davis model united nations conference...
TRANSCRIPT
SPECPOL
May 18-19, 2019
University of California, Davis
Davis Model United Nations Conference XVII
DAVIS MODEL UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE XVII SPECPOL
MAY 18-19, 2019 1
The following content was developed by members of the Davis Model
United Nations conference planning team for the sole purpose of framing
delegate discussions and debate at the conference and does not represent any
official position of the University or anyone engaged in preparing the materials.
Delegates should use this information to guide their research and preparation for
the conference but should not assume that it represents a complete analysis of
the issues under discussion. The materials should not be reproduced, circulated or
distributed for any purpose other than as may be required in order to prepare for
the conference.
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Letter from the Chair
Esteemed Delegates, Welcome to the 2019 Davis Model United Conference (DMUNC)! I have the pleasure
to introduce you to the United Nations Special Political and Decolonization Committee. My name is Sarah Mark and I will be your head chair for the United Nations Special Political and Decolonization Committee. I’m a first year Animal Biology major here at UC Davis and I’m studying to one day become a veterinarian. I have a passion for science, animals, and the environment which makes Davis the perfect school me. I am however also fascinated with politics and I’ve found that no matter what major you are, public policy will always in some way or another affect your work.
So, how did I end up in MUN? Well to make a long story short, I’ve always loved debate. When I was starting High School, I found out that my school offered MUN and I jumped at the chance to learn. I then spent the next four years of High School trying to cram in as many conferences as possible, holding a particular fondness for Security Council, SPECPOL, and other committees dealing with international security.
If there’s one thing that I know, it’s that there will ALWAYS be differences in opinions. No matter how extraordinary or mundane the topic there will be multiple perspectives to consider throughout a discussion. MUN is a perfect opportunity to meet others and discuss these varying ideas in a productive manner. Here at DMUNC we want all voices heard, but also respected. Diplomacy is key in creating comprehensive solutions that have a chance at actual implementation and the potential to truly solve real world issues.
Delegates, in the coming days you will be tasked with not only expressing and defending your points of view and ideas, but also a far more difficult task, compromising. You must ask yourselves how committed you are to not just pushing your ideas upon others, but truly solving problems and creating solutions, and what you are willing to concede in order to create. Some of my fondest High School memories are from MUN and so I hope that you will not only use this conference as an opportunity to learn and grow, but also as a chance to have fun and make new friends. Remember delegates, as the next generation we all share the burden of solving the problems of the past and preventing them in the future. It is an onerous task but one worth completing. And so, study hard, think creatively, and let's go save the world. Sincerely, Sarah Mark Head Chair United Nations Special Political and Decolonization Davis Model United Nations XVII [email protected]
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Committee Background
The United Nations Fourth Committee, otherwise known as SPECPOL, has changed
extensively over the years. While initially created to address decolonization questions, due
to the growing number of independent nations, its role became superfluous. As such, it
merged with the Special Political Committee in 1993 and began branching out into a diverse
set of areas, which include peacekeeping, international politics, refugees, public information
(with its subsidiary, the Committee on Information), human rights violations, and even outer
space. It also began taking on some of the security roles of DISEC, so that DISEC could focus
more specifically on disarmament and nuclear proliferation.
Delegates should remember that, as a UN General Assembly committee, SPECPOL
has no binding power and cannot infringe on a country’s sovereignty by either forcing it to
take certain actions or operating within its borders without its consent. That being said, the
suggestions presented by this committee are taken seriously by member states and
international organizations and should therefore not be taken lightly. Delegates are
encouraged to look at past SPECPOL actions and resolutions to gain a full picture of its
jurisdiction in international politics. Redundant resolutions will ultimately be ineffective, so
make sure you are bringing some new ideas to the table or challenging yourself by
approaching old solutions in a new way.
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Topic A: Terrorist Ransoms
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Background Information
Many are aware that terrorist organizations often kidnap foreign individuals to hold
for ransom. Little is known as to how often these kidnappings occur or how much is paid in
ransom as the majority of such incidents are handled with extreme secrecy and discretion
(FAFT). The kidnappings that we tend to be most aware of are those committed by high
profile terrorist groups such as ISIS, Boko Haram, and Al Qaeda. These kidnappings are often
of western hostages who range in profession from journalists to aide workers with little
discretion as to whom is selected. However, hostages being civilians is a common pattern
(Mellon, Christopher, et al). This proves a difficult dilemma as countries are forced to
determine whether or not to pay ransoms. Many believe that paying for ransoms increases
the incentive for future kidnappings. Furthermore, paying ransoms is a form of financially
supporting terrorism which is against international law as set by the United Nations (UN
Security Council 2014).
How kidnappings are committed varies heavily by region, group, and particular
scenario. It is inferred that Al Qaeda and Al-Shabaab (a Somalian based branch of Al Qaeda)
share a protocol in hiring local criminal gangs to carry out the kidnappings. They then
purchase the hostages from the gangs and ransom them to their perspective countries
(FAFT). Actions such as these make the kidnappings even harder to trace as many of these
gangs are unknown in international circles. Furthermore, not all terrorist kidnappings are of
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foreign hostages. Boko Haram is known for kidnappings in Nigeria and often targets young
girls in schools. Many of these girls are sold as brides to their soldiers or used in suicide
attacks. Others are ransomed such as the incident of the Dapchi school girls who were
kidnapped on February 18, 2018. They were released on the 21st of March the same year and
though Nigerian Minister Lai Mohammed claimed that there was no ransom paid, UN “22nd
Report of the Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team” claims that Nigeria paid a
large, unknown ransom amount (Harunan).
Perhaps one of the most famous incidents of terrorist holding hostages for ransom
comes from 2014 when the British ISIS operative nicknamed “Jihadi John” appeared in a
series of videos beheading US journalist James Foley and UK aid workers David Haines and
Alan Henning (BBC News). These were some of the most high profile ransoms cases of the
21st century and by September of 2014, 9 out of 10 Americans had heard of the executions
(Mellon, Christopher, et al). It is worth noting that all three of these hostages were from
nations (US and UK) with strict, non-negotiation policies when it comes to terrorism. This
means that both nations have made it abundantly clear that they do no pay ransoms
(Bearak, “UK Counter-Terrorism and Security Bill”).
The debate over whether or not to pay ransoms is a heated one. Besides the obvious
consequence of funding terrorism, many claim that paying ransoms incentivises terrorists to
continue kidnappings. A New York Times investigation found that between the years of
2008 and 2014, European governments paid for the release of hostages from Al Qaeda at
least 36 times totaling approximately 125 million US dollars (Callimachi). Meanwhile, the
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Washington Post claims that during that period of time, “far fewer Americans and Brits were
kidnapped by al-Qaeda,” with none of the US or UK hostages being released by payment of
ransom (Bearak). While this would support the hypothesis that paying for ransoms increases
the frequency of kidnappings, other sources dispute this. A policy report from think tank
New America claims that there is no clear evidence that the US’s “no-concession policy”
results in fewer Americans being taken hostage. It cites that “the United States had the
most hostages taken since 2001 with 225, followed by Italy with 148, France with 143, and the
United Kingdom with 137” and that 43% of American hostages die or remain in captivity
versus 19% of all Western hostages (Mellon, Christopher, et al). It is worth noting that the UK
is cited with the least number of hostages being taken whilst they too hold a no-concessions
policy. This could indicate that the US’s high frequency of hostages taken and killed holds
stronger links to their high international profile and has less to do with their anti-ransom
stance.
When it comes to the choice of paying terrorist organizations or watching innocent
people die, many turn to a third option, rescue missions. Unfortunately, very few of these
missions are successful. New America reports that around 20% of hostage rescue attempts
result in the deaths of said hostages. American and British raids have even caused the
deaths of hostages from other nations. One such incident occurred when an American
attempt to rescue Luke Somers from Al Qaeda in 2014 resulted in the death of Somers and
South African Pierre Korkie whose ransom had already been paid and was set to be released
in mere hours (Mellon, Christopher, et al). Furthermore, a senior Pentagon official stated in
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an interview with the Washington Post that “hostage rescues are the hardest thing we do,”
as they are often deep into enemy territory against individuals who know the land far better
than the US military. Oftentimes attempts to rescue hostages result in military personnel
missing the kidnappers by days and immediate, violent retaliation by the terrorists against
their hostages (DeYoung).
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Current Actions by Regions
While the US and UK’s non negotiation stance makes it abundantly clear how they
respond to terrorists, the exact actions by various other nations on the subject of terrorist
kidnappings and ransoms is difficult to discern as most nations handle these situations in
secret. In June of 2013, the G8 comprised of France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom,
Japan, the United States, Canada, and Russia, made a commitment to reject all ransom
demands by terrorists (“UK Counter-Terrorism and Security Bill”). However, nations listed
for being known to pay ransom demands includes Austria, France, Germany, Spain, and
Switzerland (Mellon, Christopher, et al). Canada also claims that they never pay ransoms and
their Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau announced in 2016 that he and then British Prime
Minister David Cameron were calling on all nations to put an end to all ransom payments
citing that they put more lives in danger. However, a former Canadian diplomat wrote an
editorial that claimed that Canada had paid ransoms many times in the past and “scoffed at
any country's claim to have never paid ransom money” (Bearak).
