management of their

symptoms.

Goals

The purpose of this study is to explore and bring awareness to the overall experience of

living with mood-related disorders as they interact with food choices and eating habits. It is our

hope that such information will improve the ability of psychologists to become evidence-based

agents of change in this mind/body arena. More specific goals are to assess the level of

awareness of food and mood interactions amongst individuals with mood disorders, to get a

picture of the nutritional content of foods commonly eaten, to identify where those with mood-

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related disorders fall along the continuum of change in their understanding of how foods impact

their mood and behavior, and to explore issues of social justice related to food access. We hope

to discern ways that interventions can be tailored to people’s particular stage of change, or

understanding, regarding their food choices thus making more efficacious efforts to positively

influence food choices.

The Stages of Change is a trans-theoretical model which examines and describes an

individual’s level of readiness to change any aspect of their lives or behavior. It is a state/stage

model that progresses through pre-contemplation, contemplation, preparation, action,

maintenance and termination (Prochaska, DiClemente, & Norcross, 1992; Prochaska, et al.,

2008; Norcross, Krebs, & Prochaska, 2011). Understanding where an individual’s belief system

lies along this continuum with regard to their readiness to embark upon a mindful change in their

food choices –whether at the point of disinterest or if they have already begun making changes –

will assist in the development of interventions that speak to the level of readiness each person

possesses moving them forward in their growth or change process.

Through the determination and subsequent understanding of any effects of mood-related

disorders on food choice and eating habits, as well as through the further discovery of a possible

larger pattern, we will attempt to draw conclusions about the level of awareness and

understanding those who live with mood-related disorders have regarding food choice and its

impact upon their behavior. If those patterns exist, we would attempt to develop a clearer

understanding of those relationships in the hopes that action could be taken to alter those patterns

and address not only the psycho-educational issues but also any existing social justice issues in

the area of food access and the consequent impact on their well-being. This burgeoning

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understanding will assist us in targeting interventions and also help us to more clearly identify

areas of social justice and food justice that can subsequently be addressed.

Methodology

Materials

The materials used for completion of this study consist of an eight section questionnaire

with a total of twenty-three questions. The interviews were recorded using various electronic

recording devices. In addition to the audio recorded interviews, each researcher used pen and

paper for field notes, to note any significant behavioral observations or other important aspects

of the interview which would not be evident on an audio recording. Each researcher utilized

dictation software to create a written record of the interviews. Information was initially

organized via group discussion, and word processing software was used to record the group’s

consensus regarding important or relevant data.

Procedures

Data Collection. Our data collection method consisted primarily of face-to-face

interviews augmented with phone interviews. The time required to complete each interview

varied from a minimum of fifteen minutes to a maximum of forty-five minutes. Answers to the

semi-structured questions ranged from simple, one-word answers to more involved and

information-laden responses. For example, in response to our question “How do you obtain

and/or purchase your food?” we received a one word response of “supermarket” and another

response as follows:

I shop at Dottie’s. Not much of the Co-Op because it’s too expensive. Dutton’s

Farm Stand, we used to go to Mr. G’s Liquidation Food Center but it’s closed.

Hannaford’s and Price Chopper.  But I’m not big on grocery shopping. I hate it. 

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So I do it once in a while.  People in my situation… We share food with other

people. So I have this male friend and sometimes I go to his house and

sometimes he comes to my house. So I access food at his place, and sometimes

he comes to my house; and I’ve had girlfriends I share food with.  It’s a survival

tactic.

Inclusion Criteria. There were three gateways for inclusion in our study. First, each

subject was required to be diagnosed with some form of psychopathology and/or medical

condition that impacted their mood. The psychological or medical condition was required to be

formally diagnosed by a healthcare professional. Additionally, the medical or psychological

condition needed to have a significant and/or noticeable impact on their mood, either by self-

report or through documented observation.

