dissemination of improved cooking stove technology in nepal

Centre for tSustainable Developmen

Dissemination of improved cooking stove technology in Nepal by

Nigel Vaz (Magd) Fourth-year undergraduate project in Group D, 2007/2008

"I hereby declare that, except where specifically indicated, the work submitted herein is my own original work."

Signed ………………………… Date …..................................

Abstract This project is focused on the improved cooking stove (ICS) dissemination programme in the mid-hills region of Nepal. The author provides an analysis of the current programme and its shortcomings and proposes, with justifications, practical recommendations for improvement. Nepal is one of the world’s poorest countries: the annual income per person is just US$290 (World Bank, 2006a) and 84% of the population live in rural areas (World Bank, 2006b). The majority of households in rural Nepal cook on a traditional stove: an open fire inside the kitchen. This causes indoor air pollution (IAP) which is the fourth largest cause of death in the world’s poorest countries, and is responsible for 2.7% of the total burden of disease for Nepal (WHO, 2007). The ICS is a simple yet effective way to reduce IAP, with Pandey et al (1990) reporting a reduction in total suspended particulates of 63% and a reduction in carbon monoxide of 86%. It is also more efficient than the traditional stove, reducing time spent cooking, fuel wood required and hence time spent collecting wood. The ICS is made principally from locally available materials and constructed by trained local technicians, which keeps costs relatively low. The current ICS programme in Nepal is driven by Central Government policy and is funded by DANIDA, with ICS construction in specific villages being conducted by local technicians (also known as promoters) operating as entrepreneurs. The design of the ICS itself is not reviewed or improved in this project since it has already been proven to be appropriate and effective. However, the author’s field visit to the village of Lekhani, Baglung District, Nepal revealed that despite the successful design, the ICS technology is not fully succeeding in practice. The author interviewed members of over 80 households using the semi-structured survey method and collected supporting information by direct observation. The author uses the rational framework (RF) as a tool for analysing the current ICS programme and for planning possible improvements. The RF provides a structure, at the top of which is the Goal of reduced incidence of disease, increased life expectancy and improved productivity across all income groups and castes in the mid-hills region of Nepal. Below this and leading directly to the Goal is the Strategic Objective (SO) of increased long-term and effective use of ICS technology across all income groups and castes. Below the SO are the four Intermediate Results (IRs) which together form a set of conditions which are both necessary and sufficient for the SO to be achieved. Unlike the SO and Goal, the IRs can be directly measured and the author defines several recommended indicators for each. IR 1 is “Increased access and availability of ICS”. Despite the government assertion that ICS is a “cheap technology” with no need for direct subsidies (AEPC, 2003), it is found from both census data and the author’s field survey that ICS is not affordable for the poorest, with less than 5% of the lowest income group having ICS (compared with more than 85% of the highest income group). The vast majority of the lowest income group have also not been engaged by people who have information about ICS and the technical capability to construct them. This problem is masked by the lack of an official record of ICS uptake by different income groups. To better meet IR 1, the author’s recommendations include: the identification of the ability of each household to afford an ICS using census data already available; the extension of the

enterprise method of dissemination to all households which can afford to purchase an ICS; the provision of subsidies varying by economic need to identified low-income households; and the specific aim of ICS technicians engaging with all income groups and castes. IR 2 is “increased quality of ICS”. The author finds that standards exist but are not always followed, which can lead to poor IAP reduction and drop-off in ICS use. No after sales service is provided by ICS technicians after installation meaning users without technical training attempt to solve any problems that arise. Recipients of ICS are not sufficiently well informed about ICS quality to provide accountability to technicians at the time of installation. Additionally, there is insufficient competition in the market for ICS construction in a given village for market forces to drive up quality. In general, there is no monitoring of the quality of ICS constructed. To better meet IR 2, the author’s recommendations include: a quality control mechanism with financial rewards for ICS technicians based on an assessment of a random sample of their work; encouragement for promoters to provide after sales service as an opportunity for further business; availability of a limited ICS repair fund for low income ICS users; and up to date recording of the number of active technicians available for repair services, with subsequent recruitment if needed. IR 3 is “increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS”. The author finds there has been insufficient use of appropriate education methods such as plays, demonstrations and the government-designed ICS User’s Manual. ICS promoters’ rational profit maximisation leads them to provide brief ICS education likely to secure a sale, and targets middle to higher income households most able to buy; and as such is not well aligned with the ICS programme objective of widespread understanding and long-term use. To better meet IR 3, the author’s recommendations include: IAP and ICS education be included as an essential part of the ICS programme, much like hygiene education in WASH programmes, with widespread use of appropriate methods; completion of ICS education as a precondition for receiving a subsidised ICS; integration of ICS education in the school curriculum, as is already done with hygiene; and technical ICS training to be taught in secondary school to build local capacity in the long-term. IR 4 is “enabling social and policy environment”. The author argues that DANIDA is not fully meeting its own criteria for successful development, in particular with regard to the impact, effectiveness and coverage of the programme. Similarly, it is argued that the government of Nepal is not fully meeting its own stated aims, especially concerning targeting development to reach the poorest and most excluded groups, quality of ICS, and commitment to monitoring and achieving effectiveness in poverty reduction. The author finds that divisions in society based on caste and income have hindered the extent to which ICS has reached the lowest income and low caste groups. To better meet IR 4, the author’s recommendations include: DANIDA and Nepal’s government adopting the recommendations of this report as policy to better meet their own aims; both bodies prioritising IAP as not just an energy issue but also as major factors in health and economic development; the publication of monitoring and evaluation results and the current status of programme indicators; and technician training in inclusive methods and social sensitivity.

Acknowledgements The author would like to acknowledge the contributions of the following people and groups without which this project would not have been possible: Suprabhat Basnet, Balman Chhantyal, Heather Cruickshank, Engineers Without Borders UK (EWB-UK), Sacha Grodzinski, Renewable Energy for Clean Environment and Development (RECED), Solar Development Committee (SDC) Lekhani, Francis Vaz and Irene Vaz. Above all the author would like to express his sincere gratitude to the people of Lekhani Village, Baglung District, Nepal.

Abbreviations AEPC Alternative Energy Promotion Centre ALRI Acute lower respiratory infections BSP Biogas Sector Partnership Nepal COPD Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease CRT/N Centre for Rural Technology Nepal DAC Development Assistance Committee DANIDA Danish International Development Agency ESAP Energy Sector Assistance Programme HMGN His Majesty's Government National Planning Commission IAP Indoor air pollution ICS Improved cooking stove INFORSE International Network for Sustainable Energy IR Intermediate Result NGO Non-governmental organisation OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper RF Results Framework SO Strategic Objective TRUST Technology and Rural Upliftment Service Team UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNICEF United Nations Children's Fund USAID United States Agency for International Development WASH Water, sanitation and hygiene WHO World Health Organisation WSP Water and Sanitation Program

Contents Abstract .................................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................. iv Contents .................................................................................................................................. vi Introduction...............................................................................................................................1 Results Framework: A method for analysis and planning ........................................................4 Intermediate Result 1: Increased access and availability of ICS..............................................8 Intermediate Result 2: Increased quality of ICS .....................................................................16 Intermediate Result 3: Increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS....................................26 Intermediate Result 4: Enabling social and policy environment .............................................35 Conclusions............................................................................................................................44 References .............................................................................................................................47 Appendix A: Risk assessment retrospective ..........................................................................50

Nigel Vaz Dissemination of improved cooking stove technology in Nepal 28/05/08

Introduction Background This report focuses on the improved cooking stove programme in the rural mid-hills region of Nepal. Nepal is one of the world’s poorest countries. The annual income per person is just US$290 (World Bank, 2006a), 84% of the population live in rural areas (World Bank, 2006b) and 81% of the population use solid fuels (WHO, 2007), primarily firewood. The majority of households in rural Nepal cook on a traditional stove, which is the most basic way to cook food: an open fire set in a hole in the ground in the kitchen

ith a stand on which a single pot sits.

often poorly ventilated (see Figure 1). This creates serious problem of indoor air pollution.

n

2007). chronic

bstructive pulmonary diseases (COPD) such as emphysema (WHO, 2007).

e

nd a duction in carbon monoxide of 86%.

s

Figure 1: A traditional stove (Vaz, 2007)

w The smoke produced by the fire remains in the kitchen since there is no chimney or hood, and, as the author observes, kitchens area

Indoor air pollution Indoor air pollution (IAP) from cooking with solid fuels is the fourth largest cause of death ithe world’s poorest countries, estimated to cause more than 1.5 million deaths worldwide each year, and is responsible for 2.7% of the total burden of disease for Nepal (WHO, IAP causes acute lower respiratory infections (ALRI) such as pneumonia and o

Improved cooking stove The improved cooking stove (ICS) is a simplyet effective way to reduce IAP (see Figure 2). M. Pandey et al (1990) report a reduction in total suspended particulates of 63% are The ICS is between 1.5 and 2.5 times more efficient at converting the energy in wood fuelthan the traditional stove it replaces and hatwo potholes instead of a single pot stand

Figure 2: An improved cooking stove (Chhantyal, 2004)

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(CRT/N, 2005a). 30 - 35% less wood fuel is used to meet the same cooking needs with aICS than with a traditional stove (CRT/N, 2005a). Thus time spent cooking and collect

n ing

ood is reduced, as is deforestation.

ble materials and constructed by trained local chnicians, which keeps costs relatively low.

he

s. Non-

volved, mainly in the training of local chnicians.

so

e

issemination in general, and on other overty reduction initiatives that use technology.

feasible to implement and hich will lead to greater success in achieving those objectives.

s e

cost and use of local materials and labour (though this would require extensive field testing to

w The ICS is made principally from locally availate

The ICS programme in Nepal The current ICS programme in Nepal is driven by Central Government policy, through tAlternative Energy Promotion Centre (AEPC) and its affiliated body the Energy Sector Assistance Programme (ESAP). The National ICS Programme is funded primarily by the Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA). ICS construction in specific villages is conducted by local technicians (also known as promoters) operating as entrepreneurgovernmental organisations (NGOs), community-based organisations (CBOs), local government and other private groups are also inte

Methodology The direction of this project was strongly shaped by the author’s field visit to the village ofLekhani, Baglung District, Nepal. There he interviewed members of over 80 households using the semi-structured survey method and collected supporting information by direct observation. The results show that while the programme has been partially successful, it alhas serious shortcomings, including issues relating to affordability, quality of construction, availability, the extent of supporting education and the absence of after sales service. Thauthor found little evidence in published literature that these problems with Nepal’s ICS programme have been properly acknowledged or addressed, hence the need for this research project. The author also conducted a literature review of available reports on Nepal’s ICS programme, on ICS technology and dp

Purpose of this project The purpose of this project is first to rigorously assess the current ICS programme and identify shortcomings that are barriers to achieving its objectives. Secondly this project aims to propose, with justifications, improvements and changes that arew Note that design of the ICS technology is not being reviewed or improved. The ICS haalready proven, when constructed correctly and used and maintained properly, to bappropriate to its conditions (as detailed in chapter IR3: Increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS) and successful at delivering its intended benefits (as described previously). A new design could give some minor improvements within tight constraints of

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ensure there were no negative unintended consequences). However, a new design would not tackle the most significant reasons for the ICS’ failure to deliver its full potential benefits. As will be shown, significant problems lie in the approach to spreading the technology, how it is implemented in the field and how the programme is managed. These are the barriers preventing the technology from fully succeeding in practice – which is justification for these being the focus of this project. Also, an improved method of dissemination will continue to be applicable and beneficial even if the design is improved in future. Note also that this project is not intended to provide a comprehensive blueprint to run the whole ICS programme, only to suggest changes to operate within the existing programme, parts of which are very successful and appropriate.