One particularly expensive hostage payment only leaked recently involved 1 billion
dollars paid to Kataib Hezbollah (a group known to be funded by Iran) by Qatar as a ransom
for the Qatari royal hunting party who were kidnapped in Iraq after being warned to avoid
traveling there. What makes this 2017 incident particularly significant is that not only were
over 1 billion dollars exchanged (the largest terrorist ransom payment in history), but also
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the completion of the “four towns agreement” which set to “remove the populations of
two Sunni towns in a Shi'a held region of Syria, and the population of two Shi'a towns in the
Sunni held region” (Raz, Adam, et al). Tapes of the negotiations were leaked to the
Washington Post in April of 2018, however the Qatari government denies its occurrence.
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UN Actions
The United Nations handles ransom demands with great delicacy. In 2014, the United
Nations Security Council adopted resolution 2133 which reaffirms “ that all States shall
prevent and suppress the financing of terrorist acts and refrain from providing any form of
support...” in essence reminding member states that ransom payments do constitute as a
funding of terrorism and therefore are illegal. The resolution further encourages member
states to cooperate and communicate with one another in ransom scenarios (UN Security
Council 2014). However, it does not outline any particular plan or protocol for response.
More recently in 2017, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 2368
which once again calls upon member states to not pay ransoms and further reaffirms that
such ransoms go towards funding terrorism. It also explicitly states that ransom payments
are not to be made no matter who the ransom is for and instead encourages nations to
“prevent kidnapping and hostage-taking committed by terrorist groups and to secure the
safe release of hostages without ransom payments or political concessions” (UN Security
Council 2017). However, once again the resolution lacks any sort of plan or responce.
It is also worth noting that despite multiple reminders that the payment of ransoms
is technically illegal, the UN has not taken action against nations who have paid ransoms.
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Such actions would prove difficult as France, a nation known to have paid ransoms multiple
times in the past, has veto power in the Security Council.
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Possible Solutions
With a topic as sensitive as terrorist ransoms, delegates must take care in balancing
the UN’s commitment to fighting terrorism with their dedication to preserving life. Being
SPECPOL, this committee does not hold the power to place sanctions nor to order other
nations to follow through on resolutions. Instead, delegates must craft resolutions that
suggest new courses of action and call attention to the issues that they find most important.
One simple solution would be to create a new committee or review board solely
dedicated to investigating and responding to hostage situations. The delegates must
however establish what the standard course of action for this board would be; would they
practice a complete zero tolerance policy, attempt to stage rescues, or find some way to
negotiate without violating international law? Who would form this board: experts in
terrorism, negotiation, or representatives from various nations?
Other solutions could involve directly condemning or supporting certain responses to
ransom demands. However, delegates must be careful with this as if their resolutions
condemn a response plan that is commonly used by another nation, they may find their
resolutions voted down.
It is also worth noting that most nations claim to not pay ransoms whilst still doing
so. Perhaps it would be wise to create some sort of investigation board or committee. The
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results of said investigation, though not able to prosecute unless they recieve UN Security
Council permission, would be able to publicly proclaim those whose actions do not match
their words.
Remember delegates, novel and unique resolutions will add the most value to
committee. All resolutions are of course restrained to the powers of SPECPOL which does
not have the power to incite sanctions or demand the obedience of member states.
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Questions to Consider
1. Does one nation paying ransoms increase the risk of kidnapping for citizens of all
nations?
2. Is it worth it to fund terrorism in order to save an innocent life?
3. Should all hostages be considered equally innocent?
4. Ex: an aide worker with Doctors Without Borders as opposed to a tourist who
traveled without the consent of their country
5. Is a no-concessions policy dangerous to its nation’s hostages, or does it provide its
citizens protection?
6. Are rescue missions unnecessarily dangerous or reckless?
7. Is there a way for member nations to coordinate response plans to ransom demands,
or do they fair better individually?
8. Is there any scenario where it is okay to pay for ransoms?
9. Is the amount of money made by ransom demands a significant portion of terrorist
income?