The second gateway for inclusion was that each subject was required to be in some form

of ongoing psychotherapeutic treatment due to their condition. For the purposes of this study,

treatment could be in the form of ongoing individual psychotherapy, group therapy, psycho-

pharmacological treatment under the supervision of either a primary care provider or

psychiatrist, or other such treatment from other allied health professionals. The subjects in our

study were participating in a variety of treatment modalities. Three subjects engaged in weekly

group therapy. Five participants were engaged in individual therapy. One person was receiving

in-home, Intensive Family-Based Services (IFBS). Of these subjects, nearly all were prescribed

medication for either a psychological disturbance or physical malady. Four of our subjects were

diagnosed with depression and one with Bipolar. One was diagnosed with chronic pain. Two

carried the diagnosis of Schizophrenia. One was diagnosed with a sleep disturbance disorder and

concomitant mood disorder.

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The third gateway for inclusion in our study was residence in the state of Vermont -

simply due to the research team’s location and the ease with which we could access these

individuals.

Participants

Our participants had a wide range of life experiences. A twenty-eight year old married

woman with one child that does not live in the home has been diagnosed with post-partum

depression and is morbidly obese. She is currently attending community college and has lived in

Vermont her entire life. A forty year old, single, white male with a diagnosis of depression, who

graduated from a state college in Vermont, has resided in Vermont for the past eighteen years. A

thirty-nine year old, married, self-employed, white male with two children in the home is a

community college graduate and has lived in Vermont for fifteen years. He has a diagnosis of

depression. A fifty-three year old, never married woman has been diagnosed with schizophrenia

for the past twenty years. She earned a bachelor’s degree from a prestigious women’s college

prior to her diagnosis.  A forty-three year old woman in a same-gender partnership has been

diagnosed with schizophrenia for the past twenty years.  She did not finish high school. There

was also a twenty-nine year old heterosexual, married mother of two young children with a Sleep

Disruption Disorder and concomitant mood-related disorder.  She has a bachelor’s degree. We

also interviewed a fifty year old female who has lived in the same city for her entire life and is a

high school graduate; a fifty-four year old male who has resided in Brattleboro for the past thirty

years and has a sixth grade education; and lastly, a thirty-two year old male who has lived in

Vermont his entire life and moved to Brattleboro within the last ten years. His level of education

is unknown. Three of these nine subjects attended group therapy for pain management.

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The participants in our study resided in various regions of Vermont. Six subjects hailed

from the southern region of the state in the city of Brattleboro which has a population of

approximately 12,000 and is considered to be quite socially progressive. Two subjects resided in

the town of Warren which has a population of approximately 1,700 and is considered to be more

socially conservative and rural. One subject resided in the city of St. Albans which has a

population of 7,000 and is considered to be socially conservative with both a struggling

manufacturing and a rural component.

Moderator Coding

Our coding technique was based on a combination of our expectations and the

information we gathered from the data. We examined our raw data and compared it to some of

our expected themes. We then applied the knowledge gained from our data collection in an

effort to generate a refinement of our expected themes to better reflect the data collected. After

further collating and organizing of the raw data, we were able to focus our expectations and

results into utilizable categories or topics. At this time, we settled on seven comprehensive

topics. We defined our first category as Overall Nutritional Awareness describing the level of

awareness our participants possessed concerning the importance of nutrition in their daily lives.

Our second category considered Food and Mood Interactions categorizing participants’

awareness of the interactions between the two. The third category, Level of Nutrition Ingested,

focused on the actual food intake of our participants on the day they were interviewed. Next we

looked at issues related to access to food. This category, Access Issues, examined challenges and

opportunities our participants encountered while obtaining food. Our fifth category, Childhood

Food Issues, explored a range of behaviors and beliefs that impact food selection and intake

stemming from the childhood experiences of our participants. Next we examined our

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participants’ level of readiness to make changes- or not to make changes - regarding food intake.

This category, Level in Stages of Change was drawn from Prochaska & DiClemente’s (1992)

model for Stages of Change. Our final category was an emergent theme which reflected, in part,

our primary purpose for choosing this topic. Suggestions for Psycho Education and Social

Justice, is based on the knowledge garnered from our interviews regarding improvements and or

changes that can be made regarding the relationship with, consumption of, or access to more

nutrient rich foods in the lives of those with mood disorders.

