coming down the mountain: transformations of contemplative culture in
TRANSCRIPT
COMING DOWN THE MOUNTAIN:
TRANSFORMATIONS OF CONTEMPLATIVE CULTURE
IN EASTERN TIBET
ELIZABETH A. McDOUGAL
A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Research)
Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Sydney
March 2016
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TableofContents
ComingDowntheMountain:TransformationsofContemplativeCultureinEasternTibetTitlePage................................................................. 1TableofContents........................................................... 2Acknowledgements......................................................... 4Abstract.................................................................. 5 INTRODUCTION............................................................ 6Methodology.............................................................. 8Literaturereview........................................................... 10Anoteontermsandconventions............................................. 13Outlineofchapters......................................................... 14 CHAPTERONEGoingUptheMountain:TheLifeofContemplativeCultureinEasternTibet
TheoriginsofTibetancontemplativeculture................................... 16sGomsdeNangchen:‘TheLandofMeditators’................................. 19TheyoginasculturalheroinEasternTibet...................................... 24TheRismedmovement,andGadchagsdGonpaasanexampleofcontemplativeculture.......................................................
25
Gadchags’spracticesystem.................................................. 28Tothepresent............................................................. 33Conclusion................................................................ 38 CHAPTERTWOComingDowntheMountain:FromtheCavetotheClassroom
Post-Maoreformsfromthe1980s:legalizedreligioninaMarxiststate............. 39‘DeveloptheWest’:forcefuleconomicdevelopmentoftheTibetanPlateau......... 41Theerosionofahighaltitudevaluesystem.................................... 43TibetanBuddhistresurgenceanddomestictourism............................. 46bLarungsGarmkhanpoandtheirmovementsforeducationalandethicalreforms............................................................
48
Theinfluxofmonasticcollegesandthe‘newintellect’(riggsar)inEasternTibet..............................................................
53
GadchagsdGonpaasavestigeofNangchen’sformercontemplativeculture........ 59Conclusion................................................................ 66 CHAPTERTHREEWhytheNewEmphasisonDegree-orientedScholasticStudyinthePracticeLineagesofEasternTibet?
Religionina‘SocialistSpiritualCivilization’:atheism,superstitionandthesurvivaloftherational......................................................
67
ThescientificdiscourseinBuddhismandparalleltransformationsinBurmaandSriLanka..............................................................
73
ModernityinChinaandtheglobalizinginfluenceofmodernBuddhism.............. 78Knowledgepassedthroughtexts,knowledgepassedorally........................ 81Conclusion................................................................ 87
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CHAPTERFOURTheYoginoftheFuture?PossibleFuturePathwaysforTibetanContemplativeCultureTantricBuddhismasanextensionofthestate?................................. 89Countercultureofthefuture?TheritualandsocialpoweroftheNangchenyogin...........................................................
92
TibetanBuddhismonthePlateauasatouchstoneforglobalizingTibetanBuddhism.................................................................
95
CONCLUSION.............................................................. 99 Glossary.................................................................. 106AppendixI................................................................. 109AppendixII................................................................ 109AppendixIII................................................................ 110REFERENCES.............................................................. 111
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Acknowledgements
TherearemanypeopletowhomIamgratefulfortheirguidanceand
encouragementduringthecourseofmyMaster’sresearchanddissertationwriting.
ThefirstpeopleIwouldliketothankaremyresearchsupervisors,Professor
GeoffreySamuelandDr.MarkAllon,whosededicationtobringingoutthebestin
theirstudentsbroughtanaddeddepthtomystudies.Iamsincerelythankfulaswell
todBangdragRinpoche,aGadchagslamawhoseembodimentoftheTibetanyogic
viewandsimplicityinexplainingittomeservedasabridgeacrossworlds,that
wouldhavebeenotherwisehardtocross.TheGadchagsnunsandotherteachers
andfriendsinNangchenhavesharedanabundanceofculturalknowledgeand
kindness,whichhelpedmeinthisresearchandinmanyotherways.
Iamindebtedaswelltoseveralindividualsfortheirfinancialsupportduringthe
courseofