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Cover: The cover photo is of the statue of Christopher Columbus which stands outside the City Hall of Columbus, Ohio. This photo illustrates the first paper in the Journal, but also represents the focus of this year's Journal: the assessment of the individual's impact throughout history. Cover photo taken by Erin Purdy.

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Page 1: Cover: The cover photo is of the statue of Christopher ......Cover: The cover photo is of the statue of Christopher Columbus which stands outside the City Hall of Columbus, Ohio. This

Cover: The cover photo is of the statue of Christopher Columbus whichstands outside the City Hall of Columbus, Ohio. This photo illustrates thefirst paper in the Journal, but also represents the focus of this year's

Journal: the assessment of the individual's impact throughout history.Cover photo taken by Erin Purdy.

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THE WITTENBERGHISTORY JOURNAL

Wittenberg UniVersity • Springfield, Ohio

Volume XXISpring 1992

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Editor's Note:

A note about a few of the papers in this year's journal: Jim Pierson won the Hattie Awardfor 1992 with his paper, "The Journey of George Washington." Alison Taylor's paper "Encoun-tering America" was a runner-up for the same award. Matt Theis presented "Nixon's Resignationand Its Effects on World Politics" at the Regional Conference of Phi Alpha Theta, the Interna-tional History Honorary, this April.

I would like to thank my staff this year for their insights, advice, and effort. I couldn'thave asked for a better group of people. Thanks also to the History Department for their assis-tance. The end result would not have been possible without the patience and hard work of thePublications Department. I would especially like to thank Carol Kneisley and Susan Crown fortheir help. Finally, I thank Elise deLanglade and Dr. Cynthia Behrman for their guidance. I amlucky to have had such experience and wisdom guiding this year's journal.

Erin Purdy

History Journal Staff

Editor ........................................................................................... Erin Purdy

Secretary/Treasurer ................................................................... Don Kissock

Staff ................................................................................... Elise deLanglade

Sheri DrewCharles ListAmy Slagle

John BennettMatt Theis

Barry JackischBob Lazorchick

Molly WilkinsonFaculty Advisor .......................... ............................... Dr. Cynthia Behrman

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Table of Contents

Encountering America ...................................................................................................................... 1

by Alison Taylor

The Journey of George Washington ................................................................................................. 3

by James Pierson

Edwin Mcmasters S tanton: For the Benefit of All ........................................................................... 5

by Lynda Roller

Josephine Butler ............................................................................................................................... 9

by Julie Levengood

Ellen Terry: Ideal Woman versus Actress ...................................................................................... 13

by Amy Dunham

The Eisenhower Doctrine ............................................................................................................... 17

by Amy Whitacre

Nixon's Resignation and Its Effects on World Politics .................................................................. 21

by Matthew Theis

Address correspondence to:

EditorThe Wittenberg History JournalHistory DepartmentWittenberg UniversitySpringfield, Ohio 45501

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Encountering Americaby Alison Taylor

In 1492, Columbus sailed the ocean blue. In 1992, thoseadmirers of Christopher Columbus still remaining In theworld may very well be as blue as the waters he once sailed.A controversy of tremendous proportion currently ragesworld-wide concerning Columbus and his role place inhistory. At one time, the U.8. saw Columbus as the manwho gave birth to a continent and, in part, to the UnitedStates itself. Now, however, Columbus is being seen bymany as merely a villain resl nsible for murdering acontinent, her peoples, and her wildlife. With the hooplamounting as his quincentenary rapidly approaches, itbecomes more and more difficult to sort out the man fromthe myth from the exaggeration.

Traditionally, Columbus was believed to be theharbinger of civilization In the "New World." His explora-tion led to the massive wave of European immigrationwhich, in turn, brought civilization to two sparsely popu-lated continents and to the "primitive" indigenous peoplesfound there. This view of Columbus shows him as the firststep in a process which turned out to be "a dating expcri-ment in democracy that in turn became a symbol and ahaven of ladividual liberty for people throughout theworld": the U.SJ

Actually, Columbus received little to no historicalrecognition in the U.S. until after the War of 1812. At thattime, American patriots felt they desperately needed to linkthe American cause to heroes other than the British.Washington Irving created just the image they desired in hisbook of 1828, A History of the Life and Voyages of Christo-pher Columbus. In his book, Irving glorified a man who,although he held an Italian name and sailed for the Spanishcrown, still displayed virtues and characteristics that all U.S.citizens could identify with and admire? Irving simplybrought a hitherto unknown figure out into the open whereall could see and admire him. Thus, Christopher Columbus,who actually sailed 336 years earlier, was born as anAmerican heroin 1828.

The above version of Christopher Columbus, that ofthe valiant discoverer, has served as the truth for mostpeople over the years, yet not everyone has viewed theItalian with the same rose-colored glasses we viewed himwith during our elementary school days. Critics of Colum-bus and his implications for the "New World" began to

speak their minds during his own lifetime. Bartolome de lasCasas, a revisionist friar, had written essays of the atrocitiescommitted against the Native Americans under Columbusand his successors before Columbus' adventure had reachedits 50th anniversary.3

With the upcoming quineantenary in sight, manygroups have begun to plan celebrations in honor of the manwith whom it all began: Congress is partially fundingorganizational committees; Spain is planning Expo "92honoring Christopher Columbus; half a dozen countries andorganizations are building full size replicas of the Nina, thePinta and the Santa Maria; PBS has developed a seven hourminiseries; and museums all over the world are developingdisplays and commemorations of their own In addition to anout-pouring of books, articles and other writings on the manand his aftermath being published world-wide. Manybelieve this to be a suitable treatment for a man who madesuch an important impact on the development of civilizationin the American Continents. Yet for die ever-growingnumber of Americans and people world-wide who believeColumbus to be of the same caliber as Hitler or Attila theHun, celebrating Columbus' adventure is like celebratingthe Holocaust.

These people are looking for new idols and heroes forthe U.S, much the same way that American patriots werelooking following the War of 1812. This lime, however,Columbus is certainly not the answer. Instead, he is part ofthe old image that needs to be downplayed and removed.Kirpatrick Sale and Hans Koning lead the "Condemnationof Columbus" parade, with their recent publications TheConquest of Paradise and Columbus: His Enterprise. InColumbus: His Enterprise, Kuning stated, "It's almostobscene to celebrate Columbus because it's an unmitigatedrecord of horror. We don't have to celebrate a man who wasreally -- om an Indian point of view -- worse than Attilathe Hun." 4 Many Native American and other groups,including the National Council of Churches (NCC),condemned the "'discovery" as "an invasion and coloniza-tion with legalized occupation, genocide, economicexploitation and a deep level of institutional racism andmoral decadence." 5 One leader within the NCC suggestedthat 1992 should be"a year of repentance and reflectionrather than a year of celebmtian."

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2 - The Wittenberg History Journal

It is easily app ent that the ranks of ChristopherColumbus' fan club shrink daily while the ranks of theiradversaries grows everyday. Most of those who opposeeelebrating Columbus view his first venture into thiscontinent as a precursor of doom. This group "deemsColumbus' first footfall in the New World to be fatal to theworld he invaded, and even to the rest of the globe."7 Thosewho oppose the celebration of Columbus and his adventureshave a valid statement to make. We must recognize thatColumbus' discovery was a double-edged sword, not alantern lit in the darkness of nothingness. For thousands ofyears people had been living in organized societies on thecontinent Europeans had the audacity to call the "NewWorld," Those people were the ones who were eventuallydecimated by those who followed Columbus' discovery.

The controversy over Columbus raises one real

question in my mind. If Columbus had not encounteredAmerica but had actually made it all the way to China,could this continent have remained untouched by theEuropeans? Looking at the planet today, contact betweenthe continents appears inevitable. From this perspective,criticizing Columbus for what followed him merely makeshim a scapegoat. Perhaps a better way to recognize theanniversary of the event would be to use it as a steppingstone in the re-examination of ourselves and our society.Finally, ignoring the technological achievement of Colum-bus' journey is as single-minded as ignoring the importanceof the Native American presence here prior to that joumey.Before Columbus' voyage, North America may very wellhave been akin to Eden, as flee of all evil as some wouldclaim. Then again, prior to Columbus' voyage, the Earthwas also flat.

Endnotes

J Paul Gray, "The Trouble with Columbus," Time, 7 October 1991,

520

2 Ibid.

Aric Press, "Coltmabtls, Stay Homel" Newsweel; 24 Iune 1991,54.

4 Gray, 52.

J Charles Krauthammer, "Hail Columbus, Dead White Male," Time,

27 May 191, 74.

6 ]bid.

7 Gray, 52.

Bibliography

Gray, Paul. "The Trouble with Columlyas." Time, 7 October 1991, 52 .

Kehoe, Alice Beck. North Anmrican Indians: A Comprehensive Accounl.Englewood Cliffs,New Jersey: Prenrice-HallInc, 1981.

Krauthammer, Charles. "Hail Columbus, Dead White Male." Time, 27

May 1991, 74.

Press, Eric. "Columbus, Stay Homel" Newsweek, 24 June 1991,54-55.

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The Journey of George Washingtonby James Pierson

In those days the Monongahela River did not meander itsway through the decaying heart of the American steelcountry. It worked its way through the harsh wildernesstowards its junction with the Allegheny River. Here the tworivers formed the Ohio River which served as the gatewayto the Ohio Valley and, thus, the vast continent of NorthAmerica. It was this area which, in the fall of 1753, wasbeginning to emerge as the point of conflict between theEnglish and French empires. The Ohio Company ofVirginia represented the English dreams of expansion andsettlement of the Ohio Valley. The vested interests ofpowerful Virginiuns in the company, such as GovernorRobert Dinwiddie, ganran _A it the economic and militarysupport that its plans demanded. They were plans that werenotio go uncontested, however, as the French had plans forthe valley as well. These plans had led to the constructionof a string of forts intended to surround the English coloniesand thus preserve for France the trading empire it had begunto establish along the Ohio Valley and down towards theMississippi. It was within this setting, a free walling for aspark, that the twenty-one year old George Washington wasto embark upon his first important mission as a representa-tive of the Governor of Virginia and the King of England.

On the surface, young Washington's mission appearedto be a simple one. He had been commissioned by GovernorDinwiddie to deliver a letter to the commandant of theFrench forces on the Ohio. Through the letter, Dinwiddiesought to warn the French that their erection of fortressesand making settlements along the Ohio was an encroach-ment upon English land. Dinwiddie stated, "I must desireyou to acquaint me, by whose authority and instrncdons,you have lately marched from Canada, with an armed force,and invaded the King of Great Britain's territories?'Inaddition to delivering Dinwiddie's letter, Washington wasto perform two of the major functions of any frontierdiplomat: court the friendship of the Indians, and gatherinformation pertaining to the intentions of the French forcesin the region.

As he made his way through the bitter cold of thewestern Pennsylvania countryside, Washington took stepsto accomplish each of these tasks. First, he met with themost influential Indian chief of the region, an old ally whomthe British referred to as the Half-King. Washington records

that the Half-King "informed me that they (the French) hadbuilt two forts, one on Lake Erie, and another on FrenchCreek.' Although this was not good news, it was exactlythe kind of information Washington was seeldng. He madethe Half-King the customary gift of a swing of wampum andpersuaded him to join him in the journey to the home of theFrench commandant, Fort LeBoeuf.

Washington and his p: y continued travelling north-ward to the small settlement at Venango at the head ofFrench Creek (a tribulary of the Allegheny River). Here hedined with the commanding officer Captain Joncaire.During the meal, Captain Joncalre, his tongue loosened bywine, revealed France's intentions to Major Washington."They told me, that it was their absolute design to takepossession of the Ohio, and by God they would do iL"3 Ifthere was any doubt as to the impending conflict along theOhio and the urgency of Washington's mission it must havebeen dispelled by this point.

