common sense - thomas paine - large print

7/31/2019 Common Sense - Thomas Paine - Large Print

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Common Sense


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Common Sense

Thomas Paine

1873 Press


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All rights reserved under International and Pan-American

Copyright Conventions.

Published in the United States by 1873 Press, New York

1873 Press and colophon are trademarks of Barnes &

Noble, Inc.

Book Design by Ericka O'Rourke, Elm Design

www.elmdesign.com

ISBN 0-594-05252-1


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Contents

Author's Introduction

On The Origin And Design of Government in General,

With Concise Remarks on the English Constitution.

. Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession.

I. Thoughts on the Present State of the American Affairs.

V. Of the Present Ability of America: With Some

Miscellaneous Reflections.

Appendix


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Author's Introduction

ERHAPS the sentiments contained in the following

ages, are not yetsufficiently fashionable to procure them

eneral favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing wrong,ives it a superficial appearance of being right, and raiset first a formidable outcry in defence of custom. But the

umult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than

eason.

As a long and violent abuse of power is generally the

means of calling the right of it in question, (and in matters

oo which might never have been thought of, had not the

ufferers been aggravated into the inquiry,) and as the kin

f England hath undertaken in his own right, to support the

arliament in what he calls theirs, and as the good peoplef this country are grievously oppressed by the

ombination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire

nto the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the

surpations of either.

n the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided

very thing which is personal among ourselves.

Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no

art thereof. The wise and the worthy need not the triumph

f a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudiciou

r unfriendly, will cease of themselves, unless too muchains is bestowed u on their conversion.


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he cause of America is, in a great measure, the cause o

ll mankind. Many circumstances have, and will arise,

which are not local, but universal, and through which the

rinciples of all lovers of mankind are affected, and in the

vent of which, their affections are interested. The laying aountry desolate with fire and sword, declaring war agains

he natural rights of all mankind, and extirpating the

efenders thereof from the face of the earth, is the concer

f every man to whom nature hath given the power of

eeling; of which class, regardless of party censure, is

THE AUTHO

HILADELPHIA, Feb. 14, 1776

Go to Contents |


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Common Sense


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Chapter I

On The Origin And Design of Government in Genera

With Concise Remarks on the English Constitution

OME writers have so confounded society with

overnment, as to leave little or no distinction between

hem; whereas they are not only different, but have differen

rigins. Society is produced by our wants, and governmen

y our wickedness; the former promotes our happinessositivelyby uniting our affections, the latternegativelybyestraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the

ther greatest distinctions. The first is a patron, the last is

unisher.

ociety in every state is a blessing, but government, evenn its best state, is but a necessary evil; in its worst state a

ntolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the

ame miseries by a government, which we might expect

country without government, our calamity is heightenedy reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer.

Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; th

alaces of kings are built upon the ruins of the bowers of

aradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear,

niform and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other

awgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary

o surrender up a part of his property to furnish means forhe rotection of the rest; and this he is induced to do b th


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ame prudence which in every other case advises him ou

f two evils to choose the least. Wherefore, security beinghe true design and end of government, it unanswerably

ollows that whateverform thereof appears most likely tonsure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefi

s preferable to all others.

n order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end

f government, let us suppose a small number of persons

ettled in some sequestered part of the earth, unconnecte

with the rest, they will then represent the first peopling of

ny country, or of the world. In this state of natural liberty,

ociety will be their first thought. A thousand motives will

xcite them thereto; the strength of one man is so unequal

o his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude

hat he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of

nother, who in his turn requires the same. Four or fivenited, would be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the

midst of a wilderness, but one man might labour out theommon period of life without accomplishing any thing;

when he had felled his timber he could not remove it, nor

rect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time wou

rge him from his work, and every different want would cal

im a different way. Disease, nay even misfortune, would

e death, for though neither might be mortal, yet either

would disable him from living, and reduce him to a state in

which he might rather be said to perish than to die.

hus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form


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ur newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal

lessings of which, would supercede, and render the

bligations of law and government unnecessary while they

emained perfectly just to each other; but as nothing but

eaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen,

hat in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties ofmigration, which bound them together in a common

ause, they will begin to relax in their duty and attachment

o each other; and this remissness will point out the

ecessity of establishing some form of government to

upply the defect of moral virtue.

ome convenient tree will afford them a state-house, unde

he branches of which the whole colony may assemble to

eliberate on public matters. It is more than probable that

heir first laws will have the title only ofRegulations, and b

nforced by no other penalty than public disesteem. In thisrst parliament every man by natural right will have a seat.

ut as the colony increases, the public concerns will

ncrease likewise, and the distance at which the members

may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of

hem to meet on every occasion as at first, when theirumber was small, their habitations near, and the public

oncerns few and trifling. This will point out the convenienc

f their consenting to leave the legislative part to be

managed by a select number chosen from the whole body

who are supposed to have the same concerns at stakewhich those have who appointed them, and who will act in


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he same manner as the whole body would were they

resent. If the colony continue increasing, it will become

ecessary to augment the number of representatives, and

hat the interest of every part of the colony may be attende

o, it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient

arts, each part sending its proper number; and that thelectedmight never form to themselves an interest

eparate from the electors, prudence will point out the

ropriety of having elections often: because as the electedmight by that means return and mix again with the general

ody of the electors, in a few months, their fidelity to theublic will be secured by the prudent reflection of notmaking a rod for themselves. And as this frequent

nterchange will establish a common interest with every pa

f the community, they will mutually and naturally support

ach other, and on this, (not on the unmeaning name of

King,) depends the strength of government and theappiness of the governed.

Here, then, is the origin and rise of government; namely, a

mode rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to

overn the world; here too is the design and end ofovernment, viz. freedom and security. And however our

yes may be dazzled with show, or our ears deceived by

ound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest

arken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and

eason will say, it is right.

draw my idea of the form of government from a principle


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ature, which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple

ny thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered; and the

asier repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in

ew, I offer a few remarks on the so much boasted

onstitution of England. That it was noble for the dark and

lavish times in which it was erected, is granted. When theworld was overrun with tyranny the least remove therefrom

was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to

onvulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to

romise is easily demonstrated.

Absolute governments, (though the disgrace of humanature,) have this advantage with them that they are simple

the people suffer, they know the head from which their

uffering springs, know likewise the remedy, and are not

ewildered by a variety of causes and curses. But the

onstitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that theation may suffer for years together without being able to

iscover in which part the fault lies, some will say in one

nd some in another, and every political physician will

dvise a different medicine.

know it is difficult to get over local or long standingrejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the

omponent parts of the English constitution, we shall find

hem to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies,

ompounded with some new republican materials.

First.The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person o


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he king.

Secondly.The remains of aristocratical tyranny in theersons of the peers.