Limitations

One of the limitations, which two out of three researchers encountered, was simple

answers or responses provided by the interviewees. This could have simply been due to the fact

that many of the participants interviewed stated that they were depressed. Additionally, three of

the nine subjects attended group therapy for pain management and took time out of their group

meeting to be interviewed when scheduled subjects did not show up. At least one of these three

openly expressed a desire to not miss much of the group. No doubt, the interview was seen as

somewhat of an intrusion into their scheduled therapy, and we believe that this may have

affected the length of their answers.

One of the three interviewers modified or expanded on questions in our questionnaire

thereby eliciting a richer narrative. Two researchers stayed more closely aligned with the

boundaries provided by the specific nature of some questions.

Our subjects came from a variety of backgrounds and subcultures. However all of them

were Caucasian. These subcultures are somewhat unique to Vermont, in part due to the

landscape which presents a variety of geographically related opportunities and challenges to our

participants. For example, due to the primarily rural nature and low-level population density

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which increases the availability of open land, our participants are often presented with

opportunities to grow their own food or eat foods from friends’ or family’s land. At the same

time, this geographic feature can create a “food desert” an area that is geographically distant

from farmer’s markets and supermarkets. The need to travel can often result in a diminished

amount of time for cooking or in limited access and limited choices.

One tenant of our study was concern with the wealth of nutrients found in fresh produce,

grass-fed meats, dairy from grass-fed animals, and eggs from pasture raised chickens. This

brought to light an interesting confound in that the state of Vermont seems to significantly

increase the availability of such foods to its residents. Rosenfeld (2010) points out that Vermont

is unusual in that it is rife with opportunities for direct sales of fresh produce and foods to

consumers through farmers’ markets and community-supported agriculture (CSA) and has a

higher percentage of supermarkets purchasing locally produced foods.  Vermont was “green”

before the term was coined, and as the T-shirt so succinctly puts it, “What’s green and leans to

the left? Vermont.”  Vermont was home to one of the nation’s first organic farming associations,

The Northeast Organic Farming Association of Vermont, which was formed in 1971. The state

also recently passed legislature to protect its environment, community life, and aesthetic

character by requiring any non-agrarian development to meet very stringent guidelines and

standards.  Moreover, Vermont has one of the highest numbers of farmers’ markets and organic

farms per capita.  

Role as Researcher/Reflection on Methods

For the purposes of this study, we believe that the line of inquiry found in our

questionnaire was sufficient to gather the information necessary to complete an initial

exploratory qualitative study on this topic. Rather than revise our questionnaire, which would

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simply further expand and/or refocus our inquiry, the challenge is to delve deeper into the topics

on our existent questionnaire. A qualitative study is based on the participant’s story and to

conduct this research, the researchers must find a way to elicit responses which provide that

narrative. This can be challenging when working with depressed individuals for whom “no

shows” are not uncommon as well as in talking with people for whom the interview presents a

last minute interruption in scheduled activities. Given the circumstances, we believe we elicited a

rich response variation from our subjects.

Results

The coding of the data revealed some expected findings as well as a few surprises! After

collectively reviewing our transcripts we found that the information fell into seven broad topics,

as mentioned above. These topics were explored, discussed, and defined through a process of

consensus among the research team. We had originally believed we would find particular

patterns of thought in relation to specific foods and moods, but this did not occur, perhaps due to

a limited number of subjects and likely due to few questions on specific eating patterns.

Overall Nutritional Awareness

Much to our surprise, most interviewees exhibited a highly intellectualized awareness of

nutrition. For example, many participants discussed the importance of fruits and vegetables to

good health as well as mentioned how detrimental refined sugar could be. One female, age

twenty-nine, stated that she was making a conscious effort to replace refined sugars with “raw

sugarcane or honey when possible.” A fifty-three year old woman described in great detail her

attempts to eat a low-glycemic index diet. There was further talk of fruits and vegetables making

one feel “cleaner,” of gluten free diets having health benefits, and of organic foods tasting better.

When describing their ideal diet, the majority of participants expressed an overall desire for more

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balanced meals including more fruits and vegetables as well as a desire to consume less refined

sugar. Two of the nine also stated a need to consume less alcohol. As researchers, we had not

expected that study participants would be that knowledgeable about many of these nutritional

topics. We were rather surprised and pleased.

When asked, “What do you think your ideal diet would look like?” One woman, age

fifty-three responded with a plethora of detail.

