democratization, womenÕs movements, and gender …gendered state literature by asking what happens...

With the recent wave of democratizationacross Eastern Europe Latin America

and sub-Saharan Africa scholars have begun toexplore how democratic changes affect womenLike other analyses of gender and the state(Brush 2003 Eisenstein 1988 MacKinnon1989 Orloff 1996 Pateman 1988) these stud-ies examine how states create and govern gen-der relations among their citizens throughinstitutions laws and legal discourses (Jaquetteand Wolchick 1998 Stephen 1997 Waylen1994 2000) Importantly they extend previous

gendered state literature by asking what happensto the political institutionalization of genderwhen a state is transformed by democratictransition

There are strong theoretical reasons to antic-ipate that democratic transitions will createmore gender equitable states First democrat-ic transitions provide women (and men) withnew opportunities for political participationSecond new participatory opportunities typi-cally coincide with the negotiation and imple-mentation of new state institutions and policies

Democratization Womenrsquos Movementsand Gender-Equitable StatesA Framework for Comparison

Jocelyn Viterna Kathleen M FallonHarvard University McGill University

There is a rich collection of case studies examining the relationship between

democratization womenrsquos movements and gendered state outcomes but the variation

across cases is still poorly understood In response this article develops a theoretically-

grounded comparative framework to evaluate and explain cross-national variations in

the gendered outcomes of democratic transitions The framework highlights four

theoretical factorsmdashthe context of the transition the legacy of womenrsquos previous

mobilizations political parties and international influencesmdashthat together shape the

political openings and ideologies available to womenrsquos movements in transitional states

Applying the framework to four test cases we conclude that womenrsquos movements are

most effective at targeting democratizing states when transitions are complete when

womenrsquos movements develop cohesive coalitions when the ideology behind the transition

(rather than the ideology of the winning regime) aligns easily with feminist frames and

when womenrsquos past activism legitimates present-day feminist demands These findings

challenge current conceptualizations of how democratic transitions affect gender in state

institutions and provide a comparative framework for evaluating variation across

additional cases

AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW 2008 VOL 73 (August668ndash689)

Authorship is reverse-alphabetical order bothauthors contributed equally to this article Direct allcorrespondence to Jocelyn Viterna Department ofSociology Harvard University 6th Floor WilliamJames Hall 33 Kirkland Street Cambridge MA 02138(jviternawjhharvardedu) or Kathleen M FallonDepartment of Sociology McGill University StephenLeacock Building 855 Sherbrooke Street WestMontreal QC H3A 2T7 Canada (kathleenfallonmcgillca) We are grateful for comments and

suggestions from Brian Powell Jason Beckfield ClemBrooks Elaine Weiner Sara Shostak Wendy CadgeDavid Cunningham and six anonymous reviewersWe also thank the women in Ghana and El Salvadorfor their time and knowledge Viternarsquos research wasfunded by the Social Science Research Council and theFulbright-Hays Foundation Fallonrsquos research wasfunded by the Social Sciences and HumanitiesResearch Council of Canada and Fonds Queacutebeacutecois delas Recherche sur la Socieacuteteacute et la Culture

Delivered by Ingenta to Harvard University

Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

This provides activists with an extremely rareopportunity to participate in the construction ofa new state apparatus Third because manydemocratization movements are populated bywomenrsquos mobilizations (Jaquette 1994) andbecause feminist movements often grow out ofother types of womenrsquos mobilizing (Kaplan1992 Molyneux 1985 Shayne 2004) we wouldexpect feminist activism to be especially highduring such transitional moments

Paradoxically however most scholars con-clude that democratization has done little toimprove womenrsquos political influence within thestate even when women were active in the tran-sition process With democratization in EasternEurope for example womenrsquos political partic-ipation dropped precipitously maternity leavepolicies were curtailed womenrsquos legislative quo-tas were dismantled funding for childcare cen-ters decreased and abortion rights werethreatened (Einhorn 1993 Haney 1994 Roman2001 Watson 1993) Similarly in the develop-ing world democratization brought a reassertionof traditional gender expectations (Jaquette1994 Rai 1996) waning womenrsquos mobiliza-tions (Craske 1998) and in many nationsdeclines in womenrsquos parliamentary representa-tion and formal political power (Bystydzienskiand Sekhon 1999 Fisher 1993 Jaquette andWolchik 1998 Waylen 1994)

We concur that democratization often fails toimprove gender equity within states yet schol-arly emphasis on democracyrsquos failure withincases obscures the fact that gendered outcomesof democratic transitions may be quite variableacross cases This paucity of systematic cross-national comparisons leaves open the questionof whether and why some democratic transitionsresult in more ldquowomen-friendlyrdquo states thanothers Are there particular configurations oftransitional contexts and social mobilizationsthat are especially likely to create feministchanges Or conversely are the democraticideals upon which new state institutions aremodeled imbued with patriarchal ideologiesand organizational structures that generate con-sistently masculine state outcomes regardlessof variation in mobilization characteristics ortransition processes

Using insights from existing case studies wedevelop in this article a theoretically-groundedcomparative framework for evaluating genderedvariation across democratizing states Because

states do not typically adopt feminist changeswithout pressure from organized groups ofwomen (Gelb and Hart 1999 Gordon 1994Lyclama a Nijehol Vargas and Wieringa 1998Seidman 1999) we place womenrsquos movementsat the center of our framework and we usesocial movement theory to conceptualize therelationship between the frameworkrsquos explana-tory factors (elaborated below) We then applythe framework to four states in transition thathave witnessed quite divergent outcomes SouthAfrica Argentina Ghana and El Salvador Weconclude that the combined presence of fourspecific characteristicsmdasha complete transitiona cohesive coalition within the womenrsquos move-ment a transitional ideology that aligns easilywith feminist frames and a legacy of womenrsquosactivism that legitimates present-day feministdemandsmdashcreates an especially positive contextwithin which womenrsquos mobilizations can effec-tively target democratizing states These find-ings generated from cross-national comparisonextend current case-based conceptualizationsof how democratic transitions affect the gen-dered state They also question existing under-standings of the importance of left partyideologies ldquogender-bendingrdquo activism andinternational influences

This article forwards sociological under-standings of gender democratization and mobi-lization in three ways First by identifying andexplaining cross-national variation in the gen-dered outcomes of democratization we chal-lenge and extend the existing case-basedscholarship that generally suggests democrati-zation has failed women Second we offer acomparative framework through which a deep-er understanding of the gendered processes ofdemocratization can be developed especiallywith extension to additional cases And finallyour conjunctural explanation of why somewomenrsquos movements are more successful thanothers given the shared context of democrati-zation provides new ways for thinking aboutdivergent mobilization outcomes

BUILDING A COMPARATIVEFRAMEWORK OF THEGENDERED STATE

Drawing from existing literature we first con-struct a comparative framework that helps cap-ture and explain gender variation across

DEMOCRATIZATION AND GENDER-EQUITABLE STATESmdashndash669


Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

democratic transitions1 The conception of statesas inherently masculine structures is at the foun-dation of our framework (Brush 2003 Orloff1996 Parpart and Staudt 1989 Waylen 1998)Undergirding this is the assumption that stateswill not typically adopt feminist changes with-out pressure from organized groups of women(Gelb and Hart 1999 Gordon 1994 Lyclama aNijehol et al 1998 Seidman 1999)2 We iden-tify four political factors that are often cited ascritical for understanding the presence and effec-tiveness of womenrsquos movements in new democ-racies (1) the democratic transition itself (2) thelegacy of previous womenrsquos mobilizations (3)the actions and ideologies of political partiesand (4) international influences We expect thatthese factors working in conjunction with oneanother will shape the political openings andideologies that accompany democratizationand thus the political context within whichwomenrsquos movements must operate These arecertainly not the only factors affecting womenrsquosmobilizations but when analyzed together webelieve this parsimonious set of political factorsallows scholars to capture many of the relevanthistorical and political processes within a casewhile still allowing for systematic comparisonsacross cases3

Of course womenrsquos movements also haveagency and their successes are determined inpart by how they frame and pursue movementgoals We therefore examine the strategies andframes of womenrsquos movements during momentsof democratic transitions Strategies are theactions a movement uses to present its goals toan intended audience (eg lobbying or protests)and frames are the descriptive structures a move-ment uses to articulate its goals (Benford andSnow 2000 Snow et al 1986)

FOUR FACTORS INFLUENCING THE

EFFECTIVENESS OF WOMENrsquoS MOVEMENTS

IN NEW DEMOCRACIES

DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS When explaining thefailure of democratization to create morewomen-friendly states scholars employing casestudies focus on the historically-specific char-acteristics of particular transitions but they sel-dom make statements about how transitionsand their gendered effects might be more broad-ly patterned We highlight two characteristics oftransitions that we believe are regularly impli-cated in the process of negotiating and institu-tionalizing gender within new state structures4

First we examine the ldquocompletenessrdquo of a dem-ocratic transition by investigating whether andto what extent the old regime maintains powerand whether constitutions laws and institu-tions are opened to change We reason thatwomenrsquos movements will achieve more feministstates when the democratic transition presentsconcrete opportunities for renegotiating statestructures and widespread public interest inrethinking predemocratic political ideologies

670mdashndashAMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

1 Democratic transitions are defined narrowly asthe moment when a nation holds its first multipartyelections in which all political parties participatefreely and fairly after a period of rule by unelectedor corruptly elected persons (see Bratton and van deWalle 1997) We acknowledge that the establishmentof formal electoral competition does not imply acorresponding redistribution of power among citizenssuch that there is a true ldquorule by the peoplerdquo We usethe terms democratic transition and democratizationinterchangeably throughout the article

2 We consider ldquofeministrdquo state changes to be trans-formations in policies practices or institutions thatimprove womenrsquos access to resources and decision-making positions Our focus on womenrsquos mobiliza-tions distinguishes our framework from thecomparative work of Waylen (2007) who concludesthat electoral systems and political institutions notmobilizations are most critical for explaining gen-dered variation across cases

3 We limit our framework to political factors Manystudies argue that the neo-liberal economic policiesaccompanying democratization also account forwomenrsquos disappointing political gains An analysis of

how variation in the degree of a statersquos neo-liberalimmersion affects gendered outcomes would be wel-come but it is beyond the scope of this project

4 So-called ldquomainstreamrdquo studies of democratiza-tion demonstrate that transition types have legaciesfor new democracies (Huntington 1991 MainwaringOrsquoDonnell and Valenzuela 1992) However theyfocus almost exclusively on elite political actors andoffer little consensus on how to categorize transitions(Munck and Skalnik Leff 1997 Welsh 1994) Thisleaves them poorly equipped to evaluate genderedoutcomes Waylen (2007) applies a gender lens totransitions concluding that ldquopactedrdquo transitions areideal for womenrsquos organizations because they givewomen more time to mobilize


Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

Second using Snow and Benfordrsquos (1992)concept of a master frame we investigate howdemocratic transitions introduce new ideolo-gies that womenrsquos movements can then mobilizetoward their own goals Social-movement par-ticipants purposively frame their actions in waysthey hope will attract adherents and help achievemovement goals (Benford and Snow 2000)These collective action frames are generallyspecific to a movement but when they becomeso broad in scope as to influence the actions andorientations of many movements they arereferred to as a master frame In democratictransitions a number of movements and organ-izations coalesce into one push for democrati-zation and a master frame emerges FollowingNoonan (1995) we reason that womenrsquos move-ments will achieve more feminist gains in stateswhere these master frames are both broadlyaccepted by the public and easily aligned withfeminist demands

