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Tamakushige: a commentary on Motoori Norinaga's mode of thought

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Leiden Universiteit

Tamakushige: a commentary on Motoori Norinaga's mode of thought

By

Daniele Caramanna s.0980943

Supervised by

Dr. Kiri Paramore

Submitted to the Universiteit of Leiden Department of Japanese Studies

as part of the requirement for the MA in Japanese Studies

30th June 2011

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Table of contents

Explanatory notes..............................................................................................p. 4.

Introduction.......................................................................................................p. 5.

Section 1: exegesis and publication...................................................................p. 7.

Section 2: statement of intent............................................................................p. 8.

Section 3: characterization, strategy, structure..................................................p. 11.

Section 4: Mytho's schematic representation....................................................p. 14.

Section 5: societal order conception.................................................................p. 15.

Section 6: ontological system, its genealogy....................................................p. 17.

Section 7: historical view..................................................................................p. 22.

Conclusions.......................................................................................................p. 27.

Bibliography......................................................................................................p. 29.

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Explanatory Notes

The Japanese and Chinese personal names are written in the native order with the surname first.

Nevertheless in order to not overload the text with repetitions, I refer to the period scholars either

with their first name or surname. All the transliterations from the MNZS ,reproduce the exact

furigana notated in the text. All the places of publication for Japanese language books is Tokyo

unless differently indicated.

Abbreviations:

MNZS: Motoori Norinaga zenshu [Collected Works]. Comp. no Susumu and kubo Tadashi. 23

vols., Chikuma Shob, 1968-1993.NST 36:Nihon shis taikei vol. 36. Comp. Yoshigawa Kjir, Maruyama Masao, Nishida Taichir,

Tsuji Tatsuya.Iwanami Shoten, 1973.

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Introduction

Ever since Maruyama Masao's Studies in the Intellectual History of Tokugawa Japan the

appraisal of Norinaga's political stance has become object of debate in the related literature field.

Moreover he reoriented the intellectual history of the Tokugawa period toward modernity as

generally modelled on the opposition between and nature-invention. The premise was that

modernization is grounded on the logic of invention. Broadly speaking, two tendencies are

manifest; one that considers Norinaga as apolitical f.i. Maruyama (1974), Matsumoto (1972),

Noguchi (1986) and another that deems it as political--f.i. Harootunian (1988), Nosco (1990),

Okada (2006). Nevertheless all the above-mentioned scholars identify Motoori Norinaga's

Tamakushige as the most political imbued text of his oeuvre. In conclusion while the question

related to Norinaga's political stance is still open to debate, still one point emerged as of paramount

importance in order to examine this problematic that is Norinaga's conception of Nature.

Broadly speaking while the Tamakushige has been partially addressed in several studies it has

rarely thoroughly analyzed. Still the common approach to the text has been one of deeming it as

irrational or mystic--f.i. Matsumoto (1972), Maruyama (1974), Noguchi (1986), Brownlee (1988),

Nosco (1990)== the only exemptions being Harootunian (1988), who reconstrues the Kokugaku

movement discourse in more postmodern terms, and Okada (2006), who discusses and reviews

almost all post WWII Japanese language literature on the topic and textually analyzes almost all themajor texts of Norinaga's oeuvre.

There are some preliminary issues that I base my dissertation around, particularly if it is

possible to address the Tamakushige as a complete paradigm of Norinaga's mode of thought; what

the Tamakushige unveils about Norinaga's conception of Nature; and finally, if this treatment could

help to disclose any further clue on Norinaga's political stance . However the most fundamental

point my work will demonstrate is that all the calls for irrationality (f.i. Maruyama, 1974; Nosco,

1990; see n.31) are no more than modernist projections on a differently mapped intellectualenvironment than Tokugawa Japan was.

Is Faith the antithesis of Reason? While I believe the answer to this question either overcomes

an examination of so-called Western thought history and its analytic philosophy categories, still I

believe it is historically correct to maintain that the their path has always been conjuncted. I argue

here that to dismiss a thorough examination of the philosophical system beyond a text such as the

Tamakushige, because it has been labeled as mystic or irrational is a somewhat farcical perpetuation

of modern secularist ideologies. My renewed examination of the philosophical context of the

Tamakushige, free of these ideological constrictions and separations between faith/reason, will

disclose the mytho-speculative structure and features of this irrational mode of thought.

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In the following pages I textually analyze Motoori Norinaga's Tamakushige and comment on it,

opening up his discourse to intertextual relations making clear Norinaga's reference to other author's

ideas or texts, I use selected references to other texts of Norinaga's oeuvre where I considered

necessary either to widen or to define more precisely the content of elements singled out in the

analysis.In the first section I present an account of the exegesis and publication of the Tamakushige (1).

Then I address Norinaga's statement of intent (2). In the third section I propose a typological and

topological characterisation of the Tamakushige, yet I approach the opening of the text and deduce

Norinaga's argumentative structure and strategy (3). As I identify the latter's core in his mytho-

speculation1, I schematize his representation of the myth, in order to make it intelligible for the

following analysis (4). Thus according to the topological characterization already posed, I analyze

Norinaga's: conception of the correct government-societal order (5), ontological system withattention to his genealogy (6), and historical view(7).

1 See page 5, n. 28.

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1 The date of completion of Motoori Norinagas jewelled comb box

Tamakushige and the Secret Book of the jewelled box, HihonTamakushige

, has been debated. The prevalent hypothesis is that the former was completed one year before the

latter, respectively in the 1786 (Tenmei 6) and 1787 (Tenmei 7). Based on the private

correspondence between Norinaga and Yokoi Chiaki (1738-1801),2

it seems plausiblethat the composition began a year before the effective request of advice by Tokugawa Harusada

(1728-1789).3 This assumption is supported by philological proofs deducted by the process

of revision of the drafts. Additionally, the absence of the appropriate honorific language in the draft

manuscripts seems to reinforce this argument.4 Yet according to Norinaga himself, Tokugawa

Haruniwas request for advice did not happen directly. The offer of the two works to the Lord of

Kishu, was suggested by one of his disciples, a minor public official in the Han financial

administration.

5

Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801) was aged 58 when the Hihon Tamakushige and the

Tamakushige were offered to the Lord of Kish, the 12 th month of 1787. The extant titles were

assigned at the time of their publications. The former originally christened Tamakushige,

was published for the first time, the 5 th month of the 1851 (Kaei 4) by Sakura Azumao

(1811-1860). The latter named Tamakushige Bekkan, The jewelled comb box

supplementary volume, was an appendix to the main text. Yokoi Chiaki published it, two years

later in the 1789. While on the one hand the Hihon Tamakushige rarely circulated, even in

manuscript form, for Norinaga did not allow it to be shown during his lifetime, on the other hand,

the Tamakushige immediately after its publication gained popularity.6

The underlying motive for the composition of the two works is the anxiety surrounding difficult

situation confronted by Tenmei period (1781-1788) society. In the Hihon Tamakushige, Norinaga

presents his personal views on the political and economical administration. He confronts

realistically the actual state of affairs of contemporary society. The Tamakushige is a concise

explanation of the Ancient Way teachings principles and its great purpose. Norinaga intended the

Tamakushige as a complement for the insights exposed in the Hihon Tamakushige as he directly

refers to former many times.

2 He became Norinagas disciple in the 1785. He was a chief retainer in the Owari Han.

3 The ninth Lord ofKish Han ofKii Province.

4 MNZS, 8, p.36-39.

5 Ibid., p.46.

6 Ibid., p.36, 42.

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2 To better understand the scope of this work I will first proceed to examine the elements of

Norinagas own statement of purpose at the opening of Tamakushige. There he says that his intent is

to offer to the addressee an explanation of the great purpose of the Way. 7

What is the Way? For this problem is not directly addressed in the Tamakushige, I will look at

the Naobinomitama .8

At the sbeginning of the text, Norinaga expounds what is themeaning ofmichi, analyzing philologicallly selected passages from theNihonshoki (720)

and theKojiki (711-712).9 On the one hand it is intrinsically related to the kami: kami

no michi ni shitagahu, on the other it is correlated to the peaceful government of the country and

its state of harmonious rule.10 Thus to follow the noble custums of governing the realm,11

according to the times of the kami, without using their wits, sakashira, at all will accomplish

naturally the way of the kami.12 Moreover, Norinaga sustains that the word michi ( ) did not

appear in the writings of the honorable ancient times.

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Taking as reference theKojiki, he explainsthat the honorific mi was attached to the chi found in umashi-mi-chi, as in other

words, f.i. yamaji and nuji .14 Thus michi meant just: mono ni yuku chi, where

(indicated by a thing mono ) a path chi goes. Besides he criticizes the other notions of Way, f.i.

Song Confucianism metaphysical postulations (categories) and its norms,15 as dictates, sadame

, proper to those different countries, adashikuni , viz. China, Korea, and India. To sum up:

the way is exemplified in the customs of the kami as represented in the ancient writings. These are

the source of the Ancient Way and its revelatory texts. Moreover, its purpose is the peaceful

government of the ancient times.16 Thus in conclusion the customs of the kami on which the way is

7 Kono sho wa, aru mikata ni, michi no mune ima no yo no kokoroe wo kaitetatematsurerunari. MNZS, 8, p. 309.

8 The rectifying spirit, written in the 1771.

9 MNZS, 9, pp. 50.

10 Kamunagara yasukuni to, tahirakeku shiroshimeshikeru mikuni, ibid..

11 Ame no shita wosame tamahu mishiwaza, ibid.. Here I must acknoledge Prof. Flueckiger's translation ofmishiwaza as "august works", see Flueckinger, Peter, Mabuchi, Kamo, Reflections on the Meaning of OurCountry, in Monumenta Nipponica 63:2 , 2008, p.232. While I use as translation noble customs, still I maintaincostums as retaining a valence of activity.

12 Onozukara kami no michi wa tarahite, ibid..

13 Inishihe no ohomiyo niwa, michi to ihu kotoage mo sarani nakariki, ibid..

14 To be precise, Norinaga opens this section with michi, as it appears in the Manyoushu.

15 Mono no kotowari arubeki sube, ibid..

16 While I will not problematize here Norinaga's idealized relationship to the ancient times, as for Instance Nosco does,reconstruing it as a romantic quest for nostalgia, still it remains an argument of extreme interest, for I believe it tohave been the ideological space of projection for the rising chonin gruop-class during Tokugawa period. See Nosco,1990, pp. 3-14.

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maintained to be based on are conceived as historically happened in the past. What now becomes

compelling is a better understanding of Norinagas notion ofkami.

What are the kami for Norinaga? While it is difficult to point out a univocal definition, for it

would mean to take into analysis all the contexts in which the term appears in Norinaga's oeuvre,

still a general definition can be presented. Most modern scholars locate a passage in the Kojikidento disclose it.17 Here Norinaga writes that the term kami , as annotated at the beginning of the

tome (viz.Kojiki), that is kami : expresses something, which is not realizable throughnames

and wisdom.18 Furthermore he touches upon many examples taken from the ancient texts inishihe

no mihumidomo: the various deities of heaven and earth worshiped in the shrines also called noble

resident spirit, needless to say Man as well, then the birds, quadrupeds, trees and plants sorts,

mountains, waters and the like.19

Among Man, Norinaga places firstly the Emperor and all the successive generations down fromthe ancient times. Then he singles out the men of the age of the kami, kamiyo . Here in a

tautological movement he says: yet [regarding] the kami (pl.) of the age of the kami, most of the

men of that age were kami, thus all the men of that age are kami, and therefore it is called age of the

kami.20 In conclusion he maintains that kami characterizes whatever outside of the ordinary,

or for its prodigious awe-inspiring quality [wondrousness].21 Yet he specifies the meaning of

prodigious. It is not reduced to the positive sense, neither to the negative one, but it extends to both

as well. kami have a bipolar valence: noble-base, strong-feeble, virtuous-uncanny. In other words

they have two opposite possible attributes, positive and negative. In conclusion this represents a

contradictory essence.22

As a matter of fact: Thought and action follows this pattern, thus a universal norm (order)

could be hardly established.23 Norinaga critics the many Confucian traditions and their

17 That is MNZS, 9, p.125-126. For instance see, Muraoka, 2006, 1, pp.292-298; Motoyama,1978, pp.140-147;Koyasu, 2005, pp.148-166; Okada, 2006, p.122; Shigeru, 1970, pp.82-86; Nosco, 1990, pp.217-218.

18 kami to mohosu nanokokorowa imada omohiezu. Ibid., p.125.

19 Ibid.. TheKojiki and theNihonshoki.

20 sate kamiyo no kamitachi mo, ku wa sono yo no hito ni shite, sono yo no hito wa minna kami nari shi yue ni,kamiyo towa iunari, Ibid.. My italics. Worthy of note is that among the category of human kami, he acknowledgesalso tadabito ordinary person, even if their recognition might happen in a minor local (province, village,family) context.

21 yonotsune narazu suguretaru koto no arite, kashikoki mono wo kami towa iunari. Ibid..

22 suguretaru wa, tahutoki koto yoki koto, isawoshiki to nado no, suguretaru nomi wo iuni arazu, ashiki monoayashiki mono nadomo, yoni sugurete kashikoki wo ba, kami to iu nari. Ibid.. Nosco grounds its evaluation on hisreading of a passage of theNaobinomitama. He maintains this being mysterious and wondrous in the same way asI characterize it, still he does not further investigate it. See Nosco 1990, p, 191. Matsumoto 1970, p.84-85; Okada2006, pp. 121-124.

23 kokoro mo shiwaza mo sono sama ni shitagahite, kata hito muki ni sadamete wa ihigataki mono ni namu arikeri.Ibid..

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metaphysical systems which pretend to explain by reasoning the right pattern of behaviour, and

ultimately comprehend the existence of all things. Moreover he disentangles his Ancient Way from

the Chinese Shintao (Daoism). The two differ: for the Ancient Way is rather expressed by the

expression kami naru michi than by Shinto . Eventually what Norinaga stresses

here is the anti-normative character of the Ancient Way and, reinforced by the status of revelationcontra establishment of the former with respect to theDao.24

To sum up: on the one hand Norinaga s Way of the kami is revealed and represented in the

noble cutsoms of the kami as reported in the ancient texts.25 For it is conceived as historically

happened in the past, it is envisaged as fixed or immutable that is it is endowed with a static aspect

(). On the other, the way is inerently related to the kami's wondrousness. This entails a bipolar

valence, either polirized positively or negatively, for instance: good or evil, noble or base, strong or

feeble, virtuous or uncanny. This polarization is reproduced in the distinction between good Gods,naobi no kami , and evil ones, magatsubinokami , good persons,yokihito ,

and evil ones, ashikihito , which in return is coupled by the causation and realization of good

and bad actions by these Gods.26 This mutability of valence endows the way with a dynamic aspect

().27In conclusion Norinagas stated intent to explain the great purpose of way, is an inquiry in

the ancient texts to clarify the nature of the order represented in them.28

24 Here I agree with the position maintained by Matsumoto. See Matsumoto, Sannosuke,Kokugaku Seiji Shiso nokenky, Yukikaku, Tokyo, 1957, pp.47-54.