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Results Framework: A method for analysis and planning The Results Framework (RF) is used throughout this report as a tool for analysing the current ICS programme, to identify weaknesses and shortcomings and to plan possible improvements to it. The RF method differs slightly from the logical framework in that it emphasises causal linkages between high level objectives and lower level inputs and outputs and focuses on results to be achieved, rather than activities to be completed (Toffolon-Weiss et al, 1999). The RF for the ICS programme is shown in Figure 3 on page 7. The RF begins with the Goal, which is a long-term, overarching impact to which the programme contributes. It is not intended that the ICS programme alone accomplishes the Goal; this also requires other concurrent programmes (for example in health and water, sanitation and hygiene). Contributing directly to the Goal is the Strategic Objective (SO), which is the final population level aim of the programme (Toffolon-Weiss et al, 1999), and is contained entirely within the programme. Below the SO are the Intermediate Results (IRs) which together form a set of results which are both necessary and sufficient for the SO to be achieved. Unlike the SO itself, the IRs can be directly measured (using indicators) and so provide an indirect means of measuring the extent to which the SO is being achieved. Each result must have one or more indicators that are used to measure the attainment of the result (Toffolon-Weiss et al, 1999). It is also necessary to state critical assumptions, which are general conditions that are assumed to hold true and required for the RF to function as planned. The RF would normally be in the possession of groups with the interest and capacity to influence the programme from the top level. For the ICS programme these are Nepal’s central government and international funding agencies, of which DANIDA is the largest. It is still relevant for and affects other players and stakeholders including NGOs running ICS projects, local ICS technicians and members of rural communities.

Goal “Reduced incidence of disease, increased life expectancy and improved productivity across all income groups and castes in the mid-hills region of Nepal”

Strategic Objective “Increased long-term and effective use of ICS technology across all income groups and castes in the mid-hills region of Nepal”

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The Goal and SO have been defined based on the author’s interpretation of existing statements, including those made in the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) of Nepal’s Government (approved by DANIDA); and the ESAP Biomass Energy Component, of which the ICS programme is part. For example, ESAP (2006a) states that the Development Objective of its Biomass Energy Programme is “elevating living standards of rural people by improving access to rural energy solutions”.

Intermediate Results Analysis of and recommendations for the Intermediate Results (IRs) are presented individually in the next four chapters.

Critical assumption The most important critical assumption for this programme relates to the nature of the link between indoor air quality and the diseases associated with it, such as acute lower respiratory illness (ALRI) and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). Although the link itself is proven (as described in the Introduction), what is not yet known is to what level indoor air pollution needs to be reduced to produce significant reductions in disease (WHO, 2006a). So, the improvement in health produced by an ICS that reduces IAP by around 50% is not certain. The assumption is that it is significant. This is assumption is implicit in the existing ICS programme and numerous other programmes worldwide.

Indicators Sufficient indicators must be measured for each IR to be able to fully assess the extent to which that IR is being met, and consequently the extent to which the SO is being met. Useful indicators must also be practical to measure (in terms of cost and available human resource) and it must be clear who has the responsibility to measure and report them. It will be argued in the subsequent chapters that the IRs are not being fully met. Part of the reason why the underlying problems responsible for this have not been properly identified is that, in some cases, appropriate indicators have not been defined. In others, though they exist, they have not been monitored in practice. Measuring of these indicators will be done by: Technicians/NGO field workers/Other operatives in the field - T Regional monitors - R National monitors - N In this report, a letter assigned to an indicator indicates the party responsible for initial (primary) monitoring of a given population; a letter in brackets with a percentage indicates the party responsible for secondary monitoring to verify the results of primary monitoring using a percentage of the original population.

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For example, T, (R@10%), (N@10%) means that a technician initially records the indicator for all of the given population; a regional monitor then verifies this from a 10% sample of that population; and then a national monitor verifies from a 10% sample of this.

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Results Framework Goal

“Reduced incidence of disease, increased life expectancy and improved productivity across all income groups and castes in the mid-hills region of Nepal”

Strategic Objective “Increased long-term and effective use of ICS technology across all income groups and castes in the mid-hills region

of Nepal”

Intermediate Result 1 Increased access and

availability of ICS

Intermediate Result 2 Increased quality of ICS

Intermediate Result 3 Increased knowledge and

acceptance of ICS

Intermediate Result 4 Enabling social and policy

environment

Figure 3: The Results Framework for the ICS programme

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Intermediate Result 1: Increased access and availability of ICS

Rationale At the higher levels of the results framework the Goal has been identified as reducing disease, increasing life expectancy and improving productivity, via the Strategic Objective of increased long-term and effective use of the ICS (which reduces human exposure to indoor air pollution). Widespread access and availability of the ICS is necessary to achieve this.

Assessment of current situation Current progress Progress has been made towards this IR since ESAP was launched in 1999, but there are significant problems which currently prevent IR 1 from being fully met. ESAP reports that the number of ICS installed since 1999 is over 200,000 (ESAP, 2006a), which is a considerable increase in access to ICS in this period of time. However, the number of ICS installed is not the only measure of access and availability; there are other relevant factors.

Affordability and availability to low-income groups The affordability of the ICS is a key determinant in whether it is genuinely available to people. The ICS is constructed primarily from local materials; uses basic tools, familiar for other local uses, such as a trowel and a spade; and can be installed by local technicians after training, with a trained technician capable of installing up to three ICS per day (CRT/N, 2005a). The use of local materials and labour keeps the cost relatively low, the Centre for Rural Technology Nepal reports an average cost of 300-400NRs or US$4-6 (CRT/N, 2005a). The field study finds the average cost of materials of labour for ICS in Lekhani to be slightly higher – 700NRs (US$10), but in no cases more than 1000NRs (US$15). This is considerably cheaper than other potential interventions, for example a household biogas plant in rural Nepal costs an average of 25,000NRs or US$365 (J Acharya et al, 2005). However, it is not sufficient that the ICS is inexpensive relative to western or urban Nepali incomes or when compared to other potential interventions. The critical assessment of affordability is the cost of the ICS relative to the incomes of rural Nepali households and whether this is reasonable. The current programme disseminates ICS solely through the enterprise of private promoters, without direct

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subsidy to the end-user (ESAP, 2006b) meaning that the recipient must bear the full cost of materials and labour. Enterprise has several advantages, including a reduced need for external resources, promoting self-sufficiency rather than dependency in recipients, and a tangible investment by the recipient in the product that provides incentive for ongoing maintenance and use. ESAP has stated that the ICS programme has been “very successful in disseminating ICS in its focus in mid-hill districts without direct subsidy to the end-user” (ESAP, 2006b). “The ICS is cheap technology” (AEPC, 2003) is the simple justification the government gives for its policy. This approach has resulted in a distinctly partial success. Table 1 shows data obtained from a census taken by the District Forest Authority (a regional government body) in Lekhani in 2007. The income groups are defined on the basis of land ownership and cash income.

Number of households

Proportion of group With ICS

Income Group Total Total

With ICS

'A' (Highest) 143 126 88.1% 'B' 135 62 45.9% 'C' 138 23 16.7% 'D' (Lowest) 136 6 4.4%TOTAL 552 217 39.3%

Table 1: Installation of ICS by income group in Lekhani (DFA, 2007)

As shown in Figure 4 below, whilst the majority of the highest income group have an ICS, the majority of the lowest income group do not.

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88.1%

45.9%

4.4%

16.7%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

'A' (Highest) 'B' 'C' 'D' (Lowest) Income Group

Figure 4: Proportion of each income group having ICS (DFA, 2007)

The field study confirms this situation. Over 90% of Group D members interviewed report that the only household livelihood is subsistence farming or waged labouring on land owned by others. The author observed that these households typically own very little land, and more than 50% of Group D members interviewed report no ownership of farmland at all. This is particularly serious given that the economy of rural Nepal is heavily dominated by agriculture. Sanjay Acharya (2004) describes poverty in rural Nepal as follows: “as compared to the non-poor, the Nepalese poor have larger household size with many children; a higher illiteracy rate, especially among females, and smaller per capita land holdings; as a result—a lower per capita consumption expenditure; and a higher propensity to spend on food”. For these households, there is a continuing struggle even to meet basic needs such as adequate food supply and children’s education. Very few of them have been able to afford an ICS with a one-off payment, or even through the loans available in Lekhani from the community based organisation (which are not typically available in rural Nepal). Part of the problem is that there is no direct economic payback from an ICS in rural mid hills Nepal because, although fuel use is reduced, fuel is not purchased but instead is collected at zero financial cost. Thus saving fuel does not directly translate to saving money, and so purchasing an ICS, even with a loan, would require a reduction in other household spending. For the poorest households, this would cut into basic needs. So an enterprise-only approach is therefore not accessible to the poorest sections. Observers of other energy programmes in less developed countries including (Best, 1992) and (Foley & Moss, 1983) have also found the very limited

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budget of the rural poor to be a major difficulty. Karekezi (1992) states that “the very limited purchasing power of most rural inhabitants is in certain cases the single most important constraint”. The same conclusion is reported (though not prominently highlighted) by an impact study on the ICS programme conducted by the Technology and Rural Upliftment Service Team (TRUST) and was presented to the Alternative Energy Promotion Centre (AEPC, the department within which ESAP sits). This states that: “at present majority of the households in lower income bracket are not covered by the ICS programme” (TRUST, 2004). Similarly, a Winrock International report for USAID (2004) finds that, “it is still hard to reach the poorest of the poor in the rural areas who even cannot afford this price”. ESAP does not record the uptake of ICS in different income groups, despite this information being available from other branches of government, so the extent of this problem nationwide is not officially recorded.

