cornelius iconographyishtarprophecy libre

Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments

Herausgegeben von Jan Christian Gertz, Dietrich-Alex Koch,

Matthias Kckert, Hermut Lhr, Steven McKenzie, Joachim Schaper und Christopher Tuckett

Band 233

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht

Images and Prophecy in the Ancient

Eastern Mediterranean

Edited by

Martti Nissinen and Charles E. Carter

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht

Mit 79 Abbildungen und 6 Tabellen

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Contents Contents Contents

Introduction: Prophecy, Iconography, and Beyond Martti Nissinen / Charles E. Carter ................................................. 7

Aspects of the Iconography of the Warrior Goddess Itar and Ancient Near Eastern Prophecies Izak Cornelius .................................................................................. 15

Maat-Imagery in Trito-Isaiah: The Meaning of Offering a Throat in Egypt and in Israel Thomas Staubli ................................................................................. 41

Whence Leonine Yahweh? Iconography and the History of Israelite Religion Brent A. Strawn ................................................................................ 51

The Role of the Queen in Minoan Prophecy Rituals Nanno Marinatos ............................................................................. 86

Deborah and the Delphic Pythia: A New Interpretation of Judges 4:45 Yaakov S. Kupitz / Katell Berthelot .................................................. 95

A Rose by Any Other Name: Iconography and the Interpretation of Isaiah 28:16 Rolf A. Jacobson .............................................................................. 125

Daughter Zion as Queen and the Iconography of the Female City Christl M. Maier .............................................................................. 147

Writing Persepolis in Judah: Achaemenid Kingship in Chronicles Helen Dixon ..................................................................................... 163

Creeping Things and Singing Stones: The Iconography of Ezek 8:713 in Light of Syro-Palestinian Seals and The Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice Margaret S. Odell ............................................................................ 195

Izak Cornelius Izak Cornelius

Aspects of the Iconography of the Warrior Goddess I+tar

and Ancient Near Eastern Prophecies1

1. Introduction and Intentions Aspects of the Iconography of the Warrior Goddess I+tar Prophetic2 texts originate from two of the largest corpora of texts from the ancient Near East Mari (Tell Hariri) on the Euphrates dating from the 18th century B.C.E., and the Assyrian capital of Nineveh (Kuyunjik) dating from the 7th century B.C.E. These corpora were published by Durand (1988) and by Parpola (1997) respectively, with the very handy edition of both corpora by Nissinen (2003).3 In these ancient Near Eastern texts, especially the Neo-Assyrian ones, the well-known and perhaps most important Mesopotamian goddess I+tar, the goddess par excellence, plays a major role (Nissinen 2000: 95102).4 Parpola (1997: XIV) formulates as follows: The prophecies have tight links to the cult of I+tar and Assyrian royal ideology, mythology and iconography, and thus represent a genuinely Mesopotamian phenomenon. Most of the Neo-Assyrian texts derive from or refer to I+tar of Arbela, who speaks in at least fourteen texts of the corpus (Nissinen 2001: 180).5 Arbela was the cradle (Nissinen 2003: 100) of prophecy. I+tar of Arbela is equated with the Assyrian goddess Mullissu (Nissinen 2003 nos. 81:30, 92:6, 94 r. 1). I+tar of Nineveh who was the consort of the chief god A++ur stands in second place. Like Mullissu she is the Assyrian Ninlil,6 the consort of the god Enlil, with whom A++ur was identified.

1 I am grateful to Martti Nissinen for the invitation to contribute to this volume. I also want to

thank my research assistant Jennifer Witts for her help in completing this article and Paul Collins (British Museum) and the personnel of the Vorderasiatisches Museum in Berlin who allowed me to study the original material in these collections during JuneJuly 2007.

2 This is not the place to describe or define the phenomenon, but Nissinen understands it as human transmission of allegedly divine messages [] another, yet distinctive branch of divina-tion [] noninductive [] prophets act as direct mouthpieces of gods whose messages they communicate (2003: 1), the material from Nineveh he calls oracles (97). Cf. also Nissinen 2004.

3 All citations are from Nissinen (2003), using his numbering system. There are also other texts which allude to prophets and prophecy, cf. Nissinen (1998 and translations in 2003).

4 Cf. the indexes in Nissinen (2003: 269). 5 The city of Arbela (Irbil) has not been excavated, but the walls and the faade of the temple

called Ega+ankalamma are depicted on reliefs (AO 19914 = Barnett 1976 pls. XXVXXVI; Parpola 1997 fig. 23 and Livingstone 1989 fig. 6); cf. the hymn to the city of Arbela (Livingstone 1989 no. 8), where I+tar dwells.

6 Cf. the hymn to the I+tars of Nineveh and of Arbela (Livingstone 1989 no. 3). On the equa-tion of Mullissu with I+tar of Nineveh, cf. Livingstone (1989 no. 7:1112 and no. 9:1415);

Izak Cornelius 16

At Mari the major female deity in the prophecies is the goddess Annuni-tum.7 I+tar plays a logically predominant role in the Assyrian prophecies because of the close relationship between the Assyrian monarch and the cult of the goddess I+tar.8 Another interesting fact is that in the Neo-Assyrian oracles most prophets are female, which might be another indication of the dominant role of the female deity.

Thorkild Jacobsen aptly described I+tar as a goddess of infinite variety (1976: 135). This is not the place to describe her development from the earlier Sumerian Inanna into the typical Semitic warrior goddess as she is encountered in the Assyrian prophecies.9 The aim of this contribution is to look at visual representations or the iconography of I+tar and compare these representations with descriptions of I+tar in some of these prophetic oracles. This contribution focuses on the warrior goddess as she is encountered in iconography and the prophecies, and not on the sex or love goddess. The naked goddess and the possible link with Inanna-I+tar is also not a concern here.10 This is not intended as a comprehensive or new catalogue, nor is it even an attempt to move in this direction, as this would need several mono-graphs.11 Only a selection of illustrations is reproduced by way of line-drawings, although references to other publications with good photographs and other technical details are included. This contribution also draws heav-ily on important studies on I+tar in Ancient Near Eastern art such as the articles by Barrelet (1955), Seidl (197680) and Ornan (2001), and the opus of Colbow (1991).12 The intention is to compare the visual images with motifs from the prophetic oracles, keeping in mind that there is never a 1:1

Menzel (1981: 633) and Stol (1999). However, recently Lambert (2004) and Porter (2004) have emphasized the separateness of the different I+tars.

7 Cf. on Annunitum now Selz (2000: 3435 with references) and the index in Nissinen (2003: 269). &au+ka (Wegner 1981) is the Hurrian form of I+tar, as mentioned in Amarna letter 23 (Nissi-nen 2003 no. 121).

