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Acta BorealiaA Nordic Journal of Circumpolar Societies

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Copper worlds: a historical archaeology ofAbraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna andtheir industrial enterprise in the Torne RiverValley, c. 1650–1680

Jonas M. Nordin & Carl-Gösta Ojala

To cite this article: Jonas M. Nordin & Carl-Gösta Ojala (2017) Copper worlds: ahistorical archaeology of Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna and their industrialenterprise in the Torne River Valley, c. 1650–1680, Acta Borealia, 34:2, 103-133, DOI:10.1080/08003831.2017.1397397

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/08003831.2017.1397397

© 2017 The Author(s). Published by InformaUK Limited, trading as Taylor & FrancisGroup

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Copper worlds: a historical archaeology of Abraham andJakob Momma-Reenstierna and their industrial enterprise inthe Torne River Valley, c. 1650–1680Jonas M. Nordin and Carl-Gösta Ojala

Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden

ABSTRACTThis article analyses the industrial enterprise of the Dutch-bornbrothers Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna and theirinvestments in Sápmi and the upper parts of the Torne RiverValley, northern Sweden, during the second half of theseventeenth century. The aim is to explore the driving forcesbehind the industrial projects of the two brothers in a largerglobal and colonial context. With inspiration from recent criticalstudies on the simplifications, and Eurocentrism, in earlierunderstandings of the birth of modernity, we focus on themodernizing processes taking place in the upper part of the TorneRiver Valley as a meeting zone between local populations andlandscapes and external capital. Metal extraction was booming inthe seventeenth-century Sámi areas. Both the Danish-Norwegianand the Swedish Crowns invested heavily in the mining of silver,copper and iron. The scientific focus in archaeology and historyhas hitherto been very much on the state-governed projects, andlimited interest has been directed towards the private enterprises.Moreover, there is also a need to study the roles of the localFinnish and Sámi populations, as well as the global connections,in these colonial industrial projects.

ARTICLE HISTORYReceived 11 October 2016Accepted 7 June 2017

KEYWORDSSeventeenth century;colonialism; modernity;copper industry; Dutchindustrialists; Sápmi; TorneRiver Valley

Introduction

In Solna parish church, north-west of central Stockholm, among the impressive shields ofdeceased members of the local and national nobility, there is a seventeenth-centuryepitaph that draws one’s particular attention (Figure 1). On top of the crest, there is afull-size pair of reindeer antlers, and in the centre of the shield a depiction of a wedgecracking a mountain. From the upper right corner, as if by divine providence, comingout of a cloud, there is a pair of arms holding a sledge aimed at the wedge. In thelower part of the shield, there is a stream and a green meadow.

The symbols clearly centre on the northern world and Sápmi,1 the land of the Sámi, aswell as the land of early modern mining and metalworking. The hand holding the sledge-hammer can be interpreted as symbolizing divine providence, which together with thesledge also puts movement and direction into this image. The mountains are symbols

© 2017 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis GroupThis is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in anymedium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.

CONTACT Jonas M. Nordin jonas.nordin@arkeologi.uu.se

ACTA BOREALIA, 2017VOL. 34, NO. 2, 103–133https://doi.org/10.1080/08003831.2017.1397397

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of riches, the meadow connotes fertility and the stream movement, but this time in theform of water power and transportation.

The owners of the epitaph were the Dutch/Swedish noble family Momma-Reenstiernawho, amongst other fields of enterprise, invested in mining industries in the upper part ofthe Torne River Valley in the seventeenth century. The symbolic mountains depicted onthe shield can also be understood in a more concrete fashion – as a depiction of thereal riches of the mountains of the north. The reindeer antlers on top of the crest alludeto the name taken by the family when ennobled in 1669: Reenstierna (i.e. “ReindeerStar”; see Elgenstierna 1925–1936, 175–176; Awebro 1995–1997, 716).

During a period of 30 years, the Momma-Reenstierna family, led by the two brothersAbraham and Jakob, established themselves as successful industrialists exploiting theriches of the northern parts of the Swedish kingdom. They ran mines, works and shipyardsin a trade network encompassing an area stretching from above the Arctic Circle to centralSweden, the Baltic Sea, England and the Netherlands. They were one of the early modernentrepreneurial families that, with great success, gained from connecting the Baltic tradein metals with the Atlantic colonial trade (cf. Müller 1998, 91–119, 159–190).

Figure 1. Funerary shield of the Momma-Reenstierna family in Solna parish church, near Stockholm.Photo courtesy of Göran Ridnert, Svenska kyrkan, Solna församling.

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This paper explores the networks of the brothers Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reen-stierna, and their involvement in early modern industrial projects in Sápmi and theupper parts of the Torne River Valley. The aim is to examine the role of a colonial worldview in the second half of the seventeenth century in Sápmi and the Torne River Valley,and the role of early modern colonial thinking for the expanding metal industry. Thepaper examines how the two brothers exploited business opportunities in northernSápmi, above the Arctic Circle, in a time of growing European colonialism and globaltrade. Furthermore, we discuss the strategies of the Momma-Reenstierna brothers in aglobal context, in order to better understand the integration between Sápmi, the TorneRiver Valley, Sweden, Finland and the global markets during the second half of the seven-teenth century.

The main focus of the article is on the upper parts of the Torne River Valley and adjacentareas. The paper’s limitations only allow us very brief outlooks to the archaeology of thelower part of the river valley and the towns along the coast of the Gulf of Bothnia. Ourfocus is on the seventeenth century and the processes with global repercussions playedout at this time. The chronological framework covers the period from the early moderndiscovery of iron in the Torne River Valley in the 1640s, and the establishment of ametal industry in the region, until the death of Abraham Momma-Reenstierna in 1690.It is, however, important to emphasize that history did not start with the arrival of themines, works and external industrialists, but that the Torne River Valley had a long andcomplex multicultural history long before that. The mediaeval period shows evidence ofa development that is unique and connects vast territories and cultural experiences (cf.e.g. Wallerström 1995; Ylimaunu et al. 2014; Bergman and Edlund 2016; Kuusela, Nurmi,and Hakamäki 2016).

Our vantage point is global historical archaeology. Using historical, material and spatialsource material, we focus on people, places and material objects in the Torne River Valleyfrom Lake Torneträsk (Sw.)/Duortnosjávri (SaN.)/Torniojärvi (Fi.)2 to Kengis (Sw.)/Köngänen(Fi.)/Geavŋŋis (SaN.) and Torneå (Sw.)/Tornio (Fi.) (Figure 2), associated with the Momma-Reenstierna brothers and the works, in order to facilitate a wider discussion of the conse-quences of colonial ideology and practice in the North.

We have elsewhere discussed the role of an Atlantic colonial ideology for the earlymodern strategies and policies of the Danish-Norwegian and Swedish kingdoms inSápmi, for instance concerning the exploitation of natural resources and the commodifi-cation of land, people and material culture (Nordin 2010, 2012, 2014, 2015; 2017a,2017b; Nordin and Ojala 2015; Ojala and Nordin 2015; Ojala 2017). However, the role ofprivate entrepreneurs as exploiters of natural resources, traders in colonial goods andbrokers of colonial ideas – and their relations with the local populations – has not beendiscussed much in relation to Sápmi and the Torne River Valley. There is a need tostudy the positions of the local Sámi and Finnish populations, as well as the global connec-tions, in these colonial industrial projects.

We are also interested in understanding the processes of modernization in the North ina larger perspective, and we ask whether it is possible to challenge some of the traditionalnarratives of modernity, which have mainly focused on the perceived European “centres”of power and, too often, have missed the underlying connections and networks that helpto build the power of the “centres”. Theoretically, we draw inspiration from the criticalpostcolonial analysis of modernity by the sociologist Gurminder K. Bhambra. Bhambra

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argues that modernity as an episteme has strong Eurocentric connotations. The Renais-sance, the nation state and the industrial capitalist society are all generally believed tobe European inventions. Modernity and industrial society are still to a large degreeviewed as fruits of European thoughts as well as processes taking place more or less exclu-sively within Europe (Bhambra 2007; cf. also Bhambra 2014).