Thirdly.The new republican materials, in the persons ofhe commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of

ngland.

he two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the

eople; wherefore in a constitutional sense they contribut

othing towards the freedom of the state.

o say that the constitution of England is a union of three

owers, reciprocally checking each other, is farcical, eithe

he words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions

o say that the commons is a check upon the king,resupposes two things.

First.That the king is not to be trusted without beingooked after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute

ower, is the natural disease of monarchy.

Secondly.That the commons by being appointed for thaurpose, are either wiser or more worthy of confidence tha

he crown.

ut as the same constitution which gives the commons aower to check the king by withholding the supplies, gives


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fterwards the king a power to check the commons, by

mpowering him to reject their other bills; it again

upposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has

lready supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity

here is something exceedingly ridiculous in theomposition of monarchy; it first excludes a man from the

means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases

where the highest judgment is required. The state of a king

huts him from the world, yet the business of a king

equires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different

arts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other,rove the whole character to be absurd and useless.

ome writers have explained the English constitution thus

he king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers ar

house in behalf of the king; the commons in behalf of theeople; but this hath all the distinctions of a house divided

gainst itself; and though the expressions be pleasantly

rranged, yet when examined they appear idle and

mbiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest

onstruction that words are capable of, when applied to th

escription of something which either cannot exist, or is toncomprehensible to be within the compass of description

will be words of sound only, and though they may amuse th

ar, they cannot inform the mind, for this explanation

ncludes a previous question, viz. How came the king by a

ower which the people are afraid to trust, and alwaysbli ed to check? Such a power could not be the gift of a


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wise people, neither can any power, which needs

hecking, be from God; yet the provision, which theonstitution makes, supposes such a power to exist.

ut the provision is unequal to the task; the means either

annot or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affairs a felo de se; for as the greater weight will always carry uhe less, and as all the wheels of a machine are put in

motion by one, it only remains to know which power in the

onstitution has the most weight, for that will govern; and

hough the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the

hrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as

hey cannot stop it, their endeavours will be ineffectual; the

rst moving power will at last have its way, and what it

wants in speed is supplied by time.

hat the crown is this overbearing part in the Englishonstitution needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its

whole consequence merely from being the giver of places

nd pensions is self-evident, wherefore, though we have

een wise enough to shut and lock a door against absolut

monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish enough

o put the crown in possession of the key.

he prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own

overnment, by king lords and commons, arises as much

r more from national pride than reason. Individuals are

ndoubtedly safer in England than in some other countriesut the willof the king is as much the lawof the land in


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Chapter II

Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession.

MANKIND being originally equals in the order of creation,he equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent

ircumstance; the distinctions of rich and poor, may in a

reat measure be accounted for, and that without having

ecourse to the harsh ill sounding names of avarice and

ppression. Oppression is often the consequence, buteldom or nevermeans of riches; and though avarice willreserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generall

makes him too timorous to be wealthy.

ut there is another and greater distinction for which no

uly natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that he distinction of men into kings and subjects. Male andemale are the distinctions of nature, good and bad, the

istinctions of heaven; but how a race of men came into th

world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like

ome new species, is worth inquiring into, and whether the

re the means of happiness or of misery to mankind.

n the early ages of the world, according to the scripture

hronology, there were no kings; the consequence of whic

was there were no wars; it is the pride of kings which

hrows mankind into confusion. Holland, without a king, hanjoyed more peace for the last century than any of the


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monarchical governments of Europe. Antiquity favours the

ame remark; for the quiet and rural lives of the first

atriarchs have a happy something in them, which vanishe

when we come to the history of Jewish royalty.

Government by kings was first introduced into the world byhe Heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the

ustom. It was the most prosperous invention that was eve

et on foot for the promotion of Idolatry. The heathen paid

ivine honours to their deceased kings, and the Christian

world hath improved on the plan by doing the same to thei

ving ones. How impious is the title ofsacred majestypplied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is

rumbling into dust!

As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest, cannot

e justified on the equal rights of nature, so neither can it befended on the authority of Scripture; for the will of the

Almighty as declared by Gideon, and the prophet Samuel

xpressly disapproves of government by kings. All anti-

monarchical parts of Scripture, have been very smoothly

lossed over in monarchical governments, but they

ndoubtedly merit the attention of countries, which haveheir governments yet to form. Render unto Cesar the

hings which are Cesar's, is the scripture doctrine of courtet it is no support of monarchical government, for the Jew

t that time were without a king, and in a state of vassalag

o the Romans.


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Near three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic

ccount of the creation, till the Jews, under a national

elusion, requested a king. Till then their form of

overnment (except in extraordinary cases, where the

Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic, administered

y a judge and the elders of the tribes. Kings they hadone, and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being

nder that title but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man

eriously reflects on the idolatrous homage which is paid t

he persons of kings he need not wonder that the Almighty

ver jealous of his honor, should disapprove a form of

overnment which so impiously invades the prerogative of

eaven.

Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the

ews, for which a curse in reserve is denounced against

hem. The history of that transaction is worth attending to.

he children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites,

Gideon marched against them with a small army, and

ictory, through the divine interposition, decided in his

avor. The Jews, elate with success, and attributing it to th

eneralship of Gideon, proposed making him a king,aying, Rule thou over us, thou and thy son, and thy sonon. Here was temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdonly, but an hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his

oul replied, I will not rule over you, neither shall my son

ule over you, THE LORD SHALL RULE OVER YOU.Words need not be more explicit; Gideon doth not decline


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he honor, but denieth their right to give it; neither doth he

ompliment them with invented declarations of his thanks,

ut in the positive style of a Prophet charges them with

isaffection to their proper Sovereign, the King of heaven

About one hundred years after this, they fell again into theame error. The hankering which the Jews had for the

dolatrous customs of the Heathens, is something

xceedingly unaccountable; but so it was, that laying hold

he misconduct of Samuel's two sons, who were intrusted

with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt and

lamorous manner to Samuel, saying, Behold thou art oldnd thy sons walk not in thy ways, now make us a king to

udge us like all the other nations. And here we cannot bubserve that their motives were bad, viz. that they might be

ke unto other nations, i.e. the Heathen, whereas their true

lory lay in being as much unlike them as possible. But thhing displeased Samuel when they said, Give us a king

o judge us; and Samuel prayed unto the Lord, and the

ord said unto Samuel, Hearken unto the voice of the

eople in all that they say unto thee, for they have not

ejected thee, but they have rejected me, THAT I SHOULNOT REIGN OVER THEM.According to all the works

which they have done since the day that I bro't them up

ut of Egypt, even unto this day; wherewith they haveorsaken me, and served other Gods; so do they also un

hee. Now therefore hearken unto their voice, howbeit,rotest solemnly unto them and show them the manner o