Four days after leaving Venangu, Washington and hispatty arrived at Fort LeBoeuf where he delivered GovernorDinwiddie's letter to the commanding officer, Legardeur deSL Piere. At this point, according to Washington's journal,"the chief officers retired, to hold a Council of War, whichgave me the opportunity of taking the dimensions of the fortand making what observations I could."4 The next day,Washington received a reply to remm to GovernorDinwiddie. St. Piere, in his reply, denied the charges of theVirginia governor, stating that the French forces had movedinto the region based upon the justifiable order of theircommanding general. "As to the Summon you send me toretire," he defiantly stated, "'I do not think myself obliged toobey it, whatever may be your instructions.'

Washington speedily returned to Williamsburg with theFrench reply, the entire trip taldng two and a half months.The observations he brought with him were not encourag-ing. According to historian R.E. Banta, "his report of theunhappy state in which he had found matters in the OhioValley led to the calling out old volunteers in Virginiawithin the month.''6 Within the year Washington was toreturn to the Ohio Valley, this lime as a colonel in theVirginia milhia, and participate in a skirmish that served asthe spark that ignited the French and Indian War. It was afire that was to spread rapidly to the European continent.

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4 - The Wittenberg History Journal

When it was all said and done, England and her colonieswere to sweep the French from the North Americancontinent and open the continent for the expansion of the

thirteen colonies that were soon to become the United Statesof America.

Endnotes

Lois Mulkeam, e&, George Mercer Papers: Relatb£g to the OhioCompany ofVirgbaio (Pi burgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1954,14 (facsimile insert).

2 George Washington, The Journal of Major George Washington(Williamsburg, Virginia: Colonial Williamsburg Inc., 1959, 8 [facsimile

Ibid., 13.

< Ibid., 16.

Mulkearn. 14.

6 R.E. BantaThe Ohio (New York: Rinehart and Company, 1949),

copy]). 84.

Bibliography

Banta, R.E. The Ohio. New York: Rinehart and Company, 1949.

Cleland, Hugh. George Washington and the Ohio Valley. Pittsburgh:University of Piusburgh Press, 1955.

Freeman, Douglass Southall. George Washington Volume one. NewYork: Charles Seribner's Sons, 1948.

Mulkeam, Lois ed. George Mercer Papers: Relating to the OhioCompany of Virginia. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press,1954.

Washington, George. The Journal of Major George Washington.Williamsburg, Virginia: Colonial Williamsburg Inc., 1959.

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Edwin Mcmasters Stanton: For the Benefit of Allby Lynda Roller

Edwin Mcmastors Stanton served the Federal governmentas Secretary of War from 1862 to 1868. The means bywhich he acquired and maintained this position throughoutthe Civil War raises the controversial issue of whatStanton's incentives were for the actions he took. Historiansportray Stanton as a man motivated solely by self-aggran-dizement or by altruism. However, basic human natureholds that motives for actions and decisions are morecomplex. The Civil War enabled Stanton to combine hisself-interest with his perceived national interest of the timeto the advantage of both. Stanton simultaneously acted toadvance his political eareer in the national government andto contribute to the preservation of the Federal Union. Theshort-term and long-term benefits of Stanton's actions needto be considered in order to understand that Stanton wasdriven by beth self-aggrnndizement and his loyalty to theUnion. His twofold motivation is manifested in events suchas his communication with Repubfican congressmen duringthe Secession Winter of 1860-61, his role in the removal ofSimon Cameron as Secretary of War in the Lincolnadministration, and his change of political affiliation fromDemocrat to Republican.

While Stanton's actual reasoning behind certain actionsis unknown, educated guesses can be made based on hisgeneral history. Stanton's life preceeding the sectional crisisand the Civil War was filled with ambition. As a young manhe attended Kenyon College until his family's financialstraits terminated his formal education. Stanton then servedan apprenticeship until he was able to attend theSteubenville bar to become an attorney.1 An aspiring andsuccessful lawyer, he practiced in Steubenville, Ohio;Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Washington D.C.; and California.He argued cases before the U.S. Supreme Court and earneda national reputation? Ultimately, according toone biogra-pher, his goal was to become a Supreme Court Justice. Hispersonal situation in 1860 -- age 46, financially sound, asuccessful lawyer and socially secure -- placed him in aposition to satisfy any political ambitions?

Along with social status, Stanton also cultivated deeppolitical convictions. Stirred by Andrew Jackson's cry thatthe Federal Union "mast and shall be preserved,''4 hebecame a Jacksonian Democrat at age 18, intenselydedicated to the Union? During the Nullification Crisis of

1832 Stanton supported Jackson on the tariff issue, indicat-ing his contrariety to an attack on the Union. On the Kenyoncanapes, he led the supporters of Jackson and the Union.This marked the beginning of his undying loyalty to theUnion, a conviction which, one biographer writes, fixed hispolitical course for the next thirty years.''

One political episode that eccured during the SecessionWinter of 1860-61 exemplifies beth Stanton's loyalty to theUnion and his drive for personal gain. During th time,Stanton, a Democrat serving as Attorney General forPresident Buchanan, began secret communications withRepublican leaders in Congress. He revealed the Buchananadministration's proceedings related to the secession crisis,an action which, in the short-term, served the good of thenation2

As Attorney General, Stanton surveyed the currentsituation in Washington and detected imminent dangers tothe Federal government. He believed that secessionistsplotted to rebel against the government and establish theConfederate capital in Washington.8 Also, in Stanton'sperception, Buchanan failed to use his power to protect orregain Federal property in seceded statesY For Stanton,these predicaments demanded immediate attention. Herecognized Buchanan's failure to assert his powers, alongwith the divided state of the Democratic party due to theslavery issue, left only the Republican leaders to devise apolicy to protect the Union government. While he despisedthe Black Republicans, Stanton cooperated with beth theRepublicans and the Democrats; he discarded partypreference to successfully unblock the exercise of nationalpower.'°

Some historians dismiss the charge of betrayal, treason,and treachery that arose against Stanton as a result of hiscooperation with the Republicans; they claim he actedsolely in the interest of preserving the Union.n Otherhistorians, such as Burton Hendrick, suggest that when laterendeavors are considered (such as Stanton's role in theresignation of Secretary of War Simon Cameron in 1862)Stanton's consorting with Republicans, especially WilliamSeward, was a part of an overall plot to advance himselfpolitically.12 When both short-term and long-term motiva-tions are considered, however, the two camps of historiansoverlap. After Lineola's inaugtwation, those who knew of

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6 ° The Wittenberg History Journal

S n' " " ntanto s proceedings realized that Stanto had succeededin maintaining the national govemmenL In reference to adinner with Seward and Stanton, Thurlow Weed, politicalconfidant of Seward, stated, "It was then and there that Ilearned how large a debt we owed [Stanton] before theRebellion began.'' 3

In the long-term, Stanton's decision to communicatewith the most powerful leaders in the Republican Partyundoubtedly aided in his appoimment as Secretary of Warin the Lincoln adminislrntlon. Although Lincoln's motivesfor nominating Stanton can only be speculated upon, thesupport of Republican leaders gave Stanton a doubleadvantage. Stanton solicited the respect and trust of bothSalmon Chase and Seward, two men with divergentopinions who became Secretary of the Treasury andSecretary of State, respectively. When Lincoln inquiredabout their opinion of Stanton, both held him in highesteem. Lincoln might have taken the agreement betweenthe two men to mean that Stanton could be a necessarycounterweight for the differing factious in Congress)' Also,Lincoln undoubtedly knew of the intercourse betweenStanton and the Republican Party. Therefore, he knew ofStanton's fierce devotion to the Union. Perhaps thisdedication influenced Lincoln's choice of Stanton35

The circumstances surrounding the nomination of anew Seca tary of War creates another controversy involvingStanton's intentions. He played a large part in the removalof his predecessor, Simon Cameron, at the end of 1861. AsCameron's attorney, Stanton advised him to include in theSecretary of War's annual report a clause calling for therelease and arming of slaves in rebel states. Stanton wordedthe clause in legal terms, strengthening the recommenda-tion. Infuriated by Cameron's proposal, and unaware ofStanton's role in the matter, Lincoln asked for Cameron'sresignation and proceeded to nominate Stanton as the newSecretary of War.16

Camcron's resignadon advaac smton's serf-interestby bringing him to a powerful position in the War Depart-menL Again, only speculation can be made concerning anyacrimonious and serf-aggrandizing intentions Stanton mighthave held when he advised Cameron to include the clause.However, the possibility cannot be eliminated becauseStanton had previously practiced some indirection forpersonal benefits, although throughout his tenure asSecretary of War Stanton pottrayed a picture of honesty,a7For example, while not a criminal lawyer, Stanton oncesuccessfully defended a guilty client who protested againstthe high fees Stanton demanded. "Do you think," Stantonbluntly responded, "I would argue for the wrong side forless?"aS It was not inconceivable that Stanton deceivedCameron to help himseff.

$ tanton' s serf-interest, however, did not obstruct theultimate gain the Union achieved from his career asSecretary of War. The removal of Cameron was initself a major benefiL Quite simply, Cameron was corrupL

When applied to Cameron, the term "honest politician" hascommonly been defined as "when bought, stay bought."(19)Personal gain subordinated friends, parties, and principles.Corruption and graft dominated the policies and deals hemade3° In short, Cameron's priorities lay with himselfmthcr than the Union. Once Stanton took office, he elimi-nated corruption and turned the depalmaent into anefficiently run operation. "As soon as I can get the machin-ery of the office working," he declared, "the rats clearedout, and the rat holes stopped, we shall move.'' 1 Stantontolerated no clandestine deals; he forced all contract seekersto smm their business in the presence of others,zzHisobjective was not pecuniary gain, but rather to win the warin order to preserve the Union.

The competent manner in which Stanton assisted theNorthern victory at Chattanooga demonstrates the advan-tage he brought to the Union. He brilliantly maneuvered themovement of the 1 lth and 12th corps over a 1,233-mile tripby railroad from the Rappahannock River to Chattanooga.zIn just eleven days, the reinforcement troops crossed the ,Appalachian Mountains and the unbridged Ohio River toarrive near Chattanooga. A telegraph by General JosephHooker depicted the enormous importance of Stanton'slogistics. "If you projected the movement of the 1 lth and12th corps," Hooker wrote, "you may justly claim the meritof having saved Chattanooga to us.,,-a

A final example of how the Civil War allowed Stantonto timber both the national interest and his serf-interest ishis gradual change of partisanship from a Democrat to aRadical Republican. The modification of his views on blackfights from before the war and during Reconstructionexemplifies the change. Essentially, he progressed throughthree stages: from antislavery and antiblack rights, toantislavery, to pro-black fights. In this situation, Stanton'spolitical transfiguration appears to derive primarily from hisdesire to maintain the Union. Nevertheless, the strengthen-ing of the Federal Union through the granting of blackrights ultimately offered personal political advantages aswell.

Stanton entered and exited the Buchanan administra-lion a Democrat with strong anti-slavery convictions.Notwithstanding, he accepted slavery because he believedth,at the preservation of the Union depended on the Southmaintaining its peculiar institution. According to AndrewCarnegie, a former colleague, Stanton placed all issues, ashe did with slavery in 1860-1861, secondary to the preser-vation of the Union. In addition, slavery for Stanton wasmore a legal question than a moral issue; he appealed to noeL . ,r2B . .higher law to condemn slavery. As a practuaoner ofconstitutional law, he felt that "all laws constitutionallyenacted for the protection of slavery should be rigidlyenforced."27 Therefore, he believed the Dred Scott decisionand the Fugitive Slave Law should be upheld. In thepresidential election of 1860, he supported the SouthernDemocratic slave code platform. A Republican victory, he

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Edwin McMasters Stanton: For the Benefit of All o 7

thought, would ensure an attempt to stop the expansion ofslavery into the territories, which he believed wouldjeopardize the Ultion.z

After Stanton took office as Secretary of War in 1862,however, his opinions changed. Slavery became the primarywar issue, and emancipation emerged as a war objective?9He recognized that slavery obstructed the attainment andretaining of peace,s° The maintenance of the Federal Uniondepended on the elimination of slavery,st For this reason,Stanton gradually embraced the Republican policy of astrong central government, which allowed the nationalgovernment to prohibit the extension of slavery and abolishexisting slavery.