Europe in the sense of Bhambra’s critique does not mean the whole continent as it isdefined today but a Europe consisting of the western and central European states, such as

Figure 2. Some of the places mentioned in the article on the seventeenth-century map published inJohannes Schefferus’s Lapponia. From Schefferus [1673] 1956, with additions by Carl-Gösta Ojala. A –Lake Torneträsk; B – Torne River; 1 – Svappavaara; 2 – Junosuando/Masugnsbyn; 3 – Kengis; 4 –Torneå/Tornio; 5 – Luleå; 6 – Uleåborg/Oulu; 7 – Jokkmokk; 8 – Silbojokk; 9 – Arjeplog; 10 – Lycksele;11 – Kalix.

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England, France, the United Province and the Holy Roman Empire. Only to a very limitedextent does this definition of Europe include the northernmost parts of Fennoscandia.

Bhambra takes up the critical discourse of Edward Said in his examination of Europeanthought as selective accumulation and deletion (Bhambra 2007, 103–104). This is also validfor the views on global industrialization as a European project discussed by Bhambra, aswell as the role of northern Fennoscandia in this process. Global industrial society wasnot a process only of the workshops of England, but also of interplay between thesugar plantations and metal refineries of the New World. It was a chain of access tocheap labour and resources extending between Europe, Africa, Asia and the Americas.Moreover, industrialization, concentration of capital, and trade networks were entitiesthat existed in many areas around the world. Their integration into greater global tradesystems was the result of many factors of which only a few were directed from Europe(Bhambra 2007, 124–144; see also Raj 2007, 1–26). It is here that early modern Sápmiand the Torne River Valley come in – an area of the world often seen as a “periphery”to the major European processes of modernity – but, as will be discussed below, anarea, imagined as well as real, which triggered technological development and socialmovement.

This article discusses the Torne River Valley as a multi-ethnic region in the early modernperiod, with Finnish, Sámi, Swedish and other cultural influences. This region has also beenan arena for conflicts over interpretations of the past, with competing claims for indigen-ous status, by Sámi groups and Torne River Valley Finnish or Kven groups. As with the Sámipopulation, the Meänkieli-speaking population3 has been subjected to discrimination andassimilation pressure from the Swedish state. And like the Sámi, they have long been mar-ginalized or excluded in relation to the Swedish national historical and archaeological nar-ratives, which have led to the present-day situation with a contested history and heritageof the Torne River Valley (see further Elenius 2001; Wallerström 2006; Ojala 2009; HagströmYamamoto 2010). This situation is important to keep in mind when discussing earlymodern colonial histories in the Torne River Valley: whose histories are told, and fromwhich perspectives?

Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna: entrepreneurs and exploiters

The extraction of metals in northern Fennoscandia in the early modern period is relatedto the European colonial expansion in other parts of the world. A shared colonial worldview or ideology drove this expansion in the Americas, Africa and Asia. Several of theseshared traits are also visible in private and state strategies and enterprises in the North.The search for metals, and the discursive relation between Danes, Norwegians, Finns,Swedes and the Sámi population, show both similarities and divergences when com-pared to colonial situations overseas (see for instance papers in Nordin 2012, 2015;Naum and Nordin 2013; Ojala and Nordin 2015). To what extent the situation in theTorne River Valley is related to the concurrent global development is, however, still anunderstudied field of research.

Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna chose Solna as the place where to put up thefamily’s crest. None of the brothers were buried there, however, and they did not own anyland in the parish. Instead, they lived a cosmopolitan life with estates and businesses scat-tered over northern Europe. The brothers came from a family of coppersmiths and copper

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producers in Aachen and were born under the name Momma, in Jülich in present-daynorthern Germany. Abraham was born in 1623 and died in Osnabrück, today’sGermany, in 1690. Jakob was born in 1625, and died in Norrköping, Sweden, in 1678(Awebro 1995–1997, 716–720).

Abraham and Jakob are two prominent representatives of the many bankers, investors,industrialists, traders and workers that came from western Germany and the Netherlandsexploring new business opportunities and seeking religious safe havens (Bedoire 2009).Many went to the New World, others to Africa and Asia, while yet others settled inSweden. Most of the Dutch capitalists in Sweden invested in metal production andrelated businesses.

Traders and industrialists such as the Momma-Reenstierna brothers, de Geer, Kock-Cronström and de Besche, among many others, shared knowledge about metal pro-duction from their home countries and had experience in the trade with the Baltics,which in the Netherlands was often referred to as the “mother of all trades” (cf. vanTielhof 2002). Amsterdam and other Dutch cities were also important hubs in the NorthAtlantic trade with the Americas, West Africa and the “Rich Trade” with East Asia.Besides their dealings with copper, gold, grain, hemp, ivory, spices, tar and timber,these Dutch families were also what has been called “traders in good taste” to northernEurope. Badeloch Noldus has shown the influence of this handful of Dutch traders inearly modern cities such as Stockholm in the commissioning of architecture, art, designand culture (Noldus 2005, 2011, 2013; cf. also Bedoire 2009 and Keblusek 2011).“Trading in taste” in the case of the Momma-Reenstierna brothers is, apart from theirstately home in Södermalm (Figure 3) in Stockholm, most obvious at their works inSápmi and the Torne River Valley.

Figure 3. The Momma-Reenstierna town mansion at Wollmar Yxkullsgatan 25 in Stockholm. Photo byJonas M. Nordin.

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The Dutch merchant and industrialist families and workers from the Low Countries inSweden have often been regarded as “immigrants” – many settled and became natura-lized in Sweden, making them one of the first recorded waves of modern migration toScandinavia (Douhan 1985). Looking more closely at these investors and innovatorsduring the seventeenth century suggests labelling them cosmopolitans as a more preg-nant characterization (see for instance Rydén 2013). Many did not come to stay in oneplace but moved around between different countries in northern Europe and sometimeswent back to the Low Countries. A case in point is Abraham Momma-Reenstierna, whoshared his time between Sweden and the Netherlands.

The metal production and the trade in metals from the mining districts of Sweden toAmsterdam or London cannot be separated from each other. As recent research hasdemonstrated, the metal production in Sweden is closely related to the metal tradewith the Gold Coast, the sugar trade with the Caribbean, and the slave trade in itspaths, as well as the fur trade with North America (cf. Evans and Rydén 2007; papers inMüller, Rydén, and Weiss 2010; see also Morton 1985). Metal making in early modernnorthern Fennoscandia was to a growing degree part of colonial global economy. Therole of mineral exploitation and metal production in Sápmi and the Torne River Valleyhas not been examined much in this larger context (see, however, Nordin 2015; Ojalaand Nordin 2015).

Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna made their fortune from the production ofcopper, iron and steel (cf. Sondén 1911). The brothers had their own companies alongwith several mutual enterprises. Among these were the exploiting of the iron mine inJunosuando (Sw.)/Junosuanto (Fi.)/Čunusavvon (SaN.), the copper mine in Svappavaara(Sw.)/Vaskivuori (Fi.)/Veaikevárri (SaN.), and the refining of the metal ores at Kengis(Sw.)/Köngänen (Fi.)/Geavŋŋis (SaN.) works in the Torne River Valley.

