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Declining Transhumance and Subtle Changes in Livelihood Patterns andBiodiversity in the Kumaon HimalayaAuthor(s): Chandra Singh NegiSource: Mountain Research and Development, 27(2):114-118. 2007.Published By: International Mountain SocietyDOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1659/mrd.0818URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.1659/mrd.0818

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The Bhotiyas: transhumantagropastoralists and nomadicshepherds

Bounded by the Kali and Dhauli rivers, inthe northern half of the Pithoragarh Dis-trict in the state of Uttarakhand, the Dar-ma, Vyas, and Johaar valleys are inhabitedby a tribal society known as Bhotiyas (Fig-ure 1). The present study is confined tothe Darma valley, which consists of 12 vil-lages scattered between altitudes of 2250and 4350 m, with a total population of1000, and the (upper) Johaar valley in theGori river basin, consisting of 13 villageswith a total population of 494, all of whichare situated in the sub-alpine and alpinezones above 3000 m.

The people lead a seasonal transhu-mant life, although a smaller number ofanwals (shepherds) lead a completelynomadic existence. Upward migration(from mid-April to May) to summer habi-tations is governed by the need to arrivein time to sow crops and make use of therather short growing season, with harvest-ing done by the end of September. This isalso the period for harvesting medicinalplants, mainly kutki (Picrorrhiza scrophulari-flora), before returning to winter homes inthe first half of October.

The decline of transhumance and pastoral nomadismBy adopting the practice of transhu-mance, which enabled them to gather rareHimalayan herbs and utilize agriculturalland in summer villages to raise special-ized crops such as buckwheat (Fagopyrumesculentum), sweet buckwheat (F. tatar-icum), and barley, and to a lesser extentpotato and other vegetables, the Bhotiyasacquired the capacity to utilize resources,accumulate goods, and improve their eco-nomic standing. Traditional crop varietiesand races acclimatized to high-altitude cli-matic regimes not only met the nutritionaland food security of these communitiesbut, more importantly, were a major com-modity that was traded with Tibet. Pas-toral nomadism allowed anwals (Figure 2)to utilize marginal resources—alpine pas-tures/meadows unsuitable for otheruses—and thus maintain a breed of sheepand goats that was much larger and moreproductive than those raised by sedentarypeasants.

Declining Transhumance and SubtleChanges in Livelihood Patterns andBiodiversity in the Kumaon Himalaya

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Trade with Tibet and the factors associatedwith its maintenance (agriculture and live-stock) were the prime occupation ofJohaaris and Darmis tribesmen until 1962,when the Sino–Indian war brought an imme-diate end to this thriving lifeline. The loss oftrade brought about drastic changes in thetranshumant lifestyle—fewer householdsarriving at their summer homes, a smallerlivestock population, disappearance of tradi-tional handicrafts, and increased exploita-tion of wild medicinal and aromatic plants

(MAPs), with traditional crops beingreplaced by more remunerative crops suchas chives (Allium stracheyii) and caraway(Carum carvi) as the chief source of liveli-hood. The present study highlights thecausal factors behind changes in thelifestyles of these traditional people inUttarakhand, India, and the concomitantchanges in crop biodiversity and MAPs inthe region. It concludes with proposals forpossible alternatives for a sustainablefuture for these people.

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FIGURE 1 Location ofPithoragarh district in the newstate of Uttarakhand (formerlyUttaranchal), India. (Map byAndreas Brodbeck)

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However, in the last 2 decades, amarked decline in transhumance and cus-tomary lifestyle has been observed, result-ing from the severance of trade with Tibetand secondarily from the lure of govern-ment services in the form of provision ofreservations, an outcome of the scheduledtribe status granted to these people. Thus,in 1961 the total number of migratoryhouseholds was 1475; this has now beenreduced to just 61, an incredible declineof 96% in the Johaar valley.

Disruption of trade

The Bhotiya traders zealously guardedtheir trade routes and maintained amonopoly over the trans-Himalayan tradewith Tibet. As sheep and goats transportedmerchandise, large flocks and herds wereneeded. Following the Sino–Indian war in1962, the Indo–Tibetan border was closed,which led to the instant termination ofthis flourishing commerce, marooningtwo-thirds of the population, who livedalmost exclusively on income from trade.Concomitantly, the transhumant lifestyleof raising sheep and goats as pack animalsand family movement from winter villageto summer village, determined principallyby the need to maintain trade relations,also dwindled with time.