8 Cf. Oppenheim (1977: 205) and on the king and his relationship with the divine Machinist (2006 esp. 16667).

9 Cf. the overviews in Abusch (1999) (with previous literature); Harris (1991); Selz (2000) and now Groneberg (2004: 15065), with a popular account in Wolkstein and Kramer (1983), which includes illustrations by Williams-Forte (17499). Cf. also the remarks of Parpola (1997: XXVIXXXI and XLVIIXLVIII). Compare in this regard also the transformation of the armed Aphrodite (Flemberg 1995).

10 Cf. Seidl (197680: 89a), especially Nckte Gttin by Wiggermann and Uehlinger (1998) and now Herles (2006: 22830).

11 For this reason only a few selections from, e.g., the scores of glyptic items, such as the third and second millennium material collected by Colbow (1991), could be included in the discussion, as is the case with the later second millennium material collected by Herles (2006: 22623) and the Neo-Assyrian corpus, which is in need of study (cf. Dezs and Curtis 1991: 108 and the collection of seals in Watanabe 1999: 323, 32728, 33435, 33637 figs. 2022, 2527, 4041, 4446).

12 There are also some useful illustrations available in Parpola (1997) and Watanabe (1999) cited earlier; cf. also earlier Winter (1983: 21722 Abb. 18289 and 5005).

Aspects of the Iconography of the Warrior Goddess I+tar 17

relationship, as the iconography does not simply illustrate the texts nor do the texts merely describe the visual imagery.

One text collected by Nissinen (2003 no. 101) describes the visit of As-surbanipal to Arbela when he heard of the rebellion of Teumman of Elam and prayed to I+tar. Teumman assembled his troops and in this context the goddess is described as goddess of warfare, lady of battle, and most warlike among the gods.13 A visionary had a dream and reports about his night vision:

I+tar who dwells in Arbela entered, having quivers hanging from her right and left and holding a bow in her hand. She had drawn a sharp-pointed sword, ready for battle (Nissinen 2003 no. 101 v 5255).

As we know, Teumman was defeated and he himself decapitated. Reliefs from the northwest palace at Nineveh depict the battle at the Ulayah river and a famous banquet scene shows the head hanging as a trophy on a tree.14

What about the description of I+tar? This question brings us to her ico-nography.

2. The Iconography of I+tar

As with most deities from the ancient world, including the Ancient Near East, no original cultic statues from the temple cella have survived. This is also the case with I+tar, which means we have to turn to other media (Seidl 197680: 87b), although some of the representations might derive from cult statues (Dezs and Curtis 1991: 1089).15 In collecting and describing rep-resentations of I+tar in ancient Near Eastern art, the point of departure will be images of divine women identified clearly by accompanying inscrip-tions, which is arguably still the best approach. Seidl (197680) has col-lected three items in this regard and we shall start with these.

13 In a text of Esarhaddon she is lady of warfare and battle (Nissinen 2003 no. 97:74) and in

another has power and strength (Livingstone 1989 no. 3:45). Cf. CAD Q 1415. 14 Now in the British Museum in London ANE 124801 and 124920 (Barnett 1976: pl. LXV;

Barnett and Forman s.a.: Taf. 11831; Curtis and Reade 1995: 7277 and Livingstone 1989: figs. 34 and 24).

15 On cult statues cf. Berlejung (1998: I B. 2); Herles (2006: 1.1) and also Seidl (2000).

Izak Cornelius 18

2.1 Inscribed material

The first example (fig. 1)16 is an Iranian rock relief at Sarpol-i Zohb, first published by de Morgan in 1896. It is dated ca. 2000 B.C.E., and depicts a king on the left with a bow and arrow and an axe, resting his foot on an enemy.17 He faces a woman with a multi-horned crown, lock of hair, folded dress with left shoulder open, collar, and weapons (two maces and an axe although not clear on the left-side) protruding from/growing over her shoulders or her back. In her raised right hand she holds a ring18 and in the other hand behind her on a leash there are two kneeling enemies with the leash on rings through their noses.19 The horned crown is typical of Meso-potamian deities and the ring is also a divine symbol. It is shown on many images to be discussed in relation to Itar in due course.20 In the accompa-nying inscription (Edzard 1973) the king identifies himself as Anubanini and states clearly that he made these images of himself and the goddess Itarthere can be no doubt about the identity of the goddess represented here.21

The second item comes from Babylon, where it was taken to as booty or a trophy, and found by Koldewey in 1899. It is part of a relief22 of ama-r-uu]ur, aknu of Sj\u and Mari on the Middle Euphrates from the eighth century and which was originally part of a palace wall.23 The ruler is represented facing two deities to his left, identified by labels as Itar and Adad, and on the right is a damaged figure with the name of the

16 ANEP 524; Brker-Klhn (1982 no. 31 with older literature); Colbow (1991: 17376, cf. 451

Taf. 8:60); Seidl (in PKG 3012 Abb. 183 and 197680: 87b Abb. 1) and Groneberg (2004: Abb. 9b).

17 According to Koch (1992: 14), this relief served as prototype for the later victory relief of Darius I at Bisutun.

18 She does not hold some kind of sceptre with a fleur de lys on top as in the drawing in Bar-relet (1955 fig. 7a). That drawing confused the bowstring and the star-sun symbol between the two figures.

19 Not their lips as described in ANEP, however, on the Esarhaddon Zincirli stela (Brker-Klhn 1982 no. 219) the rings are depicted going through their lips. On the motif of the nose-ring cf. Uehlinger (1997: 306).

20 The ring occurs together with a rod as the so-called ring-and-rod motif on the famous stela of Hammurabi of Babylon (ANEP 515 = Brker-Klhn 1982 no. 113). However, Jacobsen (1987: 4; cf. Williams-Forte in Wolkstein and Kramer 1983: 181) has argued that it is rather a case of a coil of rope [] a measuring cord (Collon 1986: 156 calls it a measuring tape) and a yard-stick as is clear on the stela of Ur-Nammu (ANEP 306 and Brker-Klhn 1982 pl. H). Wigger-mann (2007: 421) rejects the identification with the measuring rod and rope.

21 There are another two reliefs from the same site which can also be identified with the god-dess Itar (Brker-Klhn 1982 nos. 32 and 34 and Colbow 1991: 17677 Abb. 6162).

22 It is not a stela as in Ornan (2001: 23839 fig. 9.8 and 2005: 63, 7677 fig. 64). 23 1,18 x 1,32 m in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum 3108 = ANEP 533; Brker-Klhn

1982 no. 231 (with older literature); Seidl (197680: 87 Abb. 2) and now Cavigneaux and Ismail (1990) and especially Mayer-Opificius (1995).

Aspects of the Iconography of the Warrior Goddess Itar 19

goddess Anat (not illustrated; cf. Cavigneaux and Ismail 1990: 398, 4001 fig. 3). The deity on the left (fig. 2) stands on a scalloped pedestal (moun-tains), has long hair and wears a feathered headdress and a long skirt fas-tened with a Syrian belt and decorated with large disks. Her right hand is raised in a gesture of greeting and the other holds a ring and bow with an eight-pointed star on it.