Engagement Within the current programme, the promoter is a main provider both of education about ICS and of the technical capability to install it, and so plays a critical role in providing access to ICS. TRUST (2004) finds that in more than two thirds of ICS installations, the promoter is the primary “inspirer to install ICS”. Likewise, Stewart (1987) observes that “poor or rural people rarely, if ever, consider leaflets or drawings to mean ‘access’; some form of personal contact is necessary” and that a critical determinant to access is “the ease with which a prospective purchaser can make contact”. The field study shows that more than 90% of the households in the lowest income group of Lekhani have never been approached by an ICS promoter, despite several having been active in the village in the past few years. In one part of the village, all interviewed members of households from a high income section of the community had been approached by an ICS promoter, while none of those from the adjacent Dalit (the lowest caste) community had. The effects of the ongoing problems of the caste system in rural Nepal are explored in detail in chapter IR4: Enabling social and policy environment. This is a logical consequence of the enterprise system operating without subsidy. There is little direct incentive for a promoter to engage with and educate a group of people about ICS who will not then be able to afford to buy one. With enterprise alone, very few ICS installations could follow from engaging with this group anyway, so it would contribute little to fulfilling this IR. This issue is discussed further in chapter IR3: Increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS.

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This exclusion of the lower income groups is particularly negative because, as S Acharya (2004) notes, those poorer in terms of income are typically less well-educated also, and so are likely to need more, not less, education and engagement before adopting new technology.

Key Findings This report finds the following key results about the current ICS programme with respect to IR1: Increased Access and Availability of ICS.

• The ICS is not affordable to the poorest households under the current enterprise-only system

• The vast majority of the lowest income group have not been engaged by people with information about ICS or the technical capability to construct ICS

• ESAP does not record ICS uptake by different income groups, meaning that the underlying problem is not externally visible

Recommendations Enterprise The enterprise method of dissemination should continue to be extended as far as it can be, for those who can afford to buy an ICS.

Financial assistance according to need The government assumption that ICS is “cheap” and available for all households in mid-hills Nepal does not fully hold. The lowest income households do not and will not benefit without financial assistance. Barnes et al (1994) describe the difficult issue of subsidies to end users. “Regarding subsidies to stove programs, donors face a dilemma. On the one hand, they want to promote projects that make economic sense and can be operated through private markets. But, on the other, they want to address the needs of the poorest groups that would not otherwise be helped”. Arguments against directly subsidising stoves can be found from many sources including Manibog (1984), Foley & Moss (1983), Barnes et al (1994) and it is the prevailing wisdom not to include them. The principal arguments are acknowledged and addressed here. The reasoning for including subsidies is simple. The disadvantages and potential pitfalls of subsidies can be designed against and minimised in the approach to dissemination, as will be discussed in this report. Their advantage is that they allow

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the poorest households, which would not otherwise be able to afford an ICS, to have one. This is fundamental to enabling all groups to experience the health and benefits and co-benefits of the ICS and thus to achieving the Strategic Objective of the programme. And it is this to which none of the opponents of subsidies can offer any alternative solution. It has been argued that indiscriminate subsidies favour more well-off households which would be able and willing to pay for their own technology without subsidy. However, subsidies need not be indiscriminate and can be provided based on economic need. Economic need can be determined from household income data already collected in District Government censuses. It has also been argued that the cost of obtaining information on the ability of each household to pay can be prohibitively expensive (Gómez-Lobo et al, 2000), but since this data is already being collected, it is not an extra cost to the ICS programme. Subsidies would make the ICS affordable for those households for which it currently is not, and so create an incentive for promoters to build ICS for them, and therefore also provide the incentive to initially engage and educate them. The function of the subsidy is to “bridge the gap between the full economic price of the stove and what people are able or willing to pay for it” (Foley & Moss, 1983, p137). The value of subsidies should therefore be kept as low as possible whilst still fulfilling this function. The higher income households would receive no subsidy, while the lowest income households would have the cost of materials and labour fully subsidised. It should be noted that a large section of potential recipients (the higher income households) would still be operating entirely in the free market, and subsidies for others would be strictly limited in size. This selective use of subsidies would avoid the increasing costs and prices of stoves observed in programmes which included higher, indiscriminate subsidies and the problem of stifling local enterprise (Manibog, 1984). Although direct subsidies are criticised for their impact on economic sustainability, no ICS programme is entirely independent of external support whether it uses direct subsidies or not. “All stove programmes involve the use of some degree of subsidy”, state Foley & Moss (1983), referring in particular to promotion and training activities, which are indeed currently subsidised in this ICS programme. So while it is desirable to minimise the dependence on external support, it would be incorrect to claim that complete economic sustainability is the current position of this or any ICS programme. Subsidies do reduce or remove the personal financial investment for users who receive them. The government points out as a lesson learnt from previous ICS programmes that, “from the sustainable point of view the subsidy in the ICS did not create household ownership in the programme” (AEPC, 2003, p3). To counteract

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this, other mechanisms to develop the users’ value and ownership of the ICS must be strengthened, such that they have a strong incentive for the long-term maintenance and use of the ICS. The principal approach to this will be improved engagement, awareness raising and education, and this is discussed in detail in chapter IR3: Increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS. It should be noted that the subsidy itself was not necessarily the reason for the lack of the sense of ownership that led to failure in previous programmes. Programmes with subsidies have often been led by a top down approach, which characteristically have other features which may have contributed more strongly to failure (for example being supply rather than demand driven and the lack of participation from end users in design leading to an inappropriate product), described by Barnes et al (1994, p14) amongst others. The inclusion of subsidies would increase the cost to the programme per ICS constructed. But they are necessary to more fully meet the aim of IR1, to increase access and availability of ICS technology. Total funding for the ICS programme and government policy are addressed in chapter IR4: Enabling social and policy environment. Subsidising ICS can be seen as an investment in rural economic development. Foley & Moss (1993): “In the long process of economic advance, development of skills and technologies, and improvement in the standards of dwellings, stoves have always been adopted at some stage. Stove promotion can thus be seen as part of a general approach to furthering rural development and economic progress”. As previously described, the payback from an ICS is indirect, but it is still important. The World Health Organisation (2006b) states that “economic benefits include reduced health-related expenditure as a result of less illness, the value of assumed productivity gains resulting from less illness and fewer deaths, time savings due to the shorter time spent on fuel collection and cooking, and environmental impacts at the local and global levels”. In this respect, an ICS programme can be considered analogous to a water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) programme, in that investment can provide gains in productivity and reduced health spending. The government of Nepal is not opposed to all direct subsidies. In the current national biogas programme every user is entitled to a direct subsidy of at least 6,000 NRs (US$ 87) for construction, with those in more remote regions receiving 12,000 NRs (US$ 175) (AEPC, 2006). A total of over 170,000 biogas plants have been constructed (BSP, 2007). By comparison, the maximum subsidy on each improved cooking stove would be much less, 1,000 NRs (US$15).

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Subsidies should categorically not be seen as a long term solution. That a significant section of the population cannot afford this inexpensive technology is indicative of the serious extent of their poverty. The progression of these groups out of this level of poverty has to be an overall priority for development for Nepal, and this will be how the ICS programme eventually gains fuller economic sustainability. As explained previously, the ICS itself can contribute to economic development, but other concurrent poverty reduction programmes will be required. In the long-term, the aim should be that all people can afford their own ICS without subsidy. But, as the government acknowledge, the poorest may be “unable to escape the poverty trap or take an unacceptably long time to do so” (HMGN, 2003). In the meantime, if they are using traditional stoves, they will continue to suffer and die from smoke related diseases. That is the justification for subsidies now.

Key recommendations This report makes the following key recommendations with respect to IR1: Increased access and availability of ICS.

• Identification of the ability of each household in the community to afford an ICS at the beginning of an ICS project, using census data already available from District Government

• Extension of enterprise method of dissemination to all households which are identified as being able to afford to purchase an ICS

• Provision of economic subsidies to identified low-income households with the value determined by the extent of economic need

• Specific aim of ICS technicians to engage with all income groups and castes • Indicator IR1 A: Proportion (and absolute number) of each income group with

ICS installed, nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%) • Indicator IR1 B: Proportion (and absolute number) of each income group with

at least one household member having been personally engaged in ICS awareness raising, nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

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Intermediate Result 2: Increased quality of ICS

Rationale It has been established that in order to contribute to the Goal of reducing disease, increasing life expectancy and improving productivity; ICS technology must be effective and used in the long-term. It will be shown in this chapter that the quality of the ICS construction and service is vital to the delivery of its intended impacts in use, and to the recipient choosing to continue to use it in the long-term.

Assessment of the current situation Standards exist but are not always followed ESAP has produced standards for the construction of ICS, which specify the dimensions and features that are necessary. Figure 5 shows an example of a drawing showing required dimensions, taken from the ESAP ICS Promoter’s Manual (ESAP, 2005).

Figure 5: An example of an ICS construction drawing showing standard dimensions (ESAP, 2005)

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The primary benefit of air quality improvement and the co-benefits of increased efficiency and time savings described earlier have been recorded for stoves constructed to the design specification. However, the author has observed from the field survey that standards are not always followed in ICS construction. Stoves do not always conform to standard dimensions. An example of this is shown in Figure 6. Here the chimney is only 41% of the minimum height recommended by the standard, and the depth from front to back wall is 86% of the standard value. In the design of the ICS, air is designed to flow from inlet to fire, with the majority of smoke then being drawn out of the chimney. The result of poor quality of construction in this case is that air does not flow as effectively as intended in the design, and more smoke remains in the kitchen. The black soot stains on the back wall and front of the stove are evidence of this.

Figure 6: Soot stains on the wall and front of the ICS indicate poor smoke removal (Vaz, 2007)

Another problem with quality is the omission of necessary functional features. For example, an external chimney cover is a standard design feature of the ICS, and Figure 7 shows illustrations of it from the ESAP ICS Promoter’s Manual.

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Figure 7: Drawings of the external chimney cover in the ICS Promoter's Manual (ESAP, 2005)

However, over 10% of ICS users in the author’s survey report that their ICS were constructed without an external chimney cover, with the resulting problem that wind sometimes causes smoke to re-enter the kitchen. These are examples of ICS constructed poorly that are providing less than optimum benefits to the users. The Centre for Rural Technology Nepal (CRT/N) notes in its assessment of the ICS programme that “lack of quality control at production sites results in the production of low quality stoves” (CRT/N, 2005b). Additionally, the author finds that in extreme cases, making up nearly 5% of his survey, users have destroyed their own ICS within days of construction, because of poor performance caused by incorrect construction. In these cases the users return to using their traditional stoves and the negative impacts associated with these. In addition, they have lost their investment in the ICS and are usually more sceptical about new technologies.

Barrier to adoption Knowledge within the community of people who have previously had ICS of poor quality can act as a barrier to others adopting the technology. Stewart (1987) notes that “if 25% of the stoves built are incorrect, the consumer may consider the risk of

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getting a ‘bad’ stove too high, even if the other 75% work satisfactorily and last for five years”.