25 See Harootunian 1988, p. 82; McNally 2005, pp. 41-42; Muraoka 2006, 1, pp. 290-291.

26 MNZS, 9, pp. 54-62. See Flueckiger 2008, pp. 232-233; Nosco 1990, p.190; Okada 2006, pp. 111-117; Matsumoto1970, p. 98 ff.; Koyasu 2005, p. 154-155; Muraoka 2006, 1, p. 292-294; and below p. 21.

27 For instance this is Maruyama appraisal ofSoraigaku: its dynamism derived by the rejection of of Zhu XhiConfucianism static mode of thought. This was endoresed by Norinaga's thought by way of his relation to the Soraischool. Maruyama 1974, pp. 159-160.

28 See for instance, Muraoka 2006, 1, p.289 ff.; Okada 2006, p. 113.

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3 The Tamakushige can be generally described as a combination of historiography, rational

speculation and mytho-speculation. Last term has been coined by Eric Voegelin, he uses it in the

context of Ancient Orient societies; my usage of it is, to be sure paradigmatic, and described

below.29Broadly speaking, Norinaga presents a genesis of contemporary social order starting from

cosmogony. On the one hand he places in a broad worldly horizon Japan and in a more specific oneJapan vis--vis China;30on the other he uses mythological symbolism to interpret and justify present

social order and its origin. I refer to Norinagas explanation of the latter, by analogy to the

cosmological order he extrapolates from the ancient texts, with the word mytho-speculation. I will

demonstrate that the structure of the cosmological order and its nature, is the same as the one of his

presentation of contemporary social order. Besides for much of Norinagas efforts are directed to

the confrontation with, or better, attempt to confute on the one hand the manifold Confucian

metaphysical theories and on the other the Buddhist doctrines, I use rational speculation to describethis reasoned critical approach to his contemporary competitive school's of thought.31

While the points raised above correspond to a typological description of the work, Norinagas

exposition can be divided topologically in three general fields of speculation: correct government-

societal order, the ground of being that is his ontological system, and history. The first, relates to his

political perspective on contemporary society; the second refers to the exploration in the meaning of

existence vis--vis non-existence and the nature of that existence or being; the last to his historical

view. To be sure this is not the authorial coherent disposition but just my tentative breaking up of

the arguments addressed in the text.

After his statement of intent, Norinaga opens his exposition: The true way, which unfolds

throughout Heaven and Earth, to all countries, has only one same purport. 32 In other words, the

right order of society-government or way, michi, is one and valid everywhere, yet it is explained

29 see Voegelin, Eric, The collected works of Eric Voegelin, vol. 6, Anamnesis, on the theory of history and politics, ed.D. Walsh, University of Missouri Press, 2002, pp. 102-104.

30 Needless to say the politico-international configuration of East-Asia in the 18th century was dominated by thepresence of the Chinese Empire. Moreover the dynastic change from Ming to Ching occurred in 1644 and itsconsequence for the Chinese tributary system in east-asia is still subject of research. For instance the hypothesis ofTokugawa Bakufu attempt to create a small independent empire() by means of maritime policies, is takeninto consideration by Koyasu Nobukuni attempt to locate the construction of Japanese cultural autonomy in the pathtoward modernity. see Koyasu, Nobukuni, Ajia wa dou katararetekitaka, Fujiwarashoten, 2003, p.155-158.

31 In other words by rational I mean what is produced by reasoning. It is usual to refer to this kind of argumentation asirrational (for instance: Maruyama, 1974; Nosco, 1990). This is not the place to produce a systematic critique on thematter; still I believe the latter is no more than a modernistic approach to the issue, son of the Illuminist rejection ofreligious interpretation of Being. As I maintain that science is substantially as much ideological as religion, andmoreover historically speaking it is a recent Eurocentric development, to appraise beliefs as irrationally developed isno more than say that their argument is grounded in their contemporary horizon of understanding (for the discussionof horizon see: Hans-Georg Gadamer, Truth and Method, tr. G. Barden and J. Gumming , The Seabury Press, NewYork, 1975, pp. 216-220, 267-274.). If otherwise irrational is a characterisation used to indicate the oppositionalattitude with regards to a rationalistic mode of thought, then it is a completely superficial appraisal of the same.

32 Makoto no michi wa, ametsuchi no aida ni watarite, izure no kuni made mo, onajiku tada hito suji nari, MNZS, 8,p. 309.

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by the very same scheme, or purport,suji . Here Norinaga shows already one important feature of

his thought, the compactness of the experience of reality; he distinguishes between Heaven and

Earth but then he reunites them in the same scheme of order. 33

The ground, moto, of the true right way is, first and above all, the musubi no mitama

of the two kami takamimusubinokami, ,and kamimusubinokami, . This represents on the one hand the pan-generative substance of the universe, tenchi , the

various kami,shokami , the myriad of things,yorozunomono , and men along generations

yoyonijinruwi , moreover theall-encompassing principle,sotai nodri , of

the worldyononaka. On the other hand the purpose-direction omomuki, , of the way.34 In

conclusion the whole of reality, heaven and earth, were created, nariidekitari , by the

very same musubi no mitama.35

Norinaga maintains the universe as a continuum, a compact reality, which as a wholeparticipates in the same scheme order, and is generated by the same substance in other words it is

consubstantial. On top of that to be remarked is that Men share the same generative principle with

the Gods, in other words their substance is the same: the musubi no mitama. Still the hierarchical

order is important here, first the divine after the mundane: Gods have authority over Men.

Norinaga further explores the problem of the ground of the way. In the first place if we allege

this musubi no mitama as the noble custums of the wondrous and prodigious kami, something said

in accordance with whatever principle, will not be at all something like a human wisdom inferred

injunction.36 Norinaga here means on the one hand that the way does not correspond to any already

established, or fixed norms, f.i. the one proper to Heaven, ten , as in Zhu xhi Confucianism.37 On

the other hand, the very reason for this assessment of the musubi no mitama is the the kami

wondrousness or bipolar valence. As Norinaga stressed before, the musubi no mitama is the pan-

generative substance of the universe, the various kami and the myriad of things. There is a transitive

causality at play: the noble customs of the kami, necessarily comes after the creation of the same

kami, which had been generated from the pan-generative substance, musubi no mitama. Thus in

conclusion for the kami has been generated by the musubi no mitama, their characteristic

wondrousness, is a fortiori an attribute endowed by the pan-generative substance. Ergo the

bipolar valence proper to the kami can be ascribed to the musubi no mitama as well. At the same

33 Ibid..

34 Ibid..

35 Ibid., for instance see Nosco 1991, p. 211; Okada 2006. p. 139; Muraoka 2006, 1, pp. 294-298.

36 somosomo kono musubi no mitama to mohosu wa, kiki meumeunaru kami no mishiwaza nareba, ikanaru dori niyorite saru zo nado ihukoto wa, sarani hito no chiwe wo nite, hakarishirubeki tokoro ni arazu, Ibid..

37 See n. 27.

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time, in posing this, Norinaga proceeds by a limitation through opposition. The contrary term of the

latter is the essence of human wisdom inferred injunction.38 Ergo it is different from the essence

of the musubi no mitama. In other words, while human comprehension necessarily projects a fixed

or static essence on things, the essence of the pan-generative substance is different - it is

dynamic.39

Motoori singles out three ratiocinations, rikutsu, to bring examples of these projections

fabricated by human comprehension: ying-yang inyau, the eight trigrams hakke, and

the five principles, gogiyau .40 Of course, here he refers clearly to the Book of ChangesI

Ching. To have an idea of the scope of such a criticism, it is sufficient to look at the paramount

popularity of this book. Ng Wai-ming writes that the I Chingscholarship boomed during the

Tokugawa Period..41 Indeed the book was used by many major Confucian scholars, for instance

Arai Hakuseki, It Jinsai, Ogy Sorai, Dazai Shundai. With regards to Kogaku

scholars, hepoint out in a note that their disapproval of the use of divination did not mean that they did not

research this aspect of the book.42 In conclusion even though the I Chingwas held as a book of

wisdom, thus rationalistically approached, as a divination manual it played a significant role in

policy making, ceremonies, and in the formation of institutions.43 Norinagas criticism is directed

to the interpretations deducted by the I Ching.

