defining a mother~nah dove

Defining a Mother-Centered Matrix to Analyze the Status of Women

Nah Dove

Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1. (Sep., 2002), pp. 3-24.

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DEFINING A MOTHER-CENTERED MATRIX TO ANALYZE

THE STATUS OF WOMEN

NAH DOVE Accra, Ghana

This article focuses on the significance of mother-centeredness to state development. Modem Africa is faced with the imposition of Western states that are fundamentally male-centered and antithetical to the well-being of Africa and her people and, for that matter, all humanity. Defining the Mother-Centered Matrix that underpinned the development of Kemet challenges the belief that the United States and other modem states are neces- sarily progressive. Issues of "development" from a culturally sensitive per- spective highlight the importance of Kemet as a state model that can provide contemporary African people with examples of ways of governing and living that are still unparalleled by modem states.

A people losing sight of origins are dead. A people deaf to purpose are lost. Under fertile rain, in scorching sunshine there is no difference: their bodies are mere corpses, awaiting final burial.

Ayi Kwei Armah (1973, p. xiv)

In this work, Kemet (Ancient Egypt) is considered the progenitor of the modern state. It represents the first known model that produced an urban environment. Although there are recognizably different types of state structures, it can be conceived that this ancient model provided the pattern that influenced the development of other state models. This is not to deny the existence of other models that pre- ceded and influenced the development of Kemet. In light of its achievements, Kemet's African origin places Black people at the forefront of the development of modern urban humanity. The con-

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES, Vol. 33 No. I , September 2002 3-24 O 2002 Sage Publications

4 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER 2002

tinuing inferiorization of Africa and her people challenges this assertion. This apparent contradiction has placed the field of Egyptology in a difficult position as it attempts to claim the great- ness of European civilization by appropriating African cultural characteristics.

In this regard, Cheikh Anta Diop's knowledge of Africa led him to challenge the school of Egyptology. At the 1974 Symposium on the "Peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering of Meroitic Script," organized by United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organizations in Cairo, Diop and his student Obenga challenged Egyptologists with prepared arguments that criticized some of the fundamental premises within the discipline. In particular, Diop and Obenga deconstructed the notion that African people had little or nothing to do with the development of Ancient Egypt. From their linguistic, archeological, historical, and anthropological data, they were able to cogently theorize that the northerly movement of humanity from central Africa to the rest of the world could be applied to the peopling of Ancient Egypt (Diop, Leclant, Obenga, & Vercoutter, 1997). They successfully opposed, what Egyptology implies, that Egyptian civilization developed as a result of the impact of more northerly, so-called Caucasian, influences. As a result, Ancient Egypt could now be seen as culturally African. Moreover, the recent discovery of bone tools dating 90,000 years, found in the Congo, further challenges the belief that Europe was the home of modem humans. These findings affirm that Africa was the home of people whose tools were advanced some 50,000 years before those of Europe (Yellen, Brooks, Cornelissen, Mehlman, & Stewart, 1995, pp. 553-556).

Diop's (1974) mission was to reclaim Kemet for Africa by con-necting its cultural characteristics to the rest of Africa. He believed that "the history of Black Africa will remain suspended in air and cannot be written correctly until African historians dare to connect it with the history of Egypt" (p. xiv).

Dove / DEFINING A MOTHER-CENTERED MATRIX 5

DIOP'S CRADLE THEORY REVISITED

Grounded by his love for humanity, Diop sought to rectify scho- lastic attempts to debase Africa and her people. The "cradle theory" was an attempt to show that distinctions among people could be linked to their cultural persuasions. Culture is embedded so deeply in a people that their human identity as people and individuals is shaped by it. Moreover, for a people to maintain culture, it is necessary to preserve cultural memory through their historical knowledge, language, and psychology.

For African people, enslavement, colonization and neocolon- ization have severed and eroded much of the cultural memory. Afri- can men and women trained in Western and Arabic schools and uni- versities have been inculcated with alien (often anti-African) cultural renditions of their own histories, thus greatly influencing the construction of political structures and decisions concerning personal, family, and societal "development."