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Works Cited
BBC News. “Who Were the Islamic State Group 'Beatles' Cell?” BBC News, BBC, 8 Feb.
2018, www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-42993715.
Bearak, Max. “Justin Trudeau Wants the World to Stop Paying Ransoms to
Terrorists.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 28 Apr. 2016,
www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/04/28/justin-trudeau-wants-
the-world-to-stop-paying-ransoms-to-
terrorists/?noredirect=on&utm_term=.3ba79cb91308 .
Callimachi, Rukmini. “Paying Ransoms, Europe Bankrolls Qaeda Terror .” The New
York Times, The New York Times.com, 29 July 2014,
www.nytimes.com/2014/07/30/world/africa/ransoming-citizens-europe-becomes-al-
qaedas-patron.html?login=email&auth=login-email .
DeYoung, Karen. “The Anatomy of a Failed Hostage Rescue Deep in Islamic State
Territory.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 14 Feb. 2015,
www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/the-anatomy-of-a-failed-hostage-
rescue-deep-into-islamic-state-territory/2015/02/14/09a5d9a0-b2fc-11e4-827f-
93f454140e2b_story.html?utm_term=.6b772231d32f .
FAFT. “TERRORIST FINANCING IN WEST AND CENTRAL AFRICA.” FAFT, Financial
Action Task Force, Oct. 2016, www.fatf-
gafi.org/media/fatf/documents/reports/Terrorist-Financing-West-Central-Africa.pdf
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Harunan, Abdulkareem. “Lai Mohammed Lied, Nigerian Govt Paid Boko Haram 'Large
Ransom' to Free #DapchiGirls - UN.” Premium Times Nigeria, 16 Aug. 2018,
www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/280418-lai-mohammed-lied-nigerian-
govt-paid-large-ransom-to-free-dapchigirls-un.html
Mellon, Christopher, et al. “To Pay Ransom or Not to Pay Ransom? An Examination of
Western Hostage Policies.” New America, www.newamerica.org/international-
security/policy-papers/pay-ransom-or-not/.
Raz, Adam, et al. “Qatar Reportedly Paid 'Billion Dollar Ransom' to Terrorists -
Largest in History.” Haaretz.com, Haaretz Com, 19 July 2018,
www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/did-qatar-pay-the-biggest-ransom-in-history-to-
terrorist-groups-1.6290726 .
“UK Counter-Terrorism and Security Bill.” UK Publishing Services,
www.assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachm
ent_data/file/540539/CTS_Bill_-_Factsheet_9_-_Kidnap_and_Ransom.pdf .
UN Security Council. “United Nations Official Document.” United Nations, United
Nations, 2014,
www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S%2FRES%2F2133%2B%282014%29 .
UN Security Council. “Unanimously Adopting Resolution 2368 (2017), Security Council
Reaffirms Its Resolve to Combat Terrorism | Meetings Coverage and Press Releases.”
United Nations, United Nations, 20 July 2017,
www.un.org/press/en/2017/sc12917.doc.htm
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Topic B: Aftermath of Conflict
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Background Information
War has deadly consequences that far surpass the conflict itself. Once troops have
pulled out or been dismantled, massive numbers of people remain displaced, infrastructure
is crippled, and remnants of war such as landmines continue to kill and maim. In fact, the
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) found that in a conflict involving at
least 2,500 battle deaths, the overall population’s life expectancy drops by one year.
Furthermore, there is a 10% increase in infant mortality rate and if a conflict involving over
2,500 battle deaths lasts 5 years or more, infant mortality rate doubles. Education also
greatly suffers as the average child growing up in a conflict zone will loose 3-4 years of
education in comparison to another child in a similar, peaceful nation (Gates, Scott, et al).
As fragile nations recover, their government systems often find themselves too
weak and unstable to invest in reconstruction, whilst the number of young men with war
experience stuck in poverty grows created gangs and violence. This then results in the
government being forced to invest in unsustainably large militaries further stretching their
delicate budget (Practical Action). Losses in life spans, lack of education, and continued
violence leads to a vicious cycle where war torn nations are often quickly thrust back into
the throes of conflict, only to reemerge once again unprepared to care for their citizens.
Without international intervention, this cycle is unlikely to end.