WOMENrsquoS PRETRANSITION MOBILIZATION Theliterature on gender and democratization doc-uments the crucial role that womenrsquos mobiliza-tions play in bringing about many transitions(Britton 2005 Jaquette 1994 Seidman 1999Shayne 2004) We argue that the timing strate-gies and frames of these pretransition mobi-lizations help explain variation in the successesof later womenrsquos movements as they target newdemocratic states Some scholars suggest thatwomenrsquos posttransition movements benefit fromwomenrsquos pretransition activism because theseearlier movements provide a strong base ofexperienced activists from whom to draw affil-iates as well as established network ties to inter-nal and international collaborators (Noonan1995 Shayne 2004) Moreover women whosepretransition activism ldquobent genderrdquo or brokewith traditional understandings of the feminine(eg guerrilla combatants or political organiz-ers) are thought particularly likely to launchstrong feminist movements under new demo-cratic regimes (Kampwirth 2004 Shayne 2004)

Yet the strategies and frames used prior totransitions can also constrain the success oflater movements In Latin America women pro-testors often strategically incorporated author-itarian regimesrsquo gendered discourse of womenas pious self-sacrificing mothers into the fram-ing of their own claims against the state Thisleft authoritarian regimes in the uncomfortable

position of justifying the repression of grievingmothers to local and international audiences(Alvarez 1990 Okeke-Ihejirika and Franceschet2002 Ray and Korteweg 1999) With democ-ratization however new political players onboth the left and the right used womenrsquos ownframing of innate gender differences to encour-age womenrsquos return to the home (Chinchilla1994 Fisher 1993 Friedman 1998) Scholarstherefore concluded that it was difficult forwomenrsquos movements to convert past feminineframes into new feminist discourses5

In still other cases womenrsquos pretransitionmobilization was stifled by authoritarian gov-ernments and the patterns of female exclusioncarried over into new democratic regimes Inmany African cases authoritarian governmentsdictated the activities of womenrsquos organizationsusing coercion and control over resources(Geisler 1995 Tripp 2000 Waylen 1996) andin Eastern Europe the Communist Partyrsquos iron-handed control over political organizing stifledwomenrsquos pretransition mobilizations (Einhorn1993) These predemocratic legacies of exclu-sion left new democracies adept at co-optingwomenrsquos activism and left women poorly organ-ized at the critical moment of transition

POLITICAL PARTIES Social movements oftenlose influence under democratization (Friedman2000 Nelson and Chowdhury 1994) becausepolitical parties not movements control accessto democratic states (OrsquoDonnell and Schmitter1986) Understanding the variable effective-ness of womenrsquos movements in new democra-cies therefore requires understandingmovementsrsquo relationships with political partiesSome scholars argue that when womenrsquos pre-transition activism takes place in collaboration


5 Examples of feminine movements include moth-erhood-based human-rights groups (Fisher 1990Stephen 1997) and housewife movements protestingrising prices and shrinking social services(Neuhouser 1998) Feminine movements do littleto challenge traditional patriarchal society but someargue they can and do overlap and develop intoldquofeministrdquo ideologies (Molyneux 1985 Stephen1997) Little is written about which movementsevolve which languish and whether this broaden-ing of movement goals results in gendered changeswithin the state apparatus


Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

with broader liberation movements womencan then use these ties to make effective claimson party power (Britton 2002 Hassim 2006Luciak 2001) By contrast numerous caseanalyses document how womenrsquos mobilizationsare co-opted by political parties after a transi-tion (Alvarez 1999 Manuh 1993 Okeke-Ihejirika and Franceschet 2002 Tsikata 1989)Gender-specific goals are often subsumed to apartyrsquos ldquomainstreamrdquo agenda and womenrsquosbranches of political parties are generally tooweak and poorly funded to exert real partyinfluence (Friedman 2000 Geisler 1995Luciak 2001) In response many womenrsquosmovements declare autonomy from parties topursue their own agendas and collaborate witha wide range of political interests even thoughautonomy limits their access to the state(Alvarez 1999 Jaquette 1994 Tripp 2000Waylen 1994)

Political party ideologies also contribute tothe dynamics of womenrsquos mobilizations Ingeneral leftist parties are most likely to expressa commitment to reducing gender inequalitiesand socialist parties in particular often articu-late feminist goals of ending womenrsquos doublework day and encouraging female political andeconomic participation (Caul 1999 Chinchilla1990) Although ideological commitments tofeminism are not often carried out in practice(Urdang 1995) some argue that the stated idealsmay allow women to make more effectiveclaims on party power (Chinchilla 1990)Others find that leftist ideologies do result inreal gains for womenrsquos political power (Waylen2007)

INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES The literature ongender and democratization argues that a stronginternational and transregional feminist move-ment positively supports womenrsquos activism innew democracies (Britton 2002 Hassim 2003Jaquette and Wolchik 1998 Keck and Sikkink1998 Nelson and Chowdhury 1994 PaxtonHughes and Green 2006 Seidman 1999)Global summits call attention to womenrsquos sharedinterests and when governments sign on toUnited Nations agreements local womenrsquosmovements have a legal basis on which to claimequality International feminist organizationsoften provide material resources to localwomenrsquos movements as well as ideological tiesto broader feminist concerns

Yet a few scholars warn against overly rosydepictions Heavy reliance on international non-governmental organizations raises the concernthat womenrsquos organizations will channel theiractions toward what agencies will fund ratherthan toward what is needed locally (Barrig 1994Caldeira 1998) Furthermore the institutional-ization of movements into organizations maycreate divisions between the professionalwomen running the organizations and the grass-roots women whose needs are represented(Caldeira 1998 Richards 2004)

WOMENrsquoS DEMOCRATIC MOBILIZATIONS

As conceptualized within our frameworkwomenrsquos democratic movements are the mech-anism by which states may become more gen-der equitable Womenrsquos movements areconstrained by the four factors discussed abovebut their effectiveness in targeting new demo-cratic states is also determined by which strate-gies and frames they choose to employ Ourreview of the literature suggests that womenrsquosmovementsrsquo strategies are relatively consistentacross cases For example movements oftenarticulate womenrsquos demands by preparing plat-forms (Britton 2005 Hassim 2002 SaintGermaine 1997) and then pushing political par-ties and state officials to adopt these platformsthrough lobbying protests and media cam-paigns (Geisler 1995 Jaquette and Wolchik1998 Steady 2006 Tibbetts 1994) Womenrsquosmovements also seek out and support femalecandidates for public office and launch cam-paigns to increase voter turnout and other formsof political participation among women (SaintGermaine 1997 Tripp 2001)

We find that womenrsquos movements often varyacross two characteristics First some have beensuccessful at building coalitions across classesraces ethnicities and political affiliations(Britton 2005 Saint Germaine 1997) Othersthough struggle with problems of cohesionparticularly when pretransition movement lead-ers who are often from a higher class and bet-ter educated than most activists assume paidpositions within new state offices or politicalparties leaving the women who remain in thecommunity-based movements feeling isolated(Geisler 1995 Richards 2004 Waylen 1994)Second as we highlight in the following casestransition movements vary in how they frame



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

their demands for womenrsquos inclusion in thestate We anticipate that variations along thesetwo characteristics can be explained in largepart by how the four factors discussed aboveboth constrain and expand political openingsand ideologies available to womenrsquos movementswith democratization

ASSESSING OUTCOMES

If a state is to become more feminist its insti-tutional foundations must explicitly take intoaccount and work to remedy womenrsquos subor-dination in the larger society To evaluatewhether a state has become more ldquowomen-friendlyrdquo with democratization we examinechanges in institutional foundations includingthe new democratic statersquos constitutions lawspassed since democratization the formal organi-zational structures established to address gen-der inequalities and the system for placingindividuals into power

In addition if women are to have recoursewithin their state they must be able to gain rep-resentation within the state apparatus and theymust successfully access political decision mak-ers from outside formal channels We thereforeevaluate womenrsquos representation within statestructures especially parliaments6 We alsoinvestigate a statersquos receptivity to womenrsquosmovements by identifying the demands thatwomenrsquos groups make of a state and whetherand how states respond to their desired policychanges

We acknowledge that these analyses do notcapture the entire myriad of ways in which statesare gendered but other research suggests thatif these foundational gendered changes are insti-tutionalized with democratization they willpersist and have positive influences on otheraspects of the state apparatus as well as the

society in which it operates (Molyneux 2000Schmitter 1998 Stacey 1983)

APPLYING THE FRAMEWORKA COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OFFOUR CASES

To test the utility of our framework we exam-ine four countries South Africa ArgentinaGhana and El Salvador We chose these casesbecause they clearly demonstrate successes andfailures in improving gender equity within thestate and because they differ from one anoth-er according to the framework factors identifiedabove This allows us to explain outcomes bydrawing on similarities across varied contextsOur initial selection of these cases was based pri-marily on rates of womenrsquos legislative repre-sentation in sub-Saharan Africa and LatinAmerica We created tables ranking nations bytheir percentage of female parliamentarians in1995 and 2005 Most nations in Africa andLatin America showed incremental gains overthis time period but Ghana fell from 17th to30th out of 40 African nations while El Salvadorfell from 9th to 16th out of 21 Latin Americannations By contrast South Africa and Argentinarepresent new democracies that have recentlybecome regional leaders in placing women intoformal political office We then explored the out-comes of these cases to determine if higherwomenrsquos legislative representation was indica-tive of the political institutionalization of a moregender equitable state This was the case forArgentina and South Africa but not for Ghanaor El Salvador

In the following country reviews our goal isnot to provide detailed case studies but ratherto pull out specific factors highlighted by theframework In doing so we hope to determinewhich combination of factors generated moresuccessful outcomes for South Africa andArgentina as compared with Ghana and ElSalvador We recognize that using only fourcases will not result in definitive answers regard-ing feminist state outcomes and democratizationmore broadly However our findings challengecurrent conceptualizations of how democratictransitions affect gender issues in state poli-cies institutions and personnel and we hopeour comparative framework will provide a toolwith which the gendered processes of democ-


6 Womenrsquos representation within the state doesnot always signify an increasingly women-friendlystate apparatus as not all women legislators pro-mote feminist concerns However studies suggest thatincreasing womenrsquos legislative representation corre-lates with the development of more justly genderedpolicies and has a contagion effect such that womenimprove their representation in other areas such aslabor unions and local government structures (Britton2002 Jones 1997 Waylen 2000)


Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ratization can continue to be explored acrossadditional cases7

SOUTH AFRICA

DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION Centuries of racistpractices and politics preceded the 1948 imple-mentation of apartheid and the formal politicalexclusion of non-whites from the South Africanstate (Britton 2005 Seidman 1993) A power-ful movement united under the master frame ofliberation and equality for all developed tocounter these racial injustices By 1990 thewhite minority government was left withoutinternational legitimacy and unable to controlmovement protests within its own borders Itended apartheid and invited major oppositiongroups to negotiate a new state apparatus Thesubsequent two rounds of protracted negotia-tions included only the major government andopposition parties other segments of civil soci-ety were not well represented (Hassim 2002) In1994 free democratic elections brought theAfrican National Congress (ANC)mdasha leadingplayer in the liberation movementmdashinto powerThe creation of a new constitution began undertheir tenure and was enforced in 1997

The South African democratic transitionended the rule of the previous regime formal-ly dismantled the predemocratic system of polit-ical power and included all major parties inthe negotiations to construct the new state appa-ratus Because South African democracy waspredicated on expanding political social andeconomic rights to non-whites much of therhetoric surrounding democratic negotiationsemphasized racial equality