38 See n. 26 and 28. Cfr. Harootunian 1988, pp. 82, 91, 99-101. He maintains the same position, grounding it on othertexts of Norinaga's oeuvre.

39 See Maruyama 1974, p. 268-271.

40 Ibid..

41 Ng. Wai-ming, Benjamin, The I Ching in Tokugawa Thought and Culture, University of Hawaii Press, 2000, p.49.Furthermore, see the table referring to the commentaries on theI Chingproduced during the period. Ibid., p. 26.

42 Ibid. n.19 p. 220.

43 Ibid., p.55.

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4 Afterwards Norinaga presents the myth he extrapolated from the ancient texts. It is the base

on which he legitimates and supports his following arguments.44 The myth is articulated in the

following sequence of scenes45: Izanagi ohomikami mourns profoundly for

Izanami ohomikami , the concealed goddess, megami . Therefore he

follows her as far as in yominokuni .46

Back in the real world, utsushikuni ,Izanagicleanses the malevolent dirtiness, yeaku , that he had been touched by. This cleanse viz.

ablution, mimisogi , happens in the plain of the green trees by the little harbour nearby the

mandarin in Tsuchi, tsushi no tachibana no wodo no ahagihara .47 During

this purification,shiyaujiyau ,Amaterasu ohomikami is generated and accorded

the eternal rule of the sky, nagaku takamanohara wo shiroshimesu ,48

from the Great a Noble Father, otoohomikami no mikotoyosashiniyorite , that is

Izanagi. In the endAmaterasu ohomikami gives the rule of theAshiharanonakatsukuni

toSumemimanomikoto .49 Yet the order or command, chokumei , of the great noble

deity ohomikami viz. Amaterasu, is brought from the heavens to the earth. It is the source of the

great ground of way and it poses that the imperial throne, with heaven and earth, [might] last for

the eternity without changes and prosper.50

Below I propose my interpretation of Norinaga's mytho-speculation following the first two

topoi thematized above: the right government-societal order (5), his ontological system (6).

44 MNZS, 8, p. 310. I will only use the version of the myth represented in the Tamakushige to determine the purport ofthe mythological symbolism. While the present version is far more elliptic than others presented in different texts ofNorinaga's oevuvre, still I will not use other versions or elements of the those as I believe that the structure of themyth presented in the Tamakushige are the only meaningful for the economy of the interpretation of this text. I willgive details on elements used in the current version of the myth where appropriate. For a more general treatment andreconstruction of the myth in the Kojiki, see Matsumoto 1970, pp. 96-108; Muraoka, 1, 2006, pp. 295-298.

45 As represented in MNZS, 8, p. 310, from line 1 to line 7.

46 In the Kojikiden, Norinaga tells that it is the land where the dead go to have abode, Shinishi hito no yukite worukuni nari, yet it is hidden in the underworld, tsuchi no shita ni kakusu; MNSZ, 9, pp. 237-239. Cfr. Matsumoto1970, p. 107.

47 Norinaga gives a detailed lexicographic analysis of it in the Kojikiden. Ibid., pp.262-263. One hypothesis is that itcould be located in kykoku, modern Kysh: Tsuchi to wa kyukoku no subena nari, Tsuchi was the generalname for the kykoku, therefore the little harbor where the tachibana (mandarin) was chihisaki minato wodo niaru tachibana to iu chi mei nari, is a name for a place that could be placed in that country. Tachibana no wodokykoku no nai nite tazunebeshi.

48 Norinaga identifies it with the sky, ame. Takama no hara wa, sunahachi ame nari. Ibid.,p.123. Therefore hemaintainsAmaterasu as the Sun, Ametsuhi, .

49 Ibid., p.251. Ashiharanonakakuni wa ohokuni no na ni shite, it is the name of the great noble country viz. Japan.

The latter refers toNiniginomikoto and all his descendants down to the present emperor. It symbolizesthe imperial dynasty.

50 Amatsuhitsugihaametsychinomutatokihakakihanisakaemasamu,. MZNS, 8, p. 310.

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5. The first characteristic of the myth proposed by Norinaga above is the contiguity of the

cosmos or what I called before the compactness of reality. The Heaven, the Earth and the

underworld, are connected dimensions of the same cosmos. According to Norinaga, a theogonic

event, that is the birth of Amaterasu, happens on the earth, in Japan, precisely in Kysh. Thus

the gods are intra-cosmic, they are included in the same human reality.As I stressed before, on the one hand the sequence is configured as firstly the divine order then

the mundane one, thus the source of the ground of the way, is the order given to

Sumemimanomikoto byAmaterasu ohomikami. On the other it is conceived in continuity: Izanagi-

Amaterasu-Sumemimanomikoto. Therefore in a temporal perspective, this is appraised both as a

linear-vertical time and an eternal-horizontal time of rulership. To be more precise, the order of

society is legitimated by this divine immutable protection.This can be so because the gods are on

the one hand intra-cosmic, and on the other consubstantial with Men. Indeed its symbol is visible, itis the Sun, the sameAmaterasu, the ruler of the sky.

The second characteristic is inscribed in the generative process or birth ofAmaterasu. She is

generated by the ablution ofIzanagi, after he had been in the underworld, moved by the mourning

forIzanami's death. I will focus on the elements that this event is composed of: here the main agents

areIzanagi andIzanami, and structurally speaking their relation is symbolically charged.

Izanami the female deity, is clearly a chthonic symbol. The underworld marks her with the

symbols of death, pollution and evil. By opposition Izanagi, male deity, is related to heaven, he

descends to the underworld and then stops on the earth for the ablution, thus the symbols of

purification, life, goodness are associated with him. It is no accident thatAmaterasu is generated by

the body ofIzanagi, on the one hand it alludes metonymically to the patriarchal order of society, on

the other, it functions as a dismissal of the chthonian hypothesis of the origin of Man. They are

descendants ofAmaterasu, generated by a male deity, symbol of heaven. In conclusionIzanagi and

Izanami, with all the symbolism respectively connected to them, appear as related by a dialogic

opposition. Moreover this very interaction of opposites is the intrinsic characteristic of the

generative process ofAmaterasu, and thus re-proposes the dynamic aspect and contradictory

essence of the way. Yet conversely the latter approached from a temporal perspective represents a

dialectic of change, for instance configured in the pairs: descent-ascension, life-death, pollution-

ablution.51 In such a natural-vitalistic perspective change is conceived as the interaction of

opposites that necessarily alternates in time in order to generate life.52 To recapitulate Norinaga's

51 The above description is commonly maintained as a representation of the cyclical time in myth. See Eliade, Mircea,Cosmos and History, The Myth of The Eternal Return, Harper & Brothers, 1959, p.112, ff.. To note that this is theimplicit assumption with which Nosco opens his study, the nostalgic quest. See Nosco 1990, p. 3-14. I do notdeny that it can be envisaged in such a way, still I want to remark the reason for my interpretation, which is thelimitation of the analysis to the diegetic elements of the very text of the Tamakushige.

52 Indeed the whole symbolisms can be read as a metaphore of the agricultural life work.

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conception of societal order represented in his mytho-speculation: a) the source of the order of

society is the order given to Sumemimanomikoto byAmaterasu ohomikami; b) the legitimacy and

immutability of the latter are grounded in the material aspect of the consubstantiality of the various

Beings of the cosmos; c) while the principle of the order is eternal and immutable (ad infinitum), its

essence is contradictory or ruled by opposition. The interaction of these opposites is dialectic orruled by alternative change during time.