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he king that shall reign over them, i.e. not of any particulang, but the general manner of the kings of the earth, who

srael was so eagerly copying after. And notwithstanding

he great distance of time and difference of manners, the

haracter is still in fashion.And Samuel told all the words

f the Lord unto the people, that asked of him a king. Ane said, This shall be the manner of the king that shall

eign over you; he will take your sons and appoint themor himself, for his chariots, and to be his horsemen, and

ome shall run before his chariots (this description agree

with the present mode of impressing men) and he willppoint him captains over thousands, and captains overfties, and will set them to ear his ground and to reap his

arvest, and to make his instruments of war, and

nstruments of his chariots; and he will take your

aughters to be confectionaries, and to be cooks and toe bakers (this describes the expense and luxury as well a

he oppression of kings) and he will take your fields and

our olive yards, even the best of them, and give them to

is servants; and he will take the tenth of your seed, andf your vineyards, and give them to his officers and to his

ervants (by which we see that bribery, corruption, and

avoritism, are the standing vices of kings) and he will take

he tenth of your men servants, and your maid servants,nd your goodliest young men, and your asses, and put

hem to his work: and he will take the tenth of your sheep

nd ye shall be his servants, and ye shall cry out in that


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ay because of your king which ye shall have chosen,AND THE LORD WILL NOT HEAR YOU IN THAT DAY.

his accounts for the continuation of monarchy; neither do

he characters of the few good kings which have lived

nce, either sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of th

rigin: the high encomium given of David takes no notice im officially as a king, but only as a man after God's own

eart. Nevertheless the people refused to obey the voice

f Samuel, and they said, Nay, but we will have a king

ver us, that we may be like all the nations, and that our

ing may judge us, and go out before us and fight ourattles. Samuel continued to reason with them, but to nourpose; he set before them their in gratitude, but all would

ot avail; and seeing them fully bent on their folly, he cried

ut, I will call unto the Lord, and he shall send thunder an

ain (which was then a punishment, being in the time ofwheat harvest) that ye may perceive and see that your

wickedness is great which ye have done in the sight of th

ord, IN ASKING YOU A KING. So Samuel called unto th

ord, and the Lord sent thunder and rain that day, and alhe people greatly feared the Lord and Samuel. And all

he people said unto Samuel, Pray for thy servants untohe Lord thy God that we die not, forWE HAVE ADDEDUNTO OUR SINS THIS EVIL, TO ASK A KING. These

ortions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of

o equivocal construction. That the Almighty hath here

ntered his protest against monarchical government is trur the scripture is false. And a man hath good reason to


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elieve that there is as much of kingcraft, as priestcraft in

withholding the scripture from the public in Popish

ountries. For monarchy in every instance is the Popery o

overnment.

o the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditaryuccession; and as the first is a degradation and lessenin

f ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right,

n insult and imposition on posterity. For all men being

riginally equals, no one by birth, could have a right to setp his own family, in perpetual preference to all others for

ver, and though himself might deserve some decentegree of honors of his contemporaries, yet his

escendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. On

f the strongest naturalproofs of the folly of hereditary righn Kings, is that nature disapproves it, otherwise she would

ot so frequently turn it into ridicule, by giving mankind anAss for a Lion.

econdly, as no man at first could possess more public

onors than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of

hose honors could have no power to give away the right o

osterity, and though they might say "We choose you for

urhead," they could not, without manifest injustice to theihildren, say "that your children and your children's childre

hall reign overours forever. Because such an unwise,njust, unnatural compact might, (perhaps) in the next

uccession put them under the government of a rogue, or ool. Most wise men in their private sentiments, have ever


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eated hereditary right with contempt; yet it is one of those

vils, which when once established is not easily removed;

many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the

more powerful part shares, with the king, the plunder of the

est.

his is supposing the present race of kings in the world to

ave had an honourable origin; whereas it is more than

robable, that could we take off the dark covering of

ntiquity, and trace them to their first rise, we should find

he first of them nothing better than the principal ruffian of

ome restless gang, whose savage manners, or pre-minence in subtilty obtained him the title of chief among

lunderers; and who by increasing in power, and extendin

is depredations, overawed the quiet and defenceless to

urchase their safety by frequent contributions. Yet his

lectors could have no idea of giving hereditary right to hisescendants, because such a perpetual exclusion of

hemselves was incompatible with the free and

nrestrained principles they professed to live by.

Wherefore, hereditary succession in the early ages of

monarchy could not take place as a matter of claim, but as

omething casual or complimental; but as few or noecords were extant in those days, and traditionary history

tuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a few

enerations, to trump up some superstitious tale,

onveniently timed Mahomet like, to cram hereditary rights

own the throats of the vulgar. Perhaps the disorders whichreatened, or seemed to threaten, on the decease of a


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eader and the choice of a new one (for elections among

uffians could not be very orderly) induced many at first to

avor hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened

s it hath happened since, that what at first was submitted

o as a convenience, was afterwards claimed as a right.

ngland, since the conquest, hath known some few good

monarchs, but groaned beneath a much larger number of

ad ones; yet no man in his senses can say that their claim

nder William the Conqueror is a very honorable one. A

rench bastard landing with an armed banditti, and

stablishing himself king of England against the consent ohe natives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original.

certainly hath no divinity in it. However, it is needless to

pend much time in exposing the folly of hereditary right, if

here are any so weak as to believe it, let them

romiscuously worship the ass and the lion, and welcomehall neither copy their humility, nor disturb their devotion.

Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came

t first? The question admits but of three answers, viz.

ither by lot, by election, or by usurpation. If the first king

was taken by lot, it establishes a precedent for the next,which excludes hereditary succession. Saul was by lot, ye

he succession was not hereditary, neither does it appear

om that transaction that there was any intention it ever

hould. If the first king of any country was by election, that

kewise establishes a precedent for the next; for to say,hat the right of all future generations is taken away, by the


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ct of the first electors, in their choice not only of a king, bu

f a family of kings for ever, hath no parallel in or out of

cripture but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes

he free will of all men lost in Adam; and from such

omparison, and it will admit of no other, hereditary

uccession can derive no glory. For as in Adam all sinnednd as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one a

mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to

overeignty; as our innocence was lost in the first, and our

uthority in the last; and as both disable us from re-

ssuming some former state and privilege, it unanswerab

ollows that original sin and hereditary succession are

arallels. Dishonourable rank! Inglorious connection! Yet

he most subtile sophist cannot produce a juster simile.