Me?  Well, I already know.  High quality protein four times a

day.  Category one vegetables – three or more servings per day which include all

the things that are low on the glycemic index and only allow one category two

vegetable each day, which includes sweet potatoes, carrots, and orange

squash.  And then I need to have some kind of good oils and plenty of

water.  Only one grain a day.  And milk or a milk alternative and fruit.  Two

servings a day of fruit.  And one serving of beans.  I love beans.  Yes I’d say one

of my favorite foods is black beans.  And any kind of beans.  I love beans.  And

spices.  I love herbs and spices.  So like I’ll go out and just eat parsley, thyme,

rosemary, all of it.

Food and Mood

Most of the participants interviewed expressed a relatively high awareness of the “food

and mood” interaction, yet there were a few who initially denied its existence. When queried

about “comfort foods,” a fifty-three year old female spoke of her growing awareness of food and

mood along with her own choice to eat well regardless of how she felt. Of course, chocolate as a

mood lifter did come up in at least two of the responses. The fifty-three year old female

participate stated,

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I think that’s [food and mood] a fat person thing.  That’s like people who

are depressed – they eat to lift their mood. I did come to understand in the last

couple of years that there’s a reason that people eat chocolate.  I never knew about

that until the last year or two that it actually gives you a little lift.  So, it’s not that

I run out and get chocolate.  I have to feel like I want to eat chocolate.  But I’m

not really one of those “chocolate people.”  So, I would say that I would go for

celery, or broccoli, Brussels sprouts, or orange squash, or collard greens, [laughs]

or vegetables – like carrots.  That’s my food of choice – it’s vegetables.  I eat

them when I’m sad or I’m happy.  Well, my mind can overrule any kind of

craving I might have.  When I’m tired I make sure I’ve had enough protein and

water.  Sometimes I take a nap.  It’s not about food necessarily.

Another female mentioned chocolate in connection to her mood by saying,

“I do definitely gravitate toward chocolate and I want to eat that when I’m

stressed. I think I’m a little bit of an “eat when you’re stressed” person. Not that

I’m hungry, but I need something to do or else I’ll focus too much on what’s

bothering me. It’s kind of like a distraction that’s not really distracting.”

While the majority of participants (six of the nine) voiced their belief in the relationship

between food and mood, three individuals initially denied any link. But upon further

questioning, only one individual insisted that no such relationship existed in his life. After being

queried about a relationship between food and mood, the interviewees were all asked more

specific questions: “What do you eat when you are feeling depressed?” and “What do you eat on

days when you feel happy?” At this point, only one man insisted that mood did not result in any

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differences in his diet. Several others proceeded to describe eating very different foods on days

when they were depressed – usually “sugary junk” or whatever else happened to be available to

them with little or no preparation. There appeared to be a consensus that on days when

participants felt happier they were more likely to cook and more likely to prepare balanced

meals. We were glad to note that these discussions, in the context of our interviews, served, at

times, to bring a greater level of awareness to some of the participants.

In contrast to the high awareness of mood upon food, the inverse, participants’ awareness

of food upon shaping or developing moods, was far less prevalent. Eight of the interviewees did

not remember if there were any differences in their diet that might have influenced the onset of

their mood-related disorder. The ninth person insisted that gluten in her diet along with mercury

dental fillings were responsible for her development of schizophrenia. Only one participant

described the ‘negative spiral of food and mood.’ She talked of how her depression led her to sit

in front of the TV eating junk all day, injuries that prevented her from exercising, and ensuing

poor self-esteem and depression as a result of the weight gain - which in turn led to more sitting

in front of the television eating sugary “comfort foods”. Conversely, she described how she had

more energy when she ate more nutritious foods and added, “But then something always happens

[and I feel depressed again].” This was the only example provided by participants of food

choices having any direct effect upon mood.