Diop warned that

Every people must edify its own culture and especially must write its own history rather than being content with a passive knowledge of [its] culture and history as misrepresented in foreign writings. (Diop, 1996, p. 54)

Even Diop did not escape from the Western cultural-historical par- adigm. Among its many revelations, the cradle theory is able to show how culture can ensure social change through domination and conquest and how social change can take place when a people regain knowledge of their cultural memory (identity) and rise up to challenge such conquest. Diop applied a European culture-based theory from Marx to his ideas on state construction and development,' thereby unwittingly limiting his own theoretical analysis. This work takes Diop's cradle theory further by arguing that the defining cultural-social characteristic of national or state societies is mother-centeredness or the lack thereof. More emphasis on this distinction will facilitate an understanding of the fundamental conflict between the African and European civilizations and state

6 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES 1SEPTEMBER 2002

development. This article focuses on the significance of mother- centeredness to state development.

Modern Africa is faced with the imposition of Western states that are fundamentally male-centered and antithetical to the well- being of Africa and her people and, for that matter, all humanity. Kemet is a state model that can provide contemporary African people with examples of ways of governing and living that are still unparalleled by modern states.

The two main cradles of civilization-the southern cradle, Africa, and the northern cradle, Europe-represent modes of societal structures that are almost antithetical to each other. Africa, where humanity began, produced mother-centered societies. Over time, the migration of African people to the northern clime produced patriarchal male-centered societies. Cultural distinctions between these cradles are attributed to the arrangement of female1 male power relations. These two cultural entities have had an impact on each other, creating "zones of confluence" (Diop, 19591 1990, p. 55). Southern cradle or mother-centered people, for instance, once populated Arabia, or what is known as the Middle East. Over time, conquerors from the northern cradle imposed patriarchal beliefs and practices that manifest today, in the spiritual realm, as Christian, Hebraic, and Islamic religions (Dove, 1998, p. 522).

Within the Mother-Centered Matrix,' balance between the feminine and masculine principles is sought from the physical and material to the spiritual planes. Mother-centered literally means mother-led societal and cultural constructs. In such societies, the line of inheritance through the mother is known as matrilineal or, what Amadiume (1987, p. 17) terms, Mother-$ocused/matrifocal. A concept of the Akan system (of Ghana) is that the Mogya (blood), is given to the child by the mother (Opoku, 1978, p. 99). It is impor- tant that, unlike in Europe, even patrifocal or father-focused societies in Africa, whereby the line of descent is through the father, seek female-male reciprocal power relationships (Diop, 195911990, pp. 66-72; T'Shaka, 1995, pp. 194-196). The Ga women (of Ghana), for instance, do not take their husbands' names when they marry and concessions with naming and lineage are made (Odotei, 1989,

7 Dove / DEFINING A MOTHER-CENTERED MATRIX

p. 43, 46). The mother is viewed as the bringer of life, the conduit for the spiritual regeneration of the ancestors, the bearer of culture, and the center of social organization (Dove, 1998).

The family in this matrix seeks a reciprocal relationship between the female and male members. For example, female and male members of the family will be equally respected for their contribu- tion to the family's development. As T'Shaka (1995, p. 39) postu- lates, this balanced relationship is the basis of a "just society." In light of this, it may be said that if the partnership between the female and male, which constitutes the smallest unit of the family and therefore of society, is equal, then all that evolves from this power structure will strive to reflect this equality. It was from this cultural matrix that the notion of justice was created, according to Diop, T'Shaka, and others.

In contrast to the mother-centered family structure, individuality and the priority of self above others is a fundamental tenet of this cradle belief system. This family reproduces hierarchical personal and social relations as a result of the domination of the male over the female. All progeny are required to reproduce this hierarchy within the family. The maintenance of this unequal partnership must be continuously justified. Hierarchical notions of superiority and inferiority rationalize reasons why the woman should be sub- servient to the man. This imbalance or injustice is the basis for conflict and aggression. It is reflected in the social order with examples like disrespect for women, children, and elders. Concepts like race and human difference follow the same logic and are justified in a hierarchical ordering of humanity. These societies can be called patriarchal, father-centered, or father-led. The woman is considered

a burden that the man dragged behind him. Outside her function of child-bearing, her role in nomadic society is nil. Having a smaller economic value, it is she who must leave her clan to join that of her husband, contrary to the matriarchal custom which demands the opposite. (Diop, 195911 990, p. 29)

Although the potential for mother-centered societies is to seek reciprocity and balance among the members of society, father-led societies seek male-centered control over women.