After sales service The author finds from his community survey that more than 95% of ICS users have had no further contact with the technician that constructed their ICS after the initial construction. The only exceptions were cases in which the ICS technician was a family member or immediate neighbour. 15 % of users have developed what they consider to be ‘quite major problems’ with their ICS in the months or years after construction, but have been unable to make contact with their technician. The most common reason for this was that the technician came from a neighbouring village, at least a few hours walk away, without other means of communication (such as telephone). One technician that was previously active in the village has since died. One respondent reports that he has managed to find his ICS technician but that he refused to help with any repairs. As a result the majority have made their own attempts to repair or rebuild their ICS. However, without technical training, the quality is variable. This is markedly at odds with the government assertion that “continuous monitoring, follow up and technical supervision on ICS performance and use are crucial for the success of any ICS program” (Shrestha et al, 2005), and the claim of CRT/N that “promoters regularly monitor the operation, check stoves efficiency and solve remaining problem” (CRT/N, 2005b).

Accountability from recipients about ICS quality In most cases technicians themselves are the main source of education on ICS. The problems associated with this are discussed in chapter IR 3: Increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS. The author’s survey finds there is widespread understanding of the general benefits of ICS (in particular smoke reduction, wood fuel savings and cooking time savings) but not of specific technical details (though some become aware after construction, if there have been problems). For example, one survey respondent who had had problems with her ICS after installation stated that she had expected it to perform well because “it looks like the neighbour’s ICS”. The observation was true superficially, but not in terms of critical details of construction quality. As such, the recipients themselves are not in general sufficiently well informed to provide accountability to technicians on the quality of their ICS at the time of installation.

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Failures in the market system in this environment Many of the problems of quality in ICS construction stem from a partial failures of the enterprise system used to disseminate them. The market system is intended to drive quality up (and price down) through competition. However, the author’s survey finds that there is not sufficient competition in the market for this to function. In the village of Lekhani, with a population of over 500, less than 10 ICS technicians have been active in the past decade (excluding people constructing ICS solely for their own homes). These have not all operated at the same time, and all confined themselves to only certain parts of the village. As a result their potential customers do not have a genuine choice of supplier. Promoters are unlikely to enter the ICS market in other villages (except for those adjacent) because ICS need to be constructed in situ and villages are sparsely distributed without transportation between them. So potential new markets are costly to access (in terms of time investment) and also, due to poor communication networks, there is uncertainty about the attractiveness of the market in other villages. The lack of information of the customer previously described is another feature of the market functioning poorly. In this case, the market does not provide a strong incentive for the promoter to provide high quality or service (including after sales service) when there is little competition and the customers are not well informed about the product. There is incentive to educate potential customers only as far as stimulates their demand for ICS; providing more information about quality would require increased input without increased reward. Therefore, the levels of quality both expected by the customer and delivered by the technicians is below what would occur in a well-functioning competitive market.

Monitoring and evaluation of quality In the government programme, ESAP does not in general make any attempt to record the quality of stoves constructed either directly (for example through measurement of dimensions or performance) or indirectly (for example by recording continued ICS use 2 years or more after installation). The number of stoves in use 2 years after installation is supposed to be recorded (ESAP, 2006b) but the data is not available. As noted by CRT/N (2005b), “the actual status of ICS currently in use is not available”. So the only record is of the number ICS built, with no indication of their quality, which is a key factor in the impact that they might have.

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Key Findings This report finds the following key results about the current ICS programme with respect to IR2: Increased quality of ICS.

• Though ICS standards exist, are not always followed, leading to less than optimum air quality improvements and, in some cases, drop-off in ICS use

• The knowledge within the community that some ICS are poorly constructed can act as a barrier to adoption for potential new users

• No after sales service is provided by ICS technicians/promoters after installation, meaning that users attempt to solve problems that arise themselves, without technical training

• Recipients of ICS are not sufficiently well informed about the details and importance of quality in ICS construction to provide accountability to technicians at the time of installation

• There is insufficient competition in the market for ICS construction in a given village for market forces to drive up quality

• In general, there is no monitoring of the quality of ICS constructed

Recommendations Quality control mechanism Since the market alone does not lead to consistently high quality of ICS, additional quality control mechanisms must be introduced. One option would be for a member of each household to build their own ICS. Each person would then have a direct incentive to build the stove to a high quality, given that it would be for their own family. This would greatly reduce the need for monitoring of construction, and so the associated costs and human resources. However, Hurst & Barnett (1990) note that with self-building, “costs are reduced, but it is difficult to distribute design information adequately and to make sure the stoves are properly made”. So for people to be able (as well as motivated) to build their ICS to high quality they would all need to be trained in ICS construction. The scale of training would need to be significantly increased and this would require external human resource (i.e. from outside the village) and cost, which would need to be offset against the reduced need for monitoring. It is likely to be inefficient to train a member of each household to construct just one ICS for that household. To optimise training costs, it seems more sensible to train a smaller number of technicians to build many stoves each, though this does introduce the need for monitoring and payment for construction. Additionally, there are some households, particularly the poorest, for which giving up a productive member of the household for up to a week for training and construction of their ICS would affect their ability to provide for basic

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needs such as food, and so would not be feasible. This report does not recommend using this approach. So, the system of training a relatively a small section of the rural population as technicians (roughly 1 in 50 to 1 in 100) should continue, but with a quality control mechanism added to their work. This would involve monitoring the work of technicians and providing financial rewards for construction consistently meeting quality standards. To be successful, sufficient ICS must be monitored to provide a representative sample of the total ICS constructed and so that technicians perceive that the chance of a given ICS being assessed is high enough to warrant constructing to high quality. The proportion of ICS monitored should not be higher than necessary to achieve these aims as this would be inefficient use of funds and human resource. Roughly 10% of the ICS constructed by each technician would be monitored, though this proportion would have to be adjusted from experience in the field. Regional monitors would record the quality of construction of the ICS technicians in a given area by randomly sampling a small proportion of stoves constructed and extrapolating this performance to the total number this technician has constructed. The regional monitor would then authorise an additional payment to the technician based on their performance, up to a predetermined maximum (roughly 20% of the total labour costs of the total ICS constructed by that technician, though again an appropriate value would be confirmed after initial field experience). National monitors would then verify the results obtained by the regional monitors by random selection of a similar proportion (roughly 10%) of the work of the regional monitors. Monitoring could be increased if standard monitoring uncovers poor results or if concerns are raised by any stakeholder. All ICS users would be able to ask a monitor to check their stove and would be made aware of this right. Care would need to be taken to ensure that those being monitored did not have knowledge of or influence over the selection of ICS to monitor, nor should monitoring sites be chosen for convenience (for example of location). Random sampling would produce a large geographic spread for monitors to cover, with associated costs for their journeys. The jobs of monitors could be filled by those currently involved in ICS technician training, since monitoring in this way would not require full-time, year-round employees. The costs of monitoring and of the reward payments would need to be funded by the government programme.

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Parameters to monitor Monitors would record several key parameters:

• dimensional accuracy compared to standards • presence of required functional features • performance using representative water boiling test (Stewart, 1987) • smoke level during cooking • user’s subjective assessment of satisfaction

These parameters would be recorded within one year of construction. They would then be recorded again two and four years after construction. Long-term use is a consequence of quality of initial construction, quality of education about maintenance and provision of after sales service (since there must have been maintenance and possibly repair) and so is a way to measure the overall quality of the programme. Smoke level monitoring using sophisticated equipment would be prohibitively expensive on a nationwide scale. Other methods of measurement do exist which, though not as precise, are still useful and need not require any equipment at all. For example, Ellegård (1997) has shown that the subjective indicator of “tears while cooking” correlates with measured particulate pollution, and so can be used to assess the effectiveness of an ICS in improving air quality. The air quality monitoring done by regional monitors could be done in a similar way. Some or all of national monitoring, a considerably smaller task, could be done with precise equipment.

Training of technicians In the training of technicians, there should be more focus on following the existing quality standards and understanding their importance to stove performance. Practical construction of a sample ICS following the standards in field conditions should be a compulsory part of the training of all technicians. Training should also clearly promote financial incentives that are offered for constructing to high quality and of offering after sales service.

Education of recipients Education for ICS users should include the importance of quality construction, so that they can better provide direct accountability at the point of construction. More importantly, education programmes could be used to promote knowledge of the monitoring process, and the ability to use this proactively to report poor ICS construction. This would be supplemental to the random sampling process, which would still be necessary, especially as some users may not be willing or able to report problems.

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After sales service It is clear from the author’s field survey that there is no after sales service provided in practice and that this affects the quality and long-term use of the ICS. Other recommendations of this report are intended to increase the quality of construction, so that there will be fewer problems after construction; and to increase the education of users so that they are more willing and able to carry out standard maintenance and small repairs. This is aimed at reducing the amount of after sales service that is needed from the technicians. Conversely, greater awareness amongst users of the importance of quality may tend to increase the demand for repairs, as they seek to restore the quality of their ICS. Nonetheless, there will be some need for after sales service. Technician training should include encouragement to offer after sales service and use the incentive of ongoing income as a driver for this. High and middle income users who were able to purchase an ICS initially will be able to afford their own repairs. Lower income users whose ICS were subsidised may not be able to afford repairs. Thus it is recommended that a strictly limited fund up to the value of the original subsidy is available for repairs, which can only be used once in the four years after initial construction. There will be a need for regional monitors (funded by the government) to periodically review (roughly once a year) the number of ICS technicians active in each village available for both construction and after sales service. Depending on the results of these assessments they may need to reactivate ICS technicians or recruit new ones.

Key recommendations This report makes the following key recommendations with respect to IR2: Increased quality of ICS.

• Quality control mechanism with monitoring of ICS constructed with financial rewards provided to technicians based on their performance in delivering consistently high quality. A random sample of ICS constructed by each technician checked by regional monitors, a random sample of the work of regional monitors verified by national monitors

• Quality parameters to monitor: dimensional accuracy, presence of required functional features, performance using representative water boiling test (Stewart, 1987), smoke level during cooking, user’s subjective assessment of satisfaction

• Technician training to focus more strongly on the importance of quality construction, to include practical construction of ICS to standards in field conditions, and to promote the financial incentives of quality construction and after sales service

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• Education of ICS users to include importance of quality construction and to highlight channels for reporting poor construction through monitors

• Availability of a limited ICS repair fund for low income ICS users, up to a maximum of the original value of the construction subsidy, to be used only once in the four years after initial construction

• Regional monitors to record annually the number of ICS technicians active and available for construction and repairs and, if necessary, to reactivate previous ones or recruit new ones

• Indicator IR2 A: Proportion (and absolute number) of ICS meeting the quality parameters, nationally, by district and by village (extrapolated from samples taken by monitors) – R@10%, (N@10%)

• Indicator IR 2 B: Proportion (and absolute number) of ICS still in use two and four years after construction nationally, by district and by village – R@10%, (N@10%)

• Indicator IR 2 C: Proportion (and absolute number) of technician training programmes and user education programmes addressing quality as recommended here – R@10%, (N@10%)

• Indicator IR2 D: Number of ICS technicians active and available for construction and repairs nationally, by district and by village – R, (N@10%)

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Intermediate Result 3: Increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS

Rationale Knowledge and acceptance of the ICS is critical to generating the initial demand from potential users. People must first understand how an ICS would improve their lives before they will want to have one. This is also partly what creates the value of the ICS for the user, and provides the motivation to use and maintain it properly. So this IR is important to securing widespread uptake of ICS and subsequent long-term and effective use, which is critical to achieving the SO.