Level of Nutrition Ingested

Given the higher than expected level of nutritional awareness demonstrated by persons in

our study, their actual diets were surprising. One of the initial icebreaker questions we asked

people was “Since we are interested in what people eat, would you mind telling me what you

have had to eat today?” It is of note that seven of the nine were interviewed in the evening past

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their usual dinner time. Participants reported eating the following during the day: two hotdogs,

tea, potato salad, and a donut; sour gummy worms, a fast food burger, and a fast food bacon

cheeseburger; ramen-style noodles and coffee; some leftover pizza, frosted Mini-Wheats, and a

grilled cheese; five cups coffee with soy milk, a protein bar, and a protein shake; bacon, egg and

cheese on sourdough bread, a Slim Jim, and a Cow-tail candy; some wheat thins, apples and

peanut butter, and oatmeal; nothing (interviewed around lunch time); and nothing (around 9:30

AM).

It appears clear that every individual was lacking a balanced diet despite the overall

recognition that they needed one. Three of the participants regularly took nutritional

supplements. Only one person had consumed fresh fruits or vegetables that day. No one had

consumed any of the highly nutrient-dense foods we specifically asked about. Due to the link

between brain health and Essential Fatty Acids (EFAs), we specifically asked about pastured

poultry, grass-fed meats and dairy and wild-caught seafood. One person who was expressing

cynicism regarding the marketing of such foods stated, “I don’t know that there is any difference.

It is just a way to make you want to pay more.” Another participant was adamant that there are

no differences between organic and non-organic foods. All of our participants voiced an

understanding of the importance of fruits and vegetables in a healthy diet which is nutritional

information that has been around for decades. Very few conveyed any understanding of the

importance of EFAs which is relatively new nutritional information. For the few who had heard

of the importance of grass-fed and pastured animal foods, access due to financial constraints was

a major issue.

Access Issues

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As discussed above in the limitations of our methods, Vermont is exemplary in its supply

of farm-to-table foods. We were quite pleased to discover that one of our interviewees lived in a

subsidized housing complex with a community garden and another lived in a public housing

community at which local farmers frequently donated their excess produce. Another participant

gardened in his yard and hunted. Two participants reported that they often fished. Several

participants reported having access to friends’ and family’s gardens. Several interviewees

discussed shopping at a local “seconds” health food store. Clearly, access is less of an issue in

Vermont than it may be nationally (Rosenfeld, 2010). Be this as it may, the situation is still far

from ideal, as found in our study. Four of the nine people interviewed noted that access to fresh

produce decreases significantly when the summer growing season ends. They reported that the

cost of high quality foods was a major access issue. Several people reported that they tended to

eat better at the beginning of the month when they had larger balances on their SNAP cards but

that the money was not sufficient to provide that same level of healthful food for the entire

month. Several individuals mentioned pooling food resources and meals, particularly at the end

of the month as a “survival strategy.” One participant summed this up nicely by saying, “It’s

never enough. It’s crazy! We tell them we fix our own food, but we combine our resources. It’s

more economical.”

We seem to have confirmed through our research that access to high quality proteins,

those high in EFAs, was especially limited in our population. One male participant said,

I eat wild caught Atlantic salmon, bass, pike, walleye and brown trout

whenever I can catch them. I also eat venison, wild turkey, duck, quail whenever

I can kill them. Those qualify as grass-fed right? [Yes they would]. Usually I eat

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them whenever they’re in season. I also buy grass-fed hamburger, steaks and free-

range chicken at the beginning of the month when I have money on my EBT card.

Another woman stated,

I don’t eat fish very often unless I catch it and clean it myself. And I try to

get lobster once a month. I like to catch bass or trout or a big catfish. Those are

good eating! I haven’t done any night fishing so I haven’t had any catfish lately. I

don’t think I can get any grass-fed meat or grass-fed dairy. It’s expensive – I

don’t even know if we have grass fed dairy here. I eat meat four times a month

and I have dairy every day. And I don’t know where the eggs come from. And

sometimes I get medical food and sometimes my protein is low because I have a

hard time chewing. So I’ll get medical food like every other month to replace all

of my depleted vitamins and minerals from not eating much meat. The medical

food is like thirty-three bucks so if I can afford it I’ll get it.

One interviewee reported taking multiple high-dosage supplements to make up for

dietary inadequacies including several that were high in EFA’s. She stated that she ingested

fifteen EmPower brand vitamins tablets, eight EmPower brand plus amino acid tablets, two

tablespoons of high EFA fish oil, a calcium/magnesium supplement, and vitamin D3 each day.

Of the nine interviewees, only the two who hunted and the woman who took supplements

appeared to get a significant amount of EFAs in their diet on a regular basis. In other words,

only 33% of the interviewees were regularly consuming the kind of “essential” fatty acids that

the body cannot produce on its own but needs for optimal mental health.

Childhood Food Experiences

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Most participants related that there favorite foods could be directly connected to their

childhood, yet for some childhood food-related memories were not positive. Three of the nine

participants reported that they were “force-fed” various foods as children. All of them cited that

these foods are now detestable to them today. One gentleman stated, “I hate peas because I was

forced to eat them as a child and they make me throw up.” A woman in our study responded

when asked about childhood comfort foods, “Childhood was awful. There wasn’t anything

comfortable about it.” Another woman stated,

I was starved a lot, tortured and stuff like that. My diet was very poor.

We lived off of welfare food. It was just not a good scene. Our diets just really

sucked. I was underweight. It was a really disgusting time in my life.

But not all childhood experiences of our participants were negative. One young man cited an

enduring love for Chicken Marsala. A young woman said she was ‘into’ nutrition because her

mom was interested in it. A middle-aged gentleman reminisced about the meat, potatoes and

maple syrup that had been grown and produced on his family farm.

Our research team did not have clear expectations regarding the ways in which people’s

childhoods would affect their food choices as adults. It was sad to see the negative effects of

being ‘force-fed’ something unpalatable as well as to note how food played a role in abusive

homes. Conversely, it was of significant interest to uncover how food had also played a pleasant

role in many individuals’ childhood memories and that those pleasant connections remained into

adulthood.

Stages of Change

If each client were on a path to their ideal healthy diet, they would be at various stages of

change. Prochaska and his colleagues (1992, 2008) described these stages as pre-contemplation,

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contemplation, preparation, action and maintenance. A total of four individuals interviewed

could be considered to be in the contemplation stage while two could be classified in the pre-

contemplation stage. Two of our participants appeared to be in the action stage and the

remaining participant could be classified as being in the maintenance stage. The latter individual

had already educated herself on nutrition and lost seventy-three pounds when faced with Type-II

diabetes. Many participants cited challenges in engaging fully in the process of making changes

– either moving from the contemplation stage of making a change into the action phase or from

the action phase into a place of maintenance – especially a depressed mood and the ensuing lack

of motivation, which resulted in a lack of desire to cook. An overarching and common thread in

all nine discourses involved hindered access due primarily to economic issues.

Psycho-education and social justice

Seven of the nine persons interviewed provided responses that seem to indicate that they

were in a well informed place and engaged in making positive changes. We interpreted this to

mean any person who was engaged in the change process beyond the pre-contemplation level.

The question remains: how can we, as psychologists, provide education and support aimed at

minimizing or eliminating the challenges people with mood disorders face in changing to a diet

that is healthier for their mood and overall lives? We would like to propose that this effort must

be two-fold: an eight week Food & Mood Group as well as efforts to work with local community

agriculture. Each of the eight weeks could delve further into questions we asked in an effort to

bring awareness. For example, the first week each person might share their name and their

favorite food. From there, discussion could revolve around what foods one chooses to eat when

feeling well versus when feeling poorly. Subsequent weeks could progress from awareness to

education to access issues and into partnering with community farms, gardens and CSA’s to

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resolve social justice access issues. The group could be treated to a meal sponsored by local

farms and chefs, enjoy a few cooking lessons and perhaps a potluck or two. These are just a few

ideas for social justice and supportive psycho-education, all of which could be further refined by

resources in the community one is in. The personal experiences of one of our researchers, as well

as the example above of farms dropping off produce to a housing community, seem to suggest

that local farmers are quite interested in addressing food access issues.

DiscussionFurther research might explore community psycho-educational programs which

simultaneously address food justice through increased access to community agricultural

resources (community gardens, farmer’s markets, and Community Sponsored Agriculture (CSA)

farms that accept Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Programs (SNAP) Benefits - formerly

known as “food stamps”). Further research could also measure the efficacy of a “Food & Mood

Group”. Such research efforts would ideally result in models for community food distribution

amongst the disadvantaged and regularly nourishing meals for those with mood disorders.

FOOD & MOOD 21

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