In July 1862, Stanton fully championed Lincoln'sproposal for an Emancipation Proclamation. By doing so,he indicated a radical view against slavery.xz Fie pushed tostrengthen the measure and to issue it immediately2s areaction that indicated the end of his stance against blackfights. His actions also implied the recognition of the powerCongress and the Constitution held to protect the rights ofNegroes.s* By granting freedom to blacks, Stanton argued Inhis annual report of 1862, the Confederacy would beweakened militarily. ' he power of the rebels," he wrote,"rests upon their peculiar system of labor, which keepslaborers on their plantations to support owners who aredevoting their time and strength to destroy our armies anddestroy oar government." s5 Emancipation would benefit thenational interesL

Stanton did not stop advocating the release of slaves.He radicalized his stand on civil fights by becoming aprotector of Negroes. For instance, in January 1865,General William Tecmseh Sherman drafted Special FieldOrder No. 15 in an effort to grant property to freedmen. Theorder designated confiscated land in the South, such as theSea Islands and coastal South Carolina, for Negro settle-ment. During Reconstruction in the same year, Stantonendorsed Negro suffrage and congressional control ofReconstruction. In response to Radical Republican CharlesSumner's demand for these occurrences, Stanton stated thathe supported"every sentiment, every opinion, and word ofiL''aT Working through the Joint Committee on Reconstruc-tion, dominated by Radical Republicans, Congress passedfour measures in the interest of blacks in 1867: a newFreedman's Bm'eau bill, a CivilRights Act, the Fourteenth

Amendment, and the First Reconstruction Act.s8From Stanton's perspective, as well as that of other

Radical Republicans, the profusion of civil rights tofreedman would eventually fortify the Union. Because theRepublican party conferred these privileges on the blacks,the Republicans believed the Negroes would support theparty, leading to Republican victories in elections. Suchconquests would block the rebirth of the Democratic party?9In addition, beneficial Republican policies would be upheld.For instance, farmers would continue to receive aid throughthe Homestead Act and appropriations for the completion ofa transcontinental railroad would not cease. These laWS,among others, would contribute to the progress of thenation.*0

Stanton's reasons for adhering to the principles of theRepublican party may not have included political advan-tages. However, he profited personally from the samemeasures that advanced the national interest. In general, inaddition to the advantages brought by being a member ofthe party in control of the government, the Republicanprinciple of a strong central government allowed Stanton tohave a greater voice in political matters, hi addition,Stanton's actions during the Civil War prolonged his careeras Secretary of War. When Andrew Johnson becamePresident in 1865, he asked Stanton to remain as Secretaryof War. Johnson's request signifies the importance ofStanton's endeavors. President Grant, in 1868, also recog-nized Stanton's accomplishments and nominated him as aSupreme Court Justice. Although Stanton died before heheard a case,4a he had the satisfaction of knowing he hadachieved one of his lifelong political dreams.

Stanton's innermost motivations may never be known,but these episodes show that Stanton was driven by twoprevailing incentives throughout the Civil War. For thebenefit of both his self-interest and the perceived nationalinterest, Stanton engaged himself in the struggle to win thewar. Battles were won, blacks were protected, the rebellionwas crushed, and the Union was preserved. Credit for thesevictories goes in part to the man who successfully obtainedand maintained the second most powerful position In theFederal government during the Civil War. As Lincoln'sright-hand man, Stanton witnessed not only his ownpolitical development, but also that of his nation.

Endnotes

t Benjamin P. Thomas mad Harold M. Hyman, Stanton: The Lifeand Times of Lincoln's Secretary of War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,1962), 9, 12.

2 Dictionary of American Biography, 1935 ed., s.v. =Stanton, EdwinMca-nasters," by A. Howard Meneely.

s Burton F. Hendfiek,Lincoln's War Cabinet (Boston: Little Brownand Company, 1946), 242, 245.

4 Andrew Carnegie, "Stamon, the Patriot," Ohio Archaeologicaland HistoricalPublications, Columbus, Fred Heer, 1906, vol. 15, 292.

s!bid.

6 Hendrlck, 239-240.-i

Thomas mad Hymar 99.

u Hendrick, 253.

Fletcher Pratt, Slaiaton: Lincoln's Secretary of War (New York:W. W. Norton and Co., Inc., 1953), 113.

to Thomas mad Hyman, 99.

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t PmtL 113.

12 Hendfick. 256, 259.

t Thomas and Hymen, 99, 118.

" Chase believed Stmaton would ally himself with the antislaveryfaction, while Seward thought Stanton would cooperate with the

moderates. Ibid., 136.

t prau, 133-134.

'+ Ibid., 132.

17 Shelby Foote, The Civil War: A Narrative, vol.1, Fort Sumter to

Perryville (New york: Randon House, 1958), 244.

t* Hendfick, 243.

9 Ibid., 51.

20 One example of Camerc t's corruption deals with horse co tractshe made. Original contracts went to middlemen instead of horse breeders

and trainers. Professional traders "rented" the hones and made a profit-

Most of the horses the army received carded disease and were unfit formilitary service. One deal cost the War Depamnnt $58,200. Hendfick,220-222.

Ibid.

MePherson, 506.

0 William Johnston, "An Address on the Life and Public Servicesof Hon. Edwin M+ Stantor " (Cincinnati: R. W. Catroli and Co.,

Publishers, 1870), 13.

a General William Rosecrans held Chattanooga beginning inSeptrxnber, 1863. The Union troops, however, were subjected to minimalmlions and horses starvod to death due to the cutting off of Unionsupplies by Geaaeral Braxton Blagg. Rosecrans's failure to effectivelyrespond to the crisis resulted in the activation of Stanton's plma, withGeneral Joseph Hooker in charge of the reinforcement troops. James M.McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York:Oxford University press, 1988), 675.

Carnegie, 297.

u Gotham, 1:177.

2, D.A.B., 518.

Gordan C. Gorhan Life and Public Services of Edwin M. Stanton(Cambridge: The Riverside Press, 1899), 2:129.

Ibid.

a Foote, 1:245.

a, Gotham, 1:186.

Hend6ck, 35

Fc te, 1:540.

34 • . . . . .DtctwnaryofAmertcanHtstory, rev. e L,s.v. Emancapatton

Proclamation," by Hans L Trefousse.

3s Gorham, 2:87-88.

+ Spedal Field Order No. 15 was issued after Sherman's marchthrough Georgia. Accusations of prejudicial behavior towards freedblacks arose against Sherman+ Stanton w nt to Savannah to investigatethe charges and interviewed twenty black men about their interpretationof freedom. This was the first time a government official asked blackswhat their people desLred. The order was implemented successfully untilrevoked by President Jdanson.

Allen Weinstein and R. Jackson Wilson, Freedom and Crisis: AnAmerican History Volum One - to 1877, 2nd. ed. (New York: RandomHouse, 1974), 412-416.

D.A.B., 519.

a8 The four acts provided for the following: the new Freedmen'sBureau bill allowed the Bureau to take judicial action in mib ary courtsagainst a violator of Negro civil fights; the Civil Righu Act ensuredequal civil fights between blacks and whites; the Fourteenth Amendmentextended citizenship to blacks; and the First Reconstruction Act calledfor universal male suffrage. Weinstaln and Wilson, 440.

Ibid., 442.

Colller's Encyclopedia, 1988 od., s.v. "Republican party," by

George Harmon Knoles.

4t D.A.B., 519-520.

Bibliography

Camegin, Andrew. "Stantoth the patfioL" Of'do Archaeological andHistorical publications, Columbus, Fred Heer, vol. 15, 1906, 290-

310.

Chase, Harold W., ed. Dictionary of American History. New York:Charles Scdbner's Sons, 1976. s.v. "Emancipation Proclamation"

by Hans L. Trefausse.

Dumas, Malone, dd. Dictionary of American Biography. New York:Charles Seribner's Sons, 1935. s.v. "Stanton, Edwin Mcmasters,"

by A. Howard Meneely.

Foote, Shelby. The Civil War: A Narrative, VoL 2, Fort Sumter toPurryville. New York: Random House, 1958.

Gotham, George C. Life and Public Services of Edwia M. S. Stanton, 2vols. Cambridge: The Riverside Press, 1899.

Halsey, William D., and Johnston, Bernard, eds. Collier's Encyclopedia.New York: Macmillian FAucationa] Company, 1988, s.v."Republican Party," by George Harmon Knoles.

Hendrick, Burton F. Lincoln's War Cabinet. Boston: Little, Brown, and

Co., 1946.

Johnston, William. "An Address on the Life and Public Services of Hon.Edwin M. Stanton." Cincinnati: R. W. Carroll and Co., Publishers,

1870.

McPharson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. Newyork: Oxford University Press, 1988.

PratL Fletcher. Stanton: Lincoln's Secretary of War. New York: W.W.

Norton mad Co., Inc., 1953.

Thomas, Benjamin P. and Hymen, Harold M. Stanton: The Life andTimes of Lincoln's Secretary of War. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,1962.

Weinstein, Allen and Wilson, R. Jackson. Freedom and Crisis: AnAmerican History Volume One - to 1877, 2nd ed. New York:Random House, 1974.

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Josephine Butlerby Julie Levengood

On January 2, 1907, the obituary notice of Mrs. JosephineButler apw,2red in the London Times. She was described bya co-worker as:

an almost ideal woman; a devoted wife, exquis-itely haman and feminine, with no touch in her ofthe 'woman of the platform,' though with a greatgift of pleading h, with a powerful mind, anda soul purged through fire.1

As a champion of the causes of prostitution and venerealdisease in Victorian England, Mrs. Butler wasfaced with the challenge that many people believed womenshould not interest themselves in political issues at all. Inaddition, the very causes she chose compelled men likeCavendish Bentwiek, a staunch defender of the ContagiousDiseases Act, to say that "Josephine Butler and her womenwere tainted by their meddling in such a subject and weremorally worse than the prostitutes they sought to save."However, to fully appreciate her dedication it is firstnecessary to understand the nature and scope of theproblems of proslitutlon and the Contagions Diseases Act.

The Contagions Diseases Act (CDA) of 1864, 1866,and 1869 were introduced as exceptional legislation tocontrol the spread of venereal disease among enlisted men.Under these acts, plainelothes policemen could identify awoman as a common prostitute and order her to be sub-jected to an internal examination, ffshe was then found toshow the symptoms of gonorrhea or syphilis, she would beinterned in a lock hospital for up to nine months.

Josephine Butler was deeply opposed to the theory andpractice of enforcing any legislation which gave the policespecial powers of arrest and imprisonment. She believed theActs "constituted a discrimination in law more grave thananything enacted before, an enshrinement in the statute-book of the iniquitous double-staadard."Buder was a majorinfluence on the repeal of the CDA and the problem ofprostitution, due not only to her disgust with moral hypoc-risy, but also because her quest for justice could not toleratethe revolting conditions, the contradicting evidence, and theattack on the dignity of women that made the ContagionsDiseases Act such detestable legislation.