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When it comes to aftermath of conflict, one of the most immediate crisis is often that
of individuals displaced by the violence. In 2016, the UNHCR declared that the number of
people displaced by violence reached its highest ever point on record, even surpassing the
number of displaced people following WWII. Among those applying for asylum 98,400 were
unaccompanied or seperate children, the majority of whom were from Afghanistan, Eritrea,
Syria, and Somalia. Of all refugees of that year, 54% came from the nations of Syria,
Afghanistan, and Somalia (McKirdy, Euan). The end of 2017 found 68.5 million people
displaced, a new record. This accounts to around 44,500 people displaced every day with
one every 2 seconds. Meanwhile, backlogged systems often locked in political binds resulted
in the 300,000 asylum seekers waiting for their claims to be verified to rise to 3.1 million by
December 31 of 2017 (United Nations, UNHCR).
Also, contrary to popular belief, the majority of refugees do not make their way to
wealthy nations. Instead, ⅔ of displaced people are internally displaced and never leave
their home country. Of those who do flee their nation, ⅘ make their way to neighboring
nations and 85% settle in developing countries. These nations have often felt the effects of
violence and lack adequate resources needed to sustain such large flows of immigrants,
leading to downward spirals in care and increased tension between citizens and refugees
(United Nations, UNHCR).
In the realm of longer term consequences, infrastructure is often left partially or
completely crippled in the aftermath of conflict. Many nations with longstanding conflicts,
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especially those characterized by constantly moving terrorist groups, such as Iraq,
Afghanistan, Somali and Sudan are particularly affected by a lack of infrastructure. As stated
previously, unstable and poor governments make rebuilding nearly impossible (Practical
Action). Due to this many nations, often times via UN organizations such as the UNHCR or
UNICEF, donate or loan large amounts of capital to invest in reconstruction. Unfortunately,
the unstable governments notoriously mismanage said money as most reconstruction plans
fail to sustain growth and development (Sakalasuriya, et al).
Besides the breakdown of physical infrastructure, systems are also often destroyed.
These systems, though sometimes more subtle, are perhaps even more important than
physical structures. If conflict results in the destruction of roads, then rebuilding a hospital
and staffing it with doctors will only be minimally effective as supplies and patients will
struggle to reach its doors (Gates, Scott, et al).
Other deadly results of war include land mines―a topic largely forgotten in recent
years. Despite being banned, landmines continue to pose a massive threat to civilians with
8,605 casualties in 2016 resulting in a least 2,089 deaths. The majority of these deaths, 78% of
all recorded, are civilian (International Campaign to Ban Landmines). One reason for their
continued threat despite not being in common use since 1997 is that they are incredibly
difficult to remove. UNICEF estimates that to purchase (many modern ones being
homemade) and set up one mine costs an estimated $3-$10 whilst the price for removing a
single land mine is around $300-$1,000 (UNICEF). Demining is not only incredibly dangerous,
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but it is also extremely slow with a single deminer spending an entire day to clear around
100-500 square feet. In 2012, it was estimated that the total cost for demining would be
around $681 million (The Halo Trust).
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Current Actions by Regions
Tracking the way nations assist in the aftermath of conflict can be an incredibly
difficult task. Many of the afformented topics regarding the aftermath of conflict are
handled by a myriad of different UN organizations, international treaties, and NGOs.
For displacement, the nations bearing the brunt of the rising refugee crisis are those
neighboring areas of conflict. Ten countries (Jordan, Turkey, Pakistan, Lebanon, Iran,
Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad) hold 56% of the world’s
refugees and together only make up only 2.5% of the global economy. Amnesty International
has claimed that the wealthiest nations "host the fewest and do the least," citing only
Canada as doing its part resettling thousands of refugees (Al Jazeera). The UNHCR and
UNICEF are highly active in the realm of caring for a resettling refugees, but often lack long
term solutions for the crisis.
Landmines, though internationally banned see little political attention from the
international community. Instead, NGOs have taken over the role of working to remove
these dangerous threats. The HALO Trust is one such organization started in 1988. Since
then it has cleared over 1.5 million landmines and currently operates in 17 countries and
territories (The Halo Trust). MAG International is another organization dedicated to clearing
landmines. They recruit and train individuals from affected nations and hire them as their
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deminers. The NGO uses a combination of specialized armored vehicles and explosive
sniffing dogs to locate and dismantle the landmines.
Reconstruction of infrastructure can be the most challenging aspect of rebuilding
post conflict regions. The three main actors in any post conflict reconstruction period are
the local government, foreign donors/investors, and NGOs. Local governments are usually ill
equipped for reconstruction and lack significant funds. Foreign donors and investors can
prove incredibly valuable, however many are hesitant to invest due to the instability of
countries emerging from war. NGOs also play a vital role in donation of funds and focusing
on specific sub sections of development such as Doctors Without Borders, The Red Cross,
and Sustainable Development Vision.