The third item (fig. 3)24 is a stela of reddish breccia from Til Barsip (Bar-sib/Tell Ahmar) from the eighth century, first published by Thureau-Dangin and Dunand (1936). It has a dedicatory inscription on the side and back of the head: dedicated by Aur-dr-pna prefect of Kr-Salmanassar for Itar of Arbela (Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 1936: 157). The goddess stands on the back of a striding lion and holds it by a leash, together with a ring and a flower (lotus?),25 her left hand is raised in greeting. She wears a high conical horned crown with a star on it and a short dress with one leg open and a mantle over the other leg. On her back are two crossed quivers (globe-tipped? Cf. Collon 2001: 127) and a sword on her side.26 Behind her is what looked like Itar vtue de feu (cest--dire nimbe) to Thureau-Dangin and Dunand (1936: 157).27 As shown by Ornan (2001: 24041), it is merely part of a bow28 with the bright sparkles of the divine weapon. She also compares it with one on a Phoenician item (Ornan 2001: 24243 fig. 9.11) and argues that this as a trait native to Syria.29

These three items illustrate what has been called three iconographic types (Colbow 1991: 77 and Seidl 197680: 88a) with typical attributes of the goddess Itar:

fig. 1 = Weapons protruding from the shoulders; fig. 2 = Star and bow; fig. 3 = Star, weapons (sword, quivers and part of a bow) and lion.

24 1,21 x 0.77 x 0.3035 m in the Louvre AO 11503 = ANEP 522; Brker-Klhn (1982 no.

252); Ornan (2001: 24041 fig. 9.10 and 2005: 78 fig. 90); Seidl (197680: 88a Abb. 3); Strawn (2005: 195 fig. 4.248) and Winter (1983 Abb. 505; however, this drawing left out the horned headdress and the ring!).

25 Not represented in all line-drawings (e.g., Ornan and Strawn). 26 Cf. now the Neo-Assyrian stela of the god Adad (Balcio0lu and Mayer 2006) with quiver,

bow and scabbard. 27 Seidl (197680: 88a) calls it eine Art Nimbus. 28 Collon (2001: 127) describes it as a shield, which is less likely; cf. Dezs and Curtis

(1991: 107 with note 18). 29 Ornan also takes the lion mount in later Assyrian monumental art to be part of Syrian and

Hittite-Hurrian tradition (cf. also 2005: 36). On seals an armed goddess can be seen stepping on a lion already in the Akkadian period (fig. 4), although the fully mounted goddess is more typical of Middle Assyrian (Ornan 2005: figs. 2930) and especially Neo-Assyrian seals (fig. 8) and stelae-reliefs (see below). Deities on animals go back to Akkadian cylinder seals (Boehmer 1965 Abb. 36773; also 56572).

Izak Cornelius 20

It is interesting to observe that all three of these cases come from outside of Assyria: Iran and Syria, although Assyrian art influences are discernible. Fig. 3 is in the North-Syrian tradition (Brker-Klhn 1982: 22526), but not distinguishable from Mesopotamian imagery (Dezs and Curtis 1991: 108). The warrior traits are clear, as indicated by the weapons: on the shoulders (fig. 1), the bow (fig. 2), and the quivers, bow and sword (fig. 3). The lion on which she stands (fig. 3) also emphasizes the martial aspect of I+tar as emphasized by various scholars.30

On the basis of these general observations we can look at other material in different media and from different periods.

2.2 Comparisons

The weapons on the back31 characterize the goddess as a warrior.32 Such attributes might go back to Early Dynastic times (ca. 27002500 B.C.E.), as argued by Seidl (197680: 88a),33 although Colbow has been critical of this (1991: 100). They are common in Akkadian (ca. 2300 B.C.E.) glyptic, as shown by Boehmers collection.34 The weapons are very clear on a beautiful cylinder seal in Berlin with shafts and lion heads.35 Maces and axes are shown on a Chicago cylinder seal, although the winged figure now also carries a sickle-axe hanging down in the one hand and holds a lion on a leash in the other hand (fig. 4).36 The goddess can also be seated on a lion (Colbow 1991: Abb. 26 = Keel 1980: Abb. 2) or with lions depicted on the

30 Cf. inter alia Cornelius (1989: 60): [] lion pedestal complemented the motif of war;

Puech (1999: 525a): [] symbolizes the military character of the goddess Ishtar. In the Exalta-tion of Inanna (COS 1.160: 519) she is lady mounted on a beast which could be translated lion (Lewis 1996: 44 n. 124). She is already linked with the lion on a vase from her Early Dynastic II (ca. 27002500 B.C.E.) temple at Nippur (Lewis 1996: 45 with fig. 24). A colossal lion statue comes from the temple of I+tar at Nimrud (BM ANE 118895 = Collon 1995 fig. 186; Strawn 2005: 220 fig. 4.298). Cf. also CAD L 23: Attested only as epithet of I+tar; RLA 7: 84 and 91; Fauth (1981); Lewis (1996: 44); Strawn (2005: 19496, 20910) and Watanabe (2002: 9091).

31 Cf. the comparative figures in Barrelet (1955: fig. 2). 32 In the same way that the weapons on her shoulders characterize I+tar, there are the flames of

&ama', the water and fishes of Enki-Ea and the infants heads of Nintu, as intelligently observed by Keel (1974: 35 with note 3).

33 Cf. Colbow (1991: Taf. 1:1) = PKG 14, Abb. 95b. The figure on the lower fragment of the Vulture Stela of Eannatum might have these (Schroer and Keel 2005: no. 242 with literature), but this is much too unclear.

34 Cf. Boehmer (1965: Taf. XXXII) and Colbow (1991: Taf. 25). 35 VAM Berlin 3605 = Boehmer (1965: 40, 42, 69, 84, 131 no. 801 Taf. XXIV: Abb. 274);

Colbow (1991: 111 Taf. 2: Abb. 14) and Klengel-Brandt (1997: Farbabb. 20). 36 OIC A 27903 = Schroer and Keel (2005: no. 258, with previous literature). On the winged

I+tar cf. Barrelet (1955).


seat (Schroer and Keel 2005: nos. 25960, with literature).37 Weapons on the shoulders are also shown in other media such as terracotta reliefs from Ur III (Colbow 1991: 16061, 16465; Taf. 7: Abb. 5657).

In later times the weapons do not really protrude from or over the shoul-ders or the back, but are strapped onto the back as with the goddess on the famous 18th-century painting from the Mari palace room 106 (fig. 5).38 Here there are cross-bands with which the weapons are fastened39 and also a sickle-axe40 hanging down in the one hand, while the other hand holds the measuring cord and rod of the Mesopotamian deities.41 This is not that clear on the earlier second painting at Mari (room 132 chapel of I+tar), where the goddess is seated, shown with one hand receiving an offering.42 The same straps are shown on Old Babylonian (ca. 1800 B.C.E.) seals43 and in some cases there are clearly maces and not only arrows in the quivers (especially BM ANE 89017 = Collon 1986: 156 with pl. XLVIII: 384).