In 1669, at the height of their power and their success with industry in northernSweden, the two brothers were ennobled. Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna sur-rounded themselves with symbols of a construed exotic North, as shown in their name andchoice of heraldic crest. Symbols for the Sámi such as the reindeer, geres (Sámi sleigh),clothing, etc., were actively used by the brothers and, as will be shown below, wereboth part of a zeitgeist – other aristocrats, industrialists, merchants and traders didsimilar things – and part of the brothers’ individual branding. The symbols were integratedinto the appearance of the brothers and became part of an ongoing performativity prac-tice (Schechner 2002, 287–296). These activities can be interpreted as a practice tostrengthen the brothers’ position in the global market of metal production and trade.

The brothers’ integration and use of Sámi symbols was concurrent to their establish-ment in the upper parts of the Torne River Valley and surrounding areas, a process thatincluded the employment of Finnish and Sámi workers, trading with the local populationsand using and exploiting lands and resources. The copper and iron works of Kengis, themining settlements in Svappavaara and in Junosuando (in the village today namedMasugnsbyn), Kalix copper works, Vittangi (Sw.)/Vazáš (SaN.)/Vittanki (Fi.) copper works,as well as other places in the inland of the county of Västerbotten,4 were zones ofcontact between groups of people with varying identities. Here Finnish, Sámi andSwedish speaking people met, mixed and interacted with Dutch, French and Germanspeaking industrialist, workers and traders.

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Copper from Sápmi in the global world

Ingvar Svanberg has shown that a substantial amount of Sámi people lived and worked insouthern and central Sweden in districts such as Närke, Uppland and Västmanland duringthe early modern period (Svanberg 1999; cf. also Nordin 2017a, 2017b). The perceptionthat Sámi people were only to be found in the far mountainous regions of northern Fen-noscandia is a myth nurtured by early modern and modern ethnocentric exoticism andnationalism (cf. Broberg 1982; Ojala 2009; Baglo 2011; Hansen and Olsen 2014). This mys-tification of the Sámi accelerated during the seventeenth century with the scientificdescriptions of the Sámi, expeditions to Sápmi and the collecting of Sámi materialculture and of Sámi people themselves (Nordin and Ojala 2015; Nordin and Ojala forth-coming). In this context, the actions of the Momma-Reenstierna brothers played an impor-tant but little acknowledged role.

Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna first travelled to Sweden to work with trade –importing luxury commodities to Sweden, exporting bar iron, tar and later on copper andbrass to the Dutch, and after some time, to the English markets, and from there out to theAtlantic world. They bought, leased and owned shares in ironworks in central Sweden suchas the Färna, Meling and Norn works. The production spanned from bar and pig iron tocannons, ammunition and grenades as well as kettles and statues (Sondén 1911; Müller1998, 9–119).

Iron was a major export commodity but the profit coefficient was rather modest andcompetition made it impossible to control the market price (Müller 1998, 166–175).Perhaps as a result of this situation, the Momma-Reenstierna brothers moved into thecopper and brass industry. Copper was highly esteemed in the global market as a preciousmetal, and for its importance in the making of ships’ sheathings, cauldrons, kettles and forits attraction in the New World trade (Müller 1998, 166–175; Horning 2013, 141–146).Copper and brass were commodities, as has been pointed out by Leos Müller, which itwas possible to gain monopolistic control over (Müller 1998, 172–175). In the middle ofthe seventeenth century, half of the world’s copper production took place in Swedenand mainly in Falun/Kopparberget (Magnusson 2000, 32–56).

In West Africa, theManillas – the Moneta Franca in the gold, ivory and slave trade – wasoften made of brass (Horton 1996, 290; Cook 2012, 60–62). In Sweden, brass wire was alsocalled Guinean bracelets. Another object made of brass or copper was “negros” – perhapssome kind of copper sheets (Norberg 1956, 205). Howmuch of the copper and brass madein Sweden made its way to Birmingham and Sheffield and further to West Africa isunknown, but the copper was essentially an Atlantic commodity, manufactured forglobal trade and coveted by an international consumer market (cf. Morton 1985; seealso Zahedieh 2013).

A case in point is the Læsø shipwreck from the 1630s, which when excavated was foundto have been carrying a shipload of brass wire, sealed with Louis de Geer’s owner’s mark(Helmfrid 1971; Nilhamn 2012, 168). It was probably on its way to Hamburg, Bremen orAmsterdam to sell the brass wire. On the Gold Coast, the de Geer family later establisheda foothold through the Swedish Africa Company. Even though the company was short-lived, it controlled a substantial part of the European trade on the coast (cf. Nováky1990). Copper rods and brass wire were among its main export commodities.

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Abraham and Jakob had an older half-brother stationed in Amsterdam, WillemMomma, who had a firm grip over the Atlantic brass trade. He owned, for instance, Nyköp-ing brass works in Sweden, and traded with the Marescoe and David families in England(Morton 1985, 6–24; Roseveare 1987; Müller 1998, 231–232; see also Morton and Robey1985). The Momma-Reenstierna brothers were actually pioneers in switching from theDutch to the English market, and copper and brass were the commodities that wouldlead the way (Morton 1985; Müller 1998, 175). This switch is one of the main structuralchanges in the economic development of the early modern world. Through this changeEngland would get the upper hand not just economically but also politically. It alsomeant that the Torne River Valley was drawn into the global trade and that global currentswere brought to Sápmi.

Brass, the gold-shining, hard, rather inexpensive alloy, met a rapidly growing attractionduring the early modern period. It was mainly used for the making of needles, pins,buttons and buckets – objects along with the aforementioned Manillas that weresought after in the West African trade (Morton 1985). Brass was also needed for themaking of candlesticks, candelabras and wall sconces (cf. for instance Symonds et al.2015, 81–84).

Brass enhanced the illuminating effects and particularly the wall sconces changed notonly public or display space such as churches or assembly rooms, but also private rooms(cf. Symonds et al. 2015, 81). For a reasonable amount of money, a burgher or a craftsper-son could buy an object that would substantially prolong the work day. The literal enligh-tening of rooms and workshops is a pivotal aspect of the birth of the industrious societywhich has not attracted much scholarly interest (de Vries 2008; Hutchison 2012, 155).

Darkness during the long winter nights of Fennoscandia was more prevalent than weusually perceive it to be. Both public and private space was scarcely lit. Tallow candles andtorches (Sw. tjärstickor) were the main means of lighting, but when a candle of tallow orwax was put in a wall sconce the lighting effect would multiply.

The role of light in early modern industrial production is little acknowledged, and theimportance of brass in this context is almost completely neglected. During the seven-teenth century, there were five major brass works in Sweden – Avesta, Gusum, Norrköping,Nyköping and Skultuna – which all ended up in, or were under influence of, the Momma-Reenstierna family (Müller 1998, 171–172). Jakob Momma-Reenstierna was married to Eli-sabet Kock-Cronström, daughter of Marcus Kock-Cronström, another entrepreneur ofDutch extraction who became successful both financially and socially (being ennobledunder the name Cronström). Marcus Kock-Cronström served as a master minter (Sw.mynt-mästare) in several towns, of which Avesta in central Sweden was the most important(Boëthius 1931, 346–351).

Jakob Momma-Reenstierna bought the brass works in Norrköping in 1666 from the DeGeer family and it became the heart of his economic empire (Sondén 1911, 160). The econ-omic entanglement in the iron, copper and brass industries led Jakob Momma-Reenstiernato lease the islands of Gotland and Ösel in the service of ex-queen Christina who had abdi-cated in 1654 (Sondén 1911, 162; Awebro 1995–1997, 720). These latter investments mightbe understood in the light of a wish to be part of the landed gentry, which provedunsuccessful.

