Corruption in the media: Perceptions of Tanzanian journalists (Year, 2011)Denis Mpagaze1

Abstract This article shows corruption in Tanzanian media and how journalists from major media organizations and bureaus perceive the practice. Three key questions guided this study. One: Do journalists know their fellow journalists who take corruption? Two: How do Tanzanian journalists understand corruption in media? Three: What is the real life situation of journalists in Tanzania? Data were collected by using in-depth interviews and self-administered questionnaires. The results showed that corruption was perceived differently among journalists. The findings suggest that these differences in perceptions of corruption give journalists freedom to define corruption according to their interests contributes to its wide spread. This implies that journalism profession in Tanzania is disorganized and journalists take this disorganization a guarantee to justify corruption.

Key words: Corruption, media performance, Tanzania

Introduction Professionals and scholars in communication and journalism in

Africa agree that corruption is a common phenomenon in media. The practice goes in deferent local names such as gombo in Cameroon (Ndangam, 2006), mshiko in Tanzania, soli in Zambia and Ghana (Kasoma, 2009).In Tanzania it is common for government officials to offer bribes to journalists in return for positive coverage (Forbes, 2005) and it has reached a situation that without providing bribes to journalists a story would not be published (Tanzania Human Rights Report, 2006). Journalists have been suspected, accused, and arrested on corruption scandals. Jerry Muro, a Tanzanian Broadcasting Corporation (TBC) television investigative journalist, was on January 31, 2010 arrested and interrogated for more than five hours on allegations of soliciting corruptions (Gideon, 2010). The editor of The Family Mirror newspaper, Zephania Musendo, was arrested, charged, and sentenced to five years in prison because of corruption (MSI-Tanzania Africa, 2008, Kilimwiko, 2009, p.115). In 2001 alone there were eight cases of journalists being arrested because of corruption (Kilimwiko, 2002, p.62). What is corruption?

1 Denis Mpagaze is Assistant Lecturer of Communication Ethics, Research Methodology and C for Development at St. Augustine University of Tanzania. Contact: e-mail. denis_mpagaze@yahoo.com cell. +255 753 665 384..

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It is difficult to grasp a clear meaning of corruption because of its multifaceted definitions. In the book The Struggle against Corruption: a Comparative Study (2004, p.82), Roberta Ann Johnson argues that corruption is a kind of behavior which deviates from the norm prevalent or believed to prevail in a given context. This deviant behavior associated with a particular motivation of private gain at the public expense. Bribery is just one type of corruption adopted in this study. Grynko (2007, p.24) defines bribery as “anything given or promised to induce a person to do something illegal or wrong or anything given or promised to induce a person to do something against his wishes” .The major causes of corruption in African media are identified invariably as low salary, lack of job security and irregular payments (Mfumbusa , 2006 and Nyamnjoh, 2005); the fact that African media operate within corrupt countries (Kilimwiko, 2002; Nyamnjoh, 2005; and Diedong, 2006); the culture of gift giving among Africans (Okigbo, 1989; 1994; Chutel, 2008 and Ronning, 2009; 2008); and lack of moral obligation to serving the public (White ,2008).

The main argument of this study is that corruption jeopardizes the quality of journalism which is determined by the norm of objectivity. The norm of objectivity in this study has been used as the indicator of good journalism although the term has been so much discussed and criticized (read for example Lauw, 2005) and some people might have already put off whether it is possible to attain objectivity in journalism. But what I think these criticisms are due to the very vague definition of what is objectivity which refers to as an ethical norm that requires a reporter to avoid personal prejudices, beliefs or emotions during the gathering and disseminating of information to the public. This is impossible as Christians, et al,. 2009 argue that information is unlikely to be adequate without judicious selection and some direct or implied interpretation, which inevitable opens the door to subjectivity (p.142). It is hard to gather and publish information without making value judgments or applying criteria relevance that have no objective basis. Further the way journalist decides what angle to take picture is already subjectivism. However, the matter of fact is that objectivity goes beyond the issues of subjectivity. McQuail (2003, p.174) says that objectivity is the matter of being accurate, honest, sufficiently complete, true to reality, reliable and separating fact from opinion. Westerstahl in McManus (1994, p.145) thought of objectivity as having two components: factuality and impartiality. A story is factual, he argued, if it is true and relevant. A story is impartial if all sides to the issue are balanced and the presentation is neutral.