Josephine Butler's early life and experiences preparedher for the long and difficult campaign that was ahead ofher. She was born in 1828 on her family's Northumberland

estate at Milfielck Her father, John Grey of Dilston, was adescendant of a clan of border barons. Her mother was bornHannah AnnelL part of a prosperous middle-class family ofHugenot descent. From her mother, Josephine received"deep religious conviction and the grace to maintain it withcompassion and understanding.TM Her father was deter-mined that his daughters should be brought up as educatedand independent as their brothers. Josephine was theseventh child and was often described as the most intelligentand the most beautiful. She was constantly encouraged toparticipate in conversations with her father's guests andlearned to hold intelligent discussions with adults at an earlyage. She was never sheltered from social problems of thelime, and her father expected her to appreciate and evaluatethem with compassion.

Josephine's marriage to George Butler came in 1851,shortly after he had turned 30. At age 18 he had followedthe family tradition of going to Cambridge, but his lazinesseaused him to leave after only a year. Three years later hereturned, and in 1848 he was appointed to a Readership atDurham University. He was unsure about entering intoreUgions life, but with support and encouragement fromJosephine, he accepted orders soon after their marriage.George and Josephine had a unique relationship. They were:

profoundly suited to one another, to an extentwhich almost defies belief. They were both insome sense 'beautiful people,' enormouslytalented, good-looking, and sharing a particularChristian vision which informed all they thoughtor did?

They had a strong and honest love which helped themthrough much of the opposition they would experience inworking for their cause.

Mrs. Butler's early life did contain several experiencesthat tested her befiefs, but she was able to overcome andlearn from them. They were, in fact, a series of events thatdrew her to her life's work. The first, occurring whenshe was seventeen, was described as one of several confron-tations with the Deity. Josephine was tiding her horsethrough the woods near her house when be shied andrefused to go further. She noticed the body of a dead manwho had hung himself and recognized him as the valet of aneighboring gentleman. This event was disturbing to her not

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only because it represented her first personal encounter withdeath but also because she knew that the man had been firedfrom his job because he had supposedly fathered the childof a servant gird It represented the social problems ofsociety and the desperation of the poor, and Josephine saidshe "felt a great burden on my soul about the inequalities,injustice, and cruelties in the world.''7 This experience"brought together into one single experience of mentalagony her .sense of social guilt and her religious uncertain-ties?'8 From this point on, she never doubted the presence ofGod or the effects of prayer, and she believed she was"God's chosen instrument waiting for His guidance.''9

Josephine was also affected by conversations ormeetings with three different people. The first was adiscussion of Mrs. Guskell's novelRuth. The plot concernsa young factory worker who is seduced and then desertedby a rich gentleman. This illustrated her first experience ofthe double standard and how "a moral lapse in a womanwas immensely worse than in a man."1° She also befriendedan acrobat in a traveling circus and a young motherimprisoned for the murder of her illegitimate new-bornbaby.n Acquaintances with these people personally taughther the plight of the poor. It also helped shape her laterimages of prostitutes as victims of their environments muchus these women were victims and could not escape.

As a result of her experiences, Josephine wanted verymuch to speak on the injustices of the treatment of women,but this was not acceptable in society and women were toldthat they must be silent on the subjecL Josephine responded:

Can the soul of my sister be defiled, and my ownsoul not be the worse for it? It cannot, unlessindeed I rise up in wrath for ber redemption, andthrough the toils and pains and anguish of my life Irender back to God my soul for hers.12

She said that she felt impelled to defend her beliefs "as acitizen of a free country first, and as a woman secondly,"and she found an outlet for her energies in campaigning forthe repeal of the CDA.13

This type of legislation came from other Europeansystems of licensing prostitution and brothels, although thislegislation never occulred in England. It began in Franceunder Napoleon I and created a morals police as a system ofstate reguladun of vice. It was put into practice in Englandbecause venereal disease was a major cause of disablementand hospitalization in the army. The statistics between 1860and 1869 show that half the outpatients at SL Bartholomew'sHospital were victims of venereal disea . 4 However, themilitary leaders knew that there would most likely beopposition to a policy like the CDA. In July of 1864 EarldeGray, the new War Secretary, pushed for the creation ofthe Acts. What resulted was that:

without any debate in the House of Commons, atdinner time when there were only about fifty menin the House, the First Contagious Diseases Actwas passed in silence, and those few memberswho heard of it thought it to do with existing

legislation about Contagious Diseases [Animals].t5The first Act was tentative in 1864 and was repealed whenthe Act of 1866 was passed. There was verbal amendmentin 1868, and it was further extended in 1869. Butler calledthe CDA and issues like legalization of prostitution"nothing else than the triumph of brute force, the consecra-tion of police despotism over the weaker sex - the protectionof white slave trade...in a word, the organization of femaleslavery.''16

Such disgust by Butler was also expressed as a result ofthe threatening and unsanitary procedures of the surgicalexaminadons themselves. Under the second Act, prostitutesin garrison towns "were required to submit to medicalexamination not less than once every twelve months and notmore than once every six months.'n7 To bring women tothese examinations, the police had to obtain voluntarysubmission or the order of a magistrate. However, womendid not freely submit to the examinations, and an amend-ment was added that gave a signature of submission thesame legal effects of a magistrate's order. The women werenow legally required to attend.1B

The fortnightly surgical examinations were called "thelife of the system.'n9 They were sometimes held at ahospital, but more often than not were held at a house in aresidential area. The sensation in the neighborhood was "agross public scandal," and adults and children alike woulddiscuss the proceedings in the slreets.The conditions of theexaminations themselves were appalling. They wereeoaducted on the average from fltree to five minutes, andthere were no common codes or regulations for the examin-ing surgeons. They were simply instructed to "satisfythemselves that the women were properly examined.'m Thespecula that they used were capable of causing injury,especially due to rough or improper use by the examiners.Also, the specula were not cleansed and disinfected aftereach use, and "compulsory examination would mean, as itno doubt did, compulsory infection.'m

If a woman was found to show the symptoms ofvenereal disease, the police would take her straight to thelock hospital where she was to be contained. Many womencomplained about this because "they had no opportunityafforded them of making any arrangements for a prolongedabsence from their homes.'m They were unsure of how longthey would be away and often returned to find that theirhomes had been looted, their possessions sold, and theirfamilies scattered. Josephine associated much of thisprocess with the old slave Wade, which added to herconviction that she could notbe a passive participant in thiscause.

There were also many discrepancies in the evidencegiven by the supporters of the CDA. The fundamentalproblem was that there was no clear-cut definition ofprostitution. The police who were employed "had breaddiscretionary powe ." It was their decision who wouldand would not be brought before the magistrates, andbribery was prevalent_ The double standard was also readily

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Josephine Butler • 11

apparent, since little or no attention was paid to the testingand controlling of venereal disease in men. In 1873 a planwas enacted that would dock the pay of soldiers if they werefound to have venereal disease, and the figures for 1873-74decreased rapidly. However, "it wasn't until 1875 that therepealers discovered_men were dodging medical paradesand were cauterizing their sores with mercuric iodide andnitric acid.' Other attempts to institute examination amongsoldiers failed because "officers feared that compulsoryexamination would lead to demoralization of their men."The same objections did not apply to prostitutes becausethey had no self-respect and were not entitled to protest.John Asfley Bloxan, Consulting Surgeon to the ChafingCross Hospital and Lock Hospital, was quoted as saying he"recommended that the communication of venereal diseasebe itself a grounds for divorce or nullity."27 This onlyapplied to infected women, since legislators were unwillingto sanction even less severe penalties against infected men.

Other evidence submitted claims that the Act haddiminished prostitution, but they were easily refuted. First,the number of beerhouses operating as houses of assignationmay have been reduced, but it was not mentioned that forevery house that had its license revoked, two more wereopened,a In some cases, enforcement of the laws actuallyencouraged prostitution. The women who were once part-time prostitutes became hardened by the examinations andturned into professionals. Also, these women would recruitinnocent young girls who had been suspected by the policeand encourage them to become prostitutes. This continuedthe cycle and contributed to an even worse situation thanthat which already existed.

Most of Josephine's work was done in conjunctionwith the Ladies' National Association (LNA), a groupwhich "gave political expression to a supportive femalesubeulture in the mid-Victorian period.' 9 The LNAdemonstrated the capability of women to organize politi-cally, and "Mrs. Butler gloried in the ability of women tomanage a movement such as the LNA without maleguidance.' The LNA contributed both credibility and

principle to the repeal movement. Its credibility was in thefact that male repealers had not accomplished any greatgoals before this time, and principle was the foundation ofthe organization. Upholding a high standard of morality wasits goal?

Like Josephine Butler, the LNA operated with muchcourage and was not simply another group advocatingrepeal. The members were willing "to trespass upon groundwhich was anything but proper.''32 They believed thatprostitutes were forced into their positions due to unequalsocial and economic activity, and wi a dynamic leader likeJosephine Butler"it had a profounder effect than many mayhave realized."33

The first success of the repealers came in 1872 whenthey forced the govemmunt to abandon compulsoryexamination, and the final goal was reached in 1886 whengrants for police and lock hospitals were ended. Eventhough most of the effects of the CDA were negative, therewere several beneficial results. First, they did help diminishjuvenile prostitution in ports and garrison towns. They alsoforced doctors to explore other techniques to control thespread of venereal disease, and most importantly, they"'provided later feminists with an important lesson inmilitancy and with a stirring example of feminist politicalleadership.''a

Until her death in 1906, Josephine Butler was one ofthe great leaders of the late nineteenth-century women'smovement. Her only fault was that she sometimes allowedherself to become too emotionally involved with the womenshe tried to help. She experienced much abuse for support-ing her cause, both publicly and privately. In an editorial ofthe Daily News, she and the LNA were described as "sodiscontented in their own homes that they have to find anoutlet at all costs, and take pleasure in a hobby too nasty tomention.' However, her strong faith and relationship withher husband helped her to withstand opposition and fight forthe repeal of the morally contradicting CDA, and hersuccesses were a lessen for all to come.

ENDNOTESI Josephine Butler, PersonalReminiscences of a Great Crusade.

(London: Horace Marshall, 1898), x.

a Barry F. Smith, "Ethics and Disease in the Late 19th Centre-y: theContagious Diseases Acts,"Historical Studies 15 (October 1971):128.

a Glen Petrie, A Singular Iniquity. (New York: The Viking Press,1970,95.

4 Ibid., 24.

Ibid.,35,

Ibid., 28.

7 Ibld., 29.

sibid., 28.

Ibid., 29.

10 Ibid., 38.

n Ibid., 40.

t2 Free and Enobled: Source Readings in the Development ofVictorian Feminism, ed. Carol Bauer and Lawrence Ritt (Oxford:Pergamon Press, 1979), 196.

t Buffer, 42.

14 Smith, 123.

t Ibid.. 119.

t6 Butler. 97.

t7 Petrie. 14.

1. Bauer and Ritt, ed.. 198.

19 Ibi&. 198.

Ibid.. 199.

t Ibid., 199.

Ibid., 199.

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1bid., 199.

Judith Walkowitz, Proslltution and Victorian Society. (C.am-bridge: Cambridge University press, 1980), 2.

z Smith, 131.

Walkowitz, 3.

zr Gail Savage, "The Willful Communication of a LoathsomeDisease: Marital Conflict and Venereal Disease in Vitaofian England,"

HistoricalStudies 34 (Autmm 1990): 39.

petrie, 109.

z Walkowit 113.

Paul McHugh, ProslitUtian and Victorian Social Reform. (NewYork: St. Martin's Press, 1980), 163.

' Ibi&, 183.

McHugh, 165.

Bfid., 163.

Smith, 126.

Walkowit 255.

3qbi&, 5.