The star of figs. 2 (quiver) and 3 (crown) is the symbol of I+tar as found on Babylonian kudurrus (Seidl 197680: 88b; 1989: 100; cf. Slanski 2003: 129) and later Neo-Assyrian royal stelae (Reade 1977: 39). The star is iden-tified by a text label as her symbol on the famous 9th-century Sippar tablet of the sun god.44 The eight-pointed star is most common with anthropomor-phic figures of the goddess and a large star can be seen on the Akkadian cylinder seal (fig. 4) next to the figure, but also on an Old Babylonian seal from Tell Asmar (fig. 7).45 Neo-Assyrian seals depict large stars above her head (Keel and Schroer 2004: Abb. 151 = fig. 9, fig. 151a; Moortgat-Correns 1988: Abb. 5b = Ornan 2005: fig. 140; Watanabe 1993: Taf. 6:

37 For a statue from Susa of the goddess Inanna/Narundi cf. Spycket (1981: 144 pl. 96) and

Strawn (2005: fig. 4.264). 38 Louvre AO 19826. Cf. ANEP 610; Colbow (1991: 211213 Taf. 13: Abb. 110); Nunn (1988:

7082, 8587 Taf. 5859) and now Margueron (2004: 478, pl. 56, fig. 459). The painting might go back to a three-dimensional frontal statue; cf. Collon (1986: 157) and Al-Khalesi (1978: pl. VI).

39 Cf. on the Alalakh seal impression (Colbow 1991: Taf. 19 Abb. 192 = Winter 1983: Abb. 187); also found with the Syro-Palestinian god Re+ef (Cornelius 1994: 32 with pl. 5 RR7), cf. also Cornelius (pl. 33 BR 5) and on such bands Pope (1970).

40 On the difference between the sickle-axe and the sickle sword see Keel (1974: 3526) and on the divine weapons in general Solyman (1968).

41 It is interesting that I+tar is mostly shown with the ring only (as on fig. 1), whereas the combination is shown with male gods, as on the Maltai relief (ANEP 537 = Brker-Klhn 1982: no. 207) and of course the stelae of Ur-Nammu and Hammurabi mentioned above. On an Old Babylonian cylinder she holds the measuring cord and rod in the one hand and not a weapon as in other cases (Collon 1986: 156, 160 pl. XXIX: 395).

42 Cf. Colbow (1991: 181188); Nunn (1988: 7374, 8283, 8889 Taf. 65); Margueron (1999: 890891 and now 2004: 4079 fig. 398).

43 Cf. Colbow (1991: Taf. 1127) and Collon (1986: 15657 pls. XXIXXXX). 44 BM ANE 91000. Cf. ANEP 529; Collon (1995: fig. 135); Herles (2006: 1112 Abb. 3; 26 n.

131); King (1912: 12027 pls. XCVIIICII); Seidl (1989: 98, 100). 45 Chicago A 17898 = Colbow (1991: 339 Taf. 19: Abb. 165) and Keel (1974: Abb. 4).

Izak Cornelius 22

8.11).46 The headdress of fig. 3 is very similar to that on cylinder seal fig. 8 with a smaller star and horns. There are also stars on the quivers on the back, with dots on the sickle-sword. On a scaraboid stamp seal Berlin VAM 5887 Ass. 1119b the star is on a bow (Jakob-Rost 1975: 66 pl. 9 #188 = Dezs and Curtis 1991: fig. 2b = fig. 6) as with fig. 2.47 A Neo-Assyrian cylinder seal shows a goddess on a lion-griffon, holding it by a leash, with a sword and a quiver on her back topped by a star in a circle (BM ANE 105111 = Collon 2001: 8990 pl. XLI #153; Parpola 1997 fig. 7). On an Assyrian helmet with a crowning scene is a goddess with a star on her head and on the quivers (Berlejung 1996: 35 Abb. and Born and Seidl 1995: 30 Abb. 22 = fig. 13).

The Til Barsip stela (fig. 3) depicts crossed quivers on the back.48 On Old Babylonian cylinder seals the weapons from the shoulders are transformed into arrows in a quiver on the back of the goddess (Porada 1948: 46 with #371).49 The figure now also holds a harpe- or sickle-axe hanging down in the one hand, as on the Akkadian example (fig. 4). In the other hand is a double-headed lion mace as on fig. 7, which starts to appear in front of the seated goddess in the Ur III period ca. 2050 B.C.E. (Colbow 1991: Taf. 6).50 Old Babylonian terracotta reliefs (Colbow 1991: 41341 with Taf. 2831) show the goddess with quivers on her shoulders (Abb. 238, 240), with a bow (Abb. 243) and an axe, sometimes the lion-headed mace (Abb. 249, 251). In some cases the figure forms part of a wagon or chariot (Abb. 239, 24243).

A famous Neo-Assyrian green garnet cylinder seal in the British Mu-seum clearly shows quivers with arrows in them on the back (fig. 8)51 and there are many other less impressive examples from this period (fig. 9).52

46 But note that the goddess Gula also has a star on her headdress (Collon 1994: 43). For a

Neo-Assyrian cylinder seal (IM 96.153.57) depicting Gula together with I+tar cf. Ornan (2004 fig. 4 = 2005 fig. 125).

47 Cf. also on the cylinder seal BM ANE 129543 = Collon (1997 no. 774; 2001: 129 pl. XIX: 243) where she holds two arrows behind her back. But note that the star is different to the one on the drawing in Dezs and Curtis (1991: fig. 2b), corrected in the drawing of fig. 6.

48 The change to crossed quivers might be ascribed to the increasing role of the bow (Dezs and Curtis 1991: 108).

49 Also Colbow (1991: Taf. 1113) and Porada (1948: nos. 37178). 50 This weapon is shown with many deities (e.g., Strawn 2005: 19091 fig. 4.223). 51 BM ANE 89769 = Collon (2001: 12728 no. 240 Pls. XIX, XXXIII, XXXVIII), a detailed

description with references to this very much reproduced item; add to this also Barrelet (1955: fig. 23); Keel (1984: 135 fig. 23); KlengelBrandt (1997 Abb. 14); Klingbeil (1999: 19394 fig. 26); Livingstone (1989 fig. 5); Ornan (2001 fig. 9.12 and 2005: 100 fig. 122); Strawn (2005: 19496 fig. 4.246); Watanabe (1999: 327: 2.2.2) and Winter (1983: 459 Abb. 504).