The disruption of trade also had anadverse effect on several other profes-sions intricately linked to trade: cultiva-tion of crops, sheep rearing, the woolindustry, and occupations that helpedmaintain the community at a subsistencelevel. It also led to the demise of freightshepherds. The Bhotiyas used to producea variety of woolen products (Figure 3),mostly for sale, as long as Tibetan woolwas imported, in addition to the woollocally available from one’s own flock ofsheep. After the closure of the border,traditional handicrafts suffered and thecommunity was forced to seek alternativelivelihoods.

Evidence of current trends

The present study was carried out to ascer-tain the radical changes in transhumancepatterns, livelihoods, the extent of cultiva-tion of MAPs, and exploitation of the

diversity of wild plants and crops in the 2valleys after 1962.

Dwindling livestock populations and the traditional art of weavingThe very livelihood of these people isintricately woven around the number andhealth of livestock, which provide wooland thus clothing, are the only means oftransportation, and, to a lesser extent,play a significant role in nutrient cycling.

FIGURE 2 An anwal with hisprized possession—a flock oflivestock, the numbers of whichare presently dwindling. (Photoby C. S. Negi)

FIGURE 3 The traditional art ofweaving is no longer a profitablesource of income, but it is beingkept alive nevertheless. (Photoby C. S. Negi)

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While the decline in the cattle populationis not too perceptible, a drastic decline inthe sheep population has taken place,with a consequent effect on the tradition-al art of weaving, as it has become verydifficult to procure even small amounts ofraw wool. The total sheep population hasdwindled from 15,949 in 1987 to a mere2813 at present, a decline of 82%. Thepresent size of sheep herds (average50–100 per family) is no longer remuner-ative, and sheep exist more as “an excuseto lead the lifestyle we are accustomed to” and “to enjoy the bliss of alpine meadows,” as some local people haveexpressed it.

Decline of agriculture and change of cropping systemsAccording to land records held by Pat-wari, 0.11% (or about 1.31 km2) of thelandscape consists of cultivable agricultur-al land, of which around 16% (or about20.81 ha) is devoted to crops. Eventhough per capita land availability of 0.27 ha is higher than in the rest of thestate, per capita land under cultivation is a mere 0.04 ha. Agriculture is practiced

more for cash cropping than to meet sub-sistence food requirements, wheremonocropping is the norm.

Currently, there are 3 basic types ofagricultural fields: 1) traditional fieldsreduced in size, poor in organic matter,and without irrigation; 2) vegetable gar-dens, often localized within or near thehome, and rich in organic matter; and 3) fields within the village ruins (the char-acteristic feature in the Johaar valley) withCarum carvi and Allium stracheyii beinggrown within the safety of the crumbledwalls (Figure 4). Nutrient enhancement iseffected primarily through application ofcomposted manure (phichi ghaas or Poaalpinia mixed with livestock manure) andapplication of crop residue, such as car-away stalks spread on the fields and left todecompose.

In the Johaar valley, durum wheat(Triticum sp.), paddy (Oryza sativa), potato(Solanum tuberosum), millet (Eleusine cora-cana), sorghum (Sorghum vulgare), ama-ranth (Amaranthus frumentosa), buckwheat(Fagopyrum spp.), broad beans (Vicia faba),and kidney beans (Phaseolus vulgaris),among others, were cultivated, indicatingthe diversity of crops. People used toarrive very early at their summer homes(March vs end of May at present), with thereturn journey towards late October—theduration required for crop cultivation.The termination of trade ties has caused aloss of crop diversity. Today, cereals andpulses are virtually absent in the Johaarvalley, while in Darma, a single cerealspecies, Fagopyrum esculentum or F. tatar-icum, is being grown (Figure 5). Prior to1962, durum wheat was produced on amass scale and used as sattu (a type offlour) for trade with the Tibetans. Similar-ly, potato is not profitable for marketsnear home (exorbitant freight charges),and hence little, if any, acreage is devotedto this once profitable crop. With thischanged scenario, chives (Alliumstracheyii), which sell for 150–200 Rs/kg (1 US$ = 45 rupees) and caraway (Carumcarvi), which sells for 250 Rs/kg, are the 2principal remunerative crops grown. TheJohaar valley alone yields around 1100 kgof caraway seeds annually, contributing asmuch as 176,000 Rs to the valley in termsof agricultural income.