WOMENrsquoS PRETRANSITION MOBILIZATIONSSouth African women of all races were active-ly involved in the pretransition liberation move-ment This activism took place withinlocally-based groups such as labor unions andneighborhood associations and outside nation-al borders where the ANC operated in exile(Hassim 2006 Meer 2005 Seidman 1993)South African womenrsquos struggles to unite

women of different races and classes as well asto unite local and exiled activist communitiesresulted in early discussions of how to articu-late solidarity among diverse groups of women(Hassim 2006) Although attempts to unitediverse women pretransition were unsuccessfulthe idea of coalition building among womendeveloped early on Ultimately even though asmall group of feminists arose pretransitionespecially among women in exile all libera-tion organizations continued to promote polit-ical liberation over womenrsquos liberation (Hassim2006 Seidman 1993)

POLITICAL PARTIES With transition politicalparties initially placed low importance onwomenrsquos rights and representation but pres-sure exerted from women within the partiesforced change In particular women within theANC argued that the party should seek both anon-racist and a non-sexist democracy (Britton2002 Hassim 2002) They demanded and wona commitment from the ANC to ensure that 30percent of winnable positions on the partyrsquoselectoral ballots were filled by women Otherparties have followed the ANCrsquos lead by increas-ing support for female parliamentarians run-ning for elections

INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCESThe SouthAfrican womenrsquos movement was strongly influ-enced by the international community Underapartheid women exiled in ZimbabweMozambique and Angola witnessed howwomenrsquos rights were subverted in those coun-triesrsquo transitions to independence (Britton 2002Geisler 2000 McEwan 2000) Upon returningto South Africa they used the lessons learnedin exile to keep womenrsquos issues on the SouthAfrican negotiating table during democratiza-tion In addition international donors providedwomenrsquos nongovernmental organizations inSouth Africa with no-strings-attached fundingto help them fight both racist and sexist policiesbefore and during the transition (Britton 2006)Also during the transition antiapartheid activistsfrom the Netherlands initiated discussionsbetween hundreds of South African womenabout how gender could be incorporated into thenew state (Seidman 1993) Unfortunately afterthe transition many international organizationsmoved their funds to other areas of the world


7 The data in our analyses are primarily secondarysources although the authors also conducted in-depth interviews with women and feminist activistsin Ghana and El Salvador between 1997 and 2004


Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

and members of womenrsquos organizations had tocompete with each other for financial supportInternational donors also began to attach con-ditions for the use of the posttransition funds(Britton 2006)

WOMENrsquoS DEMOCRATIC MOBILIZATIONS Whenwomen were completely excluded from the firstround of multiparty negotiations in 1992 theSouth African womenrsquos movement was quick-ly prodded into political action (Hassim 2002)Drawing on the democratic master frame ofliberation and equality for all more than 70ideologically-diverse organizations came togeth-er to form the Womenrsquos National Coalition(WNC) arguing that equality should extend towomen Their main goals were to (1) gainwomenrsquos inclusion in the multiparty negotiationsand (2) create a Womenrsquos Charter of Equality tobe added to the constitution Despite difficul-ties maintaining cohesion across the diverseorganizations the coalition succeeded in gain-ing womenrsquos representation in the first round ofnegotiations When women were again mar-ginalized during the second round of negotia-tions WNC women wrote open letters topolitical leaders staged protests and ultimate-ly stormed the negotiations and halted discus-sions until the issue of womenrsquos representationwas addressed (McEwan 2000 Seidman 1999)In the end the WNC gained one seat for everypolitical team of two people within the multi-party negotiations thus increasing their repre-sentation to 50 percent They further demandedthat the WNCrsquos own Gender AdvisoryCommittee be part of the technical teamsinvolved in constructing the new constitutionand they succeeded in adding their WomenrsquosCharter to the constitution The new constitutionnow emphasizes feminist concerns about gen-dered violence and womenrsquos specific needs inrelation to legal status health work and accessto resources (Hassim 2002 Meer 2005) andthese laws supersede customary laws

Unfortunately the WNCrsquos strength wanedafter the first multiparty elections in 1994 (Meer2005 Walsh 2006) Having achieved its twoprimary goals the WNC needed to reevaluateits purpose Meanwhile all members of theWNC executive committee were voted into par-liament and thus had to resign from the coali-tion as dictated by WNC rules Thesimultaneous achievement of goals and loss of

leadership in 1994 contributed to the WNCrsquosfragmentation (Hassim 2002 Seidman 2003)

GENDERED STATE OUTCOMES Due in part towomenrsquos activism South Africans not only insti-tuted a proportional representation system(Britton 2002) and constructed one of the mostgender-equitable constitutions in the world(Walsh 2006) but by 1998 they had also cre-ated a number of state institutions to monitorgender equity (Seidman 2003) The Office onthe Status of Women located within the Officeof the President evaluates the activities of thegovernment including hiring and maternityleave practices Within each ministry a genderdesk examines all policies to ensure genderequity is appropriately addressed The SouthAfrican Commission on Gender Equality wascreated to oversee all these activities and toaddress concerns for gendered justice withincivil society

Womenrsquos political representation has beenconsistently high in the three national electionssince transition (Britton 2002 Inter-Parliamentary Union 2007) reaching 283 per-cent in 1994 298 percent in 1999 and 328percent in 2004 Initially these high numberswere due to strong wins by the ANC but otherparties also increased their female representa-tion in the later elections due to a contagioneffect Parties may have also received encour-agement from the Southern AfricanDevelopment Community (SADC) a regionalorganization that asked all its member states toreach 30 percent legislative representation forwomen by 2005

The institutionalization of gender equalityin state institutions combined with womenrsquosincreased legislative representation resulted inmajor legislative victories for women (Hames2006 Walsh 2006) During the five years fol-lowing transition a series of acts were passedthat among other things addressed sexualharassment in the workplace provided extensivematernal and family responsibility leaves pro-moted affirmative action for women in hiringgave women greater access to abortion requiredfinancial support from absent parents crimi-nalized domestic violence and provided freehealth care to pregnant women and children upto age 6



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ARGENTINA

DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION In 1976 a militarycoup took power in Argentina and in what hassince been dubbed the ldquodirty warrdquo torturedkilled or ldquodisappearedrdquo an estimated 30000ldquoinsurgentsrdquo By 1983 the statersquos corrupt use ofinternational funds poor economic planningcontinued human rights violations and defeatin a conflict with Great Britain over the Falkland(Malvinas) Islands left the ruling junta thor-oughly discredited The Argentine public calledfor an end to authoritarianism and in responsethe junta reinstated the 1853 Argentine consti-tution allowed civilian elections and peace-fully handed over political power to the winnersplacing few demands on new political actorsTen years later a special assembly updated theconstitution Often considered a ldquotransition bycollapserdquo the return to democracy in Argentinawas ultimately swift complete and carried outunder a widely-accepted master frame of anti-authoritarianism

WOMENrsquoS PRETRANSITION MOBILIZATIONSBoth feminine and feminist groups wereinvolved in the 1983 transition to democracy inArgentina (Feijoo with Nari 1994) but the fem-inine groups were by far the most influentialThe Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo or theMadres publicly protested the disappearance oftheir children by military force and theHousewife Organizations protested the injusticeof the rising cost of living and unemploymentBoth groups were avowedly nonpartisan andcampaigned for government accountability andethics Both groups were also criticized forreifying womenrsquos traditional subordinate fem-inine roles although Feijoo (with Nari 1994)notes that these women actually transgressed tra-ditional understandings of the feminine as weakand submissive transforming ldquomotherhoodrdquointo a source of power By contrast feministorganizations initially focused more on per-sonal issues and cultural transformations thanpolitics (Feijoo with Nari 1994) Yet towardthe end of the dirty war most feminist groupspublicly called for peace and justice and somebegan lobbying political parties to includewomenrsquos issues in their platforms when democ-ratization returned

POLITICAL PARTIES Historically Argentinahas been dominated by two political partiesthe Partido Justicialista (PJ) derived from thePeronist populist movements and the UnioacutenCivica Radical (UCR) a more liberal middle-class political party (Waylen 2000) Neitherparty prioritizes gender in its organization or itsmission and internal party offices are largelyheld by men (Partida Justicialista de laRepublica Argentina 2007 Union CivicaRadical Comite Nacional 2007) However withthe transition women from both parties alignedwith each other and with the Argentine womenrsquosmovement to promote a national quota lawrequiring that women make up at least 30 per-cent of electoral candidates (Gray 2003)

INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES Western femi-nism influenced the early feminist formationsin Argentina and international conferences pro-vided new opportunities for Argentines toengage with feminist issues The adoption ofCEDAW (the UN Convention on theElimination of All Forms of Discriminationagainst Women) encouraged the creation of newwomenrsquos offices and provided the language forfeminist constitutional reforms (discussedbelow) Yet the international community hasnot played a large financial role in Argentinewomenrsquos organizations with less than halfreceiving foreign funding and many eschewinginternational financial assistance because of itstendency to dictate local agendas (Borland2004a and personal correspondence)

WOMENrsquoS DEMOCRATIC MOBILIZATIONSAlthough no womenrsquos group had a strong influ-ence on the immediate terms of the rapid dem-ocratic transition (Waylen 2000) both theMadres and the feminists aggressively engagedthe newly democratic state The Madres want-ed answers about their disappeared childrenand punishment for those found guilty of tortureThe feminists pursued a broader agenda seek-ing changes in divorce laws child custody lawsthe availability of contraceptives and an elec-toral quota to increase womenrsquos representationArgentine feminists also pursued issues of abor-tion rights to an unusual degree for LatinAmerica in large part because the CatholicChurch which aligned with the violent militaryjunta during the dirty war had been affiliated



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

with ldquoauthoritarianismrdquo (Borland 2004b) Thefeminists adopted two available frames whenmaking their claims First because the newstate promoted democratic and neo-liberalreforms as necessary for becoming ldquomodernrdquofeminists argued that gendered justice was nec-essary for a ldquomodernrdquo state as well (Waylen2000 see also Towns 2004) Likewise becausethe Madres had equated ldquofemininerdquo politicswith ethics justice and decentralized powerfeminists referred to masculine styles of aggres-sive hierarchical politics as ldquoauthoritarianrdquo astyle repudiated by the Argentine public(Borland 2004a)

Womenrsquos mobilizations in Argentina havehistorically formed powerful cross-class coali-tions beginning with populism in the 1950sSince the Fourth World Conference on Womenin Beijing in 1995 Argentinean women from alltypes of womenrsquos organizationsmdashleft rightreligious secular feminist human rights andeconomic needsmdashhave met regularly for aNational Encounter to debate ldquowomenrsquos inter-estsrdquo and plan collaborative work (Borland2004a) Organizations like the Union ofHousewives (SACRA) were formed with theexplicit intention of creating cross-class coali-tions given that womenrsquos unfair share of house-hold labor was thought to be an issue with whichwomen from many walks of life could identify(Fisher 1993) Argentine women legislatorshave also collaborated exceptionally well acrossparty lines to forward womenrsquos issues (Gray2003)