52 E.g. BM ANE 105111 cited above, where the quiver is like the one on fig. 8. For more styl-ized ones see Keel and Schroer (2004 Abb. 151 = fig. 9 and fig. 151a); VAM 2706 (Klengel-Brandt 1997 Abb. 140 = Ornan 2005 fig. 121); Watanabe 1993 Taf. 7: 8.13) and MMA 1989.361.1


Weapons like the bow of fig. 2 also occur on the seal fig. 8 (decorated with ducks heads)53 and in addition to the quivers there is a curved sickle-sword visible on the back. Fig. 3 also carries a sword on the back as with fig. 8 and on many other Neo-Assyrian cylinder seals. In addition fig. 3 has a half-circle which, as shown above, is a bow at the back with stars or the sparkles of the divine weapon, as is also seen on the weapon of fig. 8 and not some circle of fire of the goddess.

The goddess and the lion of fig. 3 can be seen on items shown in figs. 48. In fig 4 one leg comes out of a Schlitzrock and the foot rests on a re-clining lion held by a leash. Fig. 8 shows her standing with both feet on the animal. In fig. 6 she has one leg raised with the foot on the head of the animal and in fig. 8 the feet are aligned and placed on a feline looking back in her direction. The animal of fig. 8 looks more like a leopard than a lion because of the small head and what look like spots.54 The lion motif goes back to Akkadian glyptic (Boehmer 1965: Abb. 37789 = fig. 4) and refer-ence has been made to cases where she sits on a lion or on a throne deco-rated with lions.55 This motif continued in the Old Babylonian period on the Mari painting (fig. 5), on terracotta reliefs (Colbow 1991 Abb. 241, 243) and in glyptic (fig. 7),56 where the lion is shrunken (Lewis 1996: 44 n. 120) to a rudimentren Bestie (Colbow 1991: 81). On the Babylonian kudurrus the lion is also her symbol and depicted as a protome (Ornan 2005 fig. 62; Seidl 1989 Abb. 22 below right). She is possibly also shown on lions on Middle Assyrian seals (Ornan 2005: 3537 figs. 2930).57 On Neo-Assyrian stamp seals she stands on lions and is shown with quivers and a bow (Dezs and Curtis 1991 figs. 2ab = fig. 6), with fig. 8 still the master-piece.58

An unarmed goddess on a lion is shown on Neo-Assyrian rock reliefs at Maltai and Bavian (Brker-Klhn 1982 nos. 20710 and no. 187a and 188 with literature59). On the Maltai relief of Sennacherib the king is shown with

(online at www.metmuseum.org/toah/ho/04/wam/ho_1989.361.1.htm), where there are (as on fig. 8) stars on the weapons, with one on the head.

53 For detail cf. Madhloom (1970 pl. XXIX). 54 Lion = Collon (2001: 127); panther = Keel (1984: 135) and leopard = Klingbeil (1999: 194

and n. 113). 55 There is one Akkadian example where the goddess is shown seated on a lion-decorated seat,

with her feet also resting on a lion (Colbow 1991: 112 no. 24 Abb. 28), but the original is lost and we have to fall back on the line-drawing.

56 Cf. also Colbow (1991 Taf. 1027): Collon (1986 pls. XXIXXXX); Porada (1948 nos. 37178) and Strawn (2005 fig. 4.243).

57 See the smiting/menacing gesture and the star with quiver (?). 58 Or rests one foot on a lion as on BM ANE 129543 referred to above. Here the roaring lion is

very clear. 59 Cf. now Ornan (2007).

Izak Cornelius 24

a procession of seven deities on animals.60 Deity 2 is a goddess seated on a throne on a lion. She wears a high headdress, holds a ring and her hand is in a gesture of blessing.61 Deity 7 is a very similar goddess standing on a lion usually identified as Ninlil-Mullissu or I+tar of Nineveh and I+tar of Ar-bela.62 An unarmed goddess standing on a lion also appears on a stela from Assur (Brker-Klhn 1982 no. 205)63 and seated on a throne on a lion as one of the divine symbols on the Zincirli stela of king Esarhaddon (Brker-Klhn 1982 no. 219),64 which is very similar to the first figure on the throne on a lion on the Maltai relief. Because she is a warrior goddess and the lady of the hunt, the goddess also appears as part of chariot decorations on Assyrian reliefs (Ornan 2001: 23940 and 2005: 9293).65

On the fragment of an iron helmet (BM ANE 22496) worn by body guards, perhaps even from the Arbela unit (Dezs and Curtis 1991: 110 fig. 1 with reconstruction figs. 16, 18 = fig. 10),66 she stands in full battle dress on a lion (only the upper tail is visible) with quiver, sword on her waist, and perhaps a shield on her back (?).

A lady on a lion is crudely incised on a 7th-century silver pendant from Tel Miqne-Ekron in Palestine (Golani and Sass 1998 fig. 14:2 = fig. 11). It can be compared with another one from Zincirli.67 In both cases she has one hand raised and is faced by worshippers. The Zincirli one shows the figure partly encircled with what looks like rays or stars; on the Ekron item they might also partly be shown at the back. As argued above with regard to fig. 3, it is not the circle of fire of the goddess, but really a bow with stars or the sparkles of the divine weapon as is also seen on the

60 ANEP 537. Cf. Curtis and Reade (1995 fig. 17) for a colour in situ photograph. 61 The detail is depicted in Ornan (2005 fig. 97b) and Parpola (1997 fig. 26). 62 The impression of the so-called seal of destinies used by Esarhaddon on a treaty tablet also

depicts a goddess on a lion, with a flower, ring and rein and a high square-top hat with horns. The legend refers to A++ur and Ninlil (Wiseman 1958: 1516 fig. 2), who can be identified with Mul-lissu or I+tar of Nineveh, as shown above. Cf. Herbordt (1992: 14649); Seidl (2002: 106 fig. 15); Watanabe (1992: 10910 Taf. 12:1.1, 1999: 315 fig. 1) and Winter (2000: 6163 fig. 2).

63 But not the stela in Strawn (2005: 195 fig. 4.249 = Brker-Klhn 1982 no. 270) which is re-garded as a fake (BrkerKlhn 1982: 232 and Ornan 2001: 238 n. 7).

64 Berlin VAM 2708; with detail in Ornan (2005: fig. 104b); Parpola (1997: fig. 2) and Seidl (2002 fig. 13), for an old photograph from 1888 of the upper part cf. Wartke (2005: Abb. 21).

65 Cf. ANE BM 124825a = Barnett (1998: pls. 2067; Russell (1991 fig. 75) and BM ANE 124946 = Barnett (1976 pl. XXXV; detail in Reade 1977 pl. IIIa). In a lion-hunt scene, I+tar is shown encircled by rays on Assyrian reliefs on chariot poles..Cf. BM ANE 124867 = Barnett (1976 pl. VIII middle) with detail in Reade (1977 pl. IIIb) and with line-drawings in Ornan (2001 fig. 9.9 and 2005 fig. 115) and Parpola (1997 pl. XXX fig. d). There might be a figure of I+tar on the hub of the chariot wheel as well.