FIGURE 4 Village ruins providesecure sites for the cultivationof Carum carvi, Alliumstracheyii, and a few othermedicinal plants. (Photo by C.S. Negi)

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Cultivation of MAPs as an alternative strategy

The upper Johaar valley has often beencited in recent literature as a place wheremuch cultivation of MAPs is taking place.In fact, only 0.18 ha, or 0.85% of the totalcultivated land in the entire upper Johaarvalley, is actually under cultivation withMAPs, generating a total income of merely9000 Rs. By contrast, 980,000 Rs wereearned through the sale of wild MAPs, pri-marily yar tsa gumba (caterpillar mushroomor Cordyceps sinensis), whose current mar-ket price hovers at about 80–90,000 Rs.This income from wild MAPs amounts tomore than half of the total earnings fromagriculture, livestock, and cultivation ofspices and MAPs combined.

Obviously, the few MAPs grown inhome gardens are a cover for what is actu-ally being done in the name of cultivation,ie reckless harvesting from the wild, whichhas led to the depletion of importantspecies in the area. Collectors in theJohaar valley reported that until 5 yearsago, they were able to collect about 200 gof dry atis (Aconitum heterophyllum) perday; this has dwindled to 70–100 g per day.There are a number of reasons for thisoverexploitation: both collectors and con-tractors are primarily interested in higher,short-term income and have little concernfor sustainability; moreover, since collec-tors are paid according to volume, theirprime concern is to harvest as much asthey can in the limited time available tothem; finally, a sound mechanism regulat-ing the ownership of resources is lacking.This is a prima facie example of the‘tragedy of the commons.’

Difficulties in cultivating MAPsNevertheless, notice must be taken of thepeople’s expertise in successfully regener-ating medicinal herbs such as kutki (Picror-rhiza scrophulariflora; Figure 6), chippi(Angelica glauca), ban kakri (Podophyllumhexandrum), kuth (Saussurea costus), dolu(Rheum australe), and atis (Aconitum hetero-phyllum). The principal factors behind lowinterest in the cultivation of MAPs at pres-ent are: 1) high risk involved in the culti-vation of medicinal plants; 2) a long grow-ing period, often 3 years or more; 3) fre-

quent low yields; 4) a lack of financial andtechnological support in terms of harvest-ing, storage, transportation, and qualityimprovement; 5) lack of financial supportto construct fences to protect the cropfrom wild animals, irrigation, etc; 6) lack of institutional support and com-plete absence of buy-back arrangements;7) a wide gulf between the prices of culti-vated MAPs and those of MAPs collectedfrom the wild, with the traders preferringthe wild harvested MAPs; and 8) poachers,who arrive when migrants have returnedto their winter homes, usually harvestingthe cultivated MAPs. All these factors havecontributed to mass exploitation of MAPsin the wild.

Meanwhile, cyclical harvesting fromthe wild, protecting some patches fromharvesting for a period of 2–3 years, wouldgo a long way towards conservation of theMAPs. This is being practiced by the vanpanchayat (village forest council) in the vil-lage of Ralam, which has demarcated itsentire van panchayat forest into 7 differentzones, each harvested only once at inter-vals of 3 years. This not only lessens thepressure on wild species of MAPs, but alsoallows the plants to grow to maturity, sincemost of the selected MAPs require at themost 3 years to mature. The harvest cycle

FIGURE 5 Palthi (Fagopyrumesculentum), cultivatedextensively in the Darma valley.The same crop is completelyabsent from the Johaar valley,having been replaced by themore remunerative thoya(Carum carvi) and jambu(Allium stracheyii). (Photo by C.S. Negi)

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is governed strictly by the village forestcouncil, and trespassers are strictly repri-manded. It is important to take note ofthe fact that in this village, all 42 house-holds are engaged in the collection ofwild MAPs, which contributes as much as78% to total household income.