Amadiume (1987) asserts that contrary to Diop's idea, "it was not a 'harmonious dualism' between men and women in matriarchal systems. . . . In whatever system, men incessantly sought to control women and their services, and succeeded more often than not" (p. 84). This suggests perhaps a natural tension between male and female power relations that in its most concrete form manifests as patriarchy. An example put forward by Houessou-Adin (1998) was that during the Ibo women's war in Nigeria, women fought not only against British colonial taxation under "indirect rule" and the destruction it caused to their power bases, but also against some indigenous men and the colonial authority the men collaborated with. One may say therefore that the preservation of female- centered institutions is critical to the survival of the Mother- Centered Matrix.

For Diop however, environmental concerns far more greatly affect the dynamics of these relations. The origin of the Mother- Centered Matrix is attributed to an agrarian lifestyle in a climate of abundance, whereas patriarchy is associated with nomadic traditions arising from harsh environments. Kemet is characterized as a mother-centered civilization that evolved from agrarian, sedentary societies. Its development hinged on the voluntary coming together of cities, towns, and villages along the Nile river based on collective interests in supporting a national authority that could advance the fulfillment of their needs (Diop, 199 1, pp. 129- 130; Kemp, 1989, p. 62). Intrinsic to this model is the cultural similitude among the people that invited and cemented the fundamental precepts for this state construction. It is from this construction that the first urbanites were produced.

SIGNIFICANCE OF CULTURE TO STATE DEVELOPMENT

The modern states, particularly the United States, are built to the cultural specification of European patriarchy. As previously asserted, it is a contention of this article that patriarchal power relations are unable to provide the social environment conducive to the

9 Dove / DEFINING A MOTHER-CENTERED MATRIX

wellness of African people, specifically women and children, and of all people generally. Kemet embraced the ideal of developing human potential because of its Mother-Centered Matrix. An impor- tant quest of this article is to link the quality of a civilization (the treatment of women for example) to the symbolic representation of the mother.

Differences regarding Kemet and the United States are related to cultural distinctions between the people who designed them. A historical reality is that Kemet was the first known state, and based on structural similarities in the United States and other Western states, they should be viewed as imitations. However, the European ability to replicate this state model is limited by its lack of cultural knowledge concerning the Mother-Centered Matrix and, in particular, African spirituality, the basis of women's power in Africa.

Culturally, the United States, created by descendants of Europe, may be characterized as patriarchal. Moreover, the United States may be likened to its ancient forbear, the Spartan state model (Diop, 1991, p. 132). The evolution of this patriarchal state structure is contingent on the genocide of the indigenous or original people. As Diop (1991) postulated,

If for whatever reason the conquering ethnic group refuses to mix with the indigenous conquered element and bases its domination on this absolute separation, the opposition is essentially ethnic and will always be resolved, in ancient and modern history, by genocide. ( P 132)

Most of the modem states like Australia, New Zealand, Canada, South Africa, and so on belong to this model (Diop, 199 1,pp. 132- 133). Israel can also be viewed in this light. The cultural similitude in the construction of these states reveals the distinctive differences between mother-centered and patriarchal power relations. Whereas the construction of the state of Kemet required the collaboration of indigenous people in its organization, the Spartan state and these modem states used terrorism and barbarism to build their societal structures. In this way, they institutionalized the continuing domination of and dominion over a conquered people whose lands, resources, and energies supplied the states with their power base.

10 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES 1 SEPTEMBER 2002

During the development of the U.S. model (and the states of South America), the arrival of Europeans signaled the dawning of the enslavement and extermination of the First Nations people, indigenous to the Americas. As an essentially mother-centered people, the ensuing patriarchal domination was devastating. The decline in the indigenous populations owing to enslavement, genocide, and diseases brought by Europeans was catastrophic. Carew (1994,p. 72) cited an estimate of 68 million indigenous people who died in the holocaust. Their lives were expendable because Europe- ans placed a premium on their lands, not on their energies. Iron- ically, more value was placed on the energies of captured and enslaved African people. Over time, the nation was taught a fabri- cated history of how the West was won.

When the process of eliminating the native population is completed like a snake that has finished swallowing its victim, a feeling of collective guilt, which is hard to suppress, grips the conscience of the conquerors and gives rise to an expiatory literature, in the forms of legends of the founding of cities in which the conquered people are charged with all the sins . . .the murderous people in this way regain a pristine conscience. (Diop, 1991,p. 133)

Movies were and are used as a medium in contemporary times to debase and criminalize First Nations people who were forced into exile in the least productivelarable land spaces. Paradoxically, many African-descended people have and continue to play significant roles in the continuing genocide of First Nations people.