66 Dezs and Curtis (1991: 107) regard the scene of the helmet as an exact parallel to fig. 3. 67 The Ekron one (3715.01) is ca. 54 x 36 mm. For a colour photo cf. King and Stager (2001

ill. 219). The Samal one is 42 x 10 mm. VAM Berlin S 3692 = Ornan (2001 fig. 9.14) and Wartke (2005 Abb. 84). For discussion of both items cf. Ornan (2001: 24649 and now 2006).


weapon of fig. 8. Ornan (2001) devotes special attention to the figure of the goddess in a circle (cf. Podella 1996: 3135, 12632), especially with regard to six seals from Palestine/Israel from the period of the Assyrian conquest. On none of these is she armed (cf. Ornan 2001 fig. 9.6) as is also the case on some Neo-Assyrian material.68 The best example of the armed goddess encircled by stars or rays is cylinder seal BM 89164. There is a sword on the waist and crossed globe-tipped bow-cases on her back (Collon 2001: 133).69 In other cases she is also armed with a sword,70 or with a sword (with stars!) and quivers (fig. 12)71 and mounted on some other composite mythological being (Parpola 1997 fig 11a).72 Whether the Ekron pendant (fig. 11) shows a sword, as argued by Ornan (2001: 247), is too unclear from a photograph of the original.73

There is an example of a broken cylinder seal in Stellenbosch depicting an encircled goddess with a headdress with a star on it (compare fig. 12) and facing a god in a winged-disk supported by winged bull-like beings74 and two worshippers the one with an animal (fig. 14).75

Fig. 3 is I)tar of Arbela according to the dedicatory inscription, but not in a circle of fire nor is her melammu or aura depicted. The Meso-potamian deities have power or glamour, called melammu.76 Divine statues

68 She is also shown unarmed on the back of a lion (Parpola 1997 fig. 10, 11c). Ornan (2001

fig. 9.13: Berlin VAM Ass. 4276 = Klengel-Brandt 1997 Abb. 92) shows an Assyrian seal impres-sion with an unarmed encircled goddess on a lion faced by the king and his spouse.

69 BM ANE 89164 = Collon (2001: 133 pl. XLVI no. 252). Represented in colour on the cover of Parpola (1997 and Frontispiece). Compare the quivers and sword of the male god.

70 VAM 508 and 10114 = Moortgat (1966: 140 Taf. 71 nos. 598 and 599) Watanabe (1993 Taf. 6:8.5 and 8.9); for 508 cf. Collon (1997 no. 883) and for 10114 cf. also Klengel-Brandt (1997 Abb. 11); Klingbeil (1999: 217 fig. 49).

71 VAM 2706 = Moortgat (1966: 140 Taf. 71 no. 597); cf. also KlengelBrandt (1997 Abb. 140); Ornan (2005 fig. 121); Watanabe (1993 Taf. 6:8.6); figure from Winter (1983 Abb. 501); also Fribourg BIBEL+ORIENT VR 1992.17 (Keel and Schroer 2004 no. 183 = Uehlinger 1997 Abb. 20).

72 An impression on a clay tablet shows a bearded deity with two quivers on the back and a bow in front, encircled by stars or rays (PKG 359 fig. 10:l; cf. Herbordt 1992: 174 Taf. 1:9). Might it be I+tar in her male guise?

73 In his article on a plaque from Dan depicting an even cruder figure on a bull, Biran (1999: 54 fig. 14) proposes I+tar as a possibility, but admits that female deities are usually shown on lions. Lewis (2005: 1067 with fig. 4.37 and note 143) refers to an oral communication of Ornan who opts for I+tar surrounded by a ring of stars, but she does not stand on bulls (Uehlinger 2000: XXIX fig. 3). Cf. now Ornan (2006) on goddesses and bulls.

74 Cf. the bull figures on the Berlin seals quoted in footnote 68. 75 Currently on loan to the Department of Ancient Studies from the collection of the University

(KG/VN/2), chalcedony (agate) consisting of white and brown layers in concentric pattern (RD 2.55) with thanks to Dave Glenister (Dept. of Geology University of Stellenbosch). The exact origin of the seal is unknown, but it was purchased in the seventies by the late Prof. Schroeder of the Dept. of Fine Arts at Stellenbosch.

76 Cf. Black and Green (1992: 13031); Cassin (1968); CAD M/II 10 and RLA 8/12: 35. Cf. for the melammu of I+tar, Nissinen (2003 no. 101 vi 4).

Izak Cornelius 26

were clothed and deities are represented covered in light or stars. Marduk wore the auras of seven gods and the monsters of Tiamat were again clad with glories.77 The closest one can come to a depiction of the aura of I+tar is where she is encircled by what could be stars, rays or sparkles, as on the examples (e.g., fig. 12) given above.

3. Comparison of the I+tar Iconographical Material with Other Texts and the Prophecies

3.1 General

It is impossible to identify the specific type of I+tar known from the texts with what was found in the iconography because text and image do not correlate directly.78 Fig. 3 is clearly dedicated to I+tar of Arbela as the inscription says, but in the other cases the type is unknown and it is difficult to say whether fig. 8 is also an I+tar of Arbela (e.g., Collon 2001: 127). Nor are all depictions of the encircled goddess to be identified as represent-ing I+tar of Arbela, as Herbordt (1992: 112) and Seidl argue (197680: 88). Nevertheless, an attempt will be made to compare these two independent sources of information on the goddess under discussion.

As noted earlier, Thureau-Dangin and Dunand had already connected the figure on the stela of I+tar of Arbela (fig. 3) with the vision quoted abo-ve,79 but also with the famous seal (fig. 8).80 The quivers hanging on her shoulders are indeed shown on fig. 3, and a bow on the seal shown in fig. 8, but also on the relief shown in fig. 2. In Assurbanipals hymn to I+tar of Nineveh (Livingstone 1989 no. 7:6) she wears a crown gleaming like stars and discs, which calls to mind the star on the crown of fig. 3 and the discs of fig. 2. I+tar is called lioness and connected and compared with the lion especially in the context of war as shown above. In the hymn to the city of Arbela (Livingstone 1989 no. 8:5) she is seated on a lion [] mighty lions crouch beneath her. The armed I+tar is often depicted with or on a lion (fig. 3 and cf. figs. 48, 1011). On the Maltai relief mentioned above,

77 COS 1.113: 392a, 395a. In the Hebrew Bible God is clothed in splendour and majesty (Ps

104:1; cf. Job 37:22). God challenges Job to dress himself in glory, which is ironic as only God can (40:10).

78 Cf. inter alia now Ornan (2005: 1012). 79 Porte des carquois suspendus droite et gauche et tient la main un arc (1936: 157). 80 In this regard Collon (2001: 128) refers to The vision of the seer of I+tar of Arbela before

the battle between Asurbaniabla and the Elamites written on the back of an early plaster impres-sion.


the Zincirli stela and a Neo-Assyrian cylinder seal the unarmed I+tar is literally seated on a lion.