What appears clearly is that the social order is configured by a temporal tension between the

substance and the essence of the way, for the first is eternal, and the second mutable. As a matter of

fact the comprehensive symbol for this tension of reality is to be found in Amaterasu. She is the

nexus of the mundane (earth) and celestial (heaven) cosmic dimensions. In addition she is generated

on Earth and then made the ruler of the Sky byIzanagi (heaven), and again she is connected to the

mundane for she is the one who gave the order, or the legitimacy of ruling, to his descendants(imperial dynasty).

The sun represents both the cyclical, day-night, and the eternal-continual time, it rises again

every day without exception.53 Her relation to the mundane thus appears as double. She is on the

one hand the invisible Goddess who gave the order that is the principle of the ground of mundane

right social order, and on the other the visible Sun who rules the Sky, symbol of the temporal

tension of reality that is eternal-mutable. This last opposition can be traced back to the

contraposition invisible/visible.54 Therefore eventually Amaterasu symbolizes on the hand the

eternal-invisible principle of the right order of society, and on the other hand its protection as her

mutable-visible manifestation, the Sun.

53 While it is not in the scope of my analysis, still I think it would be valuable tofurther examine the dependencyrelation between the popular and institutional conception of Time (f.i.: the calendar, festivities) and the agrarianbased economic system vis--vis Norinaga's thought projection.I believe it can give clues on class struggle and classideological practices

54 In the Kojikiden Izanagi and Izanami are said to be invisible or to be precise their body to be hidden. MNZS, 9, 157.Moreover this anticipates an other distinction not addressed here that is the one between arawanigoto, themanifest human affairs and kamigoto , the concealed divine affairs. MNZS , 8, p.320.

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6 In entering Motoori's exploration on the ground of being, the first premise is that Norinaga's

mode of thought shared most of its elements with the period intellectual background55. Indeed I

already noted his recurrent critique of the Buddhist and Confucian doctrines. This critical,

oppositional attitude suggests an incorporation of these doctrines.56 While on the one hand this is

suggested by his educational formation,57

on the other proof of this is found in Norinaga's abundantuse of Buddhist and Confucian terminology.58

I expose below the genealogy of what I believe to be the source of Motoori's ontological system

and epistemology: his traditional Chinese medical formation. According to Harootunian and

Matsumoto, Kokugaku thought represented an epistemological shift from Neo-Confucianism and

Soraigaku.59 While I do agree on their conclusions, still I reconstruct ontological system and

epistemology in the light of his medical practice. Needless to say the reflection below is structurally

contrued on the analysis of the mytho-speculation exposed above (3).Norinaga's ontology is centred on the pan-generative substance, musubi no mitama

. According to Noguchi Takehikothe latter is to be maintained as a substance, jittai , or

entity,jitsuzaibutsu , ergo material or physical.60I believe Motoori developed his notion of

musubi no mitama from the concept of material force, qi (Jp. ki),61 on the ground of his

medical studies and activity as physician.62 Thus at first look, Noringa's ontology assumes the

55 For the classical account of this issue, see the entire chapter IV, Part I, of Maruyama, 1974. There is no need tounderscore that there is no single text in the relevant literature that denies this thesis.

56 Shigeru, Matsumoto, Motoori Norinaga 1730-1801, Harvard, 1970, pp. 9-29.

57 See f.i. Nosco 1991, p. 166 ff.; Okada 2006, pp. 40-67

58 See for instance, Takagi, Skan, Motoori Norinaga to bukkyo, hsha, 1984, pp. 15-33, 147-159.

59 Harootunian, 1988, p.29 ff.. Matsumoto, 1957, pp.45-47. While their methodology and approaches are completelydifferent, still they emphasized the same point: the epistemology proposed by Kokugakusha took its move from acritic of the Neo-Confucian one in a position that shared much with theKogakuha. See below.

60 Noguchi, Takehiko,Norinaga Sensh, Chikumashob, Tokyo, 1986, n.1,, p.168

61 For a definition of see of the qi, and its role in the more general Chu shi system of thought, see Maruyama, 1974,p.19-68. To be precise Mikiso Hane translates it as ether for the sake of brevity. For a direct textualexemplification, see for instance Chan, Wing-Tsit,Reflections on Things at Hand, the neo-confucian anthologycompiled by Chu his and Lu Tsu-Ch'ien, Columbia University Press, 1967, pp. 5-34. This is Wing-Tsit's concisedefinition: Every student of Chinese thought knows that ch'i as opposed to li (principle) means both energy andmatter, a distinction not made in Chinese philosophy. Both 'matter' and 'ether' are inadequate. Dubs' 'matter-energy'is essentially sound but awkward and lacks an adjective form. Unless one prefers transliteration, 'material force'seems to be the best. In many cases, especially before the Neo-Confucian doctrine ofli developed, ch'i denotes thepsychophysiological power associated with blood and breath. As such it is translated as 'vital force' or 'vital power',and in the case ofhao-jen chih ch'i as 'strong, moving power.', in Chan, Wing-Tsit,A source book in Chinesephilosophy, Princeton University Press, 1963, p. 784.

62 No major scholar in the western language literature has taken seriously into consideration Motoori Norinaga'smedical activity and doctrine. I believe the reason for such a deficiency is the disciplinary sectorialization of thestudies about Norinaga, as lamented by Koji Tanaka. See Tanaka, Koji, Motoori Norinaga no Shikoho, Perikansha,Tokyo, 2005 p.5-11.

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characteristics of a monistic system like the Neo-confucian one. Below I briefly review and discuss

Norinaga's medical thought and formation.

Takahashi Masao writes that Norinaga's medical doctrine was unique. Its fundamental feature

was the theory of the autonomous healing of the patient. In other words a disease is not healed by a

doctor or a medicine, but the same patient who was endowed from the birth with the shiningenergy (capacity) of recovering by himself, kizentaru hitoiki . Thus the main duty of

the physician was just to daily monitor the balance of his patient life with particuar attention to his

diet and his physical and mental activity.63

Norinaga the physician was known under the name Shunan , less often Shunan . He

studied in Kyoto from 1752 (horeki 2) to 1757 (horeki 7), and practiced as a paediatrician in his

home city Matsusaka for the rest of his life. To combine literary studies with the medical one

kanpo

, traditional chinese medicine, was an extremely well-spread habit among thejusha

confucian scholars, thus calledjuisha . Indeed Norinaga just followed the social trend of the

middle Tokugawa period. It is well known that during his period in Kyoto, he studied as disciple of

Hori Keizan . For what concerns his medical formation, he completed his studies first with

Hori Genko (1686-1754) a famous physician of the Goseha school orrishuigaku

, then with Takekawa Kojun (1725-1780).64

The Goseha school school focused on the study of the Inner Canon of Huangdi or Yellow

Emperor' s Inner Canon,Huangdi Neijing.65 The latter was composed by two texts, on

the one hand the basic questions, Somon , that covers the theoretical foundation of Chinese

Medicine and its diagnostic methods, on the other the spiritual pivot, Reisu , which

discusses acupuncture, in particular the theory of the vessel.