As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it;

nd that William the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact noo be contradicted. The plain truth is, that the antiquity of

nglish monarchy will not bear looking into.

ut it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary

uccession which concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race

f good and wise men it would have the seal of divineuthority, but as it opens a door to the foolish, the wicked,

nd the improper, it hath in it the nature of oppression. Mewho look upon themselves born to reign, and others to

bey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest of mankin

heir minds are early poisoned by importance; and theworld they act in differs so materially from the world at


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arge, that they have but little opportunity of knowing its true

nterests, and when they succeed to the government are

equently the most ignorant and unfit of any throughout the

ominions.

Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that thhrone is subject to be possessed by a minor at any age; a

which time the regency acting under the cover of a king,

ave every opportunity and inducement to betray their trus

he same national misfortune happens, when a king worn

ut with age and infirmity, enters the last stage of human

weakness. In both these cases the public becomes therey to every miscreant, who can tamper successfully with

he follies either of age or infancy.

he most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in

avor of hereditary succession is, that it preserves a nationom civil wars: and were this true, it would be weighty;

whereas, it is the most bare-faced falsity ever imposed

pon mankind. The whole history of England disowns the

act. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned in that

istracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time ther

ave been (including the revolution) no less than eight civiwars and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of makin

or peace, it makes against it, and destroys the very

oundation it seems to stand upon.

he contest for monarchy and succession, between the

ouses of York and Lancaster, laid England in a scene of


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lood for many years. Twelve pitched battles, besides

kirmishes and sieges, were fought between Henry and

dward, twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in his

urn was prisoner to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of

war and the temper of a nation, when nothing but persona

matters are the ground of a quarrel, that Henry was taken iumph from a prison to a palace, and Edward obliged to

y from a palace to a foreign land; yet, as sudden

ansitions of temper are seldom lasting, Henry in his turn

was driven from the throne, and Edward re-called to

ucceed him. The parliament always following the stronge

ide.

his contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was

ot entirely extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom th

amilies were united. Including a period of 67 years, viz.

om 1422 to 1489.

n short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or th

ingdom only,) but, the world in blood and ashes. 'Tis a

orm of government which the word of God bears testimon

gainst, and blood will attend it.

we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find (and

ome countries they have none) that after sauntering away

heir lives without pleasure to themselves or advantage to

he nation, they withdraw from the scene, and leave their

uccessors to tread the same useless and idle round. In

bsolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil


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nd military, lies on the king; the children of Israel in their

equest for a king urged this plea, "that he may judge us,

nd go out before us and fight our battles." But in countrie

where he is neither a judge nor a general, as in England, a

man would be puzzled to know what is his business.

he nearer any government approaches to a republic, the

ess business there is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to

nd a proper name for the government of England. Sir

William Meredith calls it a republic; but in its present state

s unworthy of the name, because the corrupt influence of

he crown, by having all the places at its disposal, hath so

ffectually swallowed up the power, and eaten out the virtu

f the house of commons (the republican part in the

onstitution) that the government of England is nearly as

monarchical as that of France or Spain. Men fall out with

ames without understanding them. For it is the republicannd not the monarchical part of the constitution of England

which Englishmen glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing a

ouse of commons from out of their own bodyand it is

asy to see that when republican virtue fails, slavery

nsues. Why is the constitution of England sickly, but

ecause monarchy hath poisoned the republic, the crownath engrossed the commons.

n England a king hath little more to do than to make war

nd give away places; which, in plain terms, is to

mpoverish the nation and set it together by the ears. Aretty business indeed for a man to be allowed eight


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undred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped into

he bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society,

nd in the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians that

ver lived.

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Chapter III

Thoughts on the Present State of the American

Affairs.

N the following pages I offer nothing more than simple

acts, plain arguments, and common sense; and have no

ther preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he w

ivest himself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer

is reason and his feelings to determine for themselves;hat he will put on, or rather that he will not put offthe trueharacter of a man, and generously enlarge his views

eyond the present day.

Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle

etween England and America. Men of all ranks havembarked in the controversy, from different motives, and

with various designs: but all have been ineffectual, and the

eriod of debate is closed. Arms, as the last resource,

must decide the contest; the appeal was the choice of the

ing, and the continent hath accepted the challenge.

has been reported of the late Mr. Pelham (who, though a

ble minister was not without his faults) that on his being

ttacked in the house of commons, on the score, that his

measures were only of a temporary kind, replied "they will

ast my time." Should a thought so fatal and unmanlyossess the colonies in the present contest, the name of


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ncestors will be remembered by future generations with

etestation.

he sun never shone on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not

he affair of a city, a county, a province, or a kingdom, but

continentof at least one eighth part of the habitablelobe. 'Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age;

osterity are virtually involved in the contest, and will be

more or less affected even to the end of time, by the

roceedings now. Now is the seed-time of continental

nion, faith and honor. The least fracture now will be like a

ame engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind oyoung oak; the wound will enlarge with the tree, and

osterity read it in full grown characters.

y referring the matter from argument to arms, a new area

or politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen.All plans, proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April, i. o the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanack

f last year; which, though proper then, are superceded an

seless now. Whatever was advanced by the advocates o

ither side of the question then, terminated in one and the

ame point, viz. a union with Great-Britain; the onlyifference between the parties was the method of effecting

; the one proposing force, the other friendship; but it hath

o far happened that the first has failed, and the second

as withdrawn her influence.

As much hath been said of the advantages of


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econciliation, which, like an agreeable dream, hath

assed away and left us as we were, it is but right that we

hould examine the contrary side of the argument, and

nquire into some of the many material injuries which these

olonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being

onnected with and dependant on Great Britain. Toxamine that connection and dependance, on the

rinciples of nature and common sense, to see what we

ave to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if

ependant.

have heard it asserted by some, that as America hasourished under her former connexion with Great Britain,

he same connexion is necessary towards her future

appiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing

an be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We ma

s well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk,hat it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years o

ur lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But

ven this is admitting more than is true, for I answer round

hat America would have flourished as much, and probabl

much more, had no European power had any thing to do

with her. The articles of commerce, by which she hasnriched herself, are the necessaries of life, and will alway

ave a market while eating is the custom of Europe.

ut she has protected us, say some. That she hath

ngrossed us is true, and defended the continent at ourxpense as well as her own, is admitted, and she would


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ave defended Turkey from the same motives, viz. for theake of trade and dominion.