GENDERED STATE OUTCOMES Under the mil-itary regime women were largely excludedfrom positions of political power and the dem-ocratic transition of 1983 did little to improvewomenrsquos representation Women consistentlywon less than 4 percent of new deputy positionsin the elections of the 1980s (Waylen 2000) In1991 under pressure from Argentine womenrsquosorganizations and female activists within thepolitical parties the Argentine congress passedthe first national quota law in the WesternHemisphere It stipulated that at least 30 percentof all candidates for national political officemust be women and that women be placed inldquowinnablerdquo positions on closed party listsNevertheless the numbers of women in con-gress reached only 132 percent in the 1993elections due to partiesrsquo loose interpretations of

what constitutes a ldquowinnablerdquo positionImportantly the quota law also applied to can-didates for a constitutional assembly which wascharged in 1993 with updating the Argentineconstitution Women made up 26 percent of theassembly members Some were feminists andmany organized across party lines on issuesrelevant to women (Jones 1996 Waylen 2000)They inserted language into the constitutionthat strengthened the quota laws made CEDAWcompliance a constitutional imperative andsuccessfully fought a clause that would havemade abortion illegal under any circumstance(Waylen 2000) The strengthened quota lawsamong other factors increased womenrsquos leg-islative representation dramaticallymdashwomenrsquosrepresentation rose to 253 percent in 1995 andto 35 percent in 2005 Moreover some schol-ars suggest that the quota law is having a con-tagion effect as unions and provincial electionsare also adopting these procedures (Waylen2000)

In addition to increasing their personnel in thenew democratic state Argentine women alsogained new womenrsquos machinery in the stateapparatus In 1991 President Menem created theNational Council of Women to ensure the imple-mentation of CEDAW in Argentina Establishedby presidential decree this body initially had alarge budget and a feminist-sympathizing leaderIt has played a critical role in monitoring par-ties for adherence to the quota laws and bringscharges against parties that are not in compli-ance The Council does not however have min-isterial status (Gray 2003) and when theCouncilrsquos leader campaigned against Menemrsquosattempt to insert stricter abortion clauses into theconstitution she was forced to resign wasreplaced by a new pro-life party woman and theCouncilrsquos budget was reduced (Waylen 2000)The proportional representation system theexemplary quota laws and the new womenrsquosmachinery are all positive steps toward feministchange in the Argentine state but the hyper-presidentialism of the system can at timesleave women and their institutions vulnerable

GHANA

DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION In 1981 FlightLieutenant Rawlings overthrew a democrati-cally elected president and with his ProvisionalNational Defense Council (PNDC) initiated



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

an 11-year left-wing dictatorship in Ghana Inthe early 1990s however international donoragencies placed external pressure on Rawlingsto democratize his government while localGhanaian organizations protested for multipar-ty elections and free association by appealing toGhanaiansrsquo political pride Ghana was the firstcountry to gain independence in sub-SaharanAfrica and Ghanaians wanted to uphold theirnation as an exemplary model for political com-petition thus making ldquopolitical priderdquo an effec-tive master frame Rawlings eventuallysuccumbed to this pressure and agreed to mul-tiparty elections in 1992 With his new NationalDemocratic Congress (NDC) party he won boththe 1992 and 1996 elections The 1992 electionswere controversial (Lyons 1999) but because allparties could theoretically participate mostGhanaians refer to them as the moment of tran-sition The 1996 elections were deemed fairerand oppositional parties accepted the results

Ghanarsquos transition to democracy was slowand relatively peaceful but initially left rem-nants of the previous authoritarian regime inplace The constitution was drafted by aConsultative Assembly prior to the transitiondrawing from previous constitutions and a reportfrom a ldquoCommittee of Expertsrdquo appointed by thePNDC (Kumado 1993) Women were not cen-tral to the process and their political status wasnot discussed by political or civic actors

WOMENrsquoS PRETRANSITION MOBILIZATION In1982 Rawlings created the 31st DecemberWomenrsquos Movement (DWM) with the ostensi-ble purpose of encouraging womenrsquos politicalinvolvement in the state In reality the DWM co-opted women into PNDC rule using financialincentives (Gyimah-Boadi 1994 Tsikata 1989)The PNDC state intimidated citizens whoaddressed politics and targeted market womenas enemies of the state (Manuh 1993) leavingwomen fearful of politics and largely unmobi-lized with the transition to democracy

POLITICAL PARTIES Political parties did notprioritize womenrsquos rights in their transition-eraagendas Womenrsquos political activities were stillco-opted by the DWM Rawlingsrsquos leftist polit-ical party the NDC has been the only one tostate in its manifesto beginning in 1999 thataff irmative action will be used to ensure

womenrsquos representation in executive positions(Allah-Mensah 2007) Their party structurethough has not mirrored that commitment

INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES Prior toRawlingsrsquos dictatorship the Ghanaian govern-ment established an independent council theNational Council on Women in Development(NCWD) to assess the economic and socialstatus of Ghanaian women as well as to par-ticipate in international meetings like the UnitedNations Decade for Women (1975 to 1985)However Rawlings and members of the DWMtook over the NCWD in 1987 (Manuh 1993)curtailing Ghanaian womenrsquos participation ininternational conferences and campaigns Notuntil after the transition when members ofautonomous womenrsquos organizations began toparticipate in international conferences likeBeijing-95 did international influences begin tosignificantly impact Ghanaian womenrsquos mobi-lization

Similarly after the democratization processfunding opportunities increased for women(Fallon 2008) In the beginning due to the dis-trust instilled through the PNDC and later theNDC access to funding was contentious andwomenrsquos organizations saw one another as com-petitors Beginning in 1999 donor agenciesattempted to bring civil society organizationstogether by forming coalitions Although inter-national funding remained competitive coali-tions formed and womenrsquos distrust of oneanother dissipated

WOMENrsquoS DEMOCRATIC MOBILIZATIONSImmediately after the transition many Ghanaianwomenrsquos organizations continued to fear thegovernment and the DWM and thus chose toremain focused on economic rather than polit-ical issues (Fallon 2003) However in the late1990s because President Rawlings was con-stitutionally required to step down in 2000womenrsquos organizations began to challenge thegovernment more openly Womenrsquos mobilizationin this period focused on calling for governmentaction to end a brutal three-year string of seri-al killings against women They formed a coali-tion called NETRIGHT which was quicklyfollowed by other coalitions The serial killingsthe development of womenrsquos coalitions partic-ipation in Beijing access to increased donor



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

funds and the end of (P)NDC rule resulted ina Ghanaian womenrsquos movement that began toplace demands on the government and it suc-ceeded in getting a domestic violence bill passed(Fallon 2008) However as the domestic vio-lence bill was the primary goal and the state cre-ated hurdles that the womenrsquos movement had tonegotiate other gendered concerns did notmaterialize

GENDERED STATE OUTCOMES UnderRawlingsrsquos authoritarian regime women heldjust 1 of 16 cabinet positions and 1 of 29 stateministry positions in 1985 By 1990 those num-bers had dropped to zero (Brown Ghartey andEkumah 1996) Even within the local-level dis-trict assemblies which Rawlings permitted in1988 only 91 percent were women (Pepera1993)

Womenrsquos representation improved little withtransition After the 1992 elections women heldonly 3 of 24 council of state positions and 3 of19 cabinet ministries and these numbers remainsimilarly low today Women won 8 percent of thelegislative seats in 1992 and this increased onlyincrementally over the following elections 9percent in 1996 10 percent in 2000 and 11percent in 2004 Womenrsquos district assembly rep-resentation also remains low at 12 percent

Gains in feminist legislation since democra-tization have also been slow In 1993 rape wasmore broadly defined as a criminal act and jailtime for rapists increased significantly In 1994legislation was passed to make Trokosi (a ritu-al servitude of girl children) and Female GenitalCutting illegal Also in 1994 a criminal statuteprohibiting wife beating was passed yet someambiguity remained since British common lawestablished during colonization allowed fordomestic abuse Not until 2007 after years ofprotracted struggle between womenrsquos organi-zations and the government was a domesticviolence bill passed to override common lawWomenrsquos rights and political participation with-in the state improved only minimally with theonset of democratization but women havegained more ground recently as the Ghanaianwomenrsquos movement has strengthenedNonetheless only domestic violence issues havebeen highlighted and attempts to transformpolitical structures have not come to the fore

EL SALVADOR

DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION In 1980 theFarabundo Martiacute National Liberation Front(FMLN) formed to overthrow the elite-spon-sored military-dominated Salvadoran stateAlthough the FMLN leadership espoused asocialist ideology most participants in theirrebel army mobilized around ideologies ofhuman rights and social justice rather than spe-cific understandings of class conflict (Viterna2006) During the ensuing civil war theSalvadoran state responded to external pres-sures to democratize by drafting a new consti-tution in 1983 and by holding elections for acivilian president in 1984 and 1989 Howeverthe military continued to control the state andcommit human rights abuses and the FMLNcontinued its militant assaults until the UnitedNations brokered peace accords in 1992 Theseaccords reestablished civilian control over themilitary and gave the FMLN status as a politi-cal party but they left the 1983 constitutionintact The accords focused primarily on bring-ing peace and full political participation to thenation leaving to the side many of the social jus-tice issues that initially mobilized participantsin the 1970s and 1980s The democratic mas-ter frame that evolved was directly related toachieving and maintaining peace

The 1994 elections were the first in which allpolitical players including the FMLN partici-pated and therefore mark the moment of tran-sition Since the transition the FMLN hasbecome a powerful opposition party but theARENA party which is closely tied to the for-mer authoritarian government has won all post-transition presidential elections and continuesto receive support from large segments of theSalvadoran population El Salvadorrsquos negotiat-ed transition brought peace and instituted for-mal democracy but it left the prewar economicand political power base largely intact

WOMENrsquoS PRETRANSITION MOBILIZATIONSSalvadoran womenrsquos activism increased expo-nentially in the 1970s both in mixed-genderrevolutionary organizations and in women-spe-cific groups such as motherhood and teachersorganizations Women also became extensive-ly involved in the FMLN comprising nearlyone-third of the approximately 13000 guerril-las and an estimated 80 percent of their civilian



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

supporters (Luciak 2001 Vaacutezquez Ibaacutentildeez andMurguialday 1996) Although many womencontinued to perform traditionally ldquofemininerdquoduties in the guerrilla camps such as cookingand nursing many others assumed more ldquomas-culinerdquo duties such as political education intel-ligence and combat (Montgomery 1995 Reif1986 Ueltzen 1993) During the civil warwomenrsquos organizations within the FMLN werelargely concerned with mobilizing other womensoliciting funds abroad and helping guerrillaswith women-specific issues such as pregnancy(Silber and Viterna 2008) They accepted thesocialist logic that class not gender was the cen-tral problem and that womenrsquos equality wouldcome naturally with a socialist revolution

POLITICAL PARTIES Womenrsquos posttransitiongains in political parties have been disappoint-ing The ARENA platform largely espouses tra-ditional female values (Cansino 2001) and theARENA government has been consistently poorat integrating women into the presidential cab-inet although they did nominate a female vice-presidential candidate in the 2004 electionsWithin the FMLN women militants fought toestablish a Womenrsquos Secretariat and to secure aquota system in which at least 35 percent of allelectoral candidates would be women The quotasystem has not yet reached its 35 percent min-imum level of office-holders though and thewomenrsquos division within the party structure hasnot yet been formally institutionalized nor doesit receive a regular budget (Luciak 2001) Thewomenrsquos movement felt particularly abandonedby the FMLN in 1998 when a large majority ofthe partyrsquos legislative representatives voted infavor of a constitutional amendment makingabortion illegal even when the life of the moth-er is at stake and despite the womenrsquos move-mentrsquos push to stop the passage of theamendment8

INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES During the warmany women leaders in the FMLN were exiledand their exposure to feminist ideas while liv-ing abroad made them increasingly aware ofgender discrimination within the FMLN upon

their return Shortly after the peace accordsinternational financial support helped womenrsquosorganizations gain autonomy from the FMLNand international conferences encouragedwomenrsquos feminist formation and collaboration(Silber and Viterna 2008) For example duringthe sixth Feminist Encounter of Latin Americaand the Caribbean in 1992 Nicaraguan femi-nists cautioned Salvadoran women not to letthe FMLN sideline their feminist struggles astheirs had been Salvadoran women respondedby forming a coalition called ldquoWomen rsquo94rdquo(discussed below) Likewise after the FourthWorld Conference of the Woman in Beijing in1995 womenrsquos organizations pushed theSalvadoran government to create the SalvadoranInstitute for Womenrsquos Development (ISDEMU)and helped ISDEMU identify 10 areas wheregovernment policy could promote gender equal-ity

WOMENrsquoS DEMOCRATIC MOBILIZATIONS Afterdemocratization womenrsquos groups that hadformed under the FMLN separated from theparty and evolved into self-supporting feministnongovernmental organizations while thewomen themselves often remained both partymilitants and members of feminist organiza-tions9 The womenrsquos movement often framed itsclaims for political inclusion by arguing thatwomen had proven their ability to be effectiveparticipants in all aspects of the revolutionarymovement and therefore women deserved anequal role in the democracy they had helped tocreate In 1994 multiple womenrsquos groupsformed a coalition with the explicit goal ofincorporating women into formal politicsCalling themselves ldquoWomen rsquo94rdquo they wrote aplatform addressing womenrsquos rights publicizedit and succeeded in getting all party candidatesto agree to its adoption They also sought excep-tional women who supported the platform to runfor office and they initiated a voter registrationdrive because an estimated 75 percent of unreg-istered voters were women (Saint Germaine1997) Womenrsquos coalition work continued for the1997 elections but has since declined Thisdecline is in part due to frustrations that officials


8 Prior to this amendment abortion in El Salvadorwas legal if a doctor agreed that it was necessary forreasons of health

9 The women-specific organizations in El Salvadorsuch as motherhood-based groups largely declinedor disbanded


Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

quickly forgot about the womenrsquos platform afterbeing elected and in part due to continuingpolitical divisions between feminist organiza-tions some of which carry over from divisionsbetween wartime FMLN factions These divi-sions have been amplified by the need to com-pete for increasingly scarce internationalfunding (Silber and Viterna 2008)

GENDERED STATE OUTCOMES Women gainedonly two additional legislative seats with the1994 elections or 107 percent of the total par-liament The 1997 elections saw an increase to155 percent but that number dropped to 95 and107 percent in the 2000 and 2003 electionsrespectively The 2006 elections again saw anincrease to 167 percent but it remains to beseen whether this increase will be maintainedover time Of the 262 mayors in El Salvadoronly 16 (61 percent) are women (COMURESnd) This is a decrease from 122 percent in1994 (Cansino 2001) Although the FMLN hasa quota the womenrsquos movementrsquos efforts tosecure a quota at the national level have con-sistently failed

Legislative policies have also been slow tochange The womenrsquos movement wrote and pur-sued to implementation a family code that dealsspecifically with intrafamiliar violence and anew penal code that condemns sexual assaultand workplace discrimination against womenYet efforts to promote reproductive freedomjudicial reforms and enforcement of existinglaws have been largely unsuccessful Likewiseunder ARENA ISDEMUrsquos focus has shiftedalmost exclusively to work against rape anddomestic violence leaving behind other issuessuch as womenrsquos workplace rights and repro-ductive rights (Garcia Corral and Quintana2000)

SUMMARIZING THE CASES FEMINIST

GAINS OR MASCULINE RETRENCHMENT

As called for in our framework we evaluatedfour new democratic statesrsquo gendered changesby examining their constitutions institutionsand womenrsquos representation as well as theirreceptivity to womenrsquos demands In South Africaand Argentina feminist changes have occurredNew constitutions explicitly address issues ofwomenrsquos subordination through the enforce-ment of gender quotas and the creation of insti-

tutions that effectively pursue just genderedpractices Womenrsquos access to formal positionsof political power is increasing as demonstrat-ed by their rapidly growing presence in nation-al parliaments And womenrsquos civil societyorganizations are effectively using politicalpower outside of conventional channels to winconcessions from the state even on highly con-troversial issues such as electoral quotas andreproductive rights

By contrast the Salvadoran and Ghanaianstates remained highly masculine with demo-cratic transition Neither state constitution wasrevised to actively promote gender equality nonational-level quotas promote womenrsquos partic-ipation and the new womenrsquos offices dominatedby the unfeminist political aspirations of theparties in power do not effectively addressissues of gendered justice Womenrsquos mobiliza-tions in these two nations have had relatively fewsuccesses gaining state responses to theirdemands They have been most successful atgenerating state actions for issues like domes-tic violence where new regulations minimallyimpact what happens in private homes InGhana even this was contentious They have hadmuch less success (or opportunity in the caseof Ghana) forwarding issues in which the stateis more likely to have influence such as repro-ductive rights and gender-specific protectionswithin paid employment

DISCUSSION

Building from the existing literature we arguethat an analysis of four theoretical factorsmdashthecontext of the transition womenrsquos pretransitionmobilizations political parties and interna-tional influencesmdashshould allow scholars toexplain a great deal of variation in the genderedoutcomes of new democratic states We do notexpect one factor to generate feminist changeon its own rather it is how these factors com-bine and jointly influence womenrsquos mobiliza-tions that matters We expect this influence totake two forms creating new political open-ings for affecting state institutions and policiesand constructing new political ideologies with-in which movements can frame feminist goalsIn the remaining pages we explore the effectsof these factors in our four test cases lookingfirst at the individual factors and then dis-cussing their interrelated effects



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION Gendered changesin the state apparatus are more likely to occurwith democratic transition if the transition iswelcomed by the large majority of the nationand if it results in a relatively ldquocompleterdquo struc-tural transformation of political power Scholarsoften emphasize that ldquowho winsrdquo may be impor-tant for womenrsquos political gains We focus onparty ideology below but here we suggest thata new regimersquos political ideology is less relevantthan the complete dismissal of the old regimersquospolitical institutions and ideologies

In Ghana the democratic transition trans-formed Rawlings from a dictator to a presidentbut it did not remove him or his regime frompower His PNDC tightly controlled the processof writing a new constitution and setting upnew government institutions limiting oppor-tunities to change the state apparatus In ElSalvador the ruling ARENA party closely tiedto the previous authoritarian regime maintainedextensive support within segments of theSalvadoran population A democratic constitu-tion had been written and nominally demo-cratic institutions established well beforedemocratization was actually achievedSalvadoran feminists were mobilized and tar-geting the state at the moment of transition butthis mobilization did not result in foundationalchanges in the state structure in large partbecause there was no formal opportunity to re-create state institutions

Contrast this situation with South Africa andArgentina where the large majority of the pop-ulace welcomed the transition and the outgo-ing regime lost legitimacy among its citizenryand within the larger international communityAs a result most citizens embraced the oppor-tunity to write new constitutions and rethinkexisting institutions In addition the outgoingregime had relatively little control over the con-struction of the new state although this is truerof Argentina than of South Africa Consequentlywomen in these nations found new politicalopenings in which to participate in the con-struction of a new state apparatus

Also of importance transitions created newmaster frames that could constrain the effec-tiveness of womenrsquos movement-specific framesIn South Africa and Argentina these masterframes were relatively easy to align with femi-nist ideologies In South Africa the stratifica-tion of society by the physical attribute of race

had been broadly delegitimized so womenframed issues of gender equality as ending thestratification of society by the physical attributeof sex and therefore a central component ofoverall efforts to purge the old ways Similarlyin Argentina women appropriated the anti-authoritarian and modernity discourse used bypublic actors during the transition to argue forwomenrsquos active participation within politicalinstitutions The inclusion of women in politicsas ethical non-hierarchical political playerswas framed as a necessary step toward leavingbehind the old authoritarian ways

By comparison womenrsquos movements inGhana and El Salvador had a much more diffi-cult time molding new transitional ideologiesinto feminist frames In Ghana there was noautonomous womenrsquos movement at the momentof transition so there was no opportunity toutilize the transitional frame relating to politi-cal pride In El Salvador women were mobilizedat the moment of transition but they did not usethe transitional ideology of peace to forwardtheir goals perhaps because womenrsquos earlierparticipation in the rebel army would makeattempts to appropriate the language of ldquopeacerdquodifficult Clearly the ideology of these partic-ular democratic transitions when combinedwith womenrsquos earlier mobilization strategiesprovided little inspiration for developing fem-inist frames that would resonate well with stateactors and the larger society

PRETRANSITION WOMENrsquoS MOBILIZATIONS Allof our cases demonstrate that the strategies andframes used by womenrsquos posttransition move-ments were to a large extent shaped bywomenrsquos earlier mobilization patterns Prior tothe transition South Africans had attempted tounite women (working within mixed-genderorganizations) across racial and class divisionsand these coalition efforts continued withdemocratization South African women alsoappeared to bring their confrontational pre-transition strategies into the posttransition con-text when they stormed and halted thenegotiation process forcefully demanding theirinclusion and creating a critical turning point forwomenrsquos gains with democratizationPosttransition womenrsquos movements adoptedmuch of the rhetoric from the earlier movementas well tying questions of gender equality toearlier struggles for racial equality



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

In Argentina a feminist movement that didnot target the state until late in the pretransitionperiod was slow to begin placing demands onthe new democratic regime When women didbegin to actively pursue feminist goals theyovercame their slow start by drawing on theirprevious coalition experience to unite womenacross class differences They also strategical-ly framed their posttransition demands by appro-priating the language of the Madres apretransition movement that was much morevisible and widely respected than their own hadbeen When feminists promoted the inclusion ofwomen in state politics as ldquoanti-authoritarianrdquothe example of the Madresmdashwho were widelyrespected for promoting ethics and accounta-bility in governmentmdashprovided powerful sym-bolic support for their claims Thus thepretransition strategies of the Argentine Madreswho eschew the label ldquofeministrdquo and have beencriticized by feminists for reinforcing tradi-tional notions of femininity may paradoxical-ly have helped feminist movements Thefeministsrsquoanti-authoritarian frame was resonatein large part because the Madres had givenldquofemininerdquo politics a distinct and valued placein public perception

In El Salvador womenrsquos most visible form ofpretransition mobilization was as revolutionar-ies in mixed-gender mostly-masculine organi-zations like guerrilla camps Such militantstrategies were difficult to transform into peace-time actions Nevertheless Salvadoran womenrsquosposttransition mobilization frames relied heav-ily on pretransition actions They argued that justas women were needed and capable members ofthe revolutionary movement so were they need-ed and capable members of democratic institu-tions Especially within the FMLN partywomen activists stressed that women had earnedpolitical equality through their previous actions

Salvadoran frames were not as successful asthose used in the previous two cases becauserather than challenging the masculine structureof the state they sought womenrsquos inclusionwithin the masculine structures Salvadoranwomenrsquos earlier ldquogender bendingrdquo roles sug-gested that women were capable but not nec-essarily needed political actors This contrastswith Argentinean feministsrsquouse of the Madresrsquosldquofemininerdquo mobilizing to legitimate their claimsthat women brought something unique andimportant to anti-authoritarian politics