From Westerstahl and McQuail’ point of view I am convinced to be against the argument that there is no objectivity in journalism. I argued that when there is corruption in media there is no objectivity because corruption denies journalists the freedom to act professionally. It is unlikely therefore that any body can be objective if

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he has taken bribes. Such a journalist will write and report according to the interest of bribe giver.

In democratic societies the media are expected to discharge at least four roles: monitorial, radical, facilitative and collaborative (Christians, et al., 2009) of which can only be achieved within the framework of objectivity. However, these four roles cannot be achieved by media which is corrupt. Corruption in media leads to the production of vendetta journalism, the kind of journalism based on hatred or dislike for those about whom journalists are reporting (Kasoma, 2000, p.46).

Therefore the purpose of this study was to look at journalists ‘perceptions of corruption in their profession. Three key questions guided this study. One: Do journalists know their fellow journalists who take corruption? Two: How do Tanzanian journalists understand corruption in media? Three: What is the real life situation of journalists in Tanzania?

Method The study was carried in major media houses and media bureaus

in Mwanza city. This is the second largest city in Tanzania after Dar es Salaam and many of the media institutions operating in the country have bureaus in Mwanza. Only reporters and editors were selected as the population of the study. The two methods used in the data collection were in-depth interviews and self-administered questionnaires. The questionnaires were distributed to 100 reporters. The questionnaires were used in measuring journalists’ perceptions of corruption in the Tanzanian media. A Likert scale ranging from ‘strongly agree’ to ‘strongly disagree’ was applied. The Likert scale consists of a number of statements which express either a favorable or unfavorable attitude toward the given object to which the respondent is asked to react (Kothari, 2003).The questionnaire also included some multiple choice questions where the respondents could provide comments. The researcher subsequently conducted in-depth interviews with 15 journalists (ten reporters and five editors). The interviews were tape recorded, later transcribed and then translated from Kiswahili into English.

Purposive sampling was applied to obtain the sample for the study. Two groups were identified based on their characteristics, namely reporters and editors. Reporters were characterized as those journalists who go to the field to cover news stories whereas editors were put in the category of managerial positions who assign journalists to cover stories and do the task of editing stories in newsrooms. A sample of 100 journalists from 9 media outlets ( Sahara Corporation 40, Business Times 13, Mwananchi Communication 7, Tanzania Standard newspapers 7,TBC 4, The Guardian Ltd 8, Mzawa 4, Radio SAUT 15 ,Cloud FM 2, ) were given questionnaires, of whom 87 responded to the questionnaires. Ten reporters among the 87 who

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responded to the questionnaire were selected for in-depth interviews. Further five editors from Sahara Communication and Mwanananchi Communication Limited were also purposively selected for in-depth interviews as well.

The total of all informants was 87 respondents to the questionnaires, among whom 10 were selected for in-depth interviews. Another 5 editors were selected for in-depth interviews making the total of 92 informants of which female respondents were 20 and 72 were males. Eleven journalists hold Basic Certificate in Journalism, 20 respondents hold certificates in journalism, 30 have diplomas in journalism, 26 are degree holders in mass communication, one respondent has a post graduate diploma in journalism, and one was a Master of Arts in Mass Communication holder. Thirty two respondents had less than 55 years of working experience in journalism and the rest twenty had more than 5 years experience.

FindingsDefining corruption in media

The survey confirms that corruption is believed by journalists to be rampant in the Tanzanian media. It is known by different local names such as mshiko, kitu kidogo, mkukuta and many others. Mshiko is Kiswahili word meaning something which is tangible. When used in media it refers to the money journalists get from their sources of information. Kitu Kidogo is Kiswahili work literacy means a small thing. In media context it refers to the little money journalists get in order to offer service i.e. publishing a story. Mkukuta is a Kiswahili acronym used by Tanzania government (Mkakati wa kutokomeza umaskini Tanzania) which means the Strategies for Poverty Reduction. However, it is used among journalists as a means to raise their income.