In Jakobstad in Finland, Jakob Momma-Reenstierna founded a shipyard which movedafter a couple of years to Slite on Gotland (Lyberg 1949; Toivanen 1982). Among the ships

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built at Slite ship wharf in 1673–1674 was Het Vliegende Lappe – “The Flying Lapp”, i.e. Sámi(Müller 1998, 179). To our knowledge nothing is recorded about this very unusual choice ofname for a ship. In the context of Jakob Momma-Reenstierna’s other activities in andaround Sápmi, the name seems rather fitting. Het Vliegende Lappe was a rather smallship; it had cost just a little more than 4000 d.c.m.5 in comparison to several other shipsthat cost between about 17,000 and 63,000 d.c.m. This indicates that the ship was onlyused for local transport in the Baltic (Müller 1998, 179).

Momma-Reenstierna and the Torne River Valley

In 1642, Lars Larsson, recorded as a farmer (Sw. bonde), discovered the deposits of iron orein Junosuando, in the Upper Torne River Valley (this place is today called Masugnsbyn).The county governor Frans Crusebjörn organized the Crown’s support for the foundingof a company run by burghers in Torneå to exploit the finds. The master miner (Sw. Berg-mästare) Hans Lybecker (Norberg 1958, 7) made the first map with aspirations to accu-rately depict the rapids and streams of the river. On this map, drawn in 1643, it isstated that the finding of iron was made at a place called Saivijjock, north-west of Iou-noswa Bÿn (present-day Junosuando). The place name may refer to the mythologicalSaivo/Saiva complex and sacred lakes (Bäckman 1975). The lake just west of the minesis called Saivojärvi (Figure 4). The ore was probably refined in Torneå some 350 km tothe south, but the company was closed already in 1646. The rights to extract the orewere transferred to a German-born burgher of Torneå, Arendt Grape, who also orderedthe establishment of a furnace in Junosuando (Brännman 1940; Norberg 1958, 7).

Some 40 km downstream from Junosuando, at a place called Kengis, Grape founded aworks to refine the iron. Geavŋŋis, in North Sámi, means waterfall or great rapid. TheFinnish Köngänen and the Swedish Kengis are both derived from the North Sámi placename (Swedell 2001, 33). The relatively good conditions for agriculture, rich fishing andgood communications along the river suggest that the place had been inhabited for a longtime before the establishment of the works. Here, a hammer with two hearths was built; atype in Sweden often called Walloon-forge and an innovation in the metal industry of theseventeenth century (Hildebrand 1992, 49–69). This kind of forge was the most innovativetechnique available at the time and its products were suitable for the making of the emble-matic material of modern society: steel (Norberg 1958, 13; Awebro 1993, 367; Evans andRydén 2007). The ore from Junosuando was not entirely suitable for the making of bar iron– the sought-after export commodity–due to its high content of sulphur (Brännman1940, 48).

In spite of the swift development and good production rate, and the grand plans to turnthe works into a successful industry that would foster a town to control the lucrative tradewith the Sámi and Finnish populations, Grape lacked the financial means to see thisthrough (cf. Wennerström 1923; Awebro 1993, 366–367). Perhaps the inferior quality ofthe iron also influenced the situation. It was at this stage that the Momma-Reenstiernabrothers stepped in. A common pattern for Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstiernawas to lend money to other industrialists and factory owners and thereby take over theindustries – a kind of a hostile takeover of the seventeenth century (cf. Sondén 1911;Müller 1998, 103–109).

In 1652, the brothers bought two-fifths each of the company, leaving one-fifth toArendt Grape (Contract between Grape and the Momma-Reenstierna brothers 27.2.

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1653, RA, MRS 1). The works were granted new privileges, including the right to have itsown police, take 30 or 40 vagrants into employment, and trade local things for dailyuse (Letter from Queen Christina 27.10 1653, RA, MRS 1). On a drawing depicting Kengisfrom 1660 (see below), there is actually a prison depicted. The works was also exemptfrom the demand to pay toll in Stockholm; the ships with the iron from Kengis could

Figure 4. Hans Lybeckers’ map of the Torne River Valley from January 1643 with the mines of Juno-suando in the upper left. Note that the ore is marked with both the symbols of Iron (Mars) andCopper (Venus). Photo courtesy of the National Archive, Stockholm.

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instead head directly to the Dutch market (Letter from Queen Christina 27.10 1653, RA,MRS 1).

An inventory of the works complex with the mines and the office in the town of Torneåshows that the whole business was still rather limited (Norberg 1958, 16). But that wasabout to change. The copper from Svappavaara gave the income the brothers andGrape had hoped for: the most successful part of the Momma-Reenstierna enterprise inSápmi was the mining and refining of copper. A priest was acquired in 1654 and a phys-ician is mentioned in 1663 (Sondén 1911, 157). During this time, many different languageswould have been spoken at Kengis, e.g. Dutch, Finnish, French, German, North Sámi, LuleSámi and Swedish and possibly also Latin (cf. Sondén 1911; Körningh 1956, 25, 51; Lind-mark 1963).

Copper was discovered in Svappavaara in the 1650s by a Sámi man, Olof Tålck (Sondén1911, 154). Olof’s last name denotes his profession: interpreter. The findings were immedi-ately exploited and it was from this period the works gained momentum. The finding wascontested by a man called Jonas Bode, but the claim was not accepted by AbrahamMomma-Reenstierna (Sondén 1911, 154, note 2).

Svappavaara Mountain was regarded as a sacred mountain by the Sámi. In 1729, theclergyman Henric Forbus described the mountain as Passe or Passevara – a sacred siteor sacred mountain. However, according to Ernst Manker in 1957, no physical traces ofritual or sacrificial practice on or adjacent to Svappavaara Mountain had been identified(cf. Manker 1957, 139). In an archaeological survey in 2013, traces of a Sámi settlement,south-west of the mountain top, was found (Klang 2014, 21). The riches in coppermight be a reason why the site was regarded as sacred – the copper-rich bedrock withits special colour might have been alluring to people. But also the Junosuando oremight have been found due to its location near a sacred place, but by the river near asacred lake in this case (cf. Awebro 1993). The parallel existence of sacred Sámi sitesand metal extraction sites has been discussed by Ingela Bergman et al., who have acknowl-edged the existence of cult places on mining maps in the Arjeplog/Árjepluovve area(Bergman et al. 2008).

Copper also played an important role as a precious material alongside silver. Sámisacred objects could be made of copper and the metal or alloy was deeply treasuredby many Sámi (Immonen 2013, 23–27). At the silverworks of Silbbajåhkå/Silbojokk, arich assemblage of Sámi find material from the period 1635 to 1659 has been excavated.For instance, a rare and distinctly Sámi copper pendant in the shape of AM – Ave Maria –was found (Nordin 2012, 157; Nordin 2015). Sacred Sámi drums, goavddis (SaN.) or gievrie(SaS.), were often adorned with and partly made of copper. Rivets on the drums, forexample, would preferably have been of copper (see Manker 1938; Christoffersson 2016).

In the collections of the Norrbotten County Museum, there is an early modern paintedcopper canister with the text Svappavaara 1678 AJR – the latter probably meaningAbraham and Jakob Reenstierna – however, the letters might have been inscribed later(see Figure 5). The function of the box is unknown but the decoration suggests that itwas made to be displayed. And the fact that it remained in northern Sweden indicatesthat it was used by the brothers, perhaps on their travels along the Torne River. Thiscopper box might have played a role in the enhancing of the power and might of thebrothers even in 1678, when their economic position was gradually weakened (JakobMomma-Reenstierna died the same year).

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Olof Tålck’s decision to report the finding of copper to AbrahamMomma-Reenstierna in1654, probably aware of the obvious risk of destroying the mountain, might be under-stood in this context: more alluring than the mountain was the copper in itself. At thesame time, Sámi traditional religion was gradually losing its position in the region as aresult of the ongoing missionary activities by the Swedish church, and new perceptionsof space, land and its material assets were gaining a foothold (cf. Rydving 1995; Mrozowski1999; Nordin 2015). In this context, however, it is important to remember that traditionalviews of the Sámi of the Middle Ages and early modern period as pagans or non-Christiansmight be profound simplifications (Mundal 2007; Äikäs and Salmi 2013, 21–22; Rasmussen2014, 2016; Lundmark 2016). As suggested for instance by the finding of the aforemen-tioned Ave Maria copper pendant from Silbojokk, Christianity might have had a strongposition among part of the Sámi population before the intensification of the Lutheranmission in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This is a field where more inter-disciplinary research is needed.