Another irony is that the imposition of this state model on conquered groups, who are trained to sustain it, can produce the same results. In other words, indigenous people may themselves become agents of oppression and genocide, as in the obvious case of Rwanda and Burundi and less obvious cases in other parts of Africa where traditional people whose lands are exploited by the state can be deprived of their benefits and allowed to die through neglect (as if deprivation of basic needs is traditional). In this type of state, the need for and the capacity to sustain a massive military institution receives a high priority. The necessity to produce and maintain wealth requires the prioritization of armaments.

Dove 1 DEFINING A MOTHER-CENTERED MATRIX 11

Kennedy (1989, p. xvii), like Diop, traced military improvement and technological advance to outcomes based on historical warring rivalries among European societies and kingdoms. Conversely, in Kemet, the weight of civilian power compared to military power was far greater, and "military aristocracy" was not the "focal point of society" (Diop, 1991, p. 129). This condition does not negate the ability of mother-centered societies to go to war, rather it suggests that peace is deemed preferable.

Kemet, even during its imperialist phases, for example, the New Kingdom XVIII dynasty when Thutmosis I11 was able to secure and maintain a vast empire, was considered less militarily oriented than invaders like the Hyksos, Hittites, Persians, and Greeks. In fact, marriages among members of the ruling families to the prin- cesses of potential enemies were considered political victories and peacemaking enterprises. It appears that militarism was more of a defensive tactic, in that the security of its resources from invaders was paramount to its development. The Narmer palette, which depicts the unification of upper and lower Kemet, shows Narmer's victory over Asian invaders during the time of the Old Kingdom, offering a clear record of early patriarchal attempts to conquer and secure that area.

Presently, Egyptologists regard King Narmer, sometimes known as Menes, as the first of the dynastic kings who came to power 3,200 years B.C.E. The school of Egyptology begins the dynastic period some 2,000 years after the date provided by historian, scholar, and priest, Manetho, who wrote the dynastic history of Kemet in 241 B.C.E. By his account, this period began 5,700 years B.C.E. Moreover, he placed the antiquity of Kemet to 17,000 years B.C.E. (Chandler, 1991, p. 120; Hilliard, 1991, p. 21 1; Walker, 1999, p. 19). The change in these dates has a great bearing on the ability of Europe to claim the European origin of Kemet.

Nevertheless, prior to King Narmer's triumph in uniting Upper and Lower Kemet, Lower Kemet in the north continually suffered from incursions of invading settlers. C. Williams (1987) postulated that White Asian settlers trying to take control constantly threat- ened indigenous Africans. To circumvent this situation, Africans designed a boundary between the north (Lower) and south (Upper)


to keep marauders out of the south. Narmer effectively brought the north under the control of the south, through African rule. This event is known as the uniting of the Two Lands. With regard to the uniting of the Two Lands and the African Black origin of Kemet, possibly one of the most contentious findings was the archeological evidence of professor Bruce Williams from the University of Chi- cago. An archaic Horus incense burner showing a royal procession with a king wearing the crown of Upper Kemet was found in Qustul in Lower Nubia or Upper Kemet. B. Williams (1991) said,

The great 1960's rescue effort has recently unveiled a birthplace of pharaonic civilization several generations before the rise of the first historic Egyptian dynasty. This finding is rendered even more star- tling by the fact that advanced political organization was not believed to have come to Nubia, or anywhere south of Egypt, for another 2,500 years. (p. 90)

In this case, King Narmer may not be credited with the acclaim of being the first dynastic king. Nevertheless, continuous African rule lasted for the first six recognized dynasties (B. Williams, 1991, p. 146). It may be that the Nubian (African) antecedents of the development of state structure are far more ancient than previously thought.

MOTHER-CENTERED VERSUS FATHER-CENTERED CONTRADICTIONS

It is possible to equate the continuing conflicts in the north of Kemet to tensions between mother-centered and patriarchal values and beliefs. Throughout the dynastic years, the conflict, as C. Wil- liams (1987) argued, was to affect the lineage of kings and queens as well as the kings' loyalty to Africa. Over time, the Asians or Whites were able, through marriage into the African lineage, to become legitimate monarchs with allegiance to their fathers. In this way, mother-centered values would have eroded. The system of matrilineal or mother-focused inheritance through the mother required the allegiance to the mother to be maintained if the culture


was to remain intact. Until the resurgence of the Mother-Centered Matrix, regenerated by the Kushite rulers of the 25th dynasty, the importance of women's roles had declined substantially. Although, even by the time of the Greeks, Kemet was still essentially mother focused/matrifocal, both in terms of the line of royal descent and in its spiritual focus.

Over two millennia after Narmer, Piankhi of Kush, southern Kemet took legitimate African sovereignty as the first king of the 25th dynasty. Piankhi and succeeding kings of that dynasty made a concerted attempt to return Kemet to its old kingdom mother- centered beliefs and values.

They made it a practice to install their female relatives as high- priestesses of Amon at Thebes. These women, working through their own prime ministers, were in effect rulers of Upper Egypt. They undertook massive restoration and public works in Thebes and throughout Upper Egypt. (L. Williams & Finch, 1985, pp. 22-23)

Thebes was known as "the Mother of Cities" (C. Williams, 1987, p. 90). While the priestesses ruled Upper Kemet, the kings ruled from Napata in Kush (C. Williams, 1987, p. 23). Napata was the capital of the south domain that included areas into Africa's heart- lands. As Johnson (1978, p. 212) noted, the Kushites restored not only the institution of the High Priestess called the Divine Adoratrice of Amun but also the proper worship of Ptah at Mem- phis. Amenirdas 1, Piankhi's sister, was installed by her brother as Chief Prophetess of Amun and ruled the Principality of Thebes (L. Williams & Finch, 1985, pp. 23-24). Importantly and keeping with mother-centered principles, the Kushite rulership was shared between women and men. This dynasty was considered another and most likely the last high point in Kemet's development (Goldman, 1991; Monges, 1997; L. Williams & Finch, 1985).

AFRICAN INFLUENCES IN HEADING STATE

In both the Ancient African and U.S. systems, the head of state is responsible for malung critical decisions. For the Kemites, their


king was considered both central and divine to their existence-the embodiment of the creator on earth. The potential divinity of humanity was sought by the Kemites through their belief in the transformation of humans in becoming godlike.

It was a science directed toward the embodiment of spiritual knowledge, toward the internalization and corporeal expression of intel- lectual and spiritual powers, rather than the mechanistic utilization of knowledge-power for the exploitation and manipulation of the earthly environment. (Schwaller de Lubicz, 1977, p. 13)

The tradition of the priestly role of the Kemetic King has been linked to other African kingships (Asante, 1990, pp. 90-96, 2000, p. 64; Diop, 195911990, pp. 152-154, 1974, p. 138; Monges, 1997, pp. 89-90, 102-108; T'Shaka, 1995, p. 41; C. Williams, 1987, pp. 96-99; Wimby, 1985, pp. 36-47). "The African king was distin- guished from the Northern king by his divine essence and by the vitalist character of his functions. One was a man priest, the other was a god-priest among the living" (Diop, 195911990, p. 140). The King had the power to bring good harvests, indeed, he was expected to "guarantee cosmic order" (Diop, 195911990, p. 334). "The king carried the ka force of the nation and this force was the collective solidarity of the people"' (Asante, 2000, p. 64). Even today, after years of European colonial domination, the kingslchiefs of the Ashanti of traditional Ghana are still considered "sacred because of the link they have with the ancestors and gods the chief's blood is sacred; in case of injury or loss of blood, a sheep must be sacrificed to prevent danger befalling the chief's subjects" (Warren, 1986, p. 42).

Regardless of this cultural continuity, there is no evidence to suggest that divine kingship existed in the European world regarding their royalty. Critical to understanding the role of divine kingship is the recognition of its symbiotic relationship to the role of the queen. As Wimby (1985) asserted in her discussion on "Female Horuses," "there was equality between men and women. The woman had political power as well as the general running of the country, as did her sisters in other parts of Africa" (p. 36).


It is evident, however that the Greeks and others who were stu- dents of higher learning in Kemet imitated mother-centered traditions and rituals without the experiences of the thousands of years of spiritual training that had gone into producing royal families who understood their obligations.

The culture of Kemet remained African and essentially mother centered despite the corruption of foreign patriarchal values. Prior to the northern invasions, "the military role of the King was toned down and took second place after his priestly and agricultural role" (Diop, 1959/1990, p. 154).

The protection of the people was viewed as a spiritual accom- plishment. Communion with the spiritual world and the practice of the order of Maat as an ethical and moral enterprise was seen as a way of controlling disorder and chaos (Budge, 1967, p. cxix; Carmthers, 1986, pp. 3-30; Karenga, 1991, pp. 352-394, 1994, pp. 108-109).

Maat is the personification of the mothering ideal (Karenga, 1994, p. 162), her presence and manifestation in institutional organization and human culture ensured the righteous existence of humanity as part of the cosmic order. She stands for justice, truth, honesty, balance, reciprocity, peace, and so on. She was also revered as a goddess who is critical to the ascendancy of the spirit reaching heaven. The divine king pays deference to her feminine divinity. He must display these feminine qualities as the example of god on earth during his sovereignty. In this way, collective values, consideration for humanity and nature, ancestral esteem, and love and respect for the family constituted the continuation of the environment and thwarted danger. All members of society were expected to maintain and preserve the social order by practicing the mothering ideal of Maat.

What is so significant in this state structure is that there is not separation between religion and politics. Religion was synony- mous with women's power. Thus, a stark difference between Kemetic state structure and U.S. structure is the attainment of spiritual enlightenment and social cohesion. In the United States, the secularity of the political system is underpinned by Christian (patri-

16 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES I SEPTEMBER 2002

archal) ideology. This secular system is built on the success of the unholy war waged against the indigenous people.

In the United States, as with the concept of divine kingship, the president is considered the most qualified human to take office on behalf of the people's interests. As to be expected in a patriarchal facsimile, the divine mother plays no role in tempering his activity. The president is not trained as a high priest or expected to be blame- less in his action. His election is often predicated on his looks or personality or ability to convince others of his worthiness based on rhetoric4 and not the divine speech required in Kemet. The ability of the president to make sound decisions regarding the political economy is vital. Massive bureaucracies maintain and control the economy through banking and global investment. In Kemet, wealth was also produced through accumulation. An abundance of food, arti- facts, inventions, and so on provided exchange for world trade. Commerce through import and export was invaluable to the life and sustenance of Kemet.

In stable times it had wealth in plenty and in circulation, offering to all, the prospect or the dream of a life far above subsistence level. When the state was strong and well organized many people gained much from its redistributive mechanisms, which must, in these times, have acted as a general control over the whole economy sim- ply on account of its magnitude. (Kemp, 1989,p. 259)

Pyramid complexes centralized the state location, and the enor- mous bureaucracies were administered by priests and priestesses. The findings of Davies and Friedman (1998) were that these complexes housed immense production resources from fish processing plants to food production facilities and warehouses as well as hous- ing for working people. It was essential for the support and institutional maintenance of their spiritual beliefs. The energies of the state were focused on the development of creative social skills. As Kemp (1989, pp. 89-90) suggested, the centrality of traditional religion to the lives of the Kemites kept the social dynamics of the state intact. Although these pyramid complexes were early kingdom (African) projects, the emphasis on spiritual development and the centrality of divine kingship was maintained.

Dove I DEFINING A MOTHER-CENTERED MATRIX 17

For Kemet and the United States, ideology was/is critical to maintaining its structure. A belief in the justification of the order is necessary whether the emphasis is on its spiritual or material maintenance. Obviously, the institutional development around these ideologies is different, as are the consequences of their existence. Again their differences can be attributed to the Mother-Centered Matrix and patriarchal orientations. While in the United States, there is none in authority higher than the president, the Father, in the State of Kemet, the Queen Mother had authority over both his ascendancy to the throne as well as his worthiness when in power. Queen mothers, like the kings and queens, were considered goddesses and as the bearers of new generations had immense responsibilities regarding the teachings of the future kings and queens.

SACRED IMAGES OF DIVINE MOTHERS

Hathor, an ancient predynastic goddess, was the original divine mother and was associated with kingship. Although she predates Auset (Isis), she later becomes the wife of Heru (Horus), the son of Auset (Isis) and Ausar (Osiris). She is of Nubian origin and is associated with healing as well as considered the goddess of love, music, and dance. She is depicted wearing cow horns with the sun disc between them. She was a universal goddess and the Greeks later called her Aphrodite (Hart, 1998, pp. 75-81). She sometimes manifests as the cow mother suckling a king (Hornung, 1982, p. 110). According to Stone (1976), Hathor was

during the earliest times served by sixty-one priestesses and eigh- teen priests, while the Goddess known as Neith was attended solely by priestesses. By the time of the Eighteenth Dynasty women were no longer even part of the religious clergy, but served as temple musicians. (p. 38)

The Goddess Neith is a divine mother (Budge, 1967, p. cxx). She is called the Mother of the Gods (Hornung, 1982, p. 147). She is also known as a creator goddess, from the Old Kingdom Dynasty. She originates in the south and was said to have followed the Nile

18 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES 1 SEPTEMBER 2002

down to the north of Kemet. She wears the red crown of the North, (although her title of Mistress of the Bow may be linked to Ta Seti, known as land of the bow and located in the south). She is associated with kingship. Sobek, her son, is symbolized as a crocodile. The symbol of the crocodile signifies the might and strength of kings, particularly in Upper Kemet (Hart, 1998, pp. 13 1 - 134).