Alas! we have been long led away by ancient prejudices,

nd made large sacrifices to superstition. We have

oasted the protection of Great Britain, withoutonsidering, that her motive was interestnot attachment;

nd that she did not protect us from our enemies on our

ccount, but from her enemies on her own account, fromhose who had no quarrel with us on any other account, an

who will always be our enemies on the same account. Letritain waive her pretensions to the continent, or theontinent throw off the dependance, and we should be at

eace with France and Spain, were they at war with Britai

he miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn us against

onnexions.

hath lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies

ave no relation to each other but through the parent

ountry, i. e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so onor the rest, are sister colonies by the way of England; this

s certainly a very round-about way of proving relationship,

ut it is the nearest and only true way of proving enemyshi

I may so call it. France and Spain never were, nor

erhaps ever will be, our enemies asAmericans, but asur being the subjects of Great Britain.

ut Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the morehame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their


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oung, nor savages make war upon their families;

wherefore, the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but

appens not to be true, or only partly so, and the phrase

arentormother countryhath been jesuitically adopted bhe king and his parasites, with a low papistical design of

aining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of ourminds. Europe, and not England, is the parent country of

America. This new world hath been the asylum for the

ersecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every

artof Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender

mbraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monstend it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny whic

rove the first emigrants from home, pursues their

escendants still.

n this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow

mits of three hundred and sixty miles (the extent ofngland) and carry our friendship on a larger scale; we

laim brotherhood with every European Christian, and

iumph in the generosity of the sentiment.

is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we

urmount local prejudices, as we enlarge our acquaintancwith the world. A man born in any town in England divided

nto parishes, will naturally associate most with his fellow

arishioners (because their interests in many cases will b

ommon) and distinguish him by the name ofneighbor; if

e meet him but a few miles from home, he drops thearrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of


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ownsman; if he travel out of the county, and meets him inny other, he forgets the minor divisions of street and town

nd calls him countryman, i. e. countyman; but if in theiroreign excursions they should associate in France or any

ther part ofEurope, their local remembrance would be

nlarged into that ofEnglishmen. And by a just parity ofeasoning, all Europeans meeting in America, or any othe

uarter of the globe, are countrymen; for England, HollandGermany, or Sweden, when compared with the whole,

tand in the same places on the larger scale, which the

ivisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller oneistinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third

f the inhabitants, even of this province, are of English

escent. Wherefore, I reprobate the phrase of parent or

mother country applied to England only, as being false,

elfish, narrow and ungenerous.

ut, admitting that we were all of English descent, what

oes it amount to? Nothing. Britain, being now an open

nemy, extinguishes every other name and title: and to say

hat reconciliation is our duty, it truly farcical. The first king

f England, of the present line (William the Conqueror) wa

Frenchman, and half the peers of England are

escendants from the same country; wherefore, by the

ame method of reasoning, England ought to be governed

y France.

Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain andhe colonies, that in conjunction they might bid defiance to


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he world. But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is

ncertain,neither do the expressions mean any thing; for

his continent would never suffer itself to be drained of

nhabitants, to support the British arms in either Asia,

Africa, or Europe.

esides, what have we to do with setting the world at

efiance? Our plan is commerce, and that, well attended t

will secure us the peace and friendship of all Europe;

ecause it is the interest of all Europe to have America a

ree port. Her trade will always be a protection, and herarrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders.

challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to sho

single advantage that this continent can reap, by being

onnected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge; not a

ingle advantage is derived. (Our corn will fetch its price inny market in Europe, and our imported goods must be

aid for, buy them where we will.)

ut the injuries and disadvantages which we sustain by th

onnexion, are without number; and our duty to mankind a

arge, as well as to ourselves, instructs us to renounce thelliance; because, any submission to or dependance on

Great Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in

uropean wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with

ations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and

gainst whom, we have neither anger nor complaint. As

urope is our market for trade, we ought to form no partia


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onnexion with any part of it. It is the true interest of

America to steer clear of European contentions, which she

ever can do, while, by her dependance on Britain, she is

made the make-weight in the scale of British politics.

urope is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long ateace, and whenever a war breaks out between England

nd any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin,

ecause of her connexion with Britain. The next war mayot turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates fo

econciliation now will be wishing for separation then,

ecause, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy

han a man of war. Every thing that is right or natural plead

or separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice o

ature cries, 'tis time to part. Even the distance at which thAlmighty hath placed England and America, is a strong an

atural proof, that the authority of the one over the other,was never the design of heaven. The time likewise at whic

he continent was discovered, adds weight to the argumen

nd the manner in which it was peopled, increases the

orce of it. The reformation was preceded by the discovery

f America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a

anctuary to the persecuted in future years, when home

hould afford neither friendship nor safety.

he authority of Great Britain over this continent, is a form

f government, which sooner or later must have an end: an

serious mind can draw no true pleasure by lookingorward, under the painful and positive conviction, that wha


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e calls "the present constitution," is merely temporary. As

arents, we can have no joy, knowing that this governmens not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing which we may

equeath to posterity; and by a plain method of argument,

s we are running the next generation into debt, we ought

o the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly anditifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we

hould take our children in our hand, and fix our station a

ew years farther into life; that eminence will present a

rospect, which a few present fears and prejudices conce

om our sight.

hough I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence

et I am inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the

octrine of reconciliation, may be included within the

ollowing descriptions.

nterested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who

annotsee; prejudiced men, who will notsee; and a certaet of moderate men, who think better of the European

world than it deserves: and this last class, by an ill-judged

eliberation, will be the cause of more calamities to this

ontinent than all the other three.

is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene

f sorrow; the evil is not sufficiently brought to theirdoors t

make them feel the precariousness with which all America

roperty is possessed. But let our imaginations transports a few moments to Boston; that seat of wretchedness w


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each us wisdom, and instruct us forever to renounce a

ower in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of th

nfortunate city, who but a few months ago were in ease

nd affluence, have now no other alternative than to stay

nd starve, or turn out to beg. Endangered by the fire of

heir friends if they continue within the city, and plunderedy the soldiery if they leave it. In their present situation they

re prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a

eneral attack for their relief, they would be exposed to the

ury of both armies.

Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over theffences of Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to

all out, "come, come, we shall be friends again for allhis." But examine the passions and feelings of mankind,ring the doctrine of reconciliation to the touchstone of

ature, and then tell me, whether you can hereafter love,onor, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire

nd sword into your land? If you cannot do all these, then

re you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay

ringing ruin upon your posterity. Your future connexion wi

ritain, whom you can neither love nor honor, will be force

nd unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of prese

onvenience, will in a little time fall into a relapse more

wretched than the first. But if you say, you can still pass the

olations over, then I ask, hath your house been burnt?