BIBLIOGRAPHYButler, Josephine. Personal Reminiscences of a Great Crusade. London:

Horace Marshall, 1898.This was a good source for specific quOtes from Mrs. Buffer, hut most of

it consisted of long speeches and letters that had to be read carefully

to obtain appropriate informafior

Free and Enobled: Source Readings in the Development of ViatorianFeminism (ed. Carol Bauer and Lawrence Ritt). Oxford: Pergamon

Press, 1979.One chapter of this colleotlon of sources dealt specifically with my topic,

but it also repeated much of the same information from Reminis-cences... The advantage to using this was that the editors madecormments and it was easy to lind relevant quotes.

Savage, G I. "The Willful Communination of a Loathsome Disease:Marital Conflict and Venereal Disease in Victorian England,"H&toricalStudies 34 (Autumn 1990): 35-54.

This article discussed more information about marriage and divorce thanI needed. It would have been more helpful had I been interested ininformation on how venereal disease affected marriage.

Smith, Barry F. "Ethics and Disease in the Later 19th Century: theContagious Disease Acts," Historical Studies 15 (October 1971):118-135.

This was a good article for statistics, figures, and a summary of the causeIt provided good background material as welL

McHugh, Pad. Prostitolian and Victorian Social Reform, New York: SLMartin's Press, 1980.

This was less helpful than the Walkowitz book of the same topic. It wentinto great detail describing the tactics mid organi rion of the LNAand the history of the strategies of the repeal movemenL Itcontained more poetical facts than I needed.

Walkowitz, Judith R, Prostitulian and Victorian Society. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1980.

This was one of the best sources I used, espeeially for background and anoverview of the cause. It wag also usefulln disoassing prostitutionand vaaereal disease in terms of society. One section containedinformation on specific case studies, however, and this I did notU$4.

Petrie, Glen. A Singular Iniquity. New York: The Viking press, 197 LThe majority of the biographical information came from this source. It

was an excellent stoDl of her life anti her involvement with the

CDA.

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Ellen Terry: Ideal Woman versus Actressby Amy Dunham

"Do with me as you choose. I am utterly in your power. Iam a woman. You are a man," wrote Lady Mary Montagu,keenly expressing the "appropriate" emotion of the idealVictorian woman) Such an ideal woman, regardless ofclass, accepted a secondary social, economic, and politicalrole in England's 19th century. Yet she also accepted a self-stereotypo as graceful, charming, selfless and pure. Livingfrom 1847 to 1928 as "the actress everybody loved,"2 EllenTerry was one such woman. Although she doubtlessly led afruitful acting career, witnessed by the honor of being thesecond actress designated Dame Grand Cress of the BritishEmpire in 1925, much of Ellen Terry's success was due notto great artistry but to the fact that she fit into the Victorianconcept of the ideal woman, becoming "a beloved epitomeof British womanhood.''s

Ellen Terry deflaitely encompassed this "womanhood."In her Memoirs, she admitted, "I have always been morewoman than artist" with "my homely qualiti e love ofchildren, the love of a home, the dislike of solitude."4 Suchqualifies were those of the ideal woman, expected to focusher life on family, portray "total sexual innocence,''5 andnurture the "eternal feminine" virtues called forin theproliferation of 18th- and 19th-century ladies' conductbooks: "modesty, gracefulness, purity, delicacy, compLi-ancy, reticence, chastity, affability, and politeness." Withan instinct to be all things to all people, the ideal womanwas called "the angel of the house" but was "seen only asshe appeared in each room, according to the nature of thelord of the room. None saw the whole of her."7 Basically,then, a woman's identity was based upon male perceptionsof her;, the ideal Victorian woman stm'endered her key toself-creation to the men in her life. Accordingly, whatwomen "saw in the mirror was usually a male construct, the'pure gold baby' of male brains, a glittering and whollyartificial child." Elien Terry saw this too; she mused,"Myself?. Why even I, I often think, know little of myselfl?'9

With a significant part of her career shadowed byHenry Irving, the dominant and powerful actor-manager ofthe Lyceum, Ellen Terry was definitely molded by men. It isdifficult to judge how much of Terry's career Irving created,as the two had a twenty-five-year working relationship,beginning in 1878 when Ellen debuted at the Lyceum. They

acted together in twenty-seven plays but throughout, Ellenwas always "Irving's obedient subordinate."0 Although sheadvised Irving on matters of art, colors, fabrics, and designs,she said in her Memoirs that the final decisions were hisonly his and that she often had to slow down her quick-clipped pace to accommodate his more deliberate style:1Later, from 1892 to 1922, Terry turned to correspondencewith George Bernard Shaw for the encouragement, advice,and approval she did not elicit from Irving.

This idea of men in Victorian society "giving birth" towomen distinctly expressed itself in the age's symbioticrelationships found in Romantic art, literature, and theatre.Painters' favorite subjects included women ministeringto their husbands, courtship, and family life; in each, thepainter portrayed women in roles of sweetness and submis-sion. Christina Rossetti remarked that the mule artist thus"fed" on the female face "not as she was but as she filledhis dreams,m= as he created her. In literature, this Victorianideology manifested itself; Wililam Blake viewed thefemale as an "emanation of the male creative principle," andShelley considered her an "epipsyche," a "soul out ofthe poet's soul." When Honore de Balzac said, "Woman'svirtue is man's greatest invention" and Norman O. Brownasserted, ' 'he lady is the poem,"13 they voiced the values ofmost Victorian men, as well as those of Victorian society.

In the theatre, too, women conformed to the part menwanted them to play. Beginning in the 17th century, whenwomen began acting on stage, the expected custom of themen of the court was to keep a pretty actress; this practicewas "just one of the many expenses in an age of publicdisplay,m4 Such visual pomp in the theatre continued intothe 19th century, when acting involved appearance morethan giving meaning to words. Conventions included branvadisplays, distance from real life, handbooks of poses,arrangement, and voice projections, and reviews based onan actress' impact on the audience rather than her acting'srepresentation of real life. The actress herself drew people tothe theatre, very visual and pictorial at this lime; as she wasthe object of gaze of the spectator, an actress" roles variedlittle and held little distinction of personality.15

Thus, actresses were not lauded for acting but rather forrole-playing, for being statues and reflecting what they were

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thought to be. While performance styles were slowlymoving toward nataralism, the concepts of what was"natural" were also changing. Actress Sarah Bernhardt, forinstance, said that a woman's nature was to be "channing,"so "acting" was naturally a feminine art: "It contains initself all the artifices which belong to the province ofwoman: the desire to please, facility to express emotionsand hide defects, and the faculty of assimilatinn which is thereal essence of woman."16

Yet for the actress there existed a paradox in thisfemininity; the pictorallsm and statuesque style of thetheatre could make a spectacle of the female body, posing achallenge to a woman's sexual identity. The actress and theprostitute became nearly synonymous at times:

The actress held a marginalized position in thehierarchy of sexual relations; she was independentin terms of her professional activity, somethingthat most other women could never aspire to; shecould become rich, famous, and powerful, but atthe same time she could only achieve that successby allowing herself to be bought by the publicJ7Ellen Terry was "bought by her public" As John

Stokes stated in The Actress in Her Time, "At the very peakof their careers the great actresses Sarah Bemhardt, EllenTerry, and Eleonora Dusel demonstrated that the realstrength of their individual style was its cosmopolitanappeal." This "appeal" stemmed from the image of theideal woman, an image that these actresses, namely EllenTerry, Idled. Throughout Terry's life, not only in herrelationships with men, but also in her childhood, personalqualities, and acting itself, the Victorian value of the idealwoman manifested itself.

Born on February 27, 1847 at Coventry inShakespeare's county of Warwickshire, Ellen Terry wasone of nine children, nine of whom survived. Born to atheatre family whose mother, Sarah Ballard, and father,Benjamin Terry, both acted, Ellen seemed to have little sayin her future as an actress. In her Memoirs, she revealed:

I can't even tell yon when it was first decided thatI was to go on the stage, but I expect it was when Iwas born, for in those days theatrical folk did notimagine that their children could do anything butfollow their parents' profession.19Throughout her childhood, reslx t for the stage and for

acting was reinforced. The ability to "go on with the nextact" was cemented in her during her youth. One night a firebroke out in the family's lodgings. Ellen's mother "rushedout of the thealre and up the street in an agony of terror. Shegot us [the Terry children] out all right, took us to thetheatre, and went on with the next act as ff nothing hadhappened." Ellen's supportive father also greatly influencedher, teaching her to be "useful, alert, and quick" and topronounce words well. However, when she had her firststage experience at age eight and "yelled lustily and showedmore lung-power than aptitude for the stage," he wasseriously disappointed in her.

However, Ellen's first real acting engagement soonfollowed, from 1856 to 1859 at the Princess's Theatre, inShakespeare's Winter's Tale produced by Charles and Mrs.Kesn. The impressions of these rehearsals seemed to remainwith her even more than the earlier lessons she had learned.In her Memoirs, Terry declared, "I hold very strongly that achild's earliest impressions mold its character perhaps morethan either heredity or education. I am sure it is true in mycase." 1 The beauty of the productions at the Princess'sThealse, she said, made a great impression on her, and led toher great respect for beauty and aesthetics in life. Suchworship of beauty surfaced when she later rejected !bsen'sHedda and Nora, whom she called "silly ladies" becausethey were not pretty characters. She said that she did notwant to act in Ibsen and considered herself happy and luckyto have acted "very noble, clean characters, since I preferthat kind of part.'m

The Princess's Theatre's Mrs. Kean, with her"wonder-ful fire," also helped shape Ellen Terry's opinion of women,an opinion in sync with the Victorian ideal. Terry recalled:

No one ever hack..a kinder heart than Mrs. Kean.Beginning with her, I have always loved women ina somewhat hard manner--I have never believedin their hardness and have proved them tender andgenerous in the exgeme.

This view of women surfaced in Ellen's own life and wasreflected in others' perceptions of her. British journalistsoften sentimentalized Ellen Terry's goodness; in theTribune, it was recorded:

Someone once said to Miss Terry with reference toher great popularity..ahat he did not believe thatshe had ever uttered an N-natured word concern-ing a fellow-creature. To this she replied, 'Whyshould I? All the world seems to say kind things tome. I am happy knowing it and thus ! love theworld and all who live upon it.'uLike other ideal Victorian women, Ellen Terry was the

subject of many poems. For one, Herbert Beerbohm Tree,actor-manager of His Majesty's TheaUe, wrote:

Britain's prideThe genius of the stage personifiedQueen-like, pathetic, tragic, tender, merry--O rare, O sweet, O wondrous Ellen Terry.In 1863, Ellen Terry, sixteen, acted in abrief season at

the Haymarket Theatre. Clement Scott was one of thepainters and poets who went "to worship at the shrine of thisnew stage goddess," and said, "I never saw a more enchant-ing and ideal creature. She was a poem that lived andbreathed, and suggested to us the girl heroines that we mostadored in poetry and the fine arts generally." Henry James,in 1896, agreed that she was "exactly the sort of heroinedemanded by an old-time story told round the fire.'