Auset, better known as Isis, is a divine mother also known as Mother of the Gods (Budge, 1967, pp. Cxiv). Her crown is a throne that is also her symbol for the Mdw Ntr. Auset is often seen with Hathor's cow horns and sun disk and is sometimes known as the "great sow." She is associated with kingship. Her best known role is as the wife and sister of Ausar (Osiris) and the mother of Heru (Homs) (Hart, 1998, pp. 101-106). There are many depictions of her feeding Hem, an image that precedes the Madonna and child by several thousand years.

The Goddess Mut (Mut is the root word for mother) was symbolic of the king's mother. She wears the crowns of Upper and Lower Kemet. She manifests as a lion and vulture and is seen wearing vulture wings on her head. Mut is a southern concept and had a priest (and priestess) following. She is the consort of Amun and their son is Khonsu, a moon god. Her title is god's wife. This union is regarded as a sacred triad (like Mary, God, and Jesus or Auset, Ausar, and Heru) (Hart, 1998, pp. 128-129).

Sakhmet is a lion goddess, and she is of the Old Kingdom. She is known as the mistress of the two lands (Upper and Lower Kemet). Sakhmet is associated with Mut who appears as a lion. She is considered fierce and a warrior who is a protector of kings. She is a divine mother and connected with healing and medicine, having a following of priests (and priestesses) (Hart, 1998, pp. 187- 189).

Bastet is an Old Kingdom cat goddess. Like the others, she is a divine mother of kings. She is from the south and her original form was of a lion (possibly Sakhmet). In the Mdw Ntr, she is depicted as the symbol for a perfume jar and is associated with perfume (possibly related to ritual in shrine visitations and offerings). She is fear- less and known as revengeful and at the same time loving. Bastet is known as the Lady of the Two Lands. Cats were mummified with respect to her powers (Hart, 1998, pp. 54-56).


However, even today, the position of the queen mother is one still coveted by parts of traditional Africa. For instance, the Akan of Ghana rely on the wisdom of the elder lady, she has a critical role in the political arena.

In the villages, the official counselling body to the chief often includes an aberewa, an older woman, or obaapanin, a female func- tionary responsible for women's affairs. . . . Besides this, though, chiefs are typically male, the positions are meaningless without an ohemmaa, queenmother, often a sister or mother of the chief, who has a hand in the choice of the royal successor and participates in the legislative processes. . . . She has her own court, where she sits in jurisdiction over certain domestic issues; she also has her own body of counsellors and akyeame, orators who are mostly female. (Yankah, 1995, pp. 70-71)

In northern Ghana, among the Dagomba who have few women who become priestesses, the Tindaana (land priestess) is the overall leader of her village near Tamale. She is responsible for the total well-being of the people and the village (Rijssel, 1999, p. 18).

THE DECLINE OF THE MOTHER-CENTERED MATRIX

According to Stone (1976), even in predynastic Kemet

the Goddess held supremacy in Upper Egypt (South).. . . In Egypt the concept of the Goddess always remained vital. (p. 35)

Male deities did not appear until the beginning of the dynastic periods. Stone links the gradual loss of women's status to Indo- European influences.

Conquest and invasion were the tools of cultural disruption for terminating the Mother-Centered Matrix. As Diop (195911990) theorized, the northern cradle patriarchy was antithetical to the southern cradle mother-centered societies. The aggressive focus of the patriarchs on war and conquest is incompatible with southern cradle development. Although Kemet was able to defend itself militarily, the internal breakdown of its values regarding its spiritual


beliefs played a significant role in its demise and that of matriarchal societies Africa-wide centuries later.

The erosion of the Mother-Centered Matrix was predicated on the disruption and corruption of the social order of the state of Kemet. The subversion of Mother-centered values such as the focus of mothering as a critical social skill, the veneration of feminine spiritual energy, respect for members of society and the institution of the priestess ended this ancient order. It had required all the members to exhibit the compassion and care that a mother would bestow on her child, along with the responsibilities of transmitting knowledge and wisdom of the cultural values required to become a balanced member of society. The order of the Mother or Maat enabled each member of society to understand herthis responsibilities to others. Once the respect for the Mother was defiled, women were placed at the mercy of male domination and chaos followed.

