deriving panará ergative case -...
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Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Deriving Panará ergative case
Bernat Bardagil-Mas
Center for Language and Cognition
SAL II | UC, Berkeley9 April 2017
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 1
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Roadmap
Jê languages
Panará case
Ergative case
The syntax of case
Conclusion
References
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 2
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Family tree
.... Jê.
..Northern Jê
.
..Apinayé
.
..Kĩsêdjê
.
..Mebêngôkre
.
..Panará
...Timbira
...Central Jê
. ..Xavante
.
..Xerente
.
..Southern Jê
.
..Kaingang
.
..XoklengBernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 3
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Northern Jê languages
....Northern Jê.
.
.
..Panará
.
..Timbira
.
.
. ....Kĩsêdjê
...Tapayuna
.
.
.
..Mebêngôkre
.
..Apinayé
(Lapierre et al. 2016)
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 4
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Panará▶ Brazil, North of Mato Grosso - South of Pará
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Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Panará▶ Spoken by 500-600 people▶ Four villages▶ Fieldwork conducted in Nãsepotiti
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Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Today’s talk
▶ Panará is exceptional among Jê languages in presenting a uniformlyergative case marking (Bardagil-Mas forthcoming, Salanova 2017)
▶ This talk presents ongoing research on the syntactic processes thatderive ergative case in Panará
▶ Diagnosing inherent and structural case▶ Ergative-absolutive asymmetries in syntactic operations
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 7
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Panará verbal morphology
▶ Major parts of the verb package and its polysynthetic flavourMood | erg/nom | recp/refl | iter/dir | P | du | abs | clf, dat | Verb | asp(1) Jy=
intrpy=dir
ra=3pl.abs
kõ=com
mẽ=du
ra=2sg.abs
tẽ.leave
‘The two of us are going away with them.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 8
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Roadmap
Jê languages
Panará case
Ergative case
The syntax of case
Conclusion
References
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 9
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Case marking in Panará
(2) a. Ka2sg
[jy=intr
a=2abs
tẽfall
].
‘You fell down.’b. Ka
2sgheerg
[ka=2erg
ra=1abs
sisy-rihit-prf
] inkjẽ.1sg
‘You hit me.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 10
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Case marking in Panará
▶ Irrealis mood
(3) a. Mãra3sg
[ka=irr
ti=3sg.nom
kresing
] koomanow
krekjãnight
amã.ines
‘He is going to sing tonight.’b. Pykooma
morningmãra3sg
heerg
[ka=irr
ti=3sg.nom
a=2abs
sisy-rihit-prf
] ka.2sg
‘Tomorrow he will hit you.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 11
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
The allomorphy of case
Realis Irrealis ConditionalIntransitive jy= ka= tu/ta=Transitive ∅ ka= ta=
Table : Panará modal clitics.
Marking on arguments Marking on verbsRealis, etc. ergative ergative
Irrealis ergative accusativeTable : Panará case marking.
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Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Case and verb form in Panará▶ No interaction: grammaticalized into a different system
(4)—Juwh-
rãhãtmp
jy=intr
a=2sg.abs
tẽleave
KôtikôKôtikô
tã?all
‘When did you go to Kôtikô?”—Ra=
1sg.abstẽ-rileave-prf
pjooneg
KôtikôKôtikô
tã.all
‘I didn’t go to Kôtikô.’
(5) Inkjẽ1sg
ka=irr
tẽ-rigo-prf
motoboat
amãines
SõkarasãSõkarasã
tã.all
‘I will go to Sonkarasã by boat.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 13
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Roadmap
Jê languages
Panará case
Ergative case
The syntax of case
Conclusion
References
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 14
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Ergative case
Structural case does not depend on the particular thematic role assignedto the nominal or the particular lexical item that selects itNon-structural case does not depend on the structure of the clause,and instead depends either on the selecting lexical item or the thematicrole the nominal bears
Inherent case is determined by the thematic roleLexical case is determined by the lexical item involved
(Woolford 2006)
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Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Panará ergative is structural▶ Predictions for a non-structural case:
▶ Assigned upon merge (with v) together with θ-role▶ Case preservation
(6) ....vP.
.._
.
.
.
..v
[ergative][‘agent”]
.
.
.
..VP
We are going to see that Panará ergative is a structural caseBernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 16
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
No θ-relatedness
▶ Ergative case appears on the external argument of transitiveclauses, regardless of the θ-role
(7) Non-agentive causerInkôwater
hẽerg
ti=3sg.erg
pufull
pârikâcanoe
amã.ines
‘Water filled the canoe.’
(8) Psych-verbsKa2sg
hẽerg
ka=2sg.erg
sunpafear
nãkã.snake
‘You’re afraid of snakes.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 17
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Case preservation
▶ Inherent case is assigned upon merge▶ Further structural changes do not affect it
(9) Icelandic (Maling 2002)
a. Ég1sg.nom
hjálpaðihelped
honum .him.dat
‘I helped him.’
b. PassiveÞeimthem.dat
varwas
hjálpað.helped
‘They were helped.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 18
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Panará complex predicates
▶ Panará has a series of complex predicates (Dourado 2008)ãto ‘to send”, ãte ‘to stop / to allow”, and sũũ ‘to say”
(10) Rê=1sg.erg
ka=2sg.dat
sũũsay
inkjẽ1sg
[myn=dir
r=1sg.abs
anpũ.see
]
‘I told you to look at me.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 19
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Panará complex predicates
▶ Panará complement clauses
(11) Mãra3sg.abs
hẽerg
ti3sg.erg
sũũsay
[pjãwhat
rê=1sg.erg
∅=3sg.abs
wajãrimake
].
‘He said what I did.’
Inkjẽ1sg
jõpããchild
hẽerg
[inkjẽ1sg
hẽerg
rê=1sg.erg
kâ=skin
pothresh
kjorinperice
] ti=3sg
pjãni.want
‘My child wants me to thresh the rice.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 20
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Panará complex predicates
▶ In complex predicates DPs must appear in the upper predicate
(12) Inkjẽ1sg
hẽerg
rê=1sg.erg
k=2sg.abs
ãte-allow
riprf
[ jy=intr
k=2sg.abs
ãpâeat
rahêfin
] ka2sg
‘I let you eat.’
Inkjẽ1sg
hẽerg
rê=1sg.erg
k=2sg.abs
ãte-allow
riprf
ka2sg
[ jy=intr
k=2sg.abs
ãpâeat
rahêfin
]
*Inkjẽ1sg
hẽerg
rê=1sg.erg
k=2sg.abs
ãte-allow
riprf
[ jy=intr
k=2sg.abs
ãpâeat
ka2sg
rahêfin
]
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 21
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Panará complex predicates
▶ This is not a general property of final clauses
(13) … ra=1pl.abs
sõposs
pârâsômoney
ahê.fin
‘… in order to have money.’
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Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Panará complex predicates
▶ Assuming that INFL licenses mood, and that aspectual suffixesalso indicate TAM activity, the lower predicate is a finite clause
▶ There is a type of hyperraising out of lower predicates in Panará
(14) Rê=
1sg.erg
k=
2sg.abs
ãte-
allow
ri
prf
[ jy=
intr
k=
2sg.abs
ãpâ
eat
..⟨ka⟩ rahê
fin
] ..ka.
2sg‘I let you eat.’
.
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 23
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Panará complex predicates▶ When the lower predicate contains a transitive verb, the
corresponding DP surfaces without ergative case:
(15) Mãra3sg
hẽerg
ti=3sg.erg
ra=1sg.abs
k=2sg.abs
ãtorisend
ka2sg
[ka=2sg.erg
ra=1sg.abs
sikâhit
rahêfin
] inkjẽ.1sg
‘He made you beat me.’
▶ Verbal morphology shows that the external argument has ergativecase in the lower predicate
▶ If this is (hyper)raising and not prolepsis, the ergative from thelower predicate cannot receive inherent case
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 24
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Syntactic ergativity: Ā-movement
▶ In Panará, ergatives and absolutives can wh-extract and relativize
(16) a. Prẽ hẽwho erg
ti=3sg.erg
s-3sg.abs
anpũsee
inkjêê?woman
‘Who saw the woman?”
b. [ Inpy hẽman erg
ti=3sg.erg
pĩ-rikill-prf
suasĩrapeccary
] asâ.fierce
‘The man that killed a peccary is fierce.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 25
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Syntactic ergativity: Embedded extraction▶ Absolutiveintr
(17) Ti=3sg.erg
s-3sg.abs
anpũsee
PerankôPerankô
hẽerg
[ joopyjaguar
jy=intr
tẽleave
].
‘Perankô saw the jaguar that fled.’
(18) Joopyjaguar
ti=3sg.erg
s-3sg.abs
anpũsee
PerankôPerankô
hẽerg
[e jy=intr
tẽleave
].
‘Perankô saw the jaguar that fled.’▶ Absolutivetr
(19) Kôôtitachicken
rê=1sg.erg
sanpũsee
[ joopyjaguar
hẽerg
ti=3sg.erg
pĩrikill
e ].
‘I saw the chicken that the jaguar killed.’Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 26
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Extraction of ergatives(20) a. Inkjẽ
1sghẽerg
rê=1sg.erg
sanpũsee
[joopyjaguar
hẽerg
ti=3sg.erg
pĩrikill
kôôtita.]chicken
‘I saw the jaguar that killed a chicken.’b. *Joopy
jaguarrê=1sg.erg
sanpũsee
[ti=3sg.erg
pĩrikill
kôôtita].chicken
‘I saw the jaguar that killed the chicken.’c. *Joopy
jaguarhẽerg
rê=1sg.erg
sanpũsee
[ti=3sg.erg
pĩrikill
kôôtita].chicken
‘I saw the jaguar that killed the chicken.’
d. Joopyjaguar
rê=1sg.erg
tân =⁇
sanpũsee
[ti=3sg.erg
pĩrikill
kôôtita].chicken
‘I saw the jaguar that killed the chicken.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 27
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Extraction of ergatives
▶ These are not two juxtaposed clauses
(21) *Joopyjaguar
rê=1sg.erg
sanpũsee
[e ti=3sg.erg
pĩrikill
kôôtitachicken
].
‘I saw the jaguar that killed the chicken.’
(22) [Joopyjaguar
rê=1sg.erg
sanpũsee
], [ ti=3sg.erg
pĩrikill
kôôtitachicken
].
‘I saw a jaguar; it killed the chicken.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 28
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Extraction of ergatives(23) Without a perception verb on the main clause
a. *Ipẽenemy
ka=2sg.erg
pĩrikill
[ti=3sg.erg
sipyrikidnap
PakrekakaPakrekaka
].
‘You killed the Kayapo that had kidnapped Pakrekaka.’b. Ipẽ
enemyka=2sg.erg
tân=?
pĩrikill
[ti=3sg.erg
sipyrikidnap
PakrekakaPakrekaka
].
‘You killed the Kayapo that had kidnapped Pakrekaka.’
(24) Not a hanging topic
a. Rê=1sg.erg
tân=⁇
sanpũsee
joopyjaguar
[ti=3sg.erg
pĩrikill
kôôtitachicken
].
‘I saw the jaguar that killed the chicken.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 29
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Extraction of ergatives: recap
▶ Ergatives have a restriction in Ā-extraction▶ A clitic tân on the matrix verb allows for the extraction▶ The ergative DP surfaces without ergative case on the matrix clause
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 30
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Interim summary: inherent case
▶ There is no θ-relatedness▶ There is no case preservation:
▶ A DP can ‘raise to absolutive” in complex predicates▶ Ergatives Ā-extracted from relatives lose their morphological case
▶ Variable syntactic ergativity is not derivable by inherent caseapproaches (Deal 2016)
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 31
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Roadmap
Jê languages
Panará case
Ergative case
The syntax of case
Conclusion
References
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 32
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
The sources of case
▶ If absolutive is assigned by T, only one absolutive per sentence isallowed (Legate 2008)
(25) Mãra3sg
hẽerg
ti=3sg.erg
ra=1sg.abs
k=2sg.abs
ãtorisend
ka2sg
[ka=2sg.erg
ra=1sg.abs
sikâhit
rahêfin
] inkjẽ .1sg
‘He made you beat me.’
▶ Panará absolutive is a morphological default case(lack of morphological case is lack of case)
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 33
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Structural ergative▶ Panará ergative is a structural case assigned by v after the entire
domain is merged(26) .....
..
.
..vP
.
.
.
..DPERG
.
..vP
.
..v
.
..VP
.
.
.
..DPABS
.
..V
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 34
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Structural ergative▶ Causative ho increases the valency of intransitive predicates
(27)a. Ka
2sgjõpããchild
jy=intr
sõti.sleep
‘Your child sleeps.’
b. Ka2sg
hẽerg
ka=2sg.erg
ho=caus
sõtisleep
ka2sg
jõpãã.child
‘You made your child sleep [You slept your child].’
(28) *Inkjẽ1sg
hẽerg
rê=1sg.erg
ho=caus
kurieat
inkjẽ1sg
jõpããchild
suasĩrapeccary
jĩ.meat
Intended: ‘I made my child eat peccary meat.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 35
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Structural ergative
▶ Addition of an absolutive by P-incorporation and stranding of theobject does not result in ergative case
(29) Inkjẽ1sg
jy=intr
ria=2pl.abs
kõ=com
ra=1sg.abs
kwygo
kamera .2pl
‘I went with y’all.’
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Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
No case competitor
▶ Ergative case appears with a small class of transitive verbs that havean oblique internal argument, lacking an obvious case competitor
(30) Transitive verbs with oblique internal argument
a. Prĩchild
hẽerg
ti=3erg
piasôô-risuckle-prf
sõsê hã .breast ades
‘The child suckled on the breast.’
b. Pakwabanana
hẽerg
ti=3sg.erg
pufull
kan amã .basket ines
‘The basket is full of bananas.’
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 37
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Roadmap
Jê languages
Panará case
Ergative case
The syntax of case
Conclusion
References
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 38
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Conclusion
▶ Panará’s clear-cut ergative case marking suggests a classic view ofdirect ‘dependent” case coming from functional heads
▶ The conditions of well-formedness of Panará ergative challengerecent inherent case approaches to ergativity
▶ What are the configurations that force/ allow cliticization to thefinite predicate head?
▶ Future research includes more exhaustive elicitation work onextraction asymmetries, and a unified account with theirrealis-triggered alginment split in the cross-reference paradigms
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 39
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Roadmap
Jê languages
Panará case
Ergative case
The syntax of case
Conclusion
References
Bernat Bardagil-MasDeriving Panará ergative case 40
Jê languages Panará case Ergative case The syntax of case Conclusion References
Selected referencesBardagil-Mas, B. Submitted. “Unwrapping the Panará verb package.” Proceedings ofthe 21st Workshop on the Structure and Constituency of the Languages of the Americas.University of British Columbia Working Papers in Linguistics.Deal, A.R. 2016. Syntactic ergativity as case discrimination. In A. Kaplan, M. K.McCarvel, and E. J. Rubin (eds.),Proceedings from WCCFL 34.Dourado, L. 2001. Aspectos morfossintáticos da língua Panará (Jê).Campinas:UNICAMP PhD thesis.Dourado, Luciana Gonçalves. 2008. Construções causativas em Panará. Linguística4(2).Lapierre, M., Bardagil Mas, B., Salanova, A. 2016. The nasal consonants of Panará.Talk presented at WSCLA 2016, UQÀM, Canada.Salanova, Andrés Pablo. 2017. Ergativity in Jê languages. In Jessica Coon, DianeMassam & Lisa Travis (eds.), Oxford Handbook of Ergativity. New York: OxfordUniversity Press.Woolford, Ellen (2006). “Lexical Case, Inherent Case and Argument Structure.”Linguistic Inquiry 37(1):111–130.
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