Figure 5. The copper canister from Svappavaara (the canister does not have an inventory number),Norrbotten County Museum. Photo by Kjell Öberg, Norrbottens museum, Luleå.

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Christians or not, the Sámi prospectors of the seventeenth century were of centralimportance. A majority of the largest and most promising findings were made by Sámihunters, rock-crystal miners and/or pearl fishers, with knowledge not only of thebedrock but also of the landscape as a whole (Schefferus [1673] 1956, 391–395; cf. alsoSchiebinger 2004; Mukerij 2006, 719). The reward for reporting a finding could be substan-tial – for instance a silver chalice and lifetime exemption from taxation (Brännman 1940,50). In 1723, the new mineral law, where finders’ fees were stated, was even translatedand published in Sámi (Hedlund 2014).

The making of modern landscapes in the Torne River Valley

The discovery of copper in Svappavaara hastened the industrial development in the rivervalley. Although the possibilities for transportation were much better than in the silvermines and works in Nasafjäll and Silbojokk in Pite Lappmark, or in Kvikkjokk/Húhttan inLule Lappmark, the industrial projects in the Torne River Valley still required great invest-ments in cleansing the river system, as well as in the construction of land roads (see Hoppe1945, 100–101, 117–118, 143). The Torne River and its tributaries were of paramountimportance for transportation and communication and connected an area stretchingfrom the Gulf of Bothnia to the Atlantic, but it was an unpredictable force. The springflood of 1677 was described by Antti Keksi (c. 1622–1705), one of the first knownFinnish poets, in the poem which is often called Keksis kväde (Fi. Keksin laulu), composedin the local Meänkieli language, telling how the flood devastated settlements along theriver. It also mentions the Mommas (see e.g. Wahlberg 1988).

In 1699, Adam Leijel reported on behalf of the Board of Mines (Sw. Bergskollegium) thatthere were no more woods around the Svappavaara mines in a radius of one Swedish mile(10 km; Adam Leijels berättelse om Bergwärken uti Wästerbottn år 1699, 149). And in theperiod 1657–1674, 5000 skeppund (approx. 800 tons) of copper left Torneå (Sondén 1911,157). An unknown amount was used locally for minting and the making of tokens andobjects, such as the aforementioned copper box probably belonging to Abraham andJakob Momma-Reenstierna.

In 1673, Grape made an expedition up along the river, passed Lake Torne Träsk and onthe Norwegian side, in the parish of Ofoten, he had a Sámi point out another copper find.The place was called Rannawaara and it proved promising after test mining by Grape. TheNorwegian authorities swiftly stopped the enterprise and the Kengis company neverreturned (Grape letter to the King, cited in Sondén 1911, 167; Schefferus [1673] 1956,394). The collection of minerals at the Board of Mines received a sample of the copperore from Rannawaara, which is still kept in the National Museum of Science in Stockholm(NRM inv. no. 57:9400; Figure 6). Rannawaara lingered on as a tempting source of riches forseveral decades to come.

A drawing of the works and a map of the works site in Kengis, both made in 1660, areevidence of this rapid change. The drawing of Kengis was made by the Dutch works scribeDenis Joris. When the sketch is compared to the map, the sketch shows great accuracy(Figures 7 and 8). For instance, the situation and location of the small huts, labelledpörte, meaning hut or chalet, close to the river, are very exact. The industrial complex,including the hammer, saw mill, flour mill, smithies, stamp mill and copper mill, is depictedvery similarly in the drawing and on the map. The map also shows a rather large manor

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Figure 6. Sample of copper ore from Rannawaara brought to the mineral cabinet of the Swedish Boardof Mines. The sample is labelled: “Koppar lazur fr. Rannawari högst upp i Sv. Lappmarken, som Lapparne1672 eller 73? funnit men de norske sig tilägnat såsom liggande inom deras district” (“Copper fromRannawara at the far North of Swedish Lapland, found by Sámi in 1672 or 73 but taken by the Norwe-gians as part of their land”; our translation). Photo courtesy of Jörgen Langhof, the Swedish Museum ofNatural History, Stockholm.

Figure 7. Map of the Kengis works 1660, “Kiengis bärgsbruck uti öfre Tornöö”. Photo courtesy of theNational Archive, Stockholm, collection of mine maps.

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with a porch on either side of the building. The manor is to the south surrounded by ser-vants’ quarters, stores and stables (c–f). To the north-west are the workers’ houses, theworks office and the vicarage.

Joris’s drawing reveals even more details, for instance, that the courtyard and thegarden are not only enclosed but gated, and that there is a sundial in the middle of theherb garden (h). There is also a prison (Sw. arrest) marked, just south of the forge. Moststriking are the proportions of the two-and-a-half-storey manor, with the high porches,chimneys, lead stained glass, and with weather vanes on the roof. The building depictedis obviously not a small Swedish timber house, but a more Dutch-style manor (cf. Noldus2013).

In the foreground, on an island in Torne River called Ängsholmen (Sw.) or Meadow Islet,there are at least two buildings of obvious Sámi type and perhaps two others (difficult todistinguish). The depicted huts represent the traditional Sámi goahti, a dwelling made oftimber or turf, or lavvu, a tent with reindeer hides or woollen cloth (see for instance Liedg-ren 2007, 123–124). In the middle of what might have been the Sámi settlement there is asquare feature which might represent a timber goahti, as depicted by both JohannesSchefferus and Carl Linnaeus (Liedgren 2007, 116–121).

How should we understand this depiction and the Sámi presence in it? Why was itmade, and what was its purpose? We may assume that it was commissioned by theMomma-Reenstierna brothers. There are other examples from seventeenth-century

Figure 8. The drawing of Kengis works from 1660 by Denis Joris. Photo courtesy of Jernkontoretsbruksbildskatalog (The Swedish Ironmasters Association).

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Sweden of paintings of factories or works having been painted, which were highly valuedby the owners or by their international trading network.

For instance, the Trip family in Amsterdam, who made a tremendous fortune in dealingwith arms from Sweden, owned a painting by the Dutch artist Allart van Everdingendepicting the Julita canon factory (“De geschutgieterij Julita Bruk van de familie Trip”,1640s, Rijksmuseum Amsterdam; cf. Haggrén et al. 2016, 95–96). The Trip family, likeother capitalist families of its day, would have used this painting, depicting their economicsphere, as a kind of self-identification or branding, with the purpose of strengthening thecompany inwards and impressing investors from the outside. This practice can be seen inthe light of what we have shown above, regarding the Momma-Reenstierna brothers’highly conscious effort to brand themselves.

Should Joris’s drawing be interpreted as a sketch for a planned painting to be executedin Amsterdam or elsewhere by a professional artist such as van Everdingen? Why then arethe explanatory texts in Swedish? Both Abraham and Jakob, who primarily spoke Dutchand German, visited their works in the Torne River Valley and stayed in Kengis at themanor, so they knew what it looked like (Norberg 1958, 18–19, 30–31). The drawingwould then probably have been made to be viewed by others.

The Sámi settlement in the lower part of the drawing, which is not shown on the map, isof key interest here. Do the goahti represent a factual Sámi settlement adjacent to theworks or should they be understood as a genre supplement, put there to enhance theexotic content of the drawing? Field studies have not made it possible to determinewhether there was any settlement or not.

The account books of the Kengis works support the interpretation that the depictedSámi dwellings reflect a real Sámi presence. There were Sámi employed at Kengis andin Svappavaara, and many Sámi were employed with transportation along the riverfrom the mines to the works (Hoppe 1945, 134, 143). Hundreds of reindeer were usedand many Sámi people were involved in the trade with the Momma-Reenstierna enter-prise. Gunnar Hoppe has acknowledged a peak in transportation in 1660 whenbetween 15,000 and 20,000 reindeer loads with charcoal were sent to the Svappavaaramines. The majority working with this transportation were not long-term contractworkers but hired personnel, most of them probably Sámi (Hoppe 1945, 143). In 1657,Nils Dunder was sent by Kengis works to buy 19 reindeer from Olof Tålck. Dunder didnot succeed with the reindeer and several of them died, probably due to exhaustion (Lind-mark 1963, 46). At the Svappavaara mines, of the 77 workers employed in 1661, severalwere Sámi (List of workers in the Svappavaara mines, published in Lindmark 1963, 47–48).

The business did not only export metals but also Sámi products. For instance, in 1663,59 pairs of lappskor, Sámi boots, were shipped out from Torneå, along with 771 sheets of“copper plates” (Sw. blekkoppar), 923 sheets of “roof copper”, 125 “Hungarian” coppersheets, as well as red gloves (probably of red fox or squirrel; Kengis account book, 15August 1663). Many of the Sámi who took part in the economy of Kengis works lived anomadic life in the river valley and beyond. Others might have been more stationary –like most of the workers in Svappavaara, including the Finnish workers. A note in thecourt records for Torneå and Kemi lappmarker (Lapp districts) mentions that nine Sámihad come from the Kaitum/Gáidum (SaL.) Sámi village in Luleå lappmark and wished tosettle in Torneå lappmark due to the hard conditions at the Crown’s silverworks in Kvikk-jokk. Jakob Momma-Reenstierna offered them work transporting iron between Kengis and

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Kvikkjokk, which they accepted (Svea hovrätts domböcker, also published in Lindmark1963, 44).

The Sámi who worked in the industry must have lived somewhere at the works andthe mining villages. Contemporary sources suggest a strong urge on the part of Swedishinstitutions to separate Sámi and Swedes, and sometimes also Finns. The best-knownexample of this is the town plan of Arjeplog, from 1640, where the proposed townwas divided into a Lappstad (“Lapp town”) and a Köpstad (“burghers’ town”). Archaeolo-gical fieldwork from Arjeplog also suggests that a similar division, at least to some extent,might have been practised in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Liedgren2004, 2015). The church and market place of Lycksele/Liksjoe in southern Lapland hada similar arrangement, with separate parts for the Sámi population, new settlers andtraders/burghers (Rydström 2009). At the aforementioned silverworks of Silbojokk, asimilar pattern of separation between different groups is also discernible (Awebroet al. 1989; Nordin 2012, 2015).

This leaves us with the possibility that the sketches of two goahti in the lower part ofJoris’s drawing represent the factual situation, and that the practice at the works, duringits most prosperous period, coincided with the wish of the works owners. In the payrolls,Sámi are distinctly separated from Swedes, Finns and sometimes French (Dutch Walloons),and we may assume that the Sámi workers, visitors and traders, distinguished themselvesthrough their dresses, food habits, language and perhaps also dwellings (cf. Ljung 1937;Lindmark 1963, 47–66; Kuoksu 2003).

The Momma-Reenstierna brothers as brand-makers

The second half of the seventeenth century is characterized by both an expandingeconomy and a constant shortage of cash. There was simply not enough currency circulat-ing in the Swedish realm. The Momma-Reenstierna brothers could circumvent thisproblem through a royal decree allowing them to make tokens to be used as currencyat Kengis. Later, in 1674, they held the right to make copper plate coins. The tokenswere made from c. 1660 in Svappavaara, to a value of 20 öre, with a running reindeeras a symbol and with the text AIM, Abraham Jakob Momma, from 1669 changed to AIR(Hyötyniemi 1978; Tingström 1986, 92–93; Figure 9).

The system of tokens was heavily criticized by the burghers of Torneå since they sawhow it came to spread in the whole river valley. Right from the start, in 1642, ArentGrape had royal permission to trade at Kengis and Momma-Reenstierna also had privilegesto run shops for trade in most commodities (Norberg 1958, 27–28; Hyötyniemi 1978). Thiswas highly unusual. In early modern Sweden, all trade was directed to the towns except fora handful of market places in Sápmi where annual markets were allowed. Kengis became ahybrid works with town-like privileges where trade with the local Finnish population, Sámigroups, works people and foreigners took place, to the great annoyance of the burghers ofTorneå (Norberg 1958, 27; Awebro 1993, 374).

Trade goods, such as what were labelled Hungarian copper plates, kettles or Sámiboots, were made in Sápmi and sold to the global markets to become hull sheathingsof East India traders, Manillas on the Gold Coast, or collectors’ items at European courts.Other objects came the other way. China, faience, earthenware ceramics, woollen cloth,wine and tobacco were imported and sold by merchants in Luleå, Torneå and Uleåborg,

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but also at markets in Jukkasjärvi, Enontekiö/Markkina, Arvidsjaur or in Kengis (cf. forinstance Bergling 1964; Mäntylä 1971, 1993; Nurmi 2011).

Recent studies in the towns of Torneå/Tornio and Uleåborg/Oulu have revealed a burst-ing regulated urban space with vast continental and global connections. At the same time,there is evidence of the making of a particular way of urban life, related and similar, but notidentical, to the towns of the southern part of the Gulf of Bothnia (Ylimaunu 2007; Hervaand Nurmi 2009; Herva and Ylimaunu 2010; Nurmi 2011). The region’s distinct features as aborderland between different power structures, religious traditions, cultures, economiesand ethnic groups have led Timo Ylimaunu et al. to label the region as a “third space”during the late mediaeval and the early modern periods (Ylimaunu et al. 2014).

Other commodities came to the North as well, some on the Momma-Reenstierna broth-ers’ ships. One distinct object is a cabinet dated to the second half of the seventeenthcentury, which was brought to the county museum in Norrbotten in 1878 from theMaunu settlement by the Könkämä River, some 150 km north of Kengis and close tothe former market place of Enontekiö/Markkina (Odencrants 1938; Figure 10). How thecabinet ended up in Maunu is not known, but it is rare piece of handicraft and one ofonly four so-called Schefferus cabinets known in the world.

This cabinet is made of dark-coloured wood with inlay of bone, perhaps of reindeerantler, and engraved with pictures similar to the those printed in Moses Pitt’s Atlas ofthe World in 1680 and based upon a colour painting sent by William Allestree, working

Figure 9. Token minted at the Kengis works. Photo courtesy of the Royal Coin Cabinet, Stockholm.

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for the English Ambassador to Sweden, to John Locke in 1672 (Talbot 2010, 49–57).Johannes Schefferus’s Lapponia, first printed in 1673, might also have served as inspiration(Schefferus [1673] 1956). Three almost identical cabinets are known, one in NordiskaMuseet, inv. no. 62 320, one in Skokloster Castle, inv. no. 3160, and one at SkottorpCastle in the county of Halland, which was sold in 1979 and whose whereabouts arenot known (cf. Nordiska Museet inv. no. 62 320). All four cabinets are probably from thesame workshop.

There is no direct link between the cabinet and the Momma-Reenstierna family, so theconnection needs to be regarded as tentative. However, there are several traits thatconnect the brothers with the cabinet. As discussed above, the reindeer and Sámi weresymbols frequently used by the brothers. Abraham Momma-Reenstierna also corre-sponded with Johannes Schefferus at Uppsala University and even sent him samples ofiron ore from Gällivare (Sw.)/Váhčir (SaN.)/Váhtjer (SaL.)/Jellivaara (Me.) (Norberg 1958,90; Schefferus [1673] 1956, 394). Schefferus played a paramount role in the disseminationof an exotic understanding of the Sámi, contrary to his intent (cf. e.g. Löw 1956; Bergesen2015). These rich finds of iron later became some of the most important in the Swedishiron industry (see further Hansson 2015). The cabinet might have been displayed atKengis but saved from the raiding Russian troops in 1717 (Norberg 1958, 46).