Participation in gender-bending roles may devel-op specific womenrsquos political skills as arguedelsewhere but ideologically speaking thesepast roles do not appear to generate feministframes that resonate with a broader societyInterestingly the four nations in Latin Americawith high levels of womenrsquos militant guerrillaparticipation in the recent past (ColombiaGuatemala El Salvador and Nicaragua) arealso the four nations that have seen the largestrelative decline in regional rankings of womenrsquoslegislative representation between 1995 and2005

Finally in Ghana a poorly organized pre-transition womenrsquos movement that was subjectto state co-optation provided few strategies orframes from which later womenrsquos movementscould draw

POLITICAL PARTIES When parties with leftistor socialist ideologies win power the new statesare expected to be more women-friendly thantheir non-leftist counterparts Yet our analysissuggests that ideology may not be the centralexplanatory factor of party support for genderequity The NDC in Ghana is considered a left-ist party yet it stifled movements for womenrsquosemancipation On the other hand the Peronistparty in Argentina which is not easily classifiedas left or right has been instrumental in pro-moting womenrsquos political participation In ElSalvador the leftist FMLN did not win execu-tive power but it has a strong presence in thenational legislature This socialist organizationthough has often rebuffed calls by womenrsquosmovements to support feminist legislation Nordo we see the feminist movements in thesenations using leftist political ideologies whenframing their demands for inclusion Only inSouth Africa where the strong ANC has beeninstrumental in increasing womenrsquos access to thestate does party ideology play out as expectedHowever the ANCrsquos move toward gender equal-ity was in direct response to demands frommobilized women Because these demands werehistorically consistent with womenrsquos pastactivism and because they resonated well withthe broader democratic ideology women wereable to secure gender-egalitarian changes with-in the political party as well as the state Ouranalysis therefore confirms that support from astrong political party is necessary for womenrsquosmovements to gain access to the state However



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

this support is determined more by the strate-gies and frames available to womenrsquos move-ments in targeting a party rather than a partyrsquospolitical ideology

INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES Internationalinfluences may help or hurt womenrsquos mobi-lizations depending on the type of supportoffered and whether it occurs before or afterdemocratic transitions Four primary patternsemerged First womenrsquos ideological linkageswith the international community enhance fem-inist transformations with democracy espe-cially when local women can frametransnational feminist goals as logical exten-sions of their past localized activism In eachnation feminist activists were routinely engagedwith organizations outside their national bor-ders and the process of sharing ideas across bor-ders was viewed by the activists as a central andpositive component of the struggle for re-gen-dering masculine states Womenrsquos participationin international conferences provided criticalmoments for learning about feminist strategiesand successes in other nations and for formingcoalitions with other organizations within theirown borders In South Africa Argentina and ElSalvador women living in exile learned aboutfeminist activism in nations with similar situa-tions of political instability and change Clearlyinternational ideological aff iliations havestrengthened womenrsquos movements in democ-ratizing states

However when ideological exchanges arebuttressed with financial support the role of theinternational community becomes more com-plex Our second pattern finds that donor fund-ing during pretransition liberation strugglesimproved womenrsquos movement strategies Whenclear injustices existed within authoritariancountries and citizens were working towardpolitical transformation through civil strifedonors were willing to provide high levels offunding with few strings attached Such unreg-ulated funding was necessary because liberationactivities were often illegal and highly danger-ous making it impossible for activists to accountfor the use of funds to their international donorsMoreover international funds were directedtoward one specific aimmdashliberation In partic-ular women in liberation movements in SouthAfrica and El Salvador benefited from gener-ous unconstrained international funding

Yet once liberation movements end anddemocratization is implemented donor agenciesoften become detrimental to womenrsquos mobiliz-ing Our third pattern demonstrates that theamount of international funds available towomenrsquos organizations particularly thoseinvolved in liberation struggles diminishes withdemocratization and that remaining donorsbegin to specify how their money can be usedWomenrsquos organizationsrsquo continued financialdependence on international donor agenciesposttransition has been cited by activists in ElSalvador Ghana and to a lesser extent SouthAfrica for constraining agendas and increasingcompetition between womenrsquos groups As aresult local innovation may be stifled and coali-tion work may become increasingly difficult10

The fact that most Argentinean womenrsquos organ-izations eschew international funding may helpexplain how they have continued their histori-cal legacy of working in coalitions and devel-oped innovative locally-grounded ideas suchas the early promotion of women candidatesthrough electoral quotas

Finally regional organizations may supportwomenrsquos mobilizations The South AfricanDevelopment Community (SADC) may havehelped create women-friendly state changes inSouth Africa by encouraging all member statesto place women in a minimum of 30 percent(now increased to 50 percent) of the seats innational legislatures We believe it is no coin-cidence that the democratic countries withinthe SADC including Namibia MozambiqueTanzania and Seychelles have some of thehighest rates of womenrsquos legislative represen-tation in the world

SUMMARY These conclusions suggest thatof the four factors identified in the literature itis the relationship between two of themmdashthecontext of the transition and womenrsquos previousmobilizationsmdashthat best explains gendered stateoutcomes with democratization The context ofthe transition determines which political open-


10 The one positive exception is Ghana wheredonor agencies have only recently focused on coali-tion building Although it is too early to fully under-stand the effects of this coalition work initial analysessuggest that Ghanaian women may be gaining effec-tiveness in targeting the state as a result


Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ings and frames are available to posttransitionwomenrsquos movements while the legacy of pre-vious mobilizations constrains the ability ofwomenrsquos movements to take advantage of thosenew openings and frames

In South Africa and Argentina democratictransitions were complete Womenrsquos movementstherefore had formal political openings withinwhich to negotiate more gender-equitable poli-cies and institutions and they generated strongcoalitions in time to take advantage of theseformal openings Such effective and timelycoalition building occurred we argue becauseearlier womenrsquos movements had already exper-imented with coalition buildingmdashcoalitionbuilding had become a ldquotoolrdquo that posttransi-tion womenrsquos movements could pull from theirtactical repertoire Likewise the master framesaccompanying the South African andArgentinean transitions ldquoliberationrdquo and ldquoanti-authoritarianismrdquo easily aligned with feministgoals especially because feminists could drawon womenrsquos past activism to legitimate theirclaims South African women could legiti-mately call for womenrsquos liberation because theyhad spent decades fighting a battle for racial lib-eration Argentinean feminists could legiti-mately argue that womenrsquos politics isantithetical to authoritarianism because theystrategically appropriated the symbol of theMadres as staunchly ethical non-hierarchicalpolitical players Appropriating these demo-cratic master frames was key to the success ofthe womenrsquos movements because the completetransition ensured that these frames would res-onate well with key political actors and thegeneral populace

By contrast transitions in Ghana and ElSalvador were incomplete and a lack of realopenings for institutional change constrainedwomenrsquos opportunities to influence the state InEl Salvador women were mobilized at themoment of transition and after participating ininternational conferences together they initiat-ed a strong womenrsquos coalition to target the stateHowever without concrete opportunities toreshape state institutions and without past coali-tion-building experiences from which to drawthe coalition was routinely frustrated in achiev-ing its goals Old divisions between FMLN fac-tions class groups and party lines soonreemerged Salvadoran women did utilize theirpast revolutionary activism to frame their post-

transition demands but because these pastactions were often militant they did not alignwell with the master frame of ldquopeacerdquoMeanwhile in Ghana strong womenrsquos move-ments did not develop until nearly eight yearsafter the transition so women could neitherdraw on past movement strategies nor use dem-ocratic master frames to their benefit

Political parties and international influencesalso play an important role in shaping the suc-cess of womenrsquos movements under new demo-cratic states but our four cases suggest theseinfluences are secondary to the interrelationshipof democratic transitions and pretransitionmobilization patterns Political parties are anecessary vehicle for carrying womenrsquosdemands to the state but we find that the typeof vehicle (ie party ideology) matters lessthan how well the vehicle is driven by womenrsquosmobilizations In addition international ideo-logical exchanges are certainly beneficial butwhether feminist goals framed in the exteriorresonate at the local level depends on how welllocal women situate these goals as logical exten-sions of their past activism and critical compo-nents of the overall democratic transition

CONCLUSION

What happens to the political institutionaliza-tion of gender when a state is transformed bydemocratic transition Most scholars concludethat democratization does little for womenrsquospolitical rights and representation We suggestthat a more fruitful assessment of the relation-ship between democratization and womenrsquospolitical power requires a systematic compara-tive analysis that documents variation acrosscases and then helps scholars develop expla-nations for that variation To this end we havecreated a framework that allows for such sys-tematic cross-national comparisons

By applying our framework to four test caseswe develop a conjunctural explanation for howdemocratization affects gender equity withinstates Previous studies have established thatstrong womenrsquos mobilizations are central forcreating state-level changes We extend thesestudies by arguing that womenrsquos movementsmost effectively target new democracies whentransitions are complete when womenrsquos move-ments develop cohesive coalitions when theideology behind the transition (rather than the



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ideology of the winning regime) aligns easilywith feminist frames and when womenrsquos pastactivism legitimates present-day feministdemands We also raise doubts about existingconclusions in the literature including theimportance of left party ideology internation-al support and a legacy of ldquogender-bendingrdquoactivism Finally we develop a framework thatwe hope others will use to test and extend ourproposed explanations for state variations bothby examining gendered state changes in addi-tional cases of democratization and by evalu-ating how other arenas connected to the statesuch as civil society the economy educationand the family may contribute to gendered out-comes with democratization

Jocelyn Viterna is Assistant Professor of Sociologyand Social Studies at Harvard University Herresearch explores the evolving relationship betweenthe state and civil society in countries undergoingtransitions to democracy Her region of emphasis isLatin America and her current project investigatesthe gendered causes and consequences of guerrillaparticipation in El Salvador in the 1980s An articlefrom this project ldquoPulled Pushed and PersuadedExplaining Womenrsquos Mobilization into the SalvadoranGuerrilla Armyrdquo recently appeared in the AmericanJournal of Sociology

Kathleen M Fallon is Assistant Professor ofSociology at McGill University Her interests liewithin political sociology international develop-ment and gender studies Specifically she focuses onwomenrsquos social movements womenrsquos political rightsand democracy within sub-Saharan Africa as well asother developing countries She has done in-depthfield research within Ghana examining how democ-ratization influenced both womenrsquos rights and theemergence of the womenrsquos movement Her bookDemocracy and the Rise of Womenrsquos Movements inSub-Saharan Africa is forthcoming from the JohnsHopkins University Press

REFERENCES

Allah-Mensah Beatrix 2007 ldquoWomen and Politicsin Ghana 1993ndash2003rdquo Pp 251ndash79 in GhanaOne Decade of the Liberal State edited by KBoafo-Arthur New York Zed Books

Alvarez Sonia E 1990 Engendering Democracy inBrazil Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

mdashmdashmdash 1999 ldquoAdvocating Feminism The LatinAmerican Feminist NGO lsquoBoomrsquordquo InternationalFeminist Journal of Politics 1181ndash209

Barrig Maruja 1994 ldquoThe Difficult Equilibriumbetween Bread and Roses Womenrsquos Organizationsand Democracy in Perurdquo Pp 151ndash76 in The

Womenrsquos Movement in Latin AmericaParticipation and Democracy 2nd ed edited byJ S Jaquette Boulder CO Westview Press

Benford Robert D and David A Snow 2000ldquoFraming Processes and Social Movements AnOverview and Assessmentrdquo Annual Review ofSociology 26611ndash39

Borland Elizabeth 2004a ldquoCultural Opportunitiesand Tactical Choice in the Argentine and ChileanReproductive Rights Movementrdquo Mobilization9327ndash39

mdashmdashmdash 2004b ldquoGrowth Decay and ChangeOrganizations in the Contemporary WomenrsquosMovement in Buenos Aires Argentinardquo PhD dis-sertation Department of Sociology University ofArizona Tucson

Bratton Michael and Nicolas van de Walle 1997Democratic Experiments in Africa RegimeTransitions in Comparative Perspective New YorkCambridge University Press

Britton Hannah E 2002 ldquoCoalition BuildingElection Rules and Party Politics South AfricanWomenrsquos Path to Parliamentrdquo Africa Today4933ndash64

mdashmdashmdash 2005 Women in the South AfricanParliament From Resistance to GovernanceUrbana IL University of Illinois Press

mdashmdashmdash 2006 ldquoOrganizing against GenderViolencerdquo Journal of Southern African Studies32145ndash63

Brown C K N K T Ghartey and E K Ekumah1996 Women in Local Government Accra GhanaFriedrich Ebert Foundation

Brush Lisa D 2003 Gender and GovernanceWalnut Creek CA Altamira Press

Bystydzienski Jill M and Joti Sekhon 1999ldquoIntroductionrdquo Pp 1ndash21 in Democratization andWomenrsquos Grassroots Movements edited by J MBystydzienski and J Sekhon Bloomington INIndiana University Press

Caldeira Teresa P R 1998 ldquoJustice and IndividualRights Challenges for Womenrsquos Movements andDemocratization in Brazilrdquo Pp 75ndash103 in Womenand Democracy Latin America and Central andEastern Europe edited by J S Jaquette and S LWolchik Baltimore MD The Johns HopkinsUniversity Press

Cansino Sonia 2001 Mujeres en los PartidosPoliacuteticos Presencias Ausencias e Impactos SanSalvador El Salvador Friedrich Ebert Stiftung

Caul Miki 1999 ldquoWomenrsquos Representation inParliament The Role of Political Partiesrdquo PartyPolitics 579ndash98

Chinchilla Norma Stoltz 1990 ldquoRevolutionaryPopular Feminisms in Nicaraguardquo Gender andSociety 4370ndash97

mdashmdashmdash 1994 ldquoWomenrsquos Movements andDemocracy in Latin America Some UnresolvedTensionsrdquo Pp 1ndash19 in Women and the Transition



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

to Democracy The Impact of Political andEconomic Reform in Latin America WashingtonDC Woodrow Wilson International Centre forScholars

COMURES (Coporacioacuten de Municipalidades de laRepuacuteblica de El Salvador) Nd La Mujer en losGobiernos Locales Retrieved June 25 2005(wwwcomuresorgsvcomureshtmlagremiadosmujergobiernolocalhtml)

Craske Nikki 1998 ldquoRemasculization and theNeoliberal State in Latin Americardquo Pp 100ndash120in Gender Politics and the State edited by VRandall and G Waylen London UK Routledge

Einhorn Barbara 1993 Cinderella Goes to MarketCitizenship Gender and Womenrsquos Movements inEast Central Europe London UK Verso

Eisenstein Zillah 1988 The Female Body and theLaw Berkeley CA University of California Press

Fallon Kathleen M 2003 ldquoTransforming WomenrsquosCitizenship Rights within an Emerging DemocraticState The Case of Ghanardquo Gender and Society17525ndash44

mdashmdashmdash 2008 Democracy and the Rise of WomenrsquosMovements in Sub-Saharan Africa BaltimoreMD The Johns Hopkins University Press

Feijoo Maria del Carmen with Marcele MariaAlejandra Nari 1994 ldquoWomen and Democracy inArgentinardquo Pp 109ndash30 in The Womenrsquos Movementin Latin America Participation and Democracy2nd ed edited by J S Jaquette Boulder COWestview Press

Fisher Jo 1990 Mothers of the DisappearedCambridge MA South End Press

mdashmdashmdash 1993 ldquoWomen and Democracy For Homeand Countryrdquo NACLA Report on the Americas2730ndash36

Friedman Elisabeth J 1998 ldquoParadoxes of GenderedPolitical Opportunity in the Venezuelan Transitionto Democracyrdquo Latin American Research Review3387ndash135

mdashmdashmdash 2000 Unfinished Transitions Women andthe Gendered Development of Democracy inVenezuela 1936ndash1996 University Park PAPennsylvania State University Press

Garcia Corral Susana and Maribel Quintana 2000Evaluacioacuten de las Poliacutetica Nacional de la Mujer(1997ndash1999) San Salvador El Salvador Institutode Investigacioacuten Capacitacioacuten y Desarrollo de laMujer (IMU)

Geisler Gisela 1995 ldquoTroubled Sisterhood Womenand Politics in Southern Africardquo African Affairs94545ndash78

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquolsquoParliament is Another Terrain ofStrugglersquo Women Men and Politics in SouthAfricardquo Journal of Modern African Studies38605ndash30

Gelb Joyce and Vivien Hart 1999 ldquoFeminist Politicsin a Hostile Environment Obstacles andOpportunitiesrdquo Pp 149ndash81 in How Social

Movements Matter edited by M Giugni DMcAdam and C Tilly Minneapolis MNUniversity of Minnesota Press

Gordon Linda 1994 Pitied but Not Entitled SingleMothers and the History of Welfare CambridgeMA Harvard University Press

Gray Tricia 2003 ldquoElectoral Quotas Lessons fromArgentina and Chilerdquo Bulletin of Latin AmericanResearch 2252ndash78

Gyimah-Boadi Emmanuel 1994 ldquoAssociationalLife Civil Society and Democratization in GhanardquoPp 125ndash48 in Civil Society and the State in Africaedited by J W Harbeson D Rothchild and NChazan Boulder CO Lynne Rienner Publishers

Hames Mary 2006 ldquoRights and Realities Limits toWomenrsquos Rights and Citizenship after 10 Years ofDemocracy in South Africardquo Third WorldQuarterly 271313ndash27

Haney Lynne A 1994 ldquoFrom Proud Worker to GoodMother Women the State and Regime Change inHungaryrdquo Frontiers Editorial Collective14113ndash50

Hassim Shireen 2002 ldquolsquoA Conspiracy of WomenrsquoThe Womenrsquos Movement in South AfricarsquosTransition to Democracyrdquo Social Research69693ndash732

mdashmdashmdash 2003 ldquoThe Gender Pact and DemocraticConsolidation Institutionalizing Gender Equalityin the South African Staterdquo Feminist Studies29505ndash28

mdashmdashmdash 2006 Womenrsquos Organizations andDemocracy in South Africa Madison WIUniversity of Wisconsin Press

Huntington Samuel 1991 The Third WaveDemocratization in the Late Twentieth CenturyNorman OK University of Oklahoma Press

Inter-Parliamentary Union 2007 ldquoWomen inNational Parliamentsrdquo Retrieved November 292007 (httpwwwipuorgwmn-eclassifhtm)

Jaquette Jane S 1994 ldquoConclusion WomenrsquosPolitical Participation and the Prospects forDemocracyrdquo Pp 223ndash38 in The WomenrsquosMovement in Latin America Participation andDemocracy 2nd ed edited by J S JaquetteBoulder CO Westview Press

Jaquette Jane S and Sharon L Wolchik eds 1998Women and Democracy Latin America andCentral and Eastern Europe Baltimore MD TheJohns Hopkins University Press

Jones Mark P 1996 ldquoIncreasing WomenrsquosRepresentation via Gender Quotas The ArgentineLey de Cuposrdquo Women and Politics 1575ndash98

mdashmdashmdash 1997 ldquoLegislator Gender and LegislatorPolicy Priorities in the Argentine Chamber ofDeputies and the United States House ofRepresentativesrdquo Policy Studies Journal25613ndash29

Kampwirth Karen 2004 Feminism and the Legacy



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

of Revolution Nicaragua El Salvador ChiapasAthens OH Ohio University Press

Kaplan Gisela 1992 Contemporary WesternEuropean Feminism New York New YorkUniversity Press

Keck Margaret E and Kathryn Sikkink 1998Activists Beyond Borders Advocacy Networks inInternational Politics Ithaca NY CornellUniversity Press

Kumado Kofi 1993 ldquoThe Constitutional Frameworkof Democracyrdquo Pp 53ndash62 in Political Parties andDemocracy in Ghanarsquos Fourth Republic editedby K A Ninsin and F K Drah Accra GhanaWoeli Publishing Services

Luciak Ilja 2001 After the Revolution Gender andDemocracy in El Salvador Nicaragua andGuatemala Baltimore MD Johns HopkinsUniversity

Lyclama a Nijehol Geerje Virginia Vargas andSaskia Wieringa eds 1998 Womenrsquos Movementsand Public Policy in Europe Latin America andthe Caribbean New York Garland Publishing

Lyons Terrence 1999 ldquoGhanarsquos Elections A MajorStep Forwardrdquo Pp 157ndash69 in Democratization inAfrica edited by L Diamond and M F PlattnerBaltimore MD Johns Hopkins University Press

MacKinnon Catherine 1989 Toward a FeministTheory of the State Cambridge MA HarvardUniversity Press

Mainwaring Scott Guillermo OrsquoDonnell andSamuel Valenzuela eds 1992 Issues inDemocratic Consolidation The New SouthAmerican Democracies in ComparativePerspective South Bend IN University of NotreDame Press

Manuh Takyiwaa 1993 ldquoWomen the State andSociety under the PNDCrdquo Pp 176ndash95 in GhanaUnder PNDC Rule edited by E Gyimah-BoadiDakar CODESRIA

McEwan Cheryl 2000 ldquoEngendering CitizenshipGendered Spaces of Democracy in South AfricardquoPolitical Geography 19627ndash51

Meer Shamim 2005 ldquoFreedom for WomenMainstreaming Gender in the South AfricanLiberation Struggle and Beyondrdquo Gender andDevelopment 1336ndash45

Molyneux Maxine 1985 ldquoMobilization withoutEmancipation Womenrsquos Interests State andRevolution in Nicaraguardquo Feminist Studies11227ndash53

mdashmdashmdash 2000 Hidden Histories of Gender and theState in Latin America Durham NC DukeUniversity Press

Montgomery Tommie Sue 1995 Revolution in ElSalvador From Civil Strife to Civil Conflict 2nded Boulder CO Westview Press

Munck Geraldo L and Carol Skalink Leff 1997ldquoModes of Transition and Democratization South

America and Eastern Europe in ComparativePerspectiverdquo Comparative Politics 29343ndash62

Nelson Barbara J and Najma Chowdhury eds 1994Women and Politics Worldwide New Haven CTand London Yale University Press

Neuhouser Kevin 1998 ldquolsquoIf I had Abandoned myChildrenrsquo Community Mobilization andCommitment to the Identity of Mother in NortheastBrazilrdquo Social Forces 77331ndash58

Noonan Rita K 1995 ldquoWomen against the StatePolitical Opportunities and Collective ActionFrames in Chilersquos Transition to DemocracyrdquoSociological Forum 1081ndash111

OrsquoDonnell Guillermo and Philippe C Schmitter1986 Transitions from Authoritarian RuleTentative Conclusions about UncertainDemocracies Vol 4 Baltimore MD JohnsHopkins University Press

Okeke-Ihejirika Philomina and Susan Franceschet2002 ldquoDemocratization and State FeminismGender Politics in Africa and Latin AmericardquoDevelopment and Change 33439ndash66

Orloff Ann 1996 ldquoGender and the Welfare StaterdquoAnnual Review of Sociology 2251ndash78

Parpart Jane L and Kathleen A Staudt 1989ldquoWomen and the State in Africardquo Pp 185ndash202 inWomen and the State in Africa edited by J LParpart and K A Staudt Boulder CO LynneRienner Publishers

Partida Justicialista de la Republica Argentina 2007Retrieved November 29 2007 (httpwwwpjorgarindexhtml)

Pateman Carole 1988 The Sexual ContractStanford CA Stanford University Press

Paxton Pamela Melanie Hughes and Jennifer Green2006 ldquoThe International Womenrsquos Movement andWomenrsquos Political Participationrdquo AmericanSociological Review 71898ndash920

Pepera J Sandra 1993 ldquoPolitical Parties and SocialRepresentation The Case of Womenrdquo Pp 133ndash48in Political Parties and Democracy in GhanarsquosFourth Republic edited by K A Ninsin and F KDrah Accra Ghana Woeli Publishing Services

Rai Shirin 1996 ldquoWomen and the State in the ThirdWorldrdquo Pp 25ndash39 in Women and Politics in theThird World edited by H Afshar New York andLondon Routledge

Ray Raka and Anna C Korteweg 1999 ldquoWomenrsquosMovements in the Third World IdentityMobilization and Autonomyrdquo Annual Review ofSociology 2547ndash71

Reif Linda L 1986 ldquoWomen in Latin AmericanGuerilla Movements A Comparative PerspectiverdquoComparative Politics 18147ndash69

Richards Patricia 2004 Pobladoras Indigenas andthe State Conflicts over Womenrsquos Rights in ChileNewark NJ Rutgers University Press

Roman Denise 2001 ldquoGendering Eastern EuropePre-Feminism Prejudice and East-West Dialogues



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

in Post-Communist Romaniardquo Womenrsquos StudiesInternational Forum 2453ndash66

Saint Germaine Michelle A 1997 ldquoMujeres rsquo94Democratic Transition and the Womenrsquos Movementin El Salvadorrdquo Women and Politics 1875ndash99

Schmitter Philippe C 1998 ldquoContemporaryDemocratization The Prospects for Womenrdquo Pp222ndash38 in Women and Democracy Latin Americaand Central and Eastern Europe edited by J SJaquette and S L Wolchik Baltimore MD TheJohns Hopkins University Press

Seidman Gay W 1993 ldquolsquoNo Freedom without theWomenrsquo Mobilization and Gender in South Africa1970ndash1992rdquo Signs Journal of Women in Cultureand Society 18291ndash320

mdashmdashmdash 1999 ldquoGendered Citizenship SouthAfricarsquos Democratic Transition and theConstruction of a Gendered Staterdquo Gender andSociety 13287ndash307

mdashmdashmdash 2003 ldquoInstitutional DilemmasRepresentation versus Mobilization in the SouthAfrican Gender Commissionrdquo Feminist Studies29541ndash63

Shayne Julia 2004 The Revolution QuestionFeminisms in El Salvador Chile and Cuba NewBrunswick NJ and London Rutgers UniversityPress

Silber Irina Carlota and Jocelyn Viterna 2008ldquoWomen in El Salvador Continuing the StrugglerdquoIn Women and Politics around the World edited byJ Gelb and M L Palley Santa Barbara CA ABC-CLIO

Snow David A and Robert D Benford 1992ldquoMaster Frames and Cycles of Protestrdquo Pp 135ndash55in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory edited byA D Morris and C M Mueller New Haven CTYale University Press

Snow David A E Burke Rochford Steven KWorder and Robert D Benford 1986 ldquoFrameAlignment Processes Micromobilization andWomenrsquos Participationrdquo American SociologicalReview 51464ndash81

Stacey Judith 1983 Patriarchy and SocialistRevolution in China Berkeley CA University ofCalifornia Press

Steady Filomina Chioma 2006 Women andCollective Action in Africa New York PalgraveMacmillan

Stephen Lynn 1997 Women and Social Movementsin Latin America Power from Below Austin TXUniversity of Texas Press

Tibbetts Alexandra 1994 ldquoMamas Fighting forFreedomrdquo Africa Today 4127ndash48

Towns Anne 2004 ldquoNorms and Inequality inInternational Society Global Politics of Womenand the Staterdquo Dissertation thesis University ofMinnesota Minneapolis MN

Tripp Aili Mari 2000 Women and Politics inUganda Madison WI University of WisconsinPress

mdashmdashmdash 2001 ldquoWomenrsquos Movements andChallenges to Neopatrimonial Rule PreliminaryObservations from Africardquo Development andChange 3233ndash54

Tsikata Dzodzi 1989 ldquoWomenrsquos PoliticalOrganizations 1951ndash1987rdquo Pp 73ndash93 in The StateDevelopment and Politics in Ghana edited by EHansen and K A Ninsin Dakar CODESRIABook Series

Ueltzen Stefan 1993 Como Salvadorentildea que SoyEntrevistas con mujeres en la lucha San SalvadorEditorial Sombrero Azul

Union Civica Radical Comite Nacional 2007Retrieved November 29 2007 (httpwwwucrorgar)

Urdang Stephanie 1995 ldquoWomen in NationalLiberation Movementsrdquo Pp 213ndash24 in AfricanWomen South of the Sahara edited by M J Hayand S Stichter New York Longman Publishing

Vaacutezquez Norma Cristina Ibaacutentildeez and ClaraMurguialday 1996 Mujeres-montantildea Vivenciasde guerrilleras y colaboradoras del FMLNMadrid Horas y Horas

Viterna Jocelyn 2006 ldquoPulled Pushed andPersuaded Explaining Womenrsquos Mobilization intothe Salvadoran Guerrilla Armyrdquo American Journalof Sociology 112(1)1ndash45

Walsh Denise March 2006 ldquoThe Liberal MomentWomen and Just Debate in South Africa1994ndash1996rdquo Journal of Southern African Studies3285ndash105

Watson Peggy 1993 ldquoThe Rise of Masculinism inEastern Europerdquo New Left Review 19871ndash82

Waylen Georgina 1994 ldquoWomen andDemocratization Conceptualizing GenderRelations in Transition Politicsrdquo World Politics46327ndash55

mdashmdashmdash 1996 Gender in Third World PoliticsBoulder CO Lynne Rienner Press

mdashmdashmdash 1998 ldquoGender Feminism and the State AnOverviewrdquo Pp 1ndash17 in Gender Politics and theState edited by V Randall and G Waylen NewYork Routledge

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoGender and Democratic PoliticsA Comparative Analysis of Consolidation inArgentina and Chilerdquo Journal of Latin AmericanStudies 32765ndash93

mdashmdashmdash 2007 Engendering Transitions WomenrsquosMobilization Institutions and Gender OutcomesOxford UK Oxford University Press

Welsh Helga A 1994 ldquoPolitical Transition Processesin Central and Eastern Europerdquo ComparativePolitics 26379ndash94



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

This provides activists with an extremely rareopportunity to participate in the construction ofa new state apparatus Third because manydemocratization movements are populated bywomenrsquos mobilizations (Jaquette 1994) andbecause feminist movements often grow out ofother types of womenrsquos mobilizing (Kaplan1992 Molyneux 1985 Shayne 2004) we wouldexpect feminist activism to be especially highduring such transitional moments

Paradoxically however most scholars con-clude that democratization has done little toimprove womenrsquos political influence within thestate even when women were active in the tran-sition process With democratization in EasternEurope for example womenrsquos political partic-ipation dropped precipitously maternity leavepolicies were curtailed womenrsquos legislative quo-tas were dismantled funding for childcare cen-ters decreased and abortion rights werethreatened (Einhorn 1993 Haney 1994 Roman2001 Watson 1993) Similarly in the develop-ing world democratization brought a reassertionof traditional gender expectations (Jaquette1994 Rai 1996) waning womenrsquos mobiliza-tions (Craske 1998) and in many nationsdeclines in womenrsquos parliamentary representa-tion and formal political power (Bystydzienskiand Sekhon 1999 Fisher 1993 Jaquette andWolchik 1998 Waylen 1994)

We concur that democratization often fails toimprove gender equity within states yet schol-arly emphasis on democracyrsquos failure withincases obscures the fact that gendered outcomesof democratic transitions may be quite variableacross cases This paucity of systematic cross-national comparisons leaves open the questionof whether and why some democratic transitionsresult in more ldquowomen-friendlyrdquo states thanothers Are there particular configurations oftransitional contexts and social mobilizationsthat are especially likely to create feministchanges Or conversely are the democraticideals upon which new state institutions aremodeled imbued with patriarchal ideologiesand organizational structures that generate con-sistently masculine state outcomes regardlessof variation in mobilization characteristics ortransition processes

Using insights from existing case studies wedevelop in this article a theoretically-groundedcomparative framework for evaluating genderedvariation across democratizing states Because

states do not typically adopt feminist changeswithout pressure from organized groups ofwomen (Gelb and Hart 1999 Gordon 1994Lyclama a Nijehol Vargas and Wieringa 1998Seidman 1999) we place womenrsquos movementsat the center of our framework and we usesocial movement theory to conceptualize therelationship between the frameworkrsquos explana-tory factors (elaborated below) We then applythe framework to four states in transition thathave witnessed quite divergent outcomes SouthAfrica Argentina Ghana and El Salvador Weconclude that the combined presence of fourspecific characteristicsmdasha complete transitiona cohesive coalition within the womenrsquos move-ment a transitional ideology that aligns easilywith feminist frames and a legacy of womenrsquosactivism that legitimates present-day feministdemandsmdashcreates an especially positive contextwithin which womenrsquos mobilizations can effec-tively target democratizing states These find-ings generated from cross-national comparisonextend current case-based conceptualizationsof how democratic transitions affect the gen-dered state They also question existing under-standings of the importance of left partyideologies ldquogender-bendingrdquo activism andinternational influences

This article forwards sociological under-standings of gender democratization and mobi-lization in three ways First by identifying andexplaining cross-national variation in the gen-dered outcomes of democratization we chal-lenge and extend the existing case-basedscholarship that generally suggests democrati-zation has failed women Second we offer acomparative framework through which a deep-er understanding of the gendered processes ofdemocratization can be developed especiallywith extension to additional cases And finallyour conjunctural explanation of why somewomenrsquos movements are more successful thanothers given the shared context of democrati-zation provides new ways for thinking aboutdivergent mobilization outcomes

BUILDING A COMPARATIVEFRAMEWORK OF THEGENDERED STATE

Drawing from existing literature we first con-struct a comparative framework that helps cap-ture and explain gender variation across



Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





IN NEW DEMOCRACIES










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


ASSESSING OUTCOMES











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


SOUTH AFRICA










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ARGENTINA








Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






GHANA




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





IN NEW DEMOCRACIES










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


ASSESSING OUTCOMES











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


SOUTH AFRICA










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ARGENTINA








Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






GHANA




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


ASSESSING OUTCOMES











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


SOUTH AFRICA










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ARGENTINA








Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






GHANA




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


ASSESSING OUTCOMES











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


SOUTH AFRICA










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ARGENTINA








Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






GHANA




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


ASSESSING OUTCOMES











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


SOUTH AFRICA










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ARGENTINA








Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






GHANA




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


SOUTH AFRICA










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ARGENTINA








Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






GHANA




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ARGENTINA








Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






GHANA




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

ARGENTINA








Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






GHANA




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






GHANA




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915





EL SALVADOR






Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









DISCUSSION




Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915










Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915









Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915











Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915






CONCLUSION





Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




REFERENCES























Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915



































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915




































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915


































Wed 26 Nov 2008 150915

democratization, womenÕs movements, and gender …gendered state literature by asking what happens...

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