Generally speaking, the period was marked by the presence of three schools, the above

mentioned Goseha or contemporary school, kinp, the ancient school, kohha or

koh , and the western teaching and techniques of the dutch school, ranpigaku ,

63 Takahashi, Masao, Motoori Norinaga, Saisei no Igokoro, Kodansha, Tokyo, 1986, pp. 42-44, 186-188.

64 Interestingly he served at the Imperial court. Takahashi, Masao, Motoori Norinaga, Saisei no Igokoro, Kodansha,Tokyo, 1986, p. 32. For a brief panoramic on the period medical schools, see Elman, Benjamin A., Sinophiles andSinophobes in Tokugawa Japan: Politics, Classicism, and Medicine During the Eighteenth Century inEast AsianScience, Technology and Society: an International Journal, 2.1, 2008, pp. 93-121. While I found the former articleuseful for its numerous reference, still I want to precise that I do not agree with his appraisal of Motoori's practices.Yet once again it appears clear to me that the relation between the medical, literary, intellectual doctrine, is but just amodern compartmentalization of a more compact every-day practice. By this I mean that for me is of extreme valueto have a more comprehensive study of the various practices from which a system of thought could be taken as ageneral subject of inquiry. For a Japanese language brief outline of Norinaga's relation to the Tokugawa periodmedical schools see, Takahashi, Masao, Motoori Norinaga, Saisei no Igokoro, Kodansha, Tokyo, 1986, pp 15-42.

65 For a detailed study on the canon associated with the title, and its history see, Unschuld, Paul U.,Huang Di nei jingsu wen, Nature, Knowledge, Imagery in an Ancient Chinese Medical Text, University of California Press, 2003.

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or just ranp . Norinaga is considered to be an eclectic with regards to the affiliation to his

contemporary medical schools.66

In his Zuihitsu , composed in a period between the 1752 and the 1772, he writes down

some thoughts which informs his medical theories. In particular in the passage below he faces

various conceptions of Nature he probably encounter during his studies:67

Master It68's Nature, let it be said endowment by birth69, [is] an extremely interesting

thing, the Nature of righteousness, there is nothing above it. Master y 70 says that the

teachings of the Sages do not give prominence to Nature, yet [this is] interesting; that

Nature is very minutely determined, rather it was not in the Sage's consideration. What

Master Sha71 says about Tathagatagarbha72is of great discernment, generally difficult to

deal with. Thus emulating this, Song Confucianism73 explains Nature74 in a puzzling

way, something un-discernible by reasoning, going thus far to say: 'men are nearly alike,

by practice they get to be wide apart'75, being therefore at loss, [they] inappropriately

differentiate between 'Original Nature'76and the Nature of the endowed material force77.

Song Confucianism, let it be called Zen Confucianism, maintains as right even

absurdities, nevertheless [according to] Wang Yangming the Great of Zen Confucians,

for example let it be said that the essence of the Nature is beyond good and evil 78, [this

is] interesting; the character for Nature should be rendered just with the expression

'endowment by birth' , that was the proper term. The passage is not to be found in the

66 Ibid..

67 See MZNS, 13, kaidoku p. 34.

68 It Jinsai (1627-1705).

69 .

70 Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072).

71 Shaka (VI-V sec. BCE) that is Shakyamuni or Gautama Buddha.

72 Shinyoteisei .

73 Neo-Confucianism.

74 Seiri . cfr.seisokuri : nature is based on the principle, Heaven.

75 Analects, 17:2.

76 Honzen no sei . Nature is based on principle, and principle is always good. Wing-tsit, 1967, p.29.

77 Kishitsu no sei . The endowment of material force is unequal, and is therefore in some cases good and inother cases evil. Ibid..

78 Muzen muaku wa sei no tai . Cf. O yomei Wang Yangming,shikukyo foursentences of teachings: muzenmuaku kore kokoro no tai .

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various Tang [scholars] commentaries, 'Nature is a mixture of good and bad'79 [then]

Yy80's one were not low-minded like words. Master Ogy81's opinion that the [being]

good or bad of the Nature is not determined in the words of the Sages is interesting,

whatever Nature, it is not something that might be maintained as good or bad, [but] just

as endowment by birth. (MNZS, 13, 598.)

This passage is not only rich with information about Norinaga's appraisal of the kogakuha

scholarship, but it gives clues on the scope of his reflections. He passes on Buddhism, Chinese

classics and poetry, Song, Tang, and Ming Confucianism, evaluating their conceptions of the Nature

of being. Two tendencies seem to be put forward here, first, a materialistic one, correlated with It,

Ogy, and Yang Xiong, leading toward immanence. All Nature, either that of the mind and body, is

the product of a physical substance. Inasmuch as it is physical it is possible to modify it by

practice.82 Thus the importance of the early Kings teachings, f.i. the rites and music, reiraku ,

whose scope was this.83 In conclusion this ontological unity projects an empiricist-oriented attitude,

that is human nature can be manipulated for its being firstly phisical and not ideal as it was

maintained to be by Song confucianism. The second is an idealistic one, correlated with

Shakyamuni and Wang Yangming leading toward a transcendental aetiology: nature found its cause

and origin in the transcendence of reality.84 Nature is either beyond good and evil or a mixture of it;

it cannot be fathomed by reason. In conclusion this is an attitude that hinges on a so-called positive

attitude toward mysticism, as well as on an epistemological scepticismsui generis.

While it is difficult to give a coherent definition to the approach proper to such an ontological

system, I propose to define it as empirical transcendentalism, whose epitome is the concept of

musubi no mitama. Norinaga seems to build his reflection on two broad questions: 1) If Nature is

endowed by birth, and yet it is a mixture of good or bad for it transcends the physical world, how

can its origin be subsumed by the mind which is immanent as much as the body? 2) If the essence

of Nature is a mixture of good and bad, how can its physical appearance be distinguished in a finite

statement expressed by a static language if its essence is dynamic? Below I will discuss in detail the

premises and process of his reflection based on these questions. Norinaga accepts It Jinsais

79 Sei wa zenakumasu . Fa yan, 3:2.

80 Yang Xiong (53 BCE 18).

81 Ogy Sorai (1666-1728).

82 See NST 36, p.137.

83 Ibid..

84 Or a transcendental movement into reality. I maintain the meaning of transcend as going beyond reality accordingto its original etymology that is from Latin transcendere, climb over or beyond, surmount from trans-beyond +scandere to climb.

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conception of Nature, sei . Norinagas reading ofmumaretsuki , endowment by

birth refers to It's belief in the qi ontology.85 Generally speaking, It's shift from Zhu Xi

Confucianism toward Ancient Learning kogaku , meant on the one hand a methodological

change with respect to the philological approach, and on the other a move away from Zhu Xi's

dualistic ontology.86

This is not the place to address this complex problematic in detail87

,but it isimportant to understand that here Nature,sei , is conceived as the product of the material force qi

. In fact, to privilege the material qi over the idealistic principle li , marks a move toward

empiricism on the plain of methodological, ethical, and political pracitices. This is proper to the

thought of theKogakuha scholars.88

Practically speaking, for Ogy and It consider human reality as the product of Man's own

activity. The norms are fabrications of the Sages that in turn are historical human beings. Ergo the

importance attributed to the practice of rectifying names.

89

Moreover, Sorai says that by practicinggoodness one becomes good, by practicing evil, one becomes evil, zen ni naraheba sunahachi zen,

aku ni naraheba sunahachi aku nari.90 Yet for him the nourishment derived from this pracitice, is

only obtained by the study of the early kings teachings thus acquired by imitation.91 Norinaga does

not accept this epistemic condition that is knowledge is to be found exclusively in the early kings

teachings. For him the source of nourishment is on the one hand endowed by birth, thus as material

substance - pan-generative substance - on the other hand its origin is not material but

transcendental. Therefore in his conception the musubi no mitama has a contradictory essence.

85 See Wang, Edward, Q., It Jinsai and the Cross-Cultural Development of Neo-Confucianism: TheAncient Meaning School and the Rise of Restorationism in Taiwan Journal of East AsianStudies, 5:2,10, 2008,p. 94; or It, Keichi, It Jinsai ni okeru 'sei' to 'jin', in Dotoku kyoiku gakuronshu, 1,1976.p. 63.

86 Wang, Edward, Q., It Jinsai and the Cross-Cultural Development of Neo-Confucianism: TheAncient Meaning School and the Rise of Restorationism in Taiwan Journal of East AsianStudies, 5:2,10, 2008,p 94-100.