In art, Terry was the object of paintings which reflectedher personal feminine qualities of beauty, youth, grace, andcharm. Especially at the beginning of her career, sheassumed the status of an art object. She was admired by the

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Ellen Terry:Ideal Woman versus Actress 15

artist Graham Robertson and sat for at least five of her fasthusband's, painter G.F. Walls', paintings, winch (except forthe drawings "Ellen Terry as Ophelia" and "Madness ofOphelia") all IXrttrayed Ellen as beautiful and chaste. Afterbeing dismissed from a year-long (1864-5) marriage withWatts, twice her age, in 1868, she lived with the architectE.W. Godwin, who gave her two children, Edith andGordon Craig. Godwin also gave her a solid place in theAesthetic movement and directly related her to Pre-Raphaelitism. Even before she had blazed a wail in theatre,then, Ellen Terry was firmly established as an aesthetic cultfigure in the worlds of both art and litemtore. W. GrahamRobertson stated: "Her charm held everyone, but I thinkpreeminently those who loved pictures. She was parexcellence the Paint 's Actress and appealed to the eyebefore the ear;, her gesture and pose were eloquence itself."27

Such pictorlalism ran through Ellen Terry's acting, too,reflecting the visual nature of 19th century theatre. In theparts Terry played, she very much embodied the Victorianideal. In 1881, Henry James described her as "somethingwholesome and English and womanly," while review afterreview spotlighted her "sweemess, femininity, grace,delicacy, and tenderness." In many of her roles andportraits, Ellen wore white, reflecting the innocence'andpurity in which she was often cast. In the way she was saidto have "floated" rather than walked, Ellen personifiedgrace. In the negative emotions she avoided, such as frenzy,rage, and scorn, she characterized charm. However, herstrengths in playing innocence, romantic love, and pathosequalled weaknesses in poriraying characters requiringtragic force. Though she played many Shakespeareancharacters, her portrayal of the cruel Lady Macbeth drewcritical reviews instead of the praise that followed herlighthearted Beatrice, beautiful Portia, and pure Ophelia.

Her approaches to these individual characters werethose of an ideal woman, too. When she admired thewomanly qualities in a character (like Beatrice), she playedher more winningly. And in performing, she stressed thevalues of beauty and imagination. When it was important toher to play a part beautifully, Terry also used her imagina-tion to adapt a part to her personality rather than temporarilyassuming the character's. When Ellen found a dramaticcharacter with some of her own qualities, like Portia,Desdemona, Imogen, Bealrice, Hermione, Olivia, orMargaret in Faust, she did her best work, not because shewas playing that character but because she was playingherself?9

With this method, it was difficult to distinguish EllenTerry the actress from Ellen Terry the woman. "Acting"greatly did not necessarily make her a great actress, it madeher popular. As Vh-ginia Wcolf observed when Ellen playedShaw's Lady Cicely:

When she came on to the stage as Lady Cieely, thestage collapsed like a house of cards and all thelimelights were extinguished. When she spoke itwas as if someone drew a bow over a ripe, richlyseasoned eello....Then she stopped speak g...Shehad forgotten her part. But did it matter?. Speakingor silent, she was Lady Cicely-or was it EllenTerry? At any rate she filled the stage and all theother actors were put out, as electric lights are putout in the sun.All this is not to say that Ellen Terry's popularity was

undeserved or that Ellen Terry had no merits as an actress,for her apparent artlessness hid much work. Ellen indeedresearched her parts)1 made numerous notes, and thoughtabout her characters, even years after she had performedthem. However, in an age when thealre's images of womenrevolved around the paradoxes of the ideal woman, Terrycaptured these images and reflected the position of not onlythe 19th century actress but also the ideal woman. Becauseof this, the public loved her, and "bought" her. As MichaelR. Booth claimed:

In addition to her warmth and her sense of fun,qualifies which radiated across the fcotlights, shehad an image more substantial than that of a stageartist alone. She was a work of art and legend In anAesthetic age, a symbol of femininity and woman-hood in a domestic one, a picture of physical andsexual beauty and allure to those who chose tonotice such things...her acting was much of this power[over the press aad public], hat not aU of il.rzWhen Ellen Terry, the actress and the ideal woman,

died after a long, unnamed illness in 1928, an age of theatreand Victorian ideals perished too?3 Graham Robertson's"Dream-Lady" finally and fully expressed these ideals, mostof all, the Victorian ideal of the perfect lady, that ended withEllen Terry's life."

Ah, Ellen Terry (name that seems to chimeAlong the echoing glades of Fairyland),Fill us again the draught of Beauty. SlandWhere all the world may see you, and with rhymeLow-lllted, and with speech of face and handGive us our Dream, bring back the Golden Time!

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16 - The WiOenberg I-fistory Journal

Endnotes

t Quoted in Lynne Agress, The Feminine Irony: Women andWomen in Early ]9th Century English Literature (Rutherford: FairleighDieldusax UP, 1978), 21.

z Nina Auerbaeh, Ellen Terry: Player in Her Time (New York:W.W. Norton, 1987), 3.

3 Ibid., 4.

4 Ellen Terry, Ellen Terry's Memoirs, ed. Edith Craig andChristopher SL John, (New York: G.P. Pumam's Sons, 1932), 120.

n Martha Vicinus, ed., Swffer and Be Still: Wortmn in the VictorianAge (Bhiomington: Indiana UP, 1972), 9.

6 Sandra M. Gilbert ud Susan Gebar, The Madwoman in the Attic:The Woman Writer and the 19th Century Literary Imagination (NewHaven: Yale UP, 1980), 23.

7 Ibid.,3.

* Gilbe Madwoman, 17.

9 Terry, Memoirs, 276.

10 Quoted in Gilbert, Madwoman, 19.

11 Ibid., 13.

t2 Auerbach, Player, 11.

n Ten2€, Memoirs, 118-152.

14 Lesley Ferfis, Acting Women: Images of Woman in Theatre (New

York: New York UP, 1989), 70

ts Ibid., 72.

16 John Stokes, Michael IL Booth, and Susan Bassnett, Bernhardt,Terry, Duse: The Actress in Her Tim* (New York: Cambridge LIp,

i988),9.

t7 Ibid., 3.

Ibid., 5.

x9 Terry, Memoirs, 7.

2° Ibid., 10.

=t Ibid., 8.

z St es, Actress in Tinm, 86.

Terry, Me ugirs, 18.

Auerbaeb, Player, 6.

z Stokes, Actress in Time, 68.

Ibid., 77.

zl Auerbach, Player, 19.

Stokes, Actress in Time, 69,

Ibid., 89.

o Auerbaeb, Player, 16.

31 For exmnpIe, before she played Ophelia, Ellen Ter visited amadhouse to study insanity, and with Juliet, she read every criticism shecould find on the perL (Stokes, Actress in Time), 93.

z Ibid., 117.

After her death, Tony's two childrm intensified the debate overmale and female roles in the theatre. Edith Craig had a theatrical careerfueled by a dream of woman-oentered theatre, while Gordon Craigenvisioned a womanless theatre. (Aueebach,Player), 10-15.

Ibid.. 458.

Bibliography

Secortdary SourcesBooks:Agress, Lynne. The Feminine Irony: Women on Women in Early ]gth

Cemury English Literature. Rutherford: Faitleigh Dickinson UP,1978.

This work reveals women's positions in 19th century litorature and givesgood background appilcable to the actress.

their time and that time's values.

Vieinus, Martha, e& Stcffer and Be Still: Women in the Victorian Age.Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1972.

Vicinus' compilation of essays flesbes out understanding of the Victorianconcept of the ideal woman, providing important historicalinformation.

Auerbach, Nina. Ellen Terry: player in Her Tim*. New York: W.W.

Norton, 1987.Auerbaeh's book, though full of good quotes and references, is bogged

down by a flowery, sugary style. It does, however, adequately place• Terry in the context of her time.

Articles:Ienkyns, IL "StagestmcL"NewRepublic, 12 October 1987, 42-4.This view of Auerbach's Ellen Terry: Player in Her Time ensures a

critical approach to Auerbach's biography and helps to put EllenTerry's life in perspective after reading Auerbaeb's sometimesslanted judgements.

Ferris, Lealey. Acting Women: Images of Worn.on in Theatre. New York:

New York UP, 1989.The book's best fuatum is its ability to enhance reader understanding of

the devalotmaent of women's acting throughout history.

Gilbert, Sandra M., and Susan Gubar. The Madwoman in the Attic: TheWoman Writer and the ] 9th Ce ntta'y Literary lmaginatintL NewHaven: Yale UP, 1980.

Of limited value, xt details Lmages of women m men s wnlang, wtd hlikewise reflected the images of Ellen Ten3'.

Stokes, John, Miehaci R. Bcoth, and Susan Bassnen Bernhardt, Terry,and Duse: The Actress in Her Time. New York: Cambridge

University Press, 1988.A finest-rate souroe, this work combines history, interesting facts, and

criticism, deftly handling these great actress' fives in the context of

primary SourcesBooks:St. J'ohn, Christopher. Ellen Terry and Bernard Shaw: A Correspon-

dence. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1931.

St. John's collection of letters, with notes, reinforces the ideas that EllenTei greatly relied on the men in her life, in this case, Shaw. Moreinteresting than anything else, these letters provide insight JntoElhin Tony's womanly character.

Terry, EllerL Ellen Terry's Memoirs. Edimd by Edith Craig andChristopher St. John. New York: G.P. Pumam's Sons, 1932.

This amazing book shames all others by its personal nature, giving thereader a trae peek inside Ellen Terry, the woman, and her thoughts,actions, meauaories, and relationships.

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The Eisenhower Doctrineby Amy Whitacre

In 1957 Dwight D. Eisenhower went before Congress witha proposal that would later be known as the EisenhowerDoctrine. This proposal outlined the economic and militaryassistance that the United States would provide at therequest of any Middle Eastern nation that felt threatened byCommunist domination. In the early 1950's the intensity offoreign relations in the Middle East grew with increasingWestern meddling. The West feared that Communismwould sweep down into this volatile region and virtuallytake the place of Western influence. The U.S., in particular,became more and more interested in improving its relationswith the Arab nations in hopes of eliminating any chancethat Communism could emerge as the region's primaryinfluence. Unfortunately, as Western intmfercoce increased,so did the regional instability. After a series of events, someof which were incorrectly linked to a Communist plot, theU.S. came forward with the intention of somehow justifyingan American presence in the Middle East.

The fnst event that helped to kindle the flames ofresentment of any outside interference was the West'smovement towards the creation of a Jewish nation. Itseventual acknowledgment of an Israeli state infuriated manyArabs. On May 14, 1948, Israel was formally recognized asa nation by the United States. This outraged the people ofPalestine in particular, who were expected to graciouslyleave their homes for the creation of a fabricated Jewishhomeland. Their strong Islamic ties and beliefs went againstany willing acceptance of Zionism. As a w.sult, threats weremade against Israel and it was eventually invaded. Thecreation of an Israeli state not only started a religionsconflict in the region, but also started a connict among theArab nations themselves over what should be done with thehomeless Palestinian population. Surrounding nations werereluctant to absorb the population for fear of "wateringdown thmr own country with a different people. Eventoday the Palestinian question goes naasnwered.

Another incident that added to the intensity of foreignrelations in the Middle East was a conflict over oil profits.After learning that Venezuela had successfully taxedWestern oil companies, the Arab nations felt swindled bythe companies who helped them extract their vast suppliesof oil; they decided to impose the same kind of tax. In orderto prevent any further conflicts on the Israeli issue as well as

pacify the Arabs, the American government offered tosubsidize American oil companies that would pay the Arabnations a fifty percent tax on the oil received from theextraction process. Regrettably, this failed to enhance thesoiled relations between the Middle East and the West.

A third event was the Suez crisis in 1956, whichcreated another opportunity for U.S. involvement in theMiddle East prior to the Eisenhower Doctrine. BecauseGeneral Abdul Nasser was exchanging Egyptian cotton forSoviet-made weapons, the United States withdrew itseconomic support for Egypt's project on the Aswan HighDam2 Inftainted by the U.S.'s response, Nasser capturedthe Suez Canal and declared that the funds received fromhis control of the canal would be used solely to finance theAswan High Dam. This action greatly Upset Britain andFrance, who had a considerable number of holding in thisregion. Fearing the repercussion of any U.S. interference,the United States was reluctant to step in and aid either side.With the help of Israel, Great Britain and France decided toattack Egypt and regain control of the Suez Canal.4 Thisattack violated the Tripartite Declaration signed by Britain,France, and the United States. Under this declaration, theUnited States had "pledged to take immediate action to stopany violation of frontiers or armistice lines." By notstepping in to assist Egypt, the U.S. would have risked itsstanding in the Arab world and most probably invited someform of Soviet involvemenL6 Thus, the U.S. called for animmediate withdrawal of Egypt by France and Great Britainwith Israel later following their lead and also withdrawingtheir troops from Egypt.