Assessment of the current situation Appropriateness of design It has been widely noted, including by Barnes et al (1994), Foley & Moss (1993) and Stewart (1987), that any improved stove must be appropriate to the culture and traditions of the potential users if it is do be readily accepted and subsequently used and maintained in the long-term. Barnes et al (1994) state that key reasons for success for a programme are to have stoves that “are designed according to consumer preferences” and which are “similar to traditional stove”. The Centre for Rural Technology Nepal (CRT/N) states that the ICS is made primarily from locally available materials: 3-part mud/earth, 2 parts straw/husk and 1 part animal dung (CRT/N, 2005a) and small metal components. It can be constructed by trained local craftsmen (CRT/N, 2005a). This keeps labour, materials and transportation costs relatively low. Importantly, “rural people have readily accepted ICS as the design hardly needs any change in cooking patterns” (CRT/N, 2005a). The author’s observations confirm this finding, with over 75% of surveyed households which had an ICS installed still continuing to use it, and for the majority of these more than 2 years having elapsed since installation. Most of the exceptions comprise stoves with poor initial construction that prompted users to return to their traditional stoves. (It should be noted, however, that while many users are continuing to use their ICS, some are experiencing reduced performance, see chapter IR 2: Increased quality of ICS). So the design of the stove itself is appropriate and can be accepted by communities under the right circumstances. Whether or not this happens depends on the steps taken to increase the knowledge and understanding amongst the community.

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Appropriate education methods and materials are not fully utilised “Perhaps the most difficult task in promoting rural development is to transfer a technical message accurately and fully to people from different socio-cultural backgrounds, and to ensure that the results benefit the target group” (Best, 1990, p29). A variety of participatory educational methods are known to be effective in rural Nepal, and are often preferred to more formal types of education with which the people are usually less familiar and to which they can be less receptive. For example, a live demonstration of an ICS in use alongside a traditional stove can be powerful display of the differences between the two. The government has identified the need to approach ICS education in this way through demonstration, mass orientation and school education (ESAP, 2006b). However, all survey respondents confirm to the author that there has never been in the village of Lekhani any kind of large-scale education event. ESAP has produced a 30-page A5 “ICS User’s Manual” (ESAP, 2004) comprehensively detailing proper use and maintenance of ICS. This aims to convey key messages mainly through pictures so that illiteracy is not a barrier to comprehension. The author’s community survey revealed that 80% of those who could not read only partially understood the manual, as some sections do contain significant portions of text (see Figure 8 below).

Figure 8: Comprehension of the ICS User's Manual for people who cannot read is variable. The author's survey finds that the page on the left is well understood by those who cannot read, while the page on the right is not (ESAP, 2004)

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However, the most serious problem is not the use of text in some parts, but the extent to which the manual is being disseminated – none of the respondents in the author’s survey reported having received the booklet. Around half of the ICS users interviewed had received an ESAP ICS Calendar, which provides some information, but this is less comprehensive.

Income and caste groups reached by education Lower castes and income groups have not been well reached by ICS education. As described previously in this chapter, there has been a total lack of mass education and awareness raising events for members of these groups to participate in. The principal channel of education has been the ICS promoters, but, as stated in chapter IR 1: Increased access and availability of ICS, the promoters have specifically avoided personal interaction with these groups. The author’s survey found that less than 10% of the lowest income group met with someone who could provide education, compared with all surveyed members of the highest income group. This is directly at odds with the government’s stated aim of “maximizing the opportunity for increased participation of poor through targeted information dissemination” (ESAP, 2006a). Diffusion of information into lower income groups and castes is harder. Stewart (1987) notes that neighbours are the most important source of information about improved stoves. Rural Nepali communities are strongly divided by caste and subcaste (see chapter IR4: Enabling social and policy environment for more details). The result is that information spreads well within subsections of community, which remain quite distinct, but not well between them. For example, nearly half of the lowest income group surveyed had not even seen an ICS before (compared with all of the highest income group), because ICS ownership is very uncommon amongst neighbours within their subsection of community, and social mixing between some subsections of the community (particularly high to low caste) is still uncommon. The lower income groups also have less access to other information channels. Stewart (1987) states that mass media, such as radio can be a source of information about ICS, though usually less important than personal interactions. The author’s community survey does find that a minority of respondents report being informed about ICS through radio programmes, but none of these are from these are from the lowest income group, amongst which the radio is seen as almost a luxury item.

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Motives of educators The task of awareness raising and education of the people about ICS and related issues has fallen almost entirely to the ICS promoters for whom the sale of ICS is a business. As described in previous sections, it is logical that the incentive to provide education is linked to the expected reward from subsequent sales of ICS. Therefore, the rational behaviour for promoters (to maximise profits) would be to provide education up to a level where the marginal cost of education (including both time input and financial cost) were valued equally to the marginal revenue from additional ICS sales. This is likely to favour in particular education that stimulates initial purchase with little, if any, value for education which mainly focuses on long-term effective use and maintenance. It also explains the pattern the author observed of promoters targeting the higher income sections of the village, where the same educational efforts are more likely to result in sales. For example, people in high and middle income sections of the village in which ICS promoters had been active almost universally report in the author’s survey that they had been visited by a promoter to briefly explain the main benefits of the ICS. However, there has never been a public demonstration of an ICS in operation, a school education programme aimed at children, a play or any similar event. Nor is there any form of ongoing education, only that which occurs immediately before a potential sale. This can be explained by the high conversion rate of targeted personal visits to middle to higher income houses; while the marginal cost of a school programme relative to the additional sales it would generate is much higher. The objective of improving depth and breadth of understanding both throughout the community and within families in the long-term does not align well with the short-term profit maximisation aims of promoters operating solely under an enterprise system. As such, the activities of ICS promoters behaving rationally to provide education differ quite significantly from what is necessary for the ICS programme to properly achieve this IR and ultimately succeed in achieving the SO. So the strategy of using the ICS promoters as almost the sole source of education is flawed.

Understanding of IAP Over 90% of those interviewed in the author’s survey report smoke being a source of irritation while cooking with a traditional stove, with some specifying problems with their breathing or eyes. So the immediate day-to-day effects of IAP are clearly known.

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It is less clear that the link between IAP and serious acute and chronic health problems is well understood, though a vague answer that “health is better with ICS” is given by more than 80% of respondents. However, more subtle points are less well understood, such as the increased risk of acute lower respiratory infection to children over adults, and simple measures which can reduce this risk, such as keeping children out of the kitchen (or if this is not possible, at least further away from the stove) while cooking. Less than a third of the people interviewed identify this issue at all. There is a delay between cause and effect of IAP and the diseases related to it. Though both the smoke and the illnesses it causes manifest themselves clearly, the link between them is not visible. Compared with developed countries, rural people in less developed countries are less familiar with this type of risk. For example, when prompted about the link between smoke and disease, one survey respondent replies: “I understand what you say, that smoke can cause illness, but we are not getting ill so I do not think the smoke is a problem for us”.

Other positive and negative effects of ICS as perceived and experienced by community Though the health implications of IAP is ultimately the main driver of the ICS programme at a high level, success is dependent not only on creating awareness and acceptance of this but also on the other effects of the ICS, which can be more important to users (and potential users). The vast majority of survey respondents mention the main co-benefits of time saving in wood collection and cooking. More than half also mention cleanliness in some way, referring to reduced soot staining on kitchen walls, pots or clothing, reducing the need for cleaning and for some, connotations of prestige. The experience of these benefits is as expected, but possible negative implications of the ICS when compared to the traditional stove are arguably more important to improving the programme, as the issues must be addressed. The ICS does not provide space heating, whereas the open fire of the traditional stove does. This model of ICS has been designed under the assumption that there is not a space heating requirement in the mid-hills region of Nepal (unlike the colder mountain regions). However the author’s survey finds that this is not completely true. About half of respondents have some space heating requirement, though only during the three months of winter at particular times of day. Dedicated space heaters do exist, but they are not common (no one interviewed has one) nor are they a very appropriate solution due to their high cost. However, some households have found other simple solutions, such as wearing more clothes, or making an open fire only for

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occasional space heating (which has much smaller negative impacts compared to continuous use of the traditional stove all year round). Similarly, the difficulty in cooking animal feed in the standard ICS (which typically is done in a much larger pot) is perceived by some as a drawback and hence a barrier to uptake of the ICS, and no non-ICS users interviewed are aware of practical solutions to this problem. However, several survey respondents have found solutions including buying a separate ICS designed for cooking animal feed (though this is costly); using a traditional stove outside the house solely for cooking animal feed; and cooking animal feed in several smaller pots on a standard ICS. No respondents have received education about these and similar solutions, but understanding of this type of solution is very important to ensure such problems do not act as a barrier to uptake of ICS or a reason for drop-off in use.

Key findings This report finds the following key results about the current ICS programme with respect to IR3: Increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS.

• There has been insufficient use of proven, appropriate mass education methods, such as plays, demonstrations and school education programmes

• The ICS Users’ Manual is a largely appropriate tool for education but it is not reaching the end users it is designed for

• Lower income groups have not been adequately reached by ICS education due to a lack of mass events, lack of targeting of people in these groups for personal visits by promoters, and poor diffusion of knowledge through informal channels due to the underlying social structure

• ICS promoters rationally pursuing profit maximisation do not have sufficient incentive to provide education beyond the minimum needed to secure a sale in the short term, and as such their motives for education are not completely aligned with those of the ICS programme which seeks to use education to achieve broad understanding and successful long-term use

Recommendations A leading role for education In order to achieve widespread use of ICS, there must be widespread understanding of why and how to do this. For the ICS to deliver its full benefits there must be some commitment to behaviour change from the user. Ultimately, IAP-reducing behaviour should be integrated into the culture so that it persists independently. Education is indispensable to achieving these aims.

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An analogy can be drawn with programmes in water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH). It has been widely stated that water and sanitation infrastructure alone are not sufficient to bring about health benefits, there must also be hygiene education. For example, Mara (2003) notes:

“Rural water supply and sanitation is essentially simple engineering but much less simple sociology, and there needs to be a good and sustained programme of hygiene education so that people with an improved water supply and improved sanitation know how to use them to maximize the benefits to their health.”

Existing views on hygiene education, such as these from the Water and Sanitation Program (2000) can be applied to ICS and IAP education.

“The key lesson is that greater emphasis is needed on the creation, use, and extension of participatory methods and tools for hygiene promotion. Only these decentralized initiatives can help overcome resistance to deeply-seated attitudes and practices, and help make the links to felt priorities.”