In a Neo-Babylonian prayer to I+tar (Foster 2005: 6013) she is de-scribed in martial terms and as expected as lioness and raging lion. I+tar is Flaming-Fire-of-Battle (CAD 7: 229a).

In a hymn to I+tar she is An1n0tum of battles (Lambert 2004: 38) and in the treaties I+tar of Arbela is the goddess of battle, the lady of battle who smashes the bow (Parpola and Watanabe 1988: no. 6:453). The goddess is lady of warfare who broke the bows of the enemies of Esarhaddon (Nis-sinen 2003 no. 97 i 7475).

As part of the lion hunt reliefs from the north-west palace at Nineveh, king Assurbanipal makes a libation and stands holding a bow on a dead lion.81 The inscription reads:

[] the lions which I killed. I erected the terrible bow of I+tar, lady of battle, over them (Watanabe 1992: 92).

3.2 Nineveh Oracles

The Nineveh oracles abound with military images related to I+tar and de-scribe I+tar as the one who vanquishes the enemies of the Assyrian king:

I am the great lady, I am I+tar who throw your enemies before your feet [] I am I+tar of Arbela, I will flay your enemies and deliver them up to you (Nissinen 2003 no. 68:1120).

I will shed the blood of my kings enemies [] the enemies I will bring in neckstocks and the allies with tribute before his feet (Nissinen 2003: no. 82:2225).

The relief of Anubanini (fig. 1) shows the triumphant king stepping on an enemy and the goddess leading the enemies by nose-rings. Old Babylonian glyptic has a smiting king (warrior god-king?) trampling the enemy before I+tar or even cutting off his head (Colbow 1991 Abb. 86, 218 and 112).82 Assyrian palace reliefs depict captives cast down to be flayed or being flayed83 and captives in neckstocks, as on the Balawat gates,84 and on the

81 BM ANE 1248867 = ANEP 626; Barnett (1976: 54 pls. LVII, LIX); Strawn (2005: 16768

and n. 203 with references). 82 On a seal impression from Mari, a winged goddess is trampling the enemy (Keel 1974 Abb.

19). In Egyptian iconography the pharaoh smites the enemy in the presence of the gods (Cornelius 1994: 105 n. 1, 14546). Cf. also on the triumphant king (as on the stele of Naram-Sin of Akkad) and the motif of smiting the enemy Kaelin (2006: 15055).

83 BM ANE 1249089 = Parpola (1997 fig. 27) and Botta (1972 pl. 120). 84 BM ANE 124661 = ANEP 358; Curtis and Reade (1995: 99); King (1915 pl. XV).

Izak Cornelius 28

Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser V the vassals bow before the king and tribute is depicted.85

With a sharp dagger she will put an end to the enemies of Esarhaddon and be his effective shield (Nissinen 2003 no. 73 iv 519). In the iconogra-phy the goddess is shown armed with a sword (fig. 3 and cf. figs. 810, 12). With regard to fig. 10, Dezs and Curtis (1991: 107) talk of a shield on the back, but this is unclear. There is no clear depiction of the goddess with a protective shield.86

The goddess will protect Esarhaddon and:

Like a faithful cub87 I will run around in your palace, sniffing88 out your enemies (Nissinen 2003 no. 80 ii 910).

The cub is a lion the connection between I+tar and the lion is general knowledge and the iconography (fig. 3 and compare figs. 48, 1011) lea-ves no doubt about the importance of this attribute of the goddess.

She also guards him like the crown on my own head (Nissinen 2003 no. 73 iii 2829). Most visual images of the goddess I+tar studied here have shown her wearing a crown (cf. CAD A/1 154155) and even on an Assyrian helmet she is putting a crown (fez) on the head of a king (Born and Seidl 1995 fig. 22 = fig. 13).

3.3 Mari oracles

The main goddess in the earlier Mari oracles is Annunitum, the martial I+tar (Selz 2000: 34), who in a later text of Nabonidus carries bow and quiver (CAD Q 149b).

Queen *ibtu wrote to king Zimri-Lim that in the temple of Annunitum a servant girl went into a trance and told Zimri-Lim:

I will massacre on your behalf. Your enemy I will deliver up into your hand (Nissinen 2003 no. 24:1013).

In a divine letter to Zimri-Lim the deity says: I dispatch my strong weap-ons ahead of you. And I dispatch 7 nets to cast on the Elamites. To Zimri-

85 BM ANE 118885 = ANEP 351355; Brker-Klhn (1982 no. 152). 86 The deity mostly depicted with a shield as symbol of protection is the Syro-Palestinian

Re+ef, who was also popular in New Kingdom Egypt; cf. Cornelius (1994: 55, 251) and forthcom-ing entry in IDD.

87 Cf. Nissinen (2003: 114 note a) on translating m-r'nu as lion with Parpola (1997: 14) and not merely as dog, because the cub spells mortal danger for his enemies and because the lion is the emblem of the goddess. On the link between the lion and the dog cf. CAD N/2 194b: the lion, the dog of I+tar, quoted by Strawn (2005: 190 note 346).

88 Cf. line 20.


Lim speak! E+tar Ninet (says), With strong weapons I stand by you (ARM 26 192 = Heimpel 2003: 248).

Are any of these goddesses of the Mari prophecies in any way repre-sented? The figure on the famous painting in room 106 (fig. 5) has been identified with various goddesses Annunitum, Belet-ekallim or I+tar (cf. Al-Khalesi 1978: 5860). The scene has traditionally been labelled the investiture of Zimri-Lim, but Seidl (PKG 303304) called it merely the adoration of I+tar. This is not the place to discuss the whole matter of the function of room 106 and the problems with dating involved.89 The ico-nography shows that the king merely touches the measuring cord and rod which the goddess is holding as her divine attributes. He does not receive these royal emblems or regalia from the goddess,90 although she is depicted as the city goddess meeting the king and from whom the king ultimately gets his power (Keel and Schroer 2004: 110; Margueron 1999: 89495). Haldar (1952: 6465) has no doubt in his mind that this is I+tar as the goddess of war, but he continues: [] the scene represents an oracular scene in which I+tar is imparting an oracle concerning the out-come of war. It is unclear whether the scene is really oracular, but there is no doubt that it can be linked with the martial I+tar, which is so common in the oracles.

3.4 Other examples

In addition to the military descriptions, I+tar is also the nurse and mother of the king (Nissinen 2003 no. 92 r. 6, 11), carrying him on her lap, and the king is her calf. In another text the king sucks her teats (Livingstone 1989 no. 13:68). Keel (1980: 107) has already discussed seals where the warrior goddess is shown with the cow and calf motif (cf. fig. 7), but argued that this is no real mother image. In this regard Ornan (2001: 24952 fig. 9.17 = Keel and Uehlinger 2001 Abb. 323) discusses a seal from the surface of Lachish representing a woman holding her breasts and flanked by a wor-shipper in Neo-Assyrian style. She even goes further by linking the figure to the JPFs (Judean Pillar Figurines; cf. Kletter 1996 and 2001) who also hold their breasts. Assyrian imagery, including that of I+tar, penetrated into the iconography of Judah in the Iron Age IIC period (Keel and Uehlinger 2001 171) and, following Ornan (2001: 252), such imagery might be the

89 Cf. the literature cited above. 90 As Ornan (2005: 12) observes, texts describe these as royal symbols, but held by the deities

and not the kings. According to Jacobsen (1987: 4), Ur-Nammu does receive these objects of peace from the deity.