The West, particularly the United Slates, saw Commu-nism and potential Soviet involvement as a stumbling blockin its Middle Eastern relations. This resulted from an earlierexperience which soared U.S. relations with the SovietUnion. In July 1955 Eisenhower met with Khrushchev, thenew Soviet leader. The summit meeting was to haveincluded talks on such issues as nuclear disarmament andatomic weapon prohibition.7 Everyone placed high hopes ona positive outcome to this much-hyped meeting in Geneva.Unfortunately, no agreements could be reached by eitherside. The hopes of thawing the Cold War had vanished

As a result of the disappointing summit in Geneva, theUnited States concerned itself with Nasser's tremendous

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18 ° The Wittenberg History Journal

campaign for Arab Nationalism. Soviet-Egyptian relationsbecame more and more friendly. Soon Naaser found himselfsupported by Khrushchev. This radical change in Sovietpolicy that had previously frowned upon approval of thistype of activity frightened the United States. Consequently,Eisenhower and Allen Dulles, the director of the C.!.A,supported Brltain's proposed Baghdad Pact in hopes ofsmothering both Nasser's growing Arab Nationalismmovement and Communism? The Baghdad Pact alignedGreat Britain, Irma, Iraq, Turkey, and Pakistan to form aNorthern tier alliance? Their common goal was to keep theSoviet Union from moving into the Middle East. The U.S.was not a formal member of the Baghdad Pact, but it didcontribute financially and militarily. Although Nasser wasconsidered a force to be reckoned with, the United Statesalso continued to keep a close eye on lran.

In 1951, Iranian Prime Minister MohammedMossadegh declared nationalization in Iran and thenproceeded to take full control of all of Iran's naturalresources, which had previously been controlled by GreatBritain through the Anglo-Iranian oil company. Insulted byMossadegh's actions, Great Britain decided to boyeottIranian oil. Despite the fact that this boycott greatlybenefited the American oil companies based in SaudlArabia, the U.S. still attempted to pacify beth sidesY Theboycott created a tremendous economic crisis in Iran.Mossadegh requested help from the American government,and he also warned that he would be forced to seek helpfrom the Soviets if the United States failed to comply. Inresponse to Mossudegh's threat, Eisunhower authorized aC.I.A. coup to rid Iran of both Mossadegh and his anti-Western influence. The coup involved re-establishing thepower of the dethroned Shah followed by his appointmentof a new prime minister, General Fazollah Zahedi; it washoped that this would stop the threat of a potential Commu-

• • 11 " t.tmst-supported regime. The coup ended m a new arrange-ment that brought American companies into the Iranianconsortium and expanded American influence in thecountry."12

In order to maintain some semblance of control in theMiddle East, the United States vowed that Arab indepenodence was its primary interest, and that its actions wouldreflect this goal. In fact, the administration went evenfurther by warning the Arab nations that Communismpresented a tremendous threat to the achievement of theirgoal of independence. Regardless of the "warning," theArabs still maintained that their most powerful threat wasnot Communism but rather the Jewish state of Israel.However, Western influence and reactions to crises in theMiddle East did not seem to deter or lessen die threat ofpotential Communist control.

It was just such a threat that was perceived as ahindrance to both American national interests and Arabnational interests. Communist control of the regionnot only threatened the free flow of oil, but the politicalfoundations of Communism were clearly not believed to

have Amezica's best interest at heart -- that it in fact wouldcounter and!or damage any furthering of U.S JAmbrelations. Oil played an important role in these relations inthe sense that it was not only a coveted resource but also aneffective bargaining chip for whoever had control of it.

Thus, it was necessary for Eisenbower to call on hisadvisors, whom he depended on greatly, to help him makedie best out of the perceived threat in the Middle East. Hisadvisors held diverse political beliefs and Eisenhowerdepended not only on their honesty but also on die differ-ence of opinions they ]provided him. In particular, this"staff" included his younger brother Milton, GeorgeHumphrey, Sinclair Weeks (Secretary of Commerce),Lewis Strauss (a Cold War conservative), Ezra Taft Benson(Secretary of Agriculture), Staff Secretary BrigadierGeneral Pete Carroll, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles,and his brother Allen Dulles (C.I.A. director).13 Eisenhower'srelationship with the Dulles' brothers was truly unique andimportanL In particular, Eisenhower and his Secretary ofState were quite close: "...One cannot exaggerate diecloseness of their collaboration us for six and a half years,hour by hour, they focused on those very tiny details thateventually decide war or peace.'' * On the other hand,Eisenhower was not quite as fond of Allen Dalles. In fact,throughout his administladon, Eisenhower llied to pull thereins in on the C.I.A: and its staff by condemning itspolicies and methods of operation.

Nevertheless, after lengthy discussions with hisadvising staff, Eisenhower finally decided that die UnitedStates had to take serious action in order to wipe out bethCommunism and Arab Nationalism in the Middle East. In1957 he presented his proposed plan of action beforeCongress for approval. In it, Eisenhower stressed that die"...basic national objective on international affairs remainspeace -- a world based on justice." 5 The doctrine autho-rized the U.S. government to give both economic andmilitary support to any nation that requested it for thepurpose of developing economic strength, protectingterritorial integrity and political independence, or providingproteedon against Communist aggression)6 The Doctrinewas overwhelmingly approved by Congress by a vote of 72to 19 in the Senate and 350 to 600 in the HouseY

The first real test of the Eisenhower Doclrine's actualforce as a statement of American foreign policy in theMiddle Enst took place in Lebanon in 1958. TheLebanese president Camille Chamoun, a Maronite Chris-tian, was faced with violent Muslim protests that threatenedhis power. Chamoun called upon the United States and itsEisunhower Doclrine to help him both calm his populationand remain in power. The U.S. had been responsible for hisbeing in office originally, but because there was no Com-munist threat, the United States could riot"legally" inter-fere. In fact, John Foster Dulles strongly warned Eisenhowerthat any intervention by the United States could causeunwanted anti-Western sentiment among the Arab popula-tion, so Eisenhower did not send any military assistance at

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The Eisenhower Doctrine • 19

this time?8 Eventually, the Lebanese army managed to gainsome control and "tensions eased.''19 Nevertheless, in a few

short months, the conflict resarfaee.dThis time it was moreviolent

On July 13, 1958, a successful coup in Iraq ended withthe death of the king and his prime minister.:° The king'sregime supported the British-designed Baghdad pact.However, the replacement government appeared to be atleast pro-Nasser, if not entirely supported by Nasser and hisArab Nationalism cause. The assassination struck fear in theheart of surrounding countries, such as Sandi Arabia,Lebanon, and Jordan. A plotted coup against the lender ofJordan was even uncovered. President Chamoun againrequested that the United States intervene and send militaryassistance immediately to Lebanon. Sandi Arabia's KingSand also appealed to the United States for some type ofresponse. Many believed that if Nasser was indeed respon-sible in some way for the coup, he might move intoLebanon and attempt to establish a pro-Nasser governmentthere as well.

Against the advice of his advisers, Eisenhower respondedby sending 14,000 American troops into Lebanon.2Ratherthan wrap its intentions entirely in the Eisenhower Doctrine,the United States government declared that its intentionserved two goals,z One was to protect American lives in thearea of Lebanon. The second was to assist the governmentof Lebanun in maintaining its territorial integrity andpolitical independence, as stated in the Doctrine. Thisoutlining of the American foreign policy reflected thefeeling that it was the threat of Communism and ArabNationalism that was being fought for the benefit of theArab nations.

Contrary to Eisenhower's beliefs at the time, the ArabNationalist and Communist movements were not remotelyconcerned in any way. In fact, Nasser had even banned theEgyptian Communist party,z3 The Arab nationalists merelyused the threat of turning to Communism to gain some sortof leverage over the Western influence that they saw as a

threat to their goals. Thus, the Eisenhower Doctrine foughttwo very different factions that the United States saw as aunified threat to regional stability.

Several conclusions can be made about the EisenhowerDoctrine in the Middle East. Although the United States hadbeen in the region for quite some time, diplomatic dealingsin this area were relatively new to the U.S. As a result,one sees a great variety in the United States' treatment ofthe region in the years prior to the doctrine itself. Commu-nist influence was considered a very dangerous threat notonly to the United States national interests in the MiddleEast but to the national interest of the Arab countriesthemselves. Any crisis was somehow immediately associ-ated with the Communists and their quest for influence overand control of the region's vast oil supply.

Unfortunately, most American interventions at thistime in the Middle East were strongly related to decidingwho should have control of the oil resources. Needless tosay, Communist control of the oil in the Middle East wasnot seen as a desirable situation for the U.S. and otherWestern countries. Therefore, one sees these nationsaligrfing themselves with the more conservative Arab forceswith the intention of maintaining a dominant Westerninfluence,u In the end, the United State toward itself tryingto juggle many different Middle Eastern issues and stillkeep regional stability.

Eisenhower...believed that theUnited States possessed a moral obligation toemploy its power in order to contain internationalcommunism, strengthen the aconomic, political,and ethnic bonds within the flee world, and protectAmerican political and economicinstitutions from the chaos of internationalinstability.

Thus, the Eisenhower Doctrine was the first major step inthe continning attempt to uphold this obligation as itpertained to the Middle East.

Endnotes

l Jerald Combs, The Itlstoty of .Mnefican Foreign Policy (NewYork: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986), 361.

.a/bid., 362.

3 Herbert S. Parmet, E enhower and the American Crusades (NewYork: Macmillan, 1972), 478-9.

4 WiHinra Bragg Ewald Jr.,Ei enhower the President: CrucialDays 1951-1960 (New Jersey: Prenlice-Hall, 1981), 211.

s Richard A. Melansoa and David Myers, ReevaluatingEisenhower: American Foreign Policy in the 1950s (Chicago: Universityof ]!linois, 1987),211.

Ibid.

panner, 405.

t Melanson and Myers. 200.

9 Ibid., 201.

1o Piers Brandon, lke: His Life and Times (New York: Haqer andRow, 1986), 257.

11Melanson and Myers, 203.

u Robert F. Budq Dwight D. Eisenhower: Hero andPolitician(Boston: Twayne, 1986), 142.

x Ewald, 65 6.

u/bid., 209.

Deparlraent of State, American Foreign Policy 1957 (Wasking-ton: U.S. Government printing Office, 1957), 783.

1 Edward W. Chester, The Scope and Variety of US.Diplomatic History: Volume 2 (New Jersey: Prentioe-Hall, 1990),

420-421.

11 !bid., 420.

n Melanson and Mye , 207, 208.

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20 ° The Wittenberg His ry Journal

a9 Brendon, 356.

2o 1bid.

21 ]bid., 357,

a Chester, 422.

Comb , 364,

:" Ibid.

Melaason and Myers, 43.

Bibliography

Brendan, Hers. lke: His Life and Times. New York: Harper and Row,1986.

Burk, Robert F. Dwight D. Eisenhower: Hero and Politician. Boston:Twayne Publishers, 1986.

Chester, Edward W. The Scope and Variety of US. Diplomatic History:Volume 2. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1990.

Combs, Jerald A. The History of American Foreign Policy. New York:Knopf Publishers, 1986.

Eisenhower, Dwight D. The White House years: Waging Peace, 1956-2961. New York: Doubleday and Company, 1965.

Ewald, William B ragg Jr. Eisenhower the President: Crucial Days,1951-1960. New Sersey: Prentice-Hall, 1981.

Hughes, Emmet John. The Ordeal of Power: A Political Memoir of theEisenhower Years. New York: Atheneum, 1963.