87 For the classical account of this shift see Maruyama, 1974, pp. 19-68.

88 I believe this is the meaning of what Maruyama calls gradual elimination of subjectivity. Ibid. p.78-79.

89 For instance, see NST 36, p.12.

90 Ibid., p. 137.

91 Ibid..

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7 Norinaga's historical view is exposed later in the text with respect to the opening mytho-

speculation. Interestingly, before exposing it, Norinaga briefly repeats the mythical event of

Izanagi's mourning and descent into the underworld,so to stress the analogy he will construct. As a

matter of fact he states Deeming this92 as [paragon] of genuine factual receptiveness, Men too

must certainly be realized in accord with a principle alike.93

In other words the way of Man and theway of the kami must follow the same principle. Before going deep into Norinaga's historical view,

I clarify the conception of temporality with regards to his epistemology.

I already stressed above the consubstantiality of Gods and Men as the reason for such a

compactness of the experience of reality, yet it must be noted that the genuine factual

receptiveness,shinjitsu no seijo , is related to an important concept in Norinaga. That

is the mono no aware, with which I will not deal with here. According to Matsumoto

it is the pivot of Norinaga's epistemology.

94

Thus following the differentiation between mono

, orthe static aspect, and koto , or the dynamic one, already mentioned above with reference to the

definition ofkami, I think that from a temporal perspective, the factual receptiveness marks the

gnoseological limits of human comprehension

Norinaga poses a phenomenal temporality to the objects of knowledge. This means on the one

hand that a thing () could be perceived but on the other its Being in development or movement

() cannot be neither defined not surmised from strictly a priori laws. Ergo while the synchronic

state is accessible to cognition, the diachronic one can be investigated just on the base of its origin

and telos within the context of its contingency.

In the following passages Norinaga concisely expouses its historical view. By way of

comparison with China ancient history, he judges the events of the last 400 years, that is from

Kamakura Bakufu up to Tokugawa period:

92 The myth referred to above.

93 korezo shinjitsu no seijiyau ni shite, se no hito mo, kanarazu sayau ni nakutewakanahanu dori nari, MNZS, 8,p.316.

94 See Matsumoto, 1957, pp.69-74. Here he defines mono no ahare is defined as the being moved inaccordance with the external world-things, the guidance toward the Way of the Gods () realized inconscience. Mastumoto contents that the opposition to the rationalional-idealistic epistemology proper to theConfucian doctrines, propelled the break toward the positivistic empirical () stance ofKokugaku. Shinjyo the true feeling and mono no aware are but two expressions of this. Themain characteristic ofmono no aware is the drive to emotional-sensuous perception kanjyokankaku no ugoki . The inner perception ninshiki relies completely on the five senses or sensory organs . Thethings mono, as phenomena of the external world () are the indispensable material() stimuli ()for the psychological activityseishinteki katsudo viz. aware. Cfr. Harootunian 1988, pp. 79-117passim; Nosco 1990, pp. 179-181; McNally 2005, pp.28-35. With regards to the genealogy of the concept ofmononoahare, two authors have made interesting connections between popular culture and the genesis of Norinaga'sconception. On the one hand Tatsuo Hino denies Norinaga's intellectual authorship. Moreover he asserts that it was awell-spread and common used concept and expression in urban life and artistic activity: for instance he indicates a

passage from Tamenaga Shunsui (1790-1844) .See Hino, Tatsuo, Motoori Norinaga sh, Shinchsha,1983, pp 507-551. On the other hand, Enomoto Eri argues that Norinaga's emotionalist view derived from popularculture.In particular he singles out the influence of joruri and kabuki theater's representations. See Enomoto, Eri,Motoori Norinaga no kyoykeisei to kyto inNihon no kyoy shigaku: kyoy shigaku kiy 49, 2006, pp. 6-18,.

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In foreign lands they do not know that all the evil and wicked things of life are the

result of the actions of evil deities. When the calamities and good fortunes that befall

human beings do not accord with their principles, they theorize that the cause is the

karmic retribution, or they allege that it is the Mandate of Heaven or the Way of

Heaven. As I said above, the theory of karmic retribution was invented for the sake of

expediency, and it is not worth discussing. The Mandate of Heaven and the Way of

Heaven were used in ancient China by men such as Tang95 and Wu96, who overthrew the

ruler and seized the country.They sought to avoid referring to their crime as treason,

which was unjustifiable, so they advanced pretexts to try and justify it. If there really

were a principle of the Mandate of Heaven, everything would always be in accord with

it. Why then are so many things not in accord with this principle? These ideas are mere

fabrications invented to make the best of things and they are not in accord with the truetraditions of the Age of the Gods. As explained above, since everything is the result of

the actions of both good and evil deities, there have been many good and bad, right and

wrong occurrences throughout the ages. Even the imperial court belonging to the line of

the Sun Goddess has been made light of.97

Here Norinaga's general critique of the Buddhist and Confucian traditions became utterly an

attack upon ideological principles, respectively the karmic retribution, ingahoo, and the

Mandate of heaven and the way of heaven, tenmeitendo . These principles'

configuration of the sensible world in some either already established or idealistically conceived

order are the subjects of his attack . In particular, with regard to the latter, the perfection associated

with the ultra-mundane Heaven, ten , seems to be a two-folded object of critic. On the one hand

its fixed inner course, alternation of Yin and Yang; on the other one its constituents ostensibly

discriminated static ideal essences: in order to pose a positive new one, the necessary condition is to

distinguish it from a negative past one. Finally what I just sketched above corresponds to the

doctrine of ying-yang alternation. Norinaga instead maintains Good and Evil as being pure

transcendental absolutes. This is why their phenomenal appearance in actions () is ruled by Gods,

95 King Cheng Tang (dates of reign: ca. 1675 BC-1646 BCE) the founder of the Yin (Shang) dynasty.

96 King Wu (dates of reign: 1049/45-1043 BCE), first ruler of the Zhou dynasty. Cfr. Tobuhobatsuron .Generally speaking, during the Edo Period the three revolutions related to the dynastic successions between Xia,Shang, Zhou, was a much debated argument by scholars. It was a codified debate on the matter of the relationshipbetween Lord and Vassal kunshin . Moreover Mencius position on the latter was well-known (for instance see :The work of Mencius, 1,1:7; 1, 2:8; ) that is he approved revolution and supported the righteous government oudo. This was the base of the many sustainers of thejinseishiso benevolent government thought. Yetneedless to say this was directly addressed the role of the Sagesseijin . Norinaga harshly criticizes Mencius in

the Tamakatsuma , MZNS, 8, p. 318. See Okada, 2006, pp.127-137.

97 This translation is adapted from Brownlee, John, S., The Jeweled Comb-box. Motoori Norinaga's Tamakushige,in Monumenta Nipponica 43:1, 1988, pp.53-55. It refers to MZNS, 8, 316-318. Moreover all the notes are mine.

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intra-cosmic but invisible entities. Material beings ( ) are by Nature () a mixture of Good and

Evil, no pure or essentially Good or Evil entity is to abide reality.

Norinaga poses the ruses of history to be in dependence of the acts of the Gods. Later in the text

he goes thus far as to describe human condition with the metaphor of the marionettes, ningyo ,

controlled by manipulator Gods.98

Nevertheless human agency is not neglected in toto. Even if to amore limited extent, human activity has its importance and influence. This is cristallized in the

distinction between manifest affairs, arawanigoto , that is the sphere of human activity, and

concealed affairs, kamigoto , that is the sphere of divine activity.99 In other words the

consequences and results of human actions transcend the present horizon of volition on the broader

historical plane. I believe this to be the reflection of the above exposed sceptical epistemological

attitude.