Izak Cornelius 30

inspiration for the image of the enigmatic Queen of Heaven (Jer 7:18, 44:1719, 25).

The king was also brought up between her wings (Nissinen 2003 no. 82:27). On an Akkadian seal (fig. 4) I+tar as warrior is winged.91

4. Final Observations

Female prophets play an important role in the Mari material, but also in the Assyrian corpus (Nissinen 2003: 99 and Parpola 1997: XLVIII). It is quite logical that women would associate themselves with I+tar, the female god-dess par excellence. Ornan (2001: 244) reflects on the unique feature of depicting female worshippers in Neo-Assyrian art. A female worshipper is shown on a seal from Tel Dor in Palestine/Israel (Ornan 2001 fig. 9.6), but also on a seal from the time of Sennacherib, where the goddess is in a nim-bus on a lion, with a king and his consort behind him worshipping her (Or-nan 2001 fig. 9.13). A woman also worships the goddess on a lion on the Zincirli pendant (Ornan 2001 fig. 9.14).92 Might we speculate that in some cases the woman is indeed prophetess? On the other hand, eunuchs are often depicted with the goddess on seals, as shown by Watanabe (1999: 31721).93 Is this because they were high officials and generals?

I+tar is so prominent in the Assyrian prophecies because of her relation-ship with the Assyrian king, but especially in his role as a warrior and lead-ing the Assyrian armies into battle. I+tar in her role as a warrior goddess par excellence is depicted as an armed goddess, as the iconographical mate-rial discussed here has shown and as she is also described in some of the Nineveh and Mari oracles and other comparable texts.

Aspects of the Iconography of the Warrior Goddess I+tar

91 Cf. Barrelet (1955) on this motif. Whether the winged figure on other Akkadian seals

(Boehmer 1965 nos. 377, 379 = Colbow 1991: Abb. 17, 19) have weapons protruding from the wings is not so clear. This is even more difficult to ascertain with the unarmed winged figures. The goddess might be depicted in a winged shrine already at Ebla (Selz 2000 fig. 2).

92 But not on the famous BM seal (fig. 8) as previously argued by Ornan (2001: 244 fig. 9.12), which is a beardless eunuch (Parpola 1997 fig. 8) because of the sword. On eunuchs cf. lately Deller (1999) and Grayson (1995). I thank Dominique Collon and Tallay Ornan for their e-mails on this matter and the seal under discussion.

93 In the corpus of seals published by Watanabe (1993: 8.5, 8.9 = fig. 12) two seals show bearded officials, who are not eunuchs. The bearded courtiers and the eunuchs (without beards) form the totality of the palace officials as in the oracle in Nissinen (2003 no. 92:4 with note b).


Fig. 1: Rock relief; Sarpol-i Zoh.b; ca. 2000 B.C.E. After Heidemarie Koch, Es kndet Dareios der Knig: Vom Leben im persischen Groreich (Kulturgeschich-te der antiken Welt 55; Mainz, 1992), Abb. 4.

Fig. 2: Relief; Babylon; 8th cent. B.C.E. After Ursula Seidl,Inanna/I+tar (Mesopo-tamien) B. In der Bildkunst, RLA 5 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1980), Abb. 2.

Izak Cornelius 32

Fig. 3: Stela; Til Barsip; 8th cent. B.C.E. After Seidl, Innana/I+tar, Abb. 3.

Fig. 4: Cylinder seal; Akkadian c. 2300 B.C.E. After Silvia Schroer and Othmar Keel, Die Ikonographie Palstinas/Israels und der Alten Orient: Eine Religions-geschichte in Bilder (IPIAO 1; Fribourg: Academic Press, 2005), Katalog 258.

Fig. 5: Wall painting; Mari, 18th cent. B.C.E. After Othmar Keel, Wirkmchtige Siegeszeichen im Alten Testament: Ikonographische Studien zu Jos 8, 1826; Ex 17, 813; 2 Kn 13, 1419 und 1 Kn 22, 11 (OBO 5; Freiburg: Universittsver-lag and Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1974), Abb. 9.


Fig. 6: Stamp seal; Assur, ca. 8th cent. B.C.E. After Tams Dezs and John Curtis, Assyrian Iron Helmets from Nimrud Now in the British Museum, Iraq 53 (1991), fig. 2b (with the star corrected).

Fig. 7: Cylinder seal; Tell Asmar; ca. 18th cent. B.C.E. After Keel, Siegeszeichen, Abb. 4.

Izak Cornelius 34

Fig. 8: Cylinder seal; ca. 8th cent. B.C.E. After Urs Winter, 1983. Frau und Gttin: Exegetische und ikonographische Studien zum weiblichen Gottesbild im Alten Israel und in dessen Umwelt (OBO 53; Freiburg Schweiz: Universittsverlag and Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983), Abb. 504.

Fig. 9: Cylinder seal; ca. 8th cent. B.C.E. After Othmar Keel and Silvia Schroer, Eva Mutter alles Lebendigen: Frauen- und Gttinnenidole aus dem Alten Orient (Fribourg: Academic Press, 2004), Abb. 151.


Fig. 10: Part of reconstruction of decoration on fragment from the front of an Assyrian iron helmet inlaid in bronze; Nimrud, second half of the 8th cent. B.C.E. After Dezs and Curtis, Helmets, fig. 16.

Fig. 11: Silver pendant; Tel Miqne-Ekron; 7th cent. B.C.E. After Othmar Keel and Christoph Uehlinger, Gttinnen, Gtter und Gottessymbole: Neue Erkenntnisse zur Religionsgeschichte Kanaans und Israels aufgrund bislang unerschlossener iko-nographischer Quellen (QD 134; Freiburg: Herder, 2001), Abb. 398.

Fig. 12: Cylinder seal; 8th cent. B.C.E. After Winter, Frau, Abb. 501.

Izak Cornelius 36

Fig. 13: Part of decoration on helmet; 8th cent. B.C.E. After Hermann Born and Ursula Seidl, Schutzwaffen aus Assyrien und Urartu (Sammlung Axel Guttmann 4; Mainz: von Zabern, 1995), Abb. 22.

Fig. 14: Cylinder seal; ca. 8th cent. B.C.E. Currently on loan to the Department of Ancient Studies from the collection of the University of Stellenbosch (KG/VN/2). Unpublished, photograph by Anton Jordaan.


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