Melanson, Richard A. and David Myers. Reevaluating E&enhower:American Foreign Policy in the 1950's. Chicago: University ofIllinois Press, 1987.

ParmeL Herbert S. Eisenhower and the American Crusades. New York:The Macmillian Company, 1972.

The Eisenhower Doctrine (Document 205) in its entirety as published-Deparmaent of State, American Foreign Policy 1957. Washington:U.S. Goverranent Printing Office, 1957.

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Nixon's Resignation and its Effects on World Politicsby Matthew Theis

In the weeks after August 9, 1974, historians, researchers,and "instant expert" joumadists offered a plethora ofopinions regarding the significance of Riebard Nixon'sresignation as PresidenL As each relied upon his or herunique frame of reference, the natural result was a tremen-doas variance in interpretation. Ultimately, while Nixon'sresignation yielded a variety of responses, it did little to alterthe course of world politics.

Before the aftermath of this event can be analyzed, it isessential to understand some of its causes. In late July1974, the White House position regarding the possibleimpeachment of Nixon wavered from unconditionalconfidence of his escaping impeachment to admission thatthe President bad a rough mad ahead of him. Nevertheless,even as late as August 3, Deputy Press Secretary Gerald L.Warren suggested that Nixon would not resign even ifimpeached by the House of Representatives, and reiteratedthe President's faith that the House would fail to approvethe articles of impeachment.

Once the debate in the House Judiciary Committeebegan, many committee members expressed anxiety aboutimpeaching Nixon. Others used the debate to relate to theirconstituency why impeachment was necessary in spite ofthe fact that they bad elected the president to office by alandslide in 1972. Though the alternatives were clear (toimpeach or not to impeach), Representative Walter Flowers(D, Alaska) expressed this underlying ambiguity when hestated, "We do not have a choice that, to me, representsanything desirable... This is indeed a terrible choice wehave to make.''2

Midway through the debates, however, Nixon, underjudicial pressure, released a number of statements fi-om theinfamous Watergate tapes that clearly revealed the exten-sive nature of his involvement in tiffs scandal. As thisevidence proved beyond a shadow of a doubt that thePresident was guilty of political espionage and outrightlying, even the most steadfast supporters were convincedthat impeachment as well as conviction were foregoneconclusions. Realizing that this was no longer a partisanissue, Nixon decided to resign)

The announcement of resignation was delivered onAugust 8 to more than 110 million television viewers. In hisaddress, Nixon suggested that any wrongdoings over the

past years in office had been performed only in what hebelieved to be the best interest of the eoutary. In justifyinghis decision to resign, Nixon alluded to his loss of supportin Congress, which he believed would prevent him fromsuccessfully performing his duties as president. He hopedflint his actions would help heal the country's bitter woundsand admitted that he would have stayed in office bad therebeen a chance that he would not have been impeached andconvicted. By noon the following day, Richard Nixon'sresignation was official.4

Though the former President began his exile in SanClemente, California that same afternoon, experts agreedthat Nixon's physical absence would scarcely limit thenational debate over his resignation. Hardly surprising wasthe Republican/conservative reaction that Nixon's resigna-tion was an "act of supreme statesmanship.' As a rewardfor his actions, which spared the nation the problems of aSenate trial as well as a period of leaderlessness andresentment, one supporter suggested that Nixon should bepardoned from criminal responsibility. Others commentedthat his resignation would revitalize a morally crushedRepublican Party which could now focus on more germaneissues.6

Similar to the aforemenlioned"experts," the Americanpublic also embraced the reality of resignation with mixedemotions. Symbolic of many conservative communities,Shelter Island, Long Island, felt betrayed by the news ofNixon's resignation. Though relieved that he was leavingoffice, citizens explained that his admission of participationin Watergate was unforgivable. Sounding as ff they had losta close friend, the usual phrase was, "We really believed inMr. Nixon."7 Nationally, the topic was received with numband sober sentiment. Understandably, most people "con-ceded a sense of relief that the long national nightmare wasfinally over."8 Focusing their attention on the possibilities ofthe Ford Administration, many Americans avoided fixatingon the problems of Watergate. Yet, some Americans wereless than reserved in their criticisms of Nixon. Angered byhis deception of Congress and the nation as a whole, theychided the former president's failure to overtly admit hisguilt in the text of his resignation speech.9

In analyzing these conflicting accounts of publicopinion, it is important to keep in mind that Watergate had

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22 • The Wittenberg History Journal

received two years of continuous media coverage prior toNixon's resignation. This fact could account for theseemingly "exhausted" attitude of many citizens polled afterAugust 9, and why they refrained from demanding a furtherinvestigation of his participation in Watergate. Thesecitizens were no longer shocked or interested in discoveringwhat Nixon knew, and when he knew it. Their testimonyreveals the simple desire to move on and focus on thefuture2°

Democrats, liberals, and religious lenders, on the otherhand, were less than restrained in revealing their truefeelings. In the weeks following Nixon's departure fromoffice, they centered their attention on three areas ofconcern: the legal aftermath, the success of the Constitu-tional system, and the question of guilt, Addressing the legalramifications of Nixon's resignation, liberal magazines andjournals commented that although Nixon had resigned, theimpeachment process should not be allowed to continue sothat future officials would understand that resignation wasnot an escape from serious misconduct. They then rhetori-cally questioned whether Nixon should have been indited inlight of the fact that "the Constitution is explicit in statingthat impeachment does not preclude later prosecution."nAccording to one Congressman, it hardly seemed just toallow Nixon to be pardoned while his administration wentto prison)2

The New Republic, on the other hand, interpretedNixon's "forced" self-removal as obvious proof that theConstitutional system worked. Praising the House JudiciaryCommittee for their diligence and steadfastness, theysuggested that all was not lost, Expressing similar senti-ment, moments after Chief Justice Warren Berger has swornin the new President, ha "grabbed the hand of I-Iugh Scott...and said, 'Hugh, it worked. Thank God it worked.'" He wasreferring to the system2Finally, the editors of The NewRepublic noted that this episode would serve as a reminderto the Presidents and politicians of future generations thatpolitical deceit and deception would not be toleratedJ4

Religions lenders and magazines perceived Nixon'sresignation through yet another lens. Concentrating on thefarewell address, members of the religious communitydenounced the President's speech for its lack of "guilt andhumiliation."s In an interesting comment, James Wall ofThe Christian Centuryt6 went so far as to suggest thatthrough his resignation, Nixon was merely deceiving theAmerican public once again. Though this author did notexpound upon the exact nature of this deception, The NewRepublic offered a possible explanation by commenting thatNixon's resignation would nida other federal offensescommitted by the President between 1972 and 1974.Paralleling fitis event with other examples of Nixonianpolitics, Wall concluded by calling for a nigher politicalmorality so that future Watergates could not be hiddenunder the disguise of judgements made "in the best interestof the nation,m7

In analyzing the position of the religions community, itis plansible why it would have been difficult, ff not impos-sible, for these leaders to ask the nation for Nixon'simmediate forgiveness. As revealed in a Gallup/NewsweekPoll conducted shortly after August 9, 65 percent of thepeople surveyed believed that "Nixon's actions regardingWatergate were serious enough to warrant his resigna-fion.''t8 Thus, it was far easier for these figures and institu-tions to cast a moral shadow of doubt on the formerPresident than to suggest that his deeds and position wereabove reproach.

Reflecting upon the popularity of Nixon in 1968 and1972, it is easy to understand why many Democrats andliberals tried to milk his resignation for all it was worth.Hoping the public would associate the Republickn Partywith criminals and liars, a wave of Democratic propagandawas unleashed in advance of the presidential campaign of1976. While this is not to say that Democratic anger overthe matters of Watergate were unfounded, it would be naiveto assume that at least some didn't weigh Nixon's resigna-tion in purely political terms.

Internationally, Western Europeans commented littleon the resignation, but took the opportunity to express theirconfidence in future good relations with the Ford Adminis-tration. Relief, sorrow, and concern were overshadowed bysome international leaders' uncertainty about America'sfuture foreign policy. To reassure U.S. allies that policies aswell as major cabinet positions would not change, Fordannounced that Henry Kissinger would remain as Secretaryof State.t8

Possibly fearing a regression in foreign relations, theSoviet Union surprisingly failed to mention the role ofWatergate in President Nixon's decision to resign. In radiobroadcasts, Soviet officials claimed that he was the victimof a vicious inner party struggle as well as at odds withDemocrats upset over the loss of the 1972 election. Mostimportant, however, was the Soviet news agency's assur-ances to the public and the world that policies and relationswould not change because of Nixon's resignation.19

Following the customary international practice of notinterfering in the domestic problems of other nations, it isnot unusual that most counMes refrained from concentrat-ing on Nixon's deeds and chose instead to offer at leasttoken support to the new administration. Even the SovietUnion offered an interesting interpretation of the resignationby suggesting it was the result of a conflict between jealousDemocrats and Republicans. Nevertheless, in spite ofvarying opinions, Nixon's resignation failed to significantlychange the coarse of world politics.

It is evident that this single nistorienl event hassymbolized many things to many different people. Yet, lessthan twenty years later, this event has been, in many ways,conveniently overlooked by much of the American public.Assisted by Ford's pardon of Nixon, which helped impedefurther inquiry into the matter, as well as the observance

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Nixon's Resignation audits Effects on World Politics 23

that few of the assumed consequences had come to fruition,the topic of NLxon's resignation eventually fell victim toother matters of national interest. In mlrospect, tittle haschanged domestically or intomationally in political terms asa direct consequence: the Republican Patty has not wanedin presidential power, politics are probably as amoral asever, and world order has not been altered. While this

concinsion persuasively suggests that this episode has beenpolitically negligible in its effects, U.S. acceptance ofNixon's resignation as merely a "slight imperfection" of theAmerican political system suggests something important initself. Ultimately, this event has served as a powerfulreminde that the Constitutional form of government is trulyamazing in its ability to handle changes in office.

Endnotes

"White House Reaction to House Judidary Committee," Facts onFile, 3-10 August 1974, 614. Ibid.

Ibid., 613. Ibid.

3 Ibid., 629.

4 Ibid. Ibid., 631. John Herbers, "The 37th President Is First to QuitPost," New York Times, 9 August 1974, I. Facts on File, 629.

"Reactions of Relief," Congressional Quarterly 10 (August1974): 2072.

"Exit Nixon," Time, 19 August 1974, 14b.lames NL Wall, "Afterthe Fall," Christian Century, 21-28 August 1974, 787-88. Ernest van denHaag, "Finally, He was Right to Resign," National Rev&w, 30 August1974, 956. "Time for Heallng, ' Time, 19 August 1974, 8-9.

7 Pranay Gupte, "A Tiny G.O. Bastion Feels Loss and Relief," NewYork Times, 9 August 1974, 1.

* Facts on File, 632-33.

9 Ibid., 633.

O"NEWSWEEK/Gallup Poll,"Newsweelq 19 August 1974, 15.

n "Reflections on the Resignation," National Review, 30 August1974, 955-956.

12 -., .And Mr. Nixon Resigns," America, 24 August 1974, 63.

"The Legal Aftermath: Citizen Nixon and the Law," Time, 19 August1974, 39.

t3 "Time for Healing," Time, 19 August 1974, 9.

u "Impeachment Perspective," The New Republic, 10 & 17 August1974, 546.

ts Facts on File, 632.

16 The Christian Century is considered to have a relatively liberala mde on the political spectrum. Its writers generally possess aProtestant religious background.

1 Wall, 787-88. Nathan Lewin, "Will We See Rim In Court?" TheNew Republic, 24 August 1974, 7-9.

t*-NEWSWEEK/Gal!up Poll," 15.

19 Facts on File, 633.

1hi&

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