Willfully carrying out their wicked schemes and employing military force, traitoroussubjects such as the Hojo100 and Ashikaga101 have arisen. Such men as these caused the

court to decline and the people of the empire yielded to them. It is not true that there

have been no times of disorder, but it is a principle of the Age of the Gods that evil

cannot ultimately overcome good.102And because the divine edict of the Sun Goddess

cannot be shaken,103 the houses of such traitorous subjects were finally destroyed and

left no trace behind them. The empire was restored to resplendent peace under imperial

rule, and the imperial court was stabilized in its majesty. How could this be considered

the result of human power? And how could foreign lands attain to this good fortune? It

is commonly believed that the great decline of the imperial court in the middle ages104

was due to the disorder of the empire. In reality, however, it was because the imperial

court was caused to decline that disorder arose in the empire and everything decayed.

This interpretation should be carefully considered. By the end of the Ashikaga era, the

empire was in an unprecedented condition, plunged, as it were, in perpetual darkness.

98 MNZS, 8, pp.320-321.

99 Ibid. see Nosco 1990, p.217; Harootunian 1988, p.152.

100 The Hojo clan was the most influential family during the period of the Kamakura shogunate (1203-1333). See Hall,John Whitney et al., The Cambridge History of Japan, vol. 3, Medieval Japan, Cambridge University Press, 2008,pp. 47- 177 passim.

101 The Ashikaga clan controlled power from 1336 to the 1573. See Hall, John Whitney et al., The Cambridge Historyof Japan, vol. 3, Medieval Japan, Cambridge University Press, 2008, pp. 177-225, passim.

102 According to Noguchi Takehiko this refers to what is said in the Kuzubana , MZNS, 8, p.165. ThereNorinaga says that for every 1000 peopleIzanami ohomikami kills,Izanagi ohomikami gives birth to 1500. Thus bycorrelating good with life and evil with death, the right of life over death is affirmed. Noguchi, Takehiko, 1986, n.7,p. 181.

103 It is indeed the order ofAmaterasu ohomikami, see n.42 above.

104 Here Norinaga refers to the middle-age that is Kamakura (1185-1333) and Muromachi period (1336-1573).

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Everything was in decline, and corruption reached its extreme. But at that moment,

there appeared the generals Oda Nobunaga105 and Toyotomi Hideyoshi106 , who put

down disorder and rebellion, reconstituted the imperial court, and showed respect to

the Emperor. At last peace was restored to society, and the empire was finally restored

to its present condition of good government. The country now flourishes, with a return

to a splendid imperial rule that was rare even in ancient times. This is due to the merit

and virtue of Azumateru Kamu Mioya no Mikoto.107 His merit and virtue lay in, first,

following Nobunaga and Hideyoshi in further restoring the imperial court that had sunk

to an advanced state of decline. Displaying ever deeper respect for the court, he

gradually came to govern in succession all the classes of warriors and common people.

This great achievement was naturally in accord with the true Way and with the desire of

the Sun Goddess. The gods of Heaven and Earth also afforded their protection, and as aresult we enjoy the splendid government of the present day. I do not speak in this

fashion to flatter the current regime, nor are these words lightly said. There is no need

to point out that the Tokugawa house is at the height of its military fortune and the

empire has long been at peace. Tokugawa rule has produced innumerable splendid

features, unknown in previous ages, and all of them confirm my words.108

Generally speaking Norinaga appraises negatively both Hojo and Ashikaga's appropriation of

power during the Kamakura shogunate and the following Muromachi period. This judgment is

introduced by the reiterated critic of the Mandate of Heaven and of King Wu and King Tang's

accession to the throne. Interestingly these very elements were used by Arai Hakuseki

(1657-1725) to sustain Ieyasu rule legitimacy and status in the aftermath ofsekigahara

(1600) in the hankanhu (1702) and saishiko (1712).109 With regard to the latter,

Norinaga completely inverts cause and effect: the Imperial court is made the source of prosperity

and peaceful order. This conforms to the belief in Amaterasu's order exposed in the context of the

mytho-speculation. The Imperial court is untrusted with the right to rule, thus not to follow this

disposition is the cause of disorder in the realm. Still human reality is maintained as subject to the

higher interplay of the divine activity: as a matter of fact the traitors Ashikaaga and Hojo succeded

105 Oda Nobunaga , (1534 - 1582).

106 Toyotomi Hideyoshi , (1536 -1598).

107 that is Tokugawa Ieyasu , (1542-1616).

108 See n. 97.

109 See Tsuji, Tatsuchi,Nihon no kinsei, dai ni kan: Tenno to shogun, Tokyo, Chkronsha, 1991, pp. 203-204. To benoted that according to the author the historical view of Hakuseki was grounded on the book of changes. Ibid. p.206-207.

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in usurping the power of the Imperial court. Therefore the contradictory essence, I referred to above

with regard to a thing ( ), f.i. good-evil, life-death, is here transformed into the ambivalent

possibility of an event outcome ( ). That is the aftereffects of an event could be positive or

negative, f.i. of prosperity or decadence, notwithstanding its presupposed result. In conclusion I

believe that it is not Human action which is bounded to the manipulation of the Gods, but thevalences these actions will assume in the aftermath.

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Conclusion

In the exegesis and publication section I gave some preliminary technical information about the

Tamakushige, in order to ground the scope of Norinaga's statement of intent at the opening of the

text. Yet to re-construe the purport of the text I clarified the meaning of some key terms as michi

and kami by using selected passages mainly from the Kojikiden and the Naobi no mitama.

Therefore I block out Norinaga's intent in the Tamakushige that is to explain the great purpose of

way, as an inquiry in the ancient texts to clarify the nature of the order represented in them.

Moreover, I characterized the Tamakushige on the one hand typologically as a combination of

historiography, rational speculation and mytho-speculation, on the other topologically as divided in

three general fields of speculation: correct government-societal order, the ground of being that is his

ontological system, and history. Along the lines of this second characterization, I developed my

analysis of the text, the results of which have been demonstrated in the section on societal order

conception (5), on the ontological system and its genealogy (6), and on Norinaga's historical

view (7).

The starting point has been to posit the paramount feature of Norinaga's mode of thought to be

the compactness of the experience of reality. By using this principle I have been able to decode the

myth at the opening of the text and demonstrate how the two aspects,--one static and the other

dynamic--were re-produced by Norinaga in the previously divided fields of speculation. Moreover

at the end of the genealogical reconstruction of his ontological system, I proposed to define

Norinaga's attitude as empirical transcendentalist. Besides I demonstrated, in accord with the major

positions in the field (Maruyama 1974, Nosco 1990, Harootunian 1988, McNally 2006, Flueckiger

2008), the conjunction between Norianga's mode of thought and either theKogaku school, and

in a less specific way, with Buddhism.

Thus far these have been the main points touched upon in this dissertation. Can the findings of

this dissertation be generalized as expression of Norinaga's mode of thought? What would be the

consequence of such an appraisal? On the one hand, these are open working questions that need to

be researched by a textual analysis based on Noringa's oeuvre. This will in case, confirm and further

expand the understanding of Norinaga's conception of Nature so to more solidly ground the

evaluation of his political attitude. On the other hand, as a first step, what is needed is an

intertextual examination and reconstruction by comparison of either the conceptions and strategy

used by the thinkers Norinaga had been influenced by, f.i. Sorai and Jinsai. Yet the next step will be

a radical historicization of the ideologies that this modes of thought mapped out. In other words,

that is to contrast the logic this texts projected onto reality with contemporary society actual

institutional order. In conclusion this will bring into light the ideological divergences left uncovered

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by either the modernistic (Maruyama 1974, Matsumoto 1972) and post-modernistic (Harootunian

1988, Koyasu 2005) reading of the matter.

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daniele caramanna thesis

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