For the Momma-Reenstierna brothers, the cabinet might have been thought of as amaterial manifestation of their righteousness and just behaviour. In the brothers’

Figure 10. The cabinet from the settlement Maunu, in Norrbotten County Museum, inv. no. 137. Photoby Göran Dahlin, Norrbottens museum, Luleå.

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correspondence there are, to our knowledge, only a few passages that talk of the Sámi innegative terms, but they still consistently distinguish Sámi as something different fromSwedes or Finns (Letter from Abraham Momma-Reenstierna, 26 May 1654 to Count AxelOxenstierna, 26 May 1654; Letter from Abraham Momma-Reenstierna to the King, 1672;about the correspondence see below). They express a general Eurocentric colonialistworldview which declares that industry and trade will open “Lappmarken”, the land ofthe Sámi, to civilization, education and prosperity. They also express the wish to havemore people moving to the northern Torne River Valley in order to show the Sámi thevalue of industry.

The networks of Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna also included Sweden’s mostpopular painter at the time, the court artisan, David Klöcker Ehrenstrahl, who was marriedto Maria Momma, the daughter of Willem Momma, thus the niece of Abraham and JakobMomma-Reenstierna (Sjöblom 1949, 369). Ehrenstrahl is well known in Sweden for his por-traits of royals, their dogs and horses. He is also recognized, however, for his paintings ofexotic animals, curiosities and immigrants such as an African servant. One of his mostemblematic paintings is the “Sámi equipage”, or Ren dragande en ackja (Rapp 1951;Bedoire 2009, 129; Figure 11). The painting was believed already in the eighteenthcentury to portray Abraham Momma-Reenstierna, but we do not know for certain if thisis actually the case. The contact between the brothers and the artist did however influencethe choice of motif, and it is one of the first in a long series of paintings depicting this par-ticular motif (Rapp 1951; Nodermann-Hedqvist and Manker 1972; Mathiesen 2014; Nordin2017b; Nordin and Ojala forthcoming).

Figure 11. Ren dragande en ackja (“Reindeer and sleigh”). Painting by David Klöcker Ehrenstrahl, inprivate collection. Photo courtesy of Fredric Bedoire; see also one version of the painting in National-museum, Stockholm, inv. no. NMGrh 235.

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Production of space at the northernmost industries in the world

In his extensive study of the vast Momma-Reenstierna conglomerate, Leos Müller haspointed out the importance of personal relations in their networks. According to Müller,the Momma-Reenstierna brothers’ correspondence shows the ability to create and main-tain an enormous personal network. In these networks, relatives such as Willem Momma,Mathias Momma, Caspar Bruyn and Abraham Kock-Cronström were part of the familysphere as well as the business sphere (Müller 1998, 227–232). Müller has estimated thenumber of letters written yearly in Jakob Momma-Reenstierna’s office in the 1650s and1660s at between 600 and 1000 (Müller 1998, 231). The brothers’ correspondenceduring this period, and in the letter books that Müller has studied, shows that Amsterdamis, not surprisingly, the most important destination. London, however, was becoming moreimportant in the 1660s and 1670s, whereas Torneå peaks in the 1660s and seemingly losesits position totally after that (Müller 1998, 213).

This rapid growth and subsequent decline in correspondence is mirrored in the activi-ties in and around the Kengis works. In 1659, a new source of copper was found further tothe south in Pahtavaara, outside of Kalix. Mines were opened and a furnace was soonestablished beside the Moån River. Kenneth Awebro has studied this copper industryand has concluded that it was run as a “shell” company by the Momma-Reenstierna broth-ers and their companion Arendt Grape, in alliance with a group of burghers from Torneå(Awebro 1989, 26–30).

The conflict over the trade in the Torne River Valley between Kengis works and thetown of Torneå led the Momma-Reenstierna brothers to take precautions. An open conflictwould hardly have been favourable for exploiting the new finds in Pahtavaara or for theindustry and trade in general (cf. Norberg 1958, 28). All the products from Svappavaara,Junusuando and Kengis had to pass through Torneå on their way to the continent.Grape as well as the brothers had offices in or adjacent to Torneå, in order to controltrade, but the long transportation must have been vulnerable to foreign interference.The Kengis works office was located in Hellälä, just outside of the town of Torneå(Sondén 1911, 176, note 2).

The Kalix works was much smaller and not as successful as Svappavaara/Kengis. Still, itexhibits some similarities to the Kengis works. The Kalix works was closer to the mines;there was actually copper found in a mountain ridge just a couple of kilometres fromwhere the furnace was established. Another copper ore find was in Pahtavaara, some10 km north of where the furnace was established. Here, a small settlement was also estab-lished but the main dwellings seem to have been by the Moån River. On the southwesternslopes of the ridge, called Bruksberget (Works Mountain), three distinct settlement areasare distinguished on a map from 1660 (i.e. the same year as both Svappavaara andKengis were surveyed, but judging by the outline and style it does not seem to be thesame surveyor).

Two of the three areas are placed on small islets in the surrounding marshland. In thenorth, close to the mines, was a settlement area with distinct house foundations still visibletoday. The four houses are labelled pörte (chalet), gruvdrängarnas stuga (the miningworkers’ house) and two outbuildings. In the middle of the yard there is a tids sten(sundial). Further to the south, connected with a corduroy road, there was another settle-ment area consisting of one outbuilding and the administrative building – the largest

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house at the works except for the furnace itself. Not far from this islet was the industrialarea with the furnace, coal shed, roast ovens, smithy, flour mill, stables, etc. (Map ofKalix/Pahtavaara works 1660, Riksarkivet, Stockholm, Bergskollegii gruvkartor).

In 1986, there was a limited excavation of the two dwellings of the northern settlementarea (Bäärnhielm 1986). The two houses were erected on a foundation of gravel and hadbeen made of timber. The eastern dwelling had a hearth and glass windows. The westernbuilding, labelled pörte, might have had in its eastern part a rökugn – a distinctive heatingdevice used by Finns and found in forested areas in Sweden and Finland (cf. Ekengren2013). A rökugn would not have a chimney but the smoke would pour out through thecovering layer of small stones. Two shards of red earthenware with yellow spiral decora-tion probably dating to the seventeenth century were found in this building (Bäärnhielm1986, 50–51; Westerberg 1987, 36–42).

The same features are found in the Kengis and Svappavaara works, except for the redearthenware, but almost no archaeology has been conducted at these industry sites. Theworkers’ dwellings and the cabins are all on the maps, but only vague features are visibleon the surface. According to the historical maps of the eighteenth and nineteenth centu-ries, the activities at the Kalix works were rather limited and concentrated around thefurnace. These buildings and features, the charcoal kilns, the flour mills and the stables,were all of the utmost importance to efficiently run a metal industry. As with Kengis,there are also other features not directly derived from function and necessity.

The separation of different parts of the production is clear. Administration, power andcontrol were placed on one side, in Kalix on an islet in the middle of the area, and in Kengison top of the ridge. In Kengis, the workers’ dwellings were erected along a main street (orbruksgata in Swedish) – the usual pattern of the Dutch-run works in central Sweden (seeBedoire 2009, 285–315; Nordin 2012). In Kalix, that system was replaced by settlements onseparate islets.