So more widely accessible education is needed, including mass education through plays, demonstrations and school education programmes and use in practice of materials already developed. ICS promoters are very unlikely to provide this additional education since, as described previously, there is not sufficient economic incentive for them to do this. More government funding would be needed for this education (see chapter IR 4: Enabling social and policy environment), but this can be justified as essential to properly meeting this IR and thus the SO of the programme.

Appropriateness of education No specific part of education should be delivered solely through the written word, since illiteracy and poor literacy are still common. Overall literacy for people over 15 in Nepal is just 44% (World Bank, 2006b). Any education delivered through writing should always be backed up with non-written methods. Where materials including written words are distributed, they should go into the possession of members of the household who can read in all cases where this is possible.

Education to create value Education should be used as a key tool to shape the perception of users to value the ICS significantly because of the benefits it provides to their lives. The aim of this is to create the motivation (in addition to the ability) to maintain and use the stove in the long-term. This is particularly important if, as previously recommended, some users will not invest in their ICS.

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Attendance and satisfactory completion of a basic education programme by at least one member of a household should be a condition for receiving a subsidised ICS. Effectively done, this will create significant perceived value for the ICS, despite the reduction or removal of the personal financial investment in it.

Understanding of IAP The author’s survey indicates that more substantial education is needed to develop full understanding of the consequences of IAP. This would be worthwhile, because if well understood, the serious health risk to their families would provide a strong motivator to reduce their exposure to IAP (through proper use and maintenance of an ICS and other behaviour changes). Other, easier to understand co-benefits can also be used as drivers for demand and ICS use, for example savings in wood fuel, and these should be prominent in education. However, there is a danger in promoting co-benefits without adequately reinforcing the core message around IAP, in that the exact same ends may not be achieved. For example, an ICS user motivated by reduced wood fuel use would then aim to use their ICS in the long-term to pursue this end. But this would not create motivation to keep children away from the stove or to meticulously maintain the size of the potholes to prevent smoke escaping into the room.

Integration into school curriculum Once again, the analogy with WASH can be made. Hygiene is now standard part of primary school curriculum in Nepal. UNICEF (1998) describes the situation:

“In Nepal, hygiene and sanitation messages are incorporated in the school curriculum on health education. Since it was felt that regular practice is needed in order to make sanitation education more meaningful, a sanitation package was developed to facilitate the design and implementation of a sanitation programme at primary school level. It has five major components: habit formation and hygiene and sanitation education for students; construction of sanitary facilities at school; use and maintenance of these facilities; organizing extra-curricular activities and events; and school to community programme.”

Using existing education infrastructure such as schools and teachers reduces the cost and the need for extra human resource that would go with a large, standalone system. In the longer term, certified technical training in ICS construction at secondary school could be used to develop a sustainable technical capacity for ICS construction and repair within communities, at lower cost than standard technician training

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programmes. More households could have high quality self-built ICS without purchase, and for other households in the vicinity there would be greater availability of technical assistance. However, this cannot be the only approach to education, since it would perpetuate existing inequity. As noted by Jamison & Lockheed (1987), the children of high caste households are considerably more likely to go to school than those of lower castes. So using existing schools as the main method of ICS education would continue to disadvantage the lower castes. Education that proactively targets marginalised groups would still be required.

Key recommendations This report makes the following key recommendations with respect to IR3: Increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS.

• Increased use of proven, appropriate mass education methods, such as plays, demonstrations and school education programmes, with the acknowledgement that ICS and IAP education is an essential not optional part of the programme, like hygiene education in WASH initiatives

• Attendance and satisfactory completion of a basic ICS education programme by at least one member of a household is a condition for receiving a subsidised ICS.

• Integration of ICS and IAP education into the primary school curriculum, as has already been done with hygiene education

• Technical training in ICS construction delivered through secondary school curriculum

• Indicator IR3 A: Proportion (and absolute number) of each income group with at least one household member having participated in various types of ICS education (with required level of literacy recorded), nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

• Indicator IR3 B: Proportion (and absolute number) of recipients of a subsidised ICS who have completed a basic ICS education programme, nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

• Indicator IR3 C: Proportion (and absolute number) of primary school age children participating in ICS education, nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

• Indicator IR3 D: Proportion (and absolute number) of secondary school age children attaining a certificate in ICS construction, nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

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Intermediate Result 4: Enabling social and policy environment

Rationale In her paper entitled The Political Context of Rural Energy Programmes, Irene Tinker (1992) writes that “the development policy choices of international donor agencies and national governments set the parameters within which energy planning and local implementation take place and so condition the success or failure of virtually all projects”. This statement clearly applies to the ICS programme in Nepal. Central government policy drives the entire programme and affects all aspects of it. The programme is almost entirely funded by Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA), a government department. As the primary donor, DANIDA has the potential to influence the policies of Nepal’s government. Conversely, the government of Nepal can also present justification for increased funding from DANIDA. It is very important that these bodies take a wide, long-term view of the programme and its ultimate outcomes and impacts (the higher levels of the RF) since it is not possible for those involved at a smaller, more local scale (such as operational NGOs and individual ICS technicians) to provide this perspective. If the recommendations of this report are to be applied on a large scale, government of Nepal and donor agencies must strongly support them. This chapter indicates how these recommendations align with their own stated aims and priorities. The ICS programme must also interact with the social environment, and must be designed with an awareness of the challenges it presents.

Assessment of the current situation Donor accountability in line with priorities As the donor, DANIDA should evaluate the programme in line with its own priorities and provide accountability to the government of Nepal. The Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) provides guidelines to its members, of which Denmark is one, for how to evaluate development assistance as successful or not. The criteria are: relevance, efficiency, effectiveness, impact and sustainability (OECD, 2008) Additionally, DANIDA has adopted the following three principles from Active Learning Network for Accountability and Performance in Humanitarian Action (ALNAP): connectedness, coherence and coverage (Beck, 2006).

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A case can be made that DANIDA would better meet these criteria by supporting the recommendations for the ICS programme made in this report. The issues raised that relate to the affordability of the ICS and access to technical capacity education (IR1) call into question the relevance of the programme in practice in terms of its stated aim of poverty reduction. The fact that the lowest income groups have largely failed to benefit from the programme (IR1, IR3) is a major concern for its coverage. The efficiency of producing an output (stoves) per unit cost input into programme may be high, but the problems highlighted in the area of quality of construction (IR2) and inadequate reach of education (IR3) negatively influence the effectiveness of the programme. DANIDA (2006) itself provides an example of a similar problem: “Teaching may be provided economically and efficiently, but if it is not of good quality, e.g. appropriate to the needs and interests the students, intended learning outcomes will not be achieved, i.e. it will not be effective.” The overall focus of the programme is primarily on outputs and the only measure of success actually used is the total number of ICS constructed. Sufficient indicators have not been used and data have not been collected to assess the outcomes or impacts of the programme. As stated by CRT/N (2005b) in a report to the International Network for Sustainable Energy (INFORSE), there has been an “overemphasis on achieving dissemination targets with little attention given to extension and monitoring”. “No final evaluation of Improved Cooking Stoves has ever been done in Nepal” (Winrock-USAID, 2004). This shows that, while there has been much activity in the form of inputs and outputs to the programme, there has not been a sufficient commitment to achieving and measuring impact. There may be concerns that while the recommendations of this report will better meet some of the criteria, such as those described above, they could have negative impacts on other criteria, in particular efficiency and sustainability. The recommendations of this report will increase the money input per ICS output, so in this sense efficiency will be reduced. But these recommendations increase the poverty reduction impacts by, for example, enabling the programme to reach poorer people, by increasing the smoke reduction performance of ICS through higher quality construction, and by better use of education to promote IAP reducing behaviour. So

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the efficiency of achieving the desired impacts, which are ultimately the aim of the programme, may actually increase. In terms of sustainability, the recommendation to use some direct subsidies could be contentious. However, as noted in chapter IR1: Increased access and availability of ICS, the programme in its current form is already dependent on external subsidisation for its training and education, so it is not entirely economically sustainable as it is. Direct subsides would increase the dependency on external funding, at least in the short term, but that dependency would not be new. There are also measures to mitigate this effect. To reduce the need for direct subsidies in the future, there needs to be economic development for the lowest income households. As described in chapter IR1, subsidising an ICS is an effective way of subsidising economic progress, since the household increases productivity from reduced incidence of disease and longer life-span (WHO, 2006b). Concurrent programmes in economic development should also target these groups. The recommended increase in reach and diversity of ICS and IAP education would increase the social sustainability of the programme, helping to ingrain IAP reducing behaviour and value for the ICS in the culture. Ultimately, any claimed reduction in sustainability must also be weighed against potentially large improvements of the programme when judged against other criteria.

Nepal government policy The government policy on the ICS programme is part of the Biomass Energy Component run by the Energy Sector Assistance Programme (ESAP), which is part of the Alternative Energy Promotion Centre (AEPC). The ICS programme policy sits underneath the government’s overarching Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). The PRSP states that government policy includes “ensuring feedback received from intended beneficiaries and target groups is effectively utilized for improving poverty interventions” (HMGN, 2003); while ESAP (2006b) states that its programme seeks to “improve through regular feed back from field level and reports of Impact studies”. So the government should be receptive to the recommendations of this report, which it is argued will help to bring the ICS programme into closer alignment with the intention of government policy. ESAP has boldly asserted that the ICS programme to date has been a major success, claiming that it has been “one of the most successful components in achieving its predefined objective and meeting targets of disseminating quality ICS, information awareness, networking in the targeted area, inclusion of women and marginalised group into the programme” (ESAP, 2006b). While there have been some successes, this report has identified aspects where improvement is needed,

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particularly in terms of quality, information awareness and inclusion of marginalised groups. In chapter IR1 it is shown that the government assumption that the ICS is “cheap technology” (AEPC, 2003) and available for all households in mid-hills Nepal does not fully hold, and that ICS are not currently affordable or available to the lowest income groups. Similarly, in chapter IR3 it is shown that ICS education is not reaching the poorest. These issues are not acknowledged anywhere in ESAP’s latest “Biomass Component Report”, which does aim to identify “barriers in successful dissemination” in the existing programme and propose plans for its future (ESAP, 2006b). Conversely, the report proposes the extension of the current enterprise-only features of dissemination that it claims “can be visualised as viable options implemented reaching the poorest of the poor”. Another government report from ESAP and AEPC does acknowledge, if only briefly, that “the involvement of the poorest, disadvantaged groups such as Dalit [the lowest caste] still remains a challenge” (Shrestha et al, 2005), though offers no solution or plan to address this. As previously mentioned, ESAP does not record uptake of ICS by income group, despite this data being available from other branches of government. ESAP’s current approach also conflicts with the PRSP. This states that although “liberal economic policies provide opportunities for private sector development”, “appropriate interventions are also necessary for inclusive development, i.e. targeted programs focusing on the deprived, poor, vulnerable and socially excluded groups” (HMGN, 2003). Members of these groups often “lack education, knowledge, skills and access to resources and opportunities to benefit from general development programs” and without targeted initiatives will be “unable to escape the poverty trap or take an unacceptably long time to do so” (HMGN, 2003). By following the recommendations of this report, the ICS programme would more closely follow the approaches identified in the PRSP. The expansion of the enterprise system for middle and higher income households would continue to utilise the market system and private sector. The direct subsidies for the poorest would provide a targeted way for them to benefit from ICS technology and, as shown in chapter IR1, the cost of these would be much less than the direct subsidies the government already offers on biogas plants. More accessible education would reach out to the significant groups which are largely excluded at present. The current approach does not offer assistance to these groups and as such is fundamentally at odds with the policy of the PRSP.