Kemet as an African state oversaw the protection of internal Africa. It was southern or Upper Kemet that defended Africa from foreign invasion. The Greeks and Romans never conquered the Candaces, Queen Mothers of Kush, even after the conquest of Kemet. The Queen Mothers continued their rulership and defense of Nubia (Sudan) right up until the Christian era (Finch, 1990; L. Williams & Finch, 1985, p. 20-32).

It seems that without knowledge of northern cradle beliefs, mother-centered people are unable to withstand the cultural onslaught, as evidenced by the conquest of the world by Europeans. That is not to say that attempts by tradition-based societies to patriarchalize have not occurred in response to avert cultural conquest. There is evidence of some patriarchal institutional structures and customs developed to safeguard women and therefore families from the imposition of alien cultures. These remnants of societies at the lowest historical point in their struggles against extinction cannot be considered serious evidence to challenge the fundamental Mother-Centered Matrix of their origins.

Dove I DEFINING A MOTHER-CENTERED MATRIX 21

THE CONQUEST OF AFRICAIMOTHER

In the United States, the Mother is debased; her murder is wit- nessed in Hollywood as a cultural norm. The rape and murder of women is a central theme in many movies just as it is in real life. The portrayal of the woman, whether African or European, as the Hollywood or real-life temptress and the sexual object, for the sale of entertainment or commodities, is an every day reality. In the same way, the African woman is more often than not sensation- alized as the unfit mother in all mediums. Her sons and daughters live in chaos on the movie screen and in real life in the interests of capital gain. These realities have become mainstream, spreading across the world.

The conquest of Africa was the conquest of the woman. She, Africa, lies bleeding and debased, and those who remember her are marginalized, becoming extinct. As Ayi Kwei Armah (1973) warned "A people losing sight of origins are dead" (p. xiv). The old order of the Mother, Maat, that represented African stability produced the first urban people. The question of whether modern states like the United States can be considered superior or progressive compared to the Ancient African state should be answered in the context of the image and status of the Mother. It seems evident that the depiction of the Mother in the United States is debased, not divine. According to the African world view, when Maat is debased, there can be no order.

Kemet can provide contemporary African people with examples of ways of governing and living that are still unparalleled by modem states. It is only by uncovering historical culture connections that African people may institute Sankofa and review ancient values as a basis for creating a future where the sanctity of the Mother can prevail in the interests of true world development.' This is Africa's task-is she up to it?

22 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES I SEPTEMBER 2002

NOTES

1. Karl Marx used a European-based cultural analysis to correlate the impetus for social change to economic concerns. In this way, economies are separated from their historical- cultural bases and cultural issues are made irrelevant. For further information on Karl Marx's ideas, see Dove (1996).

2. Mother-Centered Matrix is a concept that moves away from the common use of matriarchy, denoting societies dominated by women. Diop's (1959/1991) definition of matriarchy relates to male-female reciprocity as a basis for social order. Mother-Centered Matrix acknowledges this reality, offering terminology more in keeping with and relevant to this belief.

3. The ka is known as a vital force, an energy of life associated with the spirit. 4. Within Ani's (1994, pp. 3 12-3 17) conceptual framework regarding culture, hypocrisy

is viewed as a fundamental characteristic of European culture. Members of U.S. society, for instance, are expected to believe that politicians are honest. The belief itself is hypocritical because, in reality, people know that politicians are not generally honest. Rhetorical ethic is a manifestation of this condition whereby the verbal expression of this ideal is possibly aspired to but not practiced.

5. The ancient Akan belief, Sankofa, is that one should take the best from the past to build the future. It implies a synthesis of positive beliefs and values from the past and the present.

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Nah Dove is an advisor/consultant living in Ghana. She is working on a follow-up book to Afrikan Mothers: Bearers of Culture, Makers of Social Change. Prior to her move to Ghana, DI:Nah Dove taught at Medgar Evers College in New York, the State University of New York at Buffalo, Temple University, Philadelphia, and Pennsylva- nia State University at University Park. As an interdisciplinar3; scholar her continuing research focuses on investigating the social and global implications of African cultural identity to Women of the African Diaspora.

defining a mother~nah dove

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