Hath your property been destroyed before your face? Are

our wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or breado live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands


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nd yourself the ruined and wretched survivor? If you have

ot, then are you not a judge of those who have. But if you

ave, and can still shake hands with the murderers, then

re you unworthy the name of husband, father, friend, or

over, and whatever may be your rank or title in life, you

ave the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant.

his is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying

hem by those feelings and affections which nature justifie

nd without which, we should be incapable of discharging

he social duties of life, or enjoying the felicities of it. I mea

ot to exhibit horror for the purpose of provoking revenge,ut to awaken us from fatal and unmanly slumbers, that we

may pursue determinately some fixed object. It is not in the

ower of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she

oes not conquer herself by delayand timidity. The prese

winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost oreglected, the whole continent will partake of the

misfortune; and there is no punishment which that man wil

ot deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that may

e the means of sacrificing a season so precious and

seful.

is repugnant to reason, and the universal order of things,

o all examples from former ages, to suppose that this

ontinent can longer remain subject to any external power

he most sanguine in Britain, do not think so. The utmost

tretch of human wisdom cannot, at this time, compass alan short of separation, which can promise the continent


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ven a year's security. Reconciliation is nowa fallaciousream. Nature hath deserted the connexion, and art canno

upply her place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, "never

an true reconcilement grow, where wounds of deadly hat

ave pierced so deep."

very quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our

rayers have been rejected with disdain; and only tended

onvince us that nothing flatters vanity, or confirms

bstinacy in kings more than repeated petitioningnothin

ath contributed more than this very measure to make the

ings of Europe absolute: witness Denmark and Sweden.

Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God's sake

et us come to a final separation, and not leave the next

eneration to be cutting throats, under the violated

nmeaning names of parent and child.

o say they will never attempt it again, is idle and visionar

we thought so at the repeal of the stamp act, yet a year or

wo undeceived us: as well may we suppose that nations,

which have been once defeated, will never renew the

uarrel.

As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain t

o this continent justice: the business of it will soon be too

weighty and intricate to be managed with any tolerable

egree of convenience, by a power so distant from us, an

o very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they

annot govern us. To be always running three or four


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housand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five

months for an answer, which, when obtained, requires five

r six more to explain it in, will in a few years be looked

pon as folly and childishnessthere was a time when it

was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease.

mall islands, not capable of protecting themselves, are

he proper objects for kingdoms to take under their care;

ut there is something absurd, in supposing a continent to

e perpetually governed by an island. In no instance hath

ature made the satellite larger than its primary planet; an

s England and America, with respect to each other,everses the common order of nature, it is evident that the

elong to different systems: England to EuropeAmerica

o itself.

am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentmento espouse the doctrine of separation and independence;

m clearly, positively, and conscienciously persuaded that

is the true interest of this continent to be so; that every

hing short ofthatis mere patchwork; that it can afford noasting felicity,that it is leaving the sword to our children,

nd shrinking back at a time, when, going a little further,would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth.

As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination toward

compromise, we may be assured that no terms can be

btained worthy the acceptance of the continent, or any

ways equal to the expense of blood and treasure we have


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een already put to.

he object contended for, ought always to bear some just

roportion to the expense. The removal of North, or the

whole detestable junto, is a matter unworthy the millions w

ave expended. A temporary stoppage of trade, was annconvenience, which would have sufficiently balanced the

epeal of all the acts complained of, had such repeals bee

btained; but if the whole continent must take up arms, if

very man must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while

o fight against a contemptible ministry only. Dearly, dearly

o we pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight foor, in a just estimation, it is as great a folly to pay a Bunke

ill price for law as for land. I have always considered the

ndependency of this continent, as an event which sooner

ater must take place, and, from the late rapid progress of

he continent to maturity, the event cannot be far off.Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, it was not

worth the while to have disputed a matter which time would

ave finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest;

therwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to

egulate the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just

xpiring. No man was a warmer wisher for a reconciliation

han myself, before the fatal nineteenth of April, 1775,1but

he moment the event of that day was made known, I

ejected the hardened, sullen-tempered Pharoah of

ngland for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the

retended title ofFather of his people, can unfeelingly heaf their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood


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pon his soul.

ut admitting that matters were now made up, what would

e the event? I answer, the ruin of the continent. And that f

everal reasons.

st, The powers of governing still remaining in the hands o

he king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation

f this continent. And as he hath shown himself such an

nveterate enemy to liberty, and discovered such a thirst fo

rbitrary power: is he, or is he not, a proper person to say

o these colonies, "you shall make no laws but what Ilease!" And is there any inhabitant of America so ignora

s not to know, that according to what is called thepresen

onstitution, this continent can make no laws but what theing gives leave to? and is there any man so unwise as no

o see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffeo law to be made here, but such as suits his purpose? W

may be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in

America, as by submitting to laws made for us in England

After matters are made up (as it is called) can there be an

oubt, but the whole power of the crown will be exerted, to

eep this continent as low and humble as possible? Instea

f going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually

uarrelling, or ridiculously petitioning.We are already

reater than the king wishes us to be, and will he not

ereafter endeavor to make us less? To bring the matter t

ne point, Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, aroper power to govern us? Whoever says No, to this


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iends, by the alteration of a name: and in order to show

hat reconciliation nowis a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, th

would be policy in the king at this time, to repeal thects, for the sake of reinstating himself in the governmen

f the provinces; in order that he may accomplish by craf

nd subtlety, in the long run, what he cannot do by force he short one. Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.

dly, That as even the best terms, which we can expect to

btain, can amount to no more than a temporary expedien

r a kind of government by guardianship, which can last noonger than till the colonies come of age, so the general

ace and state of things, in the interim, will be unsettled an

npromising. Emigrants of property will not choose to com

o a country whose form of government hangs but by a

hread, and which is every day tottering on the brink of

ommotion and disturbance; and numbers of the presentnhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispose of the

ffects, and quit the continent.

ut the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but

ndependence, i. e. a continental form of government, caneep the peace of the continent and preserve it inviolateom civil wars. I dread the event of a reconciliation with

ritain now, as it is more than probable that it will be

ollowed by a revolt somewhere or other, the consequence

f which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain

housands are already ruined by British barbarity.


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Thousands more will probably suffer the same fate.) Thos

men have other feelings than us who have nothing suffered

All they nowpossess is liberty, what they before enjoyed isacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to lose,

hey disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of

he colonies, towards a British government, will be like thaf a youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very

ttle about her. And a government which cannot preserve

he peace, is no government at all, and in that case we pa

ur money for nothing; and pray what is it that Britain can

o, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil

umult break out the very day after reconciliation? I have

eard some men say, many of whom I believe spoke

without thinking, that they dreaded an independence,

earing that it would produce civil wars. It is but seldom tha

ur first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here

or there is ten times more to dread from a patched uponnexion than from independence. I make the sufferer's

ase my own, and I protest, that were I driven from house

nd home, my property destroyed, and my circumstances

uined, that as a man, sensible of injuries, I could never

elish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself

ound thereby.

he colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order

nd obedience to continental government, as is sufficient

make every reasonable person easy and happy on that

ead. No man can assign the least pretence for his fears,n any other grounds, than such as are truly childish and


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diculous, viz. that one colony will be striving for superioritver another.

Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiorit

erfect equality affords no temptation. The republics of

urope are all (and we may say always) in peace. Hollandnd Switzerland are without wars, foreign or domestic:

monarchical governments, it is true, are never long at rest

he crown itself is a temptation to enterprising ruffians at

ome; and that degree of pride and insolence ever

ttendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture with

oreign powers, in instances where a republican

overnment, by being formed on more natural principles,

would negotiate the mistake.

there is any true cause of fear respecting independence

is because no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see theiway out, wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offe

he following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, th

have no other opinion of them myself, than that they may

e the means of giving rise to something better. Could the

traggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would

equently form materials for wise and able men to improvnto useful matter.

et the assemblies be annual, with a president only. The

epresentation more equal. Their business wholly domest

nd subject to the authority of a continental congress.


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et each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenie

istricts, each district to send a proper number of

elegates to congress, so that each colony send at least

hirty. The whole number in congress will be at least three

undred and ninety. Each congress to sitand to choose

resident by the following method. When the delegates armet, let a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies

y lot, after which, let the congress choose (by ballot) a

resident from out of the delegates of that province. In the

ext congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only

mitting that colony from which the president was taken in

he former congress, and so proceeding on till the whole

hirteen shall have had their proper rotation. And in order

hat nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily

ust, not less than three-fifths of the congress to be called a

majority. He that will promote discord, under a governmen

o equally formed as this, would have joined Lucifer in hisevolt.

ut as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what

manner, this business must first arise, and as it seems

most agreeable and consistent, that it should come from

ome intermediate body between the governed and theovernors, that is, between the congress and the people,

et a Continental Conference be held, in the followingmanner, and for the following purpose,

A committee of twenty-six members of congress, viz. twoor each colony. Two members from each house of


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ssembly, or provincial convention; and five

epresentatives of the people at large, to be chosen in the

apital city or town of each province, for, and in behalf of

he whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall

hink proper to attend from all parts of the province for that

urpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives may bhosen in two or three of the most populous parts thereof.

his conference, thus assembled, will be united, the two

rand principles of business, knowledge andpower. Themembers of congress, assemblies, or conventions, by

aving had experience in national concerns, will be able

nd useful counsellors, and the whole, being empowered

y the people, will have a truly legal authority.

he conferring members being met, let their business be t

ame a Continental Charter, or Charter of the United

Colonies; (answering to what is called the Magna Charta ongland) fixing the number and manner of choosing

members of congress, and members of assembly, with

heir date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and

urisdiction between them: (always remembering, that our

trength is continental, not provincial) securing freedom an

roperty to all men, and above all things, the free exercise

f religion, according to the dictates of conscience; with

uch other matter as it is necessary for a charter to contai

mmediately after which, the said conference to dissolve,

nd the bodies which shall be chosen conformable to the

aid charter, to be the legislators and governors of thisontinent for the time being: whose peace and happiness


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may God preserve, Amen.

hould any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or

ome similar purpose, I offer them the following extracts

om that wise observer on governments, Dragonetti. "The

cience," says he, "of the politician consists in fixing theue point of happiness and freedom. Those men would

eserve the gratitude of ages, who should discover a mod

f government that contained the greatest sum of individua

appiness, with the least national expense."

ut where, say some, is the king of America? I'll tell you,iend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of

mankind like the royal brute of Britain. Yet that we may not

ppear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be

olemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be

rought forth placed on the divine law, the word of God; letcrown be placed thereon, by which the world may know,

hat so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America the

aw is king. For as in absolute governments the king is lawo in free countries the law ought to be king; and there

ught to be no other. But lest any ill use should afterwards

rise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony beemolished, and scattered among the people whose right

s.

A government of our own is our natural right: and when a

man seriously reflects on the precariousness of humanffairs, he will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser


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nd safer, to form a constitution of our own in a cool

eliberate manner, while we have it in our power, than to

ust such an interesting event to time and chance. If we

mit it now, some Massanello2 may hereafter arise, who,

aying hold of popular disquietudes, may collect together

he desperate and the discontented, and by assuming tohemselves the powers of government, finally sweep away

he liberties of the continent like a deluge. Should the

overnment of America return again into the hands of

ritain, the tottering situation of things will be a temptation

or some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and inuch a case, what relief can Britain give? Ere she could

ear the news, the fatal business might be done; and

urselves suffering like the wretched Britons under the

ppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose

ndependence now, ye know not what ye do; ye are

pening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant theeat of government. There are thousands and tens of

housands, who would think it glorious to expel from the

ontinent, that barbarous and hellish power, which hath

tirred up the Indians and negroes to destroy usthe

ruelty hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and

eacherously by them.

o talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids

s to have faith, and our affections, wounded through a

housand pores, instruct us to detest, is madness and folly

very day wears out the little remains of kindred betweens and them; and can there be any reason to hope, that as


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he relationship expires, the affection will increase, or that

we shall agree better when we have ten times more and

reater concerns to quarrel over than ever?

Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restor

o us the time that is past? Can ye give to prostitution itsormer innocence? Neither can ye reconcile Britain and

America. The last cord now is broken, the people of

ngland are presenting addresses against us. There are

njuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to b

ature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the ravisher

f his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders ofritain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these

nextinguishable feelings, for good and wise purposes.

hey are the guardians of his image in our hearts, and

istinguish us from the herd of common animals. The soci

ompact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated from tharth, or have only a casual existence were we callous to

he touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer,

would often escape unpunished, did not the injuries which

ur tempers sustain, provoke us into justice.

O! ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only theyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old

world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been

aunted round the globe. Asia, and Africa, have long

xpelled her. Europe regards her like a stranger, and

ngland hath given her warning to depart. O! receive theugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind.


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Massacre at Lexington

Thomas Anello, otherwise Massanello, a fisherman of

Naples, who after spiriting up his countrymen in the public

market place, against the oppression of the Spaniards, to

whom the place was then subject, prompted them to revolt

nd in the space of a day became king.

Go to Contents |


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Chapter IV

Of the Present Ability of America: With Some

Miscellaneous Reflections.

HAVE never met with a man, either in England or

America, who hath not confessed his opinion, that a

eparation between the countries would take place one

me or other: and there is no instance, in which we have

hown less judgment, than in endeavoring to describe, whwe call, the ripeness or fitness of the continent for

ndependence.