The findings from questionnaires show that 40 respondents “strongly agreed”, 32 “agreed”, 10 were “neutral”, 3 “disagreed” and only 2 respondents “strongly disagreed” that bribery is a common phenomenon in the Tanzanian media. Since it was assumed it could be difficult to find journalists in a position of accepting to have taken bribes the researcher asked them to mention by number and not by names who they think were corrupt journalists. Sixty one respondents said that they personally “know” corrupt journalists whereas, 26 respondents said they “do not know” of such journalists. The journalists were also asked whether they personally have taken any form of bribes. Only 12 out of 87 respondents admitted to have taken bribes.

Although the results suggest that there is corruption in the Tanzanian media, it leaves a lot to be desired regarding how journalists understand what corruption is. Responses regarding what is corruption show that in one place a payment given to journalists can be considered to be forthright corruption, while in another place it is referred to as a ‘sitting allowance’ or a gift. Sitting allowance in

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Tanzanian context refers to the money any person is paid per day when he attends official meeting. In other language it is also known as per diem. One interviewee said:

Journalists are commonly invited to attend different occasions such as seminars, workshops, function to cover news stories and are given envelops with little money for transport as an appreciation for their attendance. If at all you call this corruption I beg to differ. This is their right because, other professional workers are attending the same occasions and given a lot of money and no one can call such money corruption. Why should it be called corruption when it is given to journalists? However, the money can be called corruption when an individual source of information pays for journalists in order to promote or report the affairs of the source.

Another interviewee said that when he was at school his teacher did not teach him that taking any form of payment during some occasions is corruption. This lack of clear understanding of what is corruption among journalists has led to one hypothesis that, ignorance of the understanding of corruption among journalists leads to its rampancy in the Tanzanian media because, some journalists are taking corruption without recognizing whether it actually constitutes corruption.

The findings suggest that journalists define corruption according to the purpose of the story. One respondent said:

Before we accept payment from the sources of information we have to consider the purpose of information. If the information is for the public interest and journalist accept some payment to kill the story that is corruption. But when the story touches only one person the journalists receive payment to publish or kill it is not corruption. Therefore, I would like to say that it is corruption when the information is only for the public interest.

The trouble with this line of thought, however, is that it questions whether journalists have a clear understanding of what public interest entails, and what makes public to be public.

Interestingly, some respondents suggest that the extent to which an act constitutes corruption depends on the view of the giver. One interviewee said:

It is corruption when he who offers, calls it corruption. But when the giver calls it a transport, how can I betray him and call it corruption?

Some journalists were unhappy to use the term corruption for any payment they receive from sources of information during their work. One interviewee said:

I am not happy with this word corruption. I think it should be changed and gift or sitting allowance be used instead.

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To complement the perceptions of corruption, the questionnaire included four indicators that could possibly exemplify different types of corruption: : (a) accepting or asking for payment from press conference; (b) receiving any gift from sources such as wedding cards; (c) accepting free transport, lift and accommodation (d); accepting that a potential newsmaker contributes to your wedding. The indicators were used to pinpoint the journalists’ perceptions of corruption. The findings show that a) scored 10, b ) 8, c) 17, d) 0. e) 46, and f) 7. The findings show that most of the journalists agreed that all indicators qualified as corruption; however, there were some journalists who considered transport, lifts, accommodation, wedding invitation and payment for covering conferences not to be corruption. The picture that we get from these findings is that the question shows that most journalists are fairly unison in saying that all these types of acts are corruption)What is the real life situation of journalists?

Under this category the researcher asked whether journalists could practice journalism without taking corruption. The findings from questionnaires show that some reporters claim that editors force reporters to take corruption. 17 respondents “strongly agreed”, 26 “agreed”, 12 “were neutral”, 17 “disagreed” and 15 “strongly disagreed” that editors force journalist to accept bribes.

One interviewee said that some editors force them to accept corruption in order for their story to be published so that they can be paid because most of journalists are paid per story by their media organization. Decisions of publishing or dumping the stories are in the hands of managing editors. If reporters do not bribe their managing editors their stories will never be published and the journalist loses income.