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Chapter IR2 finds issues relating to the quality of ICS constructed, while the lack of sufficient monitoring to assess and ensure impact is reported in several places. ESAP (2006b) does claim that “quality assurance mechanism and technical assistance to private sector will also done” and briefly mentions the need to “ensure that the end users receive required support to maintain the stoves”, but the author could not find evidence of either the operation or outcomes of this. ESAP (2006b) also acknowledges that it is “necessary to monitor the installed stoves to ensure continued use of ICS” and that, though they do not yet exist, “monitoring indicators will be developed”. The PRSP affirms a commitment to “evaluating [programmes] for their effectiveness in reducing income poverty and promoting human development” (HMGN, 2003), suggesting a genuine desire to measure impact and not just output. This report has made recommendations to improve quality and has defined measurable indicators that can be used to assess the success of various aspects of the programme and the overall impact that it has.

Social environment As has been mentioned in various sections of this report, there are considerable differences in income, wealth and education between different income groups and castes in Nepal. S Acharya (2004) describes “large disparities in income poverty among different socio-economic groups in Nepal”, stating that “poverty incidence is higher among the people belonging to the lower caste groups”. The author’s observations confirm this. Figure 9 below shows two houses in the village of Lekhani, just a few hundred metres apart but in different subsections of the community. The house on the left is owned by a high caste family, is three storeys high, and has multiple rooms, several photovoltaic solar panels and an improved cooking stove. The house on the right is owned by a low caste family, has no electricity or improved cooking stove and consists of just one room in which the whole family cooks, eats and sleeps.

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Figure 9: Disparities in poverty: a high caste, high income house (left) and a low caste, low income house (right) in Lekhani (Vaz, 2007)

As previously described, poverty is a barrier to benefiting from the current ICS programme. In addition to poverty there is caste discrimination. Stash & Hannum (2001) note that “caste constitutes an enduring form of social inequality despite national legislation that outlaws caste discrimination”. Pandey et al (2006) describe caste discrimination in employment and in government from local to national level. The author observes that in Lekhani several ICS promoters have favoured engaging with and constructing for their own castes or subcastes, while no promoters had ventured to some low caste sections of the village. The author also observes that the powerful high caste members of the community based organisation consider providing subsidised biogas to high caste households that already have ICS to be a higher development priority than providing ICS to low caste households still using traditional stoves. The “stratification” of society (HMGN, 2003) and the low interaction between castes has been a major barrier to the diffusion of information about ICS to low caste groups.

Key findings This report finds the following key results about the current ICS programme with respect to IR4: Enabling social and policy environment.

• DANIDA is not fully meeting its own criteria for successful development, in particular with regard to impact, effectiveness and coverage

• The government of Nepal is not fully meeting its own stated aims, especially concerning targeted development to reach the poorest and most excluded groups, quality of ICS, and commitment to monitoring and achieving effectiveness in poverty reduction

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• Divisions in society based on caste and income have hindered the extent to which ICS has reached the lowest income and low caste groups

Recommendations Donor agency and Nepal government policy As described previously in this chapter, it is recommended that Nepal’s government and international donor agencies fully support the recommendations of this report and make them official policy. It is also recommended that they support monitoring and evaluation of the ICS programme based on the criteria set out in this report, in particular to ensure the impact of the programme. The results of all monitoring and the status of all indicators should be published and publicly available.

Prioritising of IAP The ICS programme is currently part of the government’s energy programme only. Neither indoor air pollution (IAP) nor ICS are mentioned anywhere in the 120-page summary document of the PRSP, and only very briefly in the detailed master document. This gives the impression that IAP is seen only as an “energy issue” and is not highly prioritised as part of poverty reduction. However, IAP is a major health issue. The World Health Organisation (WHO) (2007) uses concept of the burden of disease, which “quantifies mortality and morbidity due to a given disease or risk factor. The most commonly used measure is the Disability-Adjusted Life Year (DALY), which combines the years of life lost due to disability with the years of life lost due to death. This measure allows [comparison of] diseases or risk factors in terms of their public health importance”. By this measure, IAP is responsible for 2.7% of the burden of disease in Nepal. So ICS can be viewed as a preventive health intervention. ICS also contribute to the economic development of individual households as well as the nation as a whole. “Economic benefits include reduced health-related expenditure as a result of less illness, the value of assumed productivity gains resulting from less illness and fewer deaths, time savings due to the shorter time spent on fuel collection and cooking, and environmental impacts at the local and global levels” (WHO, 2006b). This report recommends that the ICS is prioritised more strongly due to the role it can play in improved health and economic development.

Budget to deliver on these recommendations in practice An obvious concern that could be raised in relation to the recommendations of this report is that they will increase the cost of the programme. The government states

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explicitly that it is wary of plans which are “unrealistic”, “ambitious” and simply a “wish-list” and that previous programmes have failed for this reason (HMGN, 2003). The recommendations have been made with the intention of increasing the impact of the programme, most importantly in health improvement and poverty reduction. These impacts are essential to the programme and ultimate reasons for its existence, so they cannot be considered optional and excluded on the grounds of cost. It is true that by following the recommendations of this report, there will be fewer stoves installed per unit input of money. Crucially, however, the long-term impacts achieved will be greater. In terms of absolute budget for the programme, increased funding could be secured by considering IAP as a problem beyond just energy, as described above, and ICS as a solution to it. Some funding could come from health budgets, economic development budgets, and, for IAP and ICS education delivered through schools, education budgets. Greater acknowledgement of the severity of the consequences of IAP will lead to increased funding. WHO (2002) states that “few developing countries have invested in a level of national policy effort that reflects the importance of household energy to health, environment and development”, and that “donors need to give household energy greater funding priority in the context of health and poverty reduction”.

Social environment The social environment cannot itself be altered. However, it is important for the ICS programme to operate with an awareness of the social barriers that exist and groups which are difficult to engage and less receptive to education. Technicians, NGOs and other practitioners need to show sensitivity to nature of society. This would be particularly important if different subsidies were offered to different households on the basis of financial need (as recommended in chapter IR1) to explain why more assistance is given to some groups than others. The ICS programme already aims to recruit women and people from disadvantaged groups as promoters (ESAP, 2006b), though it is not clear how well this policy is working. As such, this policy should be actively followed and the proportional breakdown of promoters by income group, caste and gender should be monitored. Additionally, technicians should be trained in inclusive methods and sensitivity to social issues that might affect their work.

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Key recommendations This report makes the following key recommendations with respect to IR4: Enabling social and policy environment.

• Policies of DANIDA and Nepal’s government to be altered to reflect the recommendations of this report which help them to better meet their own criteria

• Prioritisation of IAP and ICS by DANIDA and Nepal’s government as not solely an energy issue but also a key issue in health and economic development

• Publication of monitoring and evaluation results and status of programme indicators by the government

• Technician training to include inclusive methods and sensitivity to the social issues present

• Indicator IR4 A: DANIDA and Nepal government policies are improved in line with the recommendations of this report and reflect greater prioritisation of IAP as a health and economic problem

• Indicator IR4 B: Increased budget for ICS programme, if necessary drawing on health and economic development budgets (and where appropriate the education budget) as well as the energy budget

• Indicator IR 4 C: Proportion of programme indicators for which the current status is publicly available

• Indicator IR4 D: Proportional breakdown (and absolute number) of ICS technicians by income group caste and gender; nationally, by district and by village – R, (N@10%)

• Indicator IR 4 E: Proportion (and absolute number) of technician training programmes teaching inclusive methods and social sensitivity (extrapolated from samples taken by monitors) – R@10%, (N@10%)

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Conclusions

Key Findings


Strategic Objective

“Increased long-term and effective use of ICS technology across all income groups and castes in the mid-hills region of Nepal”

Intermediate Result 1

Increased access and availability of ICS Intermediate Result 2

Increased quality of ICS Intermediate Result 3

Increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS Intermediate Result 4

Enabling social and policy environment

• The ICS is not affordable to the poorest households under the current enterprise-only system

• The vast majority of the lowest income group have not been engaged by people with information about ICS or the technical capability to construct ICS

• ESAP does not record ICS uptake by different income groups, meaning that the underlying problem is not externally visible

• Though ICS standards exist, are not always followed, leading to less than optimum air quality improvements and, in some cases, drop-off in ICS use

• The knowledge within the community that some ICS are poorly constructed can act as a barrier to adoption for potential new users

• No after sales service is provided by ICS technicians/promoters after installation, meaning that users attempt to solve problems that arise themselves, without technical training

• Recipients of ICS are not sufficiently well informed about the details and importance of quality in ICS construction to provide accountability to technicians at the time of installation

• There is insufficient competition in the market for ICS construction in a given village for market forces to drive up quality

• In general, there is no monitoring of the quality of ICS constructed

• There has been insufficient use of proven, appropriate mass education methods, such as plays, demonstrations and school education programmes

• The ICS Users’ Manual is a largely appropriate tool for education but it is not reaching the end users it is designed for

• Lower income groups have not been adequately reached by ICS education due to a lack of mass events, lack of targeting of people in these groups for personal visits by promoters, and poor diffusion of knowledge through informal channels due to the underlying social structure

• ICS promoters rationally pursuing profit maximisation do not have sufficient incentive to provide education beyond the minimum needed to secure a sale in the short term, and as such their motives for education are not completely aligned with those of the ICS programme which seeks to use education to achieve broad understanding and successful long-term use

• DANIDA is not fully meeting its own criteria for successful development, in particular with regard to impact, effectiveness and coverage

• The government of Nepal is not fully meeting its own stated aims, especially concerning targeted development to reach the poorest and most excluded groups, quality of ICS, and commitment to monitoring and achieving effectiveness in poverty reduction

• Divisions in society based on caste and income have hindered the extent to which ICS has reached the lowest income and low caste groups

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Key Recommendations


Strategic Objective



Increased access and availability of ICS


Intermediate Result 3 Increased knowledge and acceptance

of ICS

Intermediate Result 4 Enabling social and policy

environment

• Identification of the ability of each household in the community to afford an ICS at the beginning of an ICS project, using census data already available from District Government

• Extension of enterprise method of dissemination to all households which are identified as being able to afford to purchase an ICS

• Provision of economic subsidies to identified low-income households with the value determined by the extent of economic need

• Specific aim of ICS technicians to engage with all income groups and castes

• Quality control mechanism with monitoring of ICS constructed with financial rewards provided to technicians based on their performance in delivering consistently high quality. A random sample of ICS constructed by each technician checked by regional monitors, a random sample of the work of regional monitors verified by national monitors

• Quality parameters to monitor: dimensional accuracy, presence of required functional features, performance using representative water boiling test (Stewart, 1987), smoke level during cooking, user’s subjective assessment of satisfaction

• Technician training to focus more strongly on the importance of quality construction, to include practical construction of ICS to standards in field conditions, and to promote the financial incentives of quality construction and after sales service

• Education of ICS users to include importance of quality construction and to highlight channels for reporting poor construction through monitors

• Availability of a limited ICS repair fund for low income ICS users, up to a maximum of the original value of the construction subsidy, to be used only once in the four years after initial construction

• Regional monitors to record annually the number of ICS technicians active and available for construction and repairs and, if necessary, to reactivate previous ones or recruit new ones

• Increased use of proven, appropriate mass education methods, such as plays, demonstrations and school education programmes, with the acknowledgement that ICS and IAP education is an essential not optional part of the programme, like hygiene education in WASH initiatives

• Attendance and satisfactory completion of a basic ICS education programme by at least one member of a household is a condition for receiving a subsidised ICS.