As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinio

f the time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a

eneral survey of things, and endeavor, if possible, to findut the verytime. But we need not go far, the inquiry

eases at once, for, the time hath found us. The generaloncurrence, the glorious union of all things proves the fac

is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies

et our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force ofll the world. The continent hath, at this time, the largest

ody of armed and disciplined men of any power under

eaven; and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which

o single colony is able to support itself, and the whole,

when united, can accomplish the matter, and either more,r less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land force


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s already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be

nsensible that Britain would never suffer an American ma

f war to be built, while the continent remained in her

ands. Wherefore, we should be no forwarder an hundred

ears hence in that branch, than we are now; but the truth i

we should be less so, because the timber of the country isvery day diminishing, and that which will remain at last, w

e far off or difficult to procure.

Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her suffering

nder the present circumstances would be intolerable. The

more seaport-towns we had, the more should we have boto defend and to lose. Our present numbers are so happily

roportioned to our wants, that no man need be idle. The

iminution of trade affords an army, and the necessities o

n army create a new trade. Debts we have none: and

whatever we may contract on this account will serve as alorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave posterity

with a settled form of government, an independent

onstitution of its own, the purchase at any price will be

heap. But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few

le acts repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is

nworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utmostruelty; because it is leaving them the great work to do, an

debt upon their backs, from which they derive no

dvantage. Such a thought is unworthy a man of honor, an

s the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a peddling

olitician.


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he debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard, if

he work be but accomplished. No nation ought to be

without a debt. A national debt is a national bond; and whe

bears no interest, is in no case a grievance. Britain is

ppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and fort

millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four millionnterest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a

arge navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy;

et for the twentieth part of the English national debt, could

ave a navy as large again. The navy of England is not

worth, at this time, more than three millions and a half

terling.

he following calculations are given as a proof that the

bove estimation of the navy is a just one. [See Entick'sNaval History, Intro. p. 56.]

he charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing

er with masts, yards, sails, and rigging, together with a

roportion of eight months boatswain's and carpenter's

eastores, as calculated by Mr. Burchett, secretary to theavy.

For a ship of 100 guns, 35,553l

For a ship of 90 guns, 29,886




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And hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost, rather, o

he whole British navy, which, in the year 1757, when it wa

t its greatest glory, consisted of the following ships and

uns.

Ships. Guns Cost of one Cost of all.6 - 100 - 55,553 l. - 213,318l.

12 - 90 - 29,886 - 358,632

12 - 80 - 23,638 - 283,656

43 - 70 - 17,785 - 764,775

43 - 70 - 17,785 - 764,75535 - 60 - 14,197 - 496,895

40 - 50 - 10,605 - 424,240

45 - 40 - 7,558 - 340,110

58 - 20 - 3,710 - 215,180

85 Sloops, bombs,

and fireships,one with an - 2,000 170,080

other, at

Cost, 3,266,786l.

Remains for guns, 233,214Total, 3,500,000l.


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No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so

nternally capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timbe

on, and cordage are her natural produce. We need go

broad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch, who make large

rofits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards andortugese, are obliged to import most of the materials the

se. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of

ommerce, it being the natural manufacture of this country

is the best money we can lay out. A navy when finished i

worth more than it cost and is that nice point in national

olicy, in which commerce and protection are united. Let uuild; if we want them not, we can sell; and by that means

eplace our paper currency with ready gold and silver.

n point of manning a fleet, people in general run into grea

rrors; it is not necessary that one-fourth part should be

ailors. The privateer Terrible, captain Death, stood the

ottest engagement of any ship last war, yet had not twent

ailors on board, though her complement of men was

pwards of two hundred. A few able and social sailors will

oon instruct a sufficient number of active landsmen in the

ommon work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be morapable of beginning on maritime matter than now, while

ur timber is standing, our fisheries blocked up, and our

ailors and shipwrights out of employ. Men of war, of

eventy and eighty guns, were built forty years ago in New

ngland, and why not the same now? Ship building is

America's greatest pride, and in which she will, in time,


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xcel the whole world. The great empires of the east are

mostly inland, and consequently excluded from the

ossibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a state of barbarism

nd no power in Europe, hath either such an extent of

oast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where natur

ath given the one, she hath withheld the other; to Americanly hath she been liberal of both. The vast empire of

Russia is almost shut out from the sea; wherefore, her

oundless forests, her tar, iron, and cordage are only

rticles of commerce.

n point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are nhe little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at tha

me we might have trusted our property in the streets, or

elds rather; and slept securely without locks or bolts to ou

oors or windows. The case is now altered, and our

methods of defence ought to improve with our increase ofroperty. A common pirate, twelve months ago, might hav

ome up the Delaware, and laid this city under contributio

or what sum he pleased; and the same might have

appened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig

f fourteen or sixteen guns, might have robbed the whole

ontinent, and carried off half a million of money. These arircumstances which demand our attention, and point out

he necessity of naval protection.

ome perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with

ritain, she will protect us. Can they be so unwise as tomean, that she will keep a navy in our harbors for that


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urpose? Common sense will tell us, that the power which

ath endeavored to subdue us, is of all others, the most

mproper to defend us. Conquest may be effected under

he pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a long and

rave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if he

hips are not to be admitted into our harbors, I would ask,ow is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand

miles off can be of little use, and on sudden emergencies,

one at all. Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect

urselves, why not do it for ourselves? Why do it for

nother?

he English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, bu

ot a tenth part of them are at any one time fit for service,

umbers of them are not in being; yet their names are

ompously continued in the list, if only a plank be left of the

hip; and not a fifth part of such as are fit for service, can bpared on any one station at one time. The East and Wes

ndies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts of the world

ver which Britain extends her claim, make large demand

pon her navy. From a mixture of prejudice and inattention

we have contracted a false notion respecting the navy of

ngland, and have talked as if we should have the whole oto encounter at once, and, for that reason, supposed tha

we must have one as large; which not being instantly

racticable, has been made use of by a set of disguised

tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can

e further from truth than this; for if America had only awentieth part of the naval force of Britain, she would be by


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ar an over match for her; because, as we neither have, no

laim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be

mployed on our own coast, where we should, in the long

un, have two to one the advantage of those who had three

r four thousand miles to sail over, before they could attac

s, and the same distance to return in order to refit andecruit. And although Britain, by her fleet, hath a check ove

ur trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trad

o the West Indies, which, by laying in the neighborhood of

he continent, is entirely at its mercy.

ome method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force me of peace, if we should not judge it necessary to

upport a constant navy. If premiums were to be given to

merchants, to build and employ in their service, ships

mounted with twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty guns, (the premium

o be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants), fiftr sixty of those ships with a few guardships on constant

uty, would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without

urdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of i

ngland, of suffering their fleet in time of peace, to lie

otting in the docks. To unite the sinews of commerce and

efence is sound policy; for when our strength and ourches play into each other's hands, we need fear no

xternal enemy.

n almost every article of defence we abound. Hemp

ourishes even to rankness, so that we need not wantordage. Our iron is s

common sense - thomas paine - large print

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