This pattern can also, at least in part, be identified at the Vittangi copper works. Thisindustry, equal in size to Kalix, was owned by the Momma-Reenstierna brothers andGrape and situated some 15 km north-east of Jukkasjärvi along the Vittangi river. Littleis known of this works. It was in use from around 1655 to the death of the Momma-Reen-stierna brothers and consisted of a mine (Pahtavaara) and a furnace (Leppäkoski) some2 km north-east of the mine (Tegengren 1924, 85–88; see also Schefferus [1673] 1956,393). Most of the settlement was located on a ridge near the mine, including a substantialbuilding foundation with two hearths and a cellar, measuring at least 12 × 8 metres (Wal-lerström n.d., 6). This well-preserved works were partly excavated in 1977, providing resultsshowing no industrial activity after the third quarter of the seventeenth century (Waller-ström n.d.).

The industrial production in itself was separated from administration and dwelling atKengis, Kalix and Vittangi and other contemporary works. Industrial production waslocated along the river and the stream, the main provider of energy, and would, if possible,be located away from the settlement. This separation can be explained by environmentalreasons. A blast furnace and certainly the hammer, as in Kengis, would cause terrible noiseand smoke.

There is also another similarity between Kengis and the Kalix works which cannot befound in Svappavaara or at any other contemporary works – the sundials. At Kengis, thesundial is placed in the formal garden to be used by the servants and inhabitants of the

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manor. In Kalix, the sundial is placed at the workers’ dwelling. Why would one have a time-keeping device, long before it became a common feature in that part of the world, andwho would use it? Kengis and Vittangi are placed well above the Arctic Circle, whereasKalix is slightly below, meaning that the three places have midnight sun. Would the mid-night sun be the reason for the use of sundials, in order to tell the time at a place wheretime for a foreigner could seem to be non-existent?

Symonds et al. (2015) have discussed the role of different time perceptions in theadvent of modernity in Torneå. They have shown that several ways of measuring anddealing with time were used concurrently. Parallel systems of recognizing time wereused by the Sámi, farmers, the priests and burghers, based on seasonality, ceremonies,technical development and relation to the centre of the empire. As discussed by Timo Yli-maunu, Risto Nurmi and others, the urban space of Torneå balanced between the globaltrade currents, demands from the monarch in Stockholm and local and regional interestsin the Gulf of Bothnia and its hinterlands (Ylimaunu 2007; Nurmi 2011; see also Mäntylä1971, 1993).

The three works discussed here were linked together through their owners and whatwas produced, but also, as discussed above, through their form and layout, includingthe use of sundials. They formed contact zones between different peoples, material cul-tures and technologies. The copper had two main purposes: to make copper sheets andto make brass. From brass, the Momma-Reenstierna brothers manufactured lightingdevices such as candlesticks and wall sconces – all made to prolong the work day in afashion similar to the natural version of the never-setting summer sun of the works inSápmi and the Torne River Valley.

Modernity from the “periphery”

The lives of Abraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna, and people around them, were fullof references to the Sámi and the Sámi lands. The master of mines Olof Larsson exclaimedin 1661 that the metal industry would civilize the Sámi (Sondén 1911, 156). In 1672,Abraham makes no distinction between the different peoples of the north except forthe Sámi, whom he singles out (Letter from Abraham Momma-Reenstierna to the King,1672). On the other hand, he also states that he prefers Sámi to the farmers, whom hefound lazy, and he expresses appreciation for the reindeer of the Sámi population.

Kalix, Kengis, Svappavaara and Vittangi works and mines were central nodes in the pro-ductive landscapes of the Momma-Reenstierna brothers, although the big brass works ofcentral Sweden were far more important in a strict economic sense. The northern workscan also be viewed as markers of the identity and brand of the brothers. The Kengisworks complex became pivotal in the ongoing construction of Abraham and JakobMomma-Reenstierna as subduers of the North. As discussed in this article, the brothersrecurrently used Sámi people and symbols for the Sámi as means for their project ofself-enhancement and self-promotion. It is unclear whether these strategies can be under-stood as a result of the brothers’ reformed Christian conviction and to what degree theidea of divine providence guided the actions of the two brothers.

The importance of the construction of places in the Torne River Valley and their distinctlayout based on social and ethnic segregation, as shown both in travellers’ accounts (suchas Johan Ferdinand Körningh 1956) and in maps and plans, together with the use of

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disciplining devices such as clocks, a prison and regulated space, suggest that a kind ofmodernity was at play here. In Sápmi and the Torne River Valley, to a much largerdegree than at their other works sites and industries, the brothers experimented witharchitecture and ethnic and social distinctions.

In this article, we have explored the Torne River Valley as a multicultural region in theearly modern period. More research is, however, needed concerning the relationshipsbetween the Sámi and Finnish inhabitants in the Torne River Valley, and their interrelationsand interactions with state, church and industrial agents, during the early modern period.In order to better understand the transformations in the local communities in connectionwith the industrial enterprises in the seventeenth century, more archaeological investi-gations in the Torne River Valley would be very valuable.

Gurminder K. Bhambra has discussed the role of modernity, for instance in the Haitianrevolution, and the reversed role of the Caribbean in its relation to Europe (Bhambra 2007,148–149). Revolutions did not solely occur in Europe but were an emblem of the modernand took place wherever modernity spread. The same goes for industrialization. The plan-tation system can itself be viewed as a product of modernity based on elements fromEurope, Africa and the Americas. Modernity in its multitude, at least in some senses,was born here rather than in the cafés and libraries of Paris (Hetherington 1997). Weargue that the Torne River Valley and the exploitation of its resources also played a partin this process.

The copper from the Torne River Valley greased the wheels of commerce and consump-tion in Europe, West Africa, the Caribbean and North America. The Sámi boots exported byAbraham and Jakob Momma-Reenstierna from Kengis to the markets of the global worldwere also part of an ongoing othering and commodification of the Sámi, as constructed bya Eurocentric view of the world. Metals, material culture and people were part of the net-works that would stretch from Svappavaara and Kengis to Europe and the Americas – andwhich were an element in the creation of the modern world. By following the connectionsand exploring the power relations of these global networks, we might be able to startrethinking modernity from the “periphery”.

Notes

1. Sápmi (SaN.), Sábme (SaL.) or Saepmie (SaS.), the land of the Sámi, an area that roughlystretches from the Atlantic Ocean to the White Sea, from Dalarna in central Sweden to theNorth Cape and is part of Finland, Norway, the Russian Federation and Sweden. Sápmi isnot an official region and its borders in time and space have been contested in many ways(see Ojala 2009). The use of the concept of Sápmi in relation to the Torne River Valley is par-ticularly controversial because of the long historical presence of the Torne River Valley Finnishpopulation. In using the notions of Sápmi and the Torne River Valley, we wish to emphasizethe complex, multicultural and multi-ethnic history of the region.

2. In this paper, all places with a Finnish, Sámi, and/or Swedish history will be referred to withtheir names in the three languages in order to show respect for the cultural and social diversityof the area. For the names and their spelling, see Swedell (2001). Abbreviations: Fi. = Finnish,Me. = Meänkieli, SaL. = Lule Sámi, SaN. = North Sámi, SaS. = South Sámi, Sw. = Swedish.

3. Meänkieli is the native language of the Torne River Valley Finnish population, which is todayan official minority language in Sweden.

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4. During this period, northern Sweden-Finland was divided into the counties of Västerbottenand Österbotten. Lapland was divided into a set of Lappmarker administratively belongingto either Västerbotten or Österbotten.

5. d.c.m. = Daler coppar mynt (Copper dollars).

Acknowledgements

We thank Chris Evans, Sven Olofsson and Göran Rydén for valuable and enjoyable discussions oncopper. Fredric Bedoire has been most helpful in discussions about the Reindeer painting. Lastly,we wish to thank the two anonymous reviewers for helpful comments on an earlier version ofthis paper.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Funding

This work was supported by the Swedish Research Council [grant number 2013-1475].

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