• Integration of ICS and IAP education into the primary school curriculum, as has already been done with hygiene education

• Technical training in ICS construction delivered through secondary school curriculum

• Policies of DANIDA and Nepal’s government to be altered to reflect the recommendations of this report which help them to better meet their own criteria

• Prioritisation of IAP and ICS by DANIDA and Nepal’s government as not solely an energy issue but also a key issue in health and economic development

• Publication of monitoring and evaluation results and status of programme indicators by the government

• Technician training to include inclusive methods and sensitivity to the social issues present

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Indicators


Strategic Objective



Increased access and availability of ICS


Intermediate Result 3 Increased knowledge and acceptance of ICS

Intermediate Result 4 Enabling social and policy environment

• Indicator IR1 A: Proportion (and absolute number) of each income group with ICS installed, nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

• Indicator IR1 B: Proportion (and absolute number) of each income group with at least one household member having been personally engaged in ICS awareness raising, nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

• Indicator IR2 A: Proportion (and absolute number) of ICS meeting the quality parameters, nationally, by district and by village (extrapolated from samples taken by monitors) – R@10%, (N@10%)

• Indicator IR 2 B: Proportion (and absolute number) of ICS still in use two and four years after construction nationally, by district and by village – R@10%, (N@10%)

• Indicator IR 2 C: Proportion (and absolute number) of technician training programmes and user education programmes addressing quality as recommended here – R@10%, (N@10%)

• Indicator IR2 D: Number of ICS technicians active and available for construction and repairs nationally, by district and by village – R, (N@10%)

• Indicator IR3 A: Proportion (and absolute number) of each income group with at least one household member having participated in various types of ICS education (with required level of literacy recorded), nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

• Indicator IR3 B: Proportion (and absolute number) of recipients of a subsidised ICS who have completed a basic ICS education programme, nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

• Indicator IR3 C: Proportion (and absolute number) of primary school age children participating in ICS education, nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

• Indicator IR3 D: Proportion (and absolute number) of secondary school age children attaining a certificate in ICS construction, nationally, by district and by village – T, (R@10%), (N@10%)

• Indicator IR4 A: DANIDA and Nepal government policies are improved in line with the recommendations of this report and reflect greater prioritisation of IAP as a health and economic problem

• Indicator IR4 B: Increased budget for ICS programme, if necessary drawing on health and economic development budgets (and where appropriate the education budget) as well as the energy budget

• Indicator IR 4 C: Proportion of programme indicators for which the current status is publicly available

• Indicator IR4 D: Proportional breakdown (and absolute number) of ICS technicians by income group caste and gender; nationally, by district and by village – R, (N@10%)

• Indicator IR 4 E: Proportion (and absolute number) of technician training programmes teaching inclusive methods and social sensitivity (extrapolated from samples taken by monitors) – R@10%, (N@10%)

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References Acharya, J., Bajgain, M.S. & Subedi, P.S., 2005. Scaling up biogas in Nepal: what else is needed?. Boiling Point, 50, p.2-4. Acharya, S., 2004. Measuring and analyzing poverty (with a particular reference to the case of Nepal). The European Journal of Comparative Economics, 1(2), p.195-215. Alternative Energy Promotion Centre (AEPC), 2003. Government Policy and Strategies of Improved Cook Stove for Dissemination in Nepal. Alternative Energy Promotion Centre (AEPC), 2006. Subsidy for renewable (rural) energy, 2006. Barnes, D.F., Openshaw, K., Smith, K.R. & van der Plas, R., 1994. What makes people cook with improved biomass stoves? A comparative international review of stove programs. World Bank Technical Paper (Energy Series), No. 242. Beck, T., 2006. Evaluating humanitarian action using the OECD-DAC criteria: An ALNAP guide for humanitarian agencies. London: Overseas Development Institute. Best, G., 1992. The Role of Renewable Energy Technologies in Rural Development. In: M.R. Bhagavan, S. Karekezi. eds., Energy for Rural Development. London: Zed Books. Ch. 1. Biogas Sector Partnership Nepal (BSP), 2007. BSP Nepal - Achievements. Available at: http://www.bspnepal.org.np/achievments.htm [accessed: 27 May 2008]. Centre for Rural Technology Nepal (CRT/N), 2005a. Improved cookstove [online]. Available at: http://www.crtnepal.org/new/technologies.php?mode=detail&technologies_id=11 [accessed: 27 May 2008]. Centre for Rural Technology Nepal (CRT/N), 2005b. National energy situation survey report Nepal - Focus on renewable energy & poverty reduction. Submitted to International Network for Sustainable Energy (INFORSE). Chhantyal, B., 2004. Photo of ICS in use, Lekhani. District Forest Authority (DFA), 2007. Lekhani village census. Ellegård, A., 1997. Tears while cooking: An indicator of indoor air pollution and related health effects in developing countries. Environmental Research, 75, p.12-22. Energy Sector Assistance Programme (ESAP), 2004. The ICS User’s Manual [online]. Available at: http://www.aepcnepal.org/rc/manual/users_manual_2005-08-04.pdf [accessed: 27 May 2008]. Energy Sector Assistance Programme (ESAP), 2005. The ICS Promoter’s Manual [online]. Available at: http://www.aepcnepal.org/rc/manual/promoters_manual_2005-08-04.pdf [accessed: 27 May 2008]. Energy Sector Assistance Programme (ESAP), 2006a. Energy Sector Assistance Programme Phase II (ESAP-II) Volume 1 Programme Document. Energy Sector Assistance Programme (ESAP), 2006b. Energy Sector Assistance Programme Phase II (ESAP-II) Annex 4: Component Description - Biomass Energy.

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Foley, G. & Moss, P., 1983. Improved Cookstoves in Developing Countries. Technical Paper 2. London: International Institute for Environment and Development. Gómez-Lobo, A., Foster, V. & Halpern, J., 2000. Information and modeling issues in designing water and sanitation subsidy schemes. Policy Research Working Paper Series (World Bank), No. 2345. His Majesty's Government National Planning Commission (HMGN), 2003. The Tenth Plan (Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper) 2002–2007 – Summary. Hurst, C., Barnett, A. (Eds.), 1990. The energy dimension: A practical guide to energy in rural development programmes. London: Intermediate Technology Publication. Jamison, D.T. & Lockheed, M.E., 1987. Participation in schooling: determinants and learning outcomes in Nepal. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 35, p. 279–306. Karekezi, S., 1992. Energy technology options for rural and agricultural development: The major issues. In: M.R. Bhagavan, S. Karekezi. eds., Energy for Rural Development. London: Zed Books. Ch. 3. Manibog, F., 1984. Improved cooking stoves in developing countries: Problems and Opportunities. Annual Review Energy, 9, p.199-227. Mara, D.D., 2003. Water, sanitation and hygiene for the health of developing nations. Public Health, 117, p.452–456. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 2008. DAC Criteria for Evaluating Development Assistance [online]. Available at: http://www.oecd.org/document/22/0,2340,es_2649_201185_2086550_1_1_1_1,00.html [accessed: 27 May 2008]. Pandey, M.R., Neupane, R.P., Gautam, A. & Shrestha, I.B., 1990. The effectiveness of smokeless stoves in reducing indoor air pollution in a rural hill region of Nepal. Mountain Research and Development, 10(4), p.313-320. Pandey, T.R. et al., 2006. Forms and patterns of social discrimination in Nepal. Kathmandu: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Shrestha, S.K., Thapa, R. & Bajracharya, K., 2005. National Improved Cook Stove Dissemination in the Mid-Hills of Nepal, Experiences, Opportunities and Lesson learnt. (AEPC, CRT/N & ESAP). Stash, S. & Hannum, E., 2001. Who goes to school? Educational stratification by gender, caste, and ethnicity in Nepal. Comparative Education Review, 45(3), p. 354-378. Stewart, B., 1987. Improved wood waste and charcoal burning stoves - A practitioners manual. London: Intermediate Technology Publications. Technology and Rural Upliftment Service Team (TRUST), 2004. Final report on impact study on improved cooking stoves program effectiveness [online]. Available at: http://www.aepcnepal.org/nircret/lnks.php?id=208 [accessed: 27 May 2008].

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Tinker, I., 1992. The Political Context of Rural Energy Programmes. In: M.R. Bhagavan, S. Karekezi. eds., Energy for Rural Development. London: Zed Books. Ch. 2. Toffolon-Weiss, M.M., Bertrand, J.T. & Terrell S.S., 1999. The results framework - an innovative tool for program planning and evaluation. Evaluation Review, 23(3), p336-359. United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), 1998. Towards better programming - A manual on school sanitation and hygiene. Water and Sanitation Program (WSP), 2000. Learning the fundamentals of hygiene promotion: A review of three large-scale projects in India. Winrock International-USAID, 2004. Household energy, indoor air pollution and health impacts - status report for Nepal. World Bank, 2006a. World development indicators database - gross national income (GNI) per capita (Atlas Method). World Bank, 2006b. Nepal at a glance. World Health Organisation (WHO), 2002. Addressing the Links between Indoor Air Pollution, Household Energy and Human Health. World Health Organisation (WHO), 2006a. Fuel for life – Household energy and health. World Health Organisation (WHO), 2006b. Evaluation of the costs and benefits of household energy and health interventions at global and regional levels - Summary. World Health Organisation (WHO), 2007. Indoor air pollution - National burden of disease estimates.

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Appendix A: Risk assessment retrospective

The author considered the risk assessment procedure to be a useful and necessary part of the project and believes it should continue in future years.

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dissemination of improved cooking stove technology in nepal

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