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Possible Solutions
Possible solutions are vast and varied. One option could potentially be to find a way
to link UN organizations, NGOs, and private sector donors to create a more streamlined
system of reconstruction. It is most certainly worth noting that many have observed that
while IGOs and NGOs are helpful, a lack of communication between the two and a lack of
communication with the population of affected nations often results in resources being
wasted or used inefficiently. Many times the people “on the ground” know what is needed
most, but individuals with little knowledge of the specific conflict are instead the ones who
determine where resources go.
The World Bank is also an important resource to remember when formulating
resolutions. They make project specific, low interest loans to assist developing countries. It
should however be noted that these loans are temporary solutions and rely on funding
projects that will stabilize a region enough so that it can prosper and eventually pay the loan
back. Mismanagement and long term development are major issues in post conflict
reconstruction and must be carefully assessed before you plan to request a loan.
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Questions to Consider
1. What are the most important issues that should receive priority attention in the
immediate aftermath of conflict?
2. Who does the burden lie on to assist in the resettlement of refugees?
3. How can reconstruction of infrastructure be made to last once foreign funding/aide
ends?
4. Who should determine where funds go; the nation receiving the funds, or the one
donating?
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Works Cited
Al Jazeera. “Ten Countries Host Half of World's Refugees: Report.” GCC News | Al
Jazeera, Al Jazeera, 4 Oct. 2016,
www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/10/ten-countries-host-world-refugees-report-
161004042014076.html.
Gates, Scott, et al. “The Consequences of Internal Armed Conflict for Development
(Part 2).”
SIPRI, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 6 Apr. 2015,
www.sipri.org/commentary/blog/2015/consequences-internal-armed-conflict-
development-part-2.
International Campaign to Ban Landmines. “Landmine Monitor 2017 - World.”
ReliefWeb, 12 Dec. 2017, reliefweb.int/report/world/landmine-monitor-2017.
McKirdy, Euan. “UNHCR Report: More Displaced Now than after WWII.” CNN, Cable
News Network, 20 June 2016,
www.cnn.com/2016/06/20/world/unhcr-displaced-peoples-report/index.html.
Practical Action. “Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Its Challenges.” Practical Action,
Peace Bulletin , Jan. 2005, practicalaction.org/post-conflict-reconstruction.
The Halo Trust. “Landmines Still Exist in 58 Countries and Four States.” The HALO
Trust, 9 Apr. 2015,
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www.halotrust.org/media-centre/news/landmines-still-exist-in-58-countries-and-four-
states/
UNICEF. “Land Mines: Hidden Killer.” UNICEF,
www.unicef.org/sowc96pk/hidekill.htm.
United Nations, UNHCR. “Forced Displacement above 68m in 2017, New Global Deal
on Refugees Critical.” UNHCR, 19 June 2018,
www.unhcr.org/news/press/2018/6/5b27c2434/forced-displacement-above-68m-2017-
new-global-deal-refugees-critical.html
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Conference Information
DMUNC is an annual conference hosted by the student-run organization, Model
United Nations at UC Davis, on the University of California, Davis campus. Every May, more
than 500 students from across California and the U.S. come to UC Davis to participate in a
weekend of stimulating debate. Through simulation of UN bodies and other historical
committees, we hope to spread international awareness, appreciation for diplomacy, and a
dedication to improving the world. Our goal is to create an enriching educational experience
for students to realize their personal potential to be strong leaders, confident public
speakers, and concerned global citizens.
With a reputation as one of California’s outstanding Model United Nations
conferences, DMUNC strives to continue its history of seventeen years of distinction as a
novice learning conference for delegates. We thank you for your interest in this conference.
As we have from the beginning, DMUNC promises an exceptional educational opportunity
for delegates.
For more logistical information, questions or concerns, please visit the DMUNC
website at dmunc.org or email the Secretary General, Ms. Romae-Anne Aquino, at
DAVIS MODEL UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE XVII SPECPOL
MAY 18-19, 2019 30
Secretariat Romae-Anne Aquino
Secretary General
Elsa Denis Director General
Katie Ciulla
Under Secretary General of Staff &
Under Secretary General of Finance
Justin Yap Under Secretary General of Committees &
Under Secretary General of Technology
Sapna Bhakta Under Secretary General of Public Relations &
Under Secretary General of Delegate Services