Involving people in policy-making

Development policies thus far have nottaken account of the socio-cultural, eco-logical, and economic value of transhu-mance and nomadic pastoralism. Ruraleconomies, especially those of transhu-mant people, are not monetaryeconomies. Bereft of a means of liveli-hood, these people engage largely in col-lecting MAPs from the wild as a form ofsubsistence.

Subsidies of 40–50% of cultivationand infrastructure costs have been envi-

sioned to be provided by the NationalMedicinal Plants Board, New Delhi, andthe state Herbal Research and Develop-ment Institute, Gopeshwar (Uttarakhand),on an equal basis, to farmers interested inthe cultivation of MAPs. However, there isa clause stating that to benefit from thesubsidy, a minimum of 20% of the cost ofcultivation must be procured from a bank.In view of the terrain and the remotenessof these villages, banks are reluctant toprovide such loans.

Similarly, buy-back arrangements withthe aid of government agencies, such asforest corporations acting as mediators,have been elaborated. However, these pol-icy initiatives have failed to percolate tothe grassroots level, and farmers are com-pletely oblivious of them. It is vital thatpolicy-makers and the enforcing agenciesmeet with the farmers, physically analyzethe genuine problems they face, andevolve sound and practical strategies.

Rather than granting loans and subsidies for the cultivation of MAPs per se, they should extend infrastructuralsupport, ie provide irrigation facilities,barbed fencing or walls to ward off forag-ing wild animals, and provide a minimumwage to 1 or 2 individuals as an incentiveto stay in their summer homes a bit longerto protect their cultivated MAPs. Backedup by sound buy-back arrangements, thesesteps would be far more effective thansimply providing financial inputs.

Since today collection of MAPs fromthe wild remains the primary mode of sus-tenance, local people simply cannot beexcluded from procuring what rightfullybelongs to them. Thus, government poli-cies must be pro-poor in approach anddeed. The human aspects of the environ-ment need to be dealt with earnestlybefore we can speak of conservation in awider sense.

FIGURE 6 The most heavilyexploited medicinal plantspecies, kutki (Picrorrhizascrophulariflora). (Photo by C. S. Negi)

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author gratefully acknowledgesfinancial help received from the ChiefExecutive Officer, National MedicinalPlants Board, Department of Ayush, Min-istry of Health and Family Welfare, Gov-ernment of India, New Delhi. This studywould not have been possible withoutthe help of village residents—the ulti-mate custodians of biodiversity.

AUTHOR

Chandra Singh NegiDepartment of Zoology, GovernmentPostgraduate College, Pithoragarh,Uttarakhand 262 502, India.csnsacred1@rediffmail.com

Chandra Negi is a lecturer at theDepartment of Zoology in Pithoragarh.His fields of interest include the study of traditional knowledge-based belief systems surrounding sacred groves andforests and their role in the conservationof wild flora and fauna; biodiversity (principally high-altitude medicinal andaromatic plants) and sustainable moun-tain development; studies on inter-rela-tionships between cultural diversity andbiodiversity; ecology; and environmentalscience.

FURTHER READING

Alam G, Belt J, editors. 2004. Searching Synergy: Stake-holder Views on Developing a Sustainable Medicinal PlantChain in Uttaranchal, India. Royal Tropical Institute Bul-letin 359. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: KIT [Royal Tropi-cal Institute].Belt J, Lengkeek A, Van Der Zant J. 2003. Cultivating aHealthy Enterprise: Developing a Sustainable MedicinalPlant Chain in Uttaranchal, India. Royal Tropical Institute

Bulletin 350. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: KIT [RoyalTropical Institute].Hoon V. 1996. Living on the Move: Bhotiyas of theKumaon Himalayas. Livelihood and Environment 4. NewDelhi, India: Sage.Silori CS, Badola R. 2000. Medicinal plant cultivationand sustainable development: A case study in the bufferzone of the Nanda Devi Biosphere Reserve, westernHimalaya. Mountain Research and Development20(3):272–279.