Another interviewee claimed that some editors ask for sexual services from women journalists in order to publish their stories. Such coercion from superiors is obviously a threat to journalistic norms. Editors expect money from conferences and seminars of which they send reporters who are asked to forward the bribes to editors. One interviewee said:

One day I was assigned to cover a story on a UNDP project in Mwanza. My editor knew that such an event might provide for a little envelope with money. When I came back from the event my news editor told me, ‘I know you have been paid, now give me also’. Because I did not want conflict with the editor I gave him.

Some editors betray their reporters when they produce investigative stories. One interviewee imparted:

Some of our managing editors betray us especially when we send them investigative stories. What most of them do is to make a call to the subjects of the story to ask for corruption and thereby kill the story. This destroys our

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professional integrity. We decide to take the bribe and kill the story before it reaches the newsroom.

There are indications that this culture of managing editors to betray their reporters is rampant in the Tanzanian media. A reporter in one of the Dar es Salaam based newspapers said that if he does not accept an envelope stuffed with money from a politician to kill the story his editor will accept the money and do the same (Karashani, 2006, p.5 in Mfumbusa, 2010).

The study revealed also real incidents in which subjects of news embarked on threats to journalists to accept bribes and kill the story or they would be killed themselves. The following are the findings obtained during personal interviews from four journalists.Incident One

One scandal occurred at a secondary school in Mwanza. The scandal was about the building of classroom which showed some technical construction problems and it was decided to be demolished by city authorities When we made a follow up in order to publish the story, the owner of the school bribed us with one million so that we could be killed the story. We accepted the money and killed the story. After we had left, one journalist from Dar es Salaam with his friend went also to the school and blackmailed the owner of the school. The owner bribed them also with 10 million Tanzanian shillings (about 8,000 USD) so that they would kill the story.

Incident Two Another issue occurred when we were investigating the scandal of one successful businessman who was importing cars illegally from Dubai. We made a follow up and discovered that he owed the government 100, 000,000 Tanzanian shillings (about 80,000 USD). We went to him in order to verify the information before we would publish to the media. The businessman bribed us with 500,000 Tanzanian shillings (about 350 USD) to kill the story or otherwise we would be in trouble. We accepted the money and killed the story.

Incident ThreeI remember I was forced to accept corruption to rescue my life. This happened when I was investigating on how business men used one of the muslin organizations in Tanzania to conduct business without paying the tax to the government because religious institutions are exempted. I obtained bank documents which showed how the businessmen used to deposit their money in the account of this organization. The organization issued checks to pay cement distributors. When the cement arrived, were taken directly to the market. I went to talk to this organization

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secretary in order to balance my story. The secretary asked me not to publish this story and gave me 50,000 Tanzanian shillings (about 35 USD) for transport. I told him that I had my transport. When I rejected he insisted me to take the money and he would add one million more when he discussed with his fellow. I told him to prepare the money when they were ready would call me. My intention was to leave his place. I took the money and the following day I published the story as it was.

Incident fourI was investigating one scandal of an Indian in Mwanza who was producing counterfeit bank notes. When I got the information, I with the journalist friend of mine went to find out if this was true. When we entered in the office, we found his child fabricating US dollars. The Indian stopped his son and told him to take everything home. We were very fortunate in our find because we saw everything that was happening in the production of counterfeit money. The Indian told us: ‘please! This is not my work alone but, there are some leaders who have ordered to do this work. I now ask you to come back at 1 PM in order to put things okey’ When we went back to him as he promised us, we were arrested by the police. The police asked us why we were interrupting big men’s affairs. They took us in custody for four days. On the fifth day we were accused of arm robbery .We were sentenced for 10 months in jail. We wished we had taken the bribery that was offered to us.

These three incidents provide out a real picture of journalist working life in Tanzania. This shows that journalism becomes very dangerous profession when the issue of investigative journalism comes in.

Low salaries compounded irregular payments were stated as many said however, one said:

It is almost three months without a payment. You write a story they give you a paying slip that they will deposit the money in your account. But one goes to the bank and there is no money lodged in the account.

The result about low salaries and irregular payments basis concur with Nyamnjoh (2005) that journalists in Africa are poorly paid and lack of job security and some are not even guaranteed to regular salaries and any bit of money can lure them to write anything including blackmail. The interpretation is that it is surprising that newsroom management needs journalists to send their articles on time while they are not paid on time. This timeliness culture of journalism leads journalists to take corruption so that they can be able to process their stories and meet the deadlines.Discussion

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The purpose of this study was to look at journalists perceptions of corruption in the Tanzanian media. The study was guided by Three key questions guided this study. One: Do journalists know their fellow journalists who take corruption? Two: How do Tanzanian journalists understand corruption in media? Three: What is the real life situation of journalists in Tanzania? The results showed that the substantial majority of journalists are on the opinion that corruption is a common phenomenon in Tanzanian media and it is difficult to practice journalism without it. Some consider corruption as a good thing because through it they are able to augment their income. This implies what Lodamo and Skjerdal (2009, p.150) say that the integrity reaches no further than many journalists compromise their professional ethical standards when the opportunity to earn extra income comes by. The meaning is that these journalists lack what White (2010, p.47) calls ‘ethics of system awareness’. Ethics of system awareness means the perception that if everyone does his or her duty in a particular job, even when one does not know exactly who is benefiting by the service, the whole system will be strengthened and the strength of the system will return to benefit him. These journalists who take corruption and kill the story they do not know if they are affected as well.

At the same time, the findings suggest that managing editors have the tendencies to betray their reporters. This occurs especially during investigative journalism when subjects involved in different scandals bribe managing editors to kill the story. The implication is that those managing editors have absolute power that affects professional ethics. This in turn affects team work communication in the newsrooms.

The findings also have shown difficulties that journalists face during their work. There are some circumstances which even ethical and committed journalists cannot escape taking corruptions. This occurs especially when some journalists are found themselves in dilemma of either take corruption to kill the story or leave and face the killing themselves. The reality is that in a situation where people work in isolation there are very little possibilities for one to sacrifice his life. Dilemmas which threat to take one’s death have no easy decision. Even the classical German philosopher, Emmanuel Kant once provided the like dilemma but he did not provide the answer to it. He posed that what should one does when a man carrying a gun arrives at one front door, asking the whereabouts of a second man (who is hiding in one closest) because he wants to kill him. Should a person lie or tell the truth? (Patterson and Wilkins, 1998, p.2).

The results showed also that corruption was perceived differently among journalists. There are those who think corruption as a good thing because it enables them to augment their income. Other journalists have even suggested a change in the name ‘corruption’ to be ‘sitting allowance’ or ‘an appreciation’. These journalists consider the money obtained from workshops, seminars and conferences not to

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be corruption. The meaning of these results is that the freedom these journalists have of defining corruption according to their interests contributes to its spreads. The implication is that the general definition of corruption provided by different scholars is irrelevance when it comes to real working situation. There it emerges another definition of corruption developed by journalists themselves taking into consideration that every human being is endowed with the ability of reasoning. This implies that journalism profession in Tanzania is disorganized and journalists take this disorganization a guarantee to justify corruption. When I say disorganization I mean that journalism in Tanzania does not operate within the framework of professionalism. Professionalism according to Merrill (2004, p.337) would assure responsible journalism by assuring peer-pressure and self control and would create a body of journalists with similar ethical standards and collegial pride in public service and serious journalism.

Another interpretation regarding on how journalists define corruption is that these journalists have no sense of making journalism ethical profession that serve the public instead they consider it as a place to enrich themselves. In her study on “Gombo” Bribery and Corruption of Journalism Ethics in Cameroon, Ndangam (2006, p.196) discovered that the prevalence of gombo within well-paid media are caused by self-serving interests. Journalists who think for themselves are against professional ethics because, according to White (2010, p.45) the driving force of any professional ethics is the love, appreciation and concern for the client. The main clients of journalists are the general public. Conclusion

The study has shown that journalists are living in the mesh of bribery and it is difficult to escape. Therefore it is difficult to achieve objectivity in journalism because corruption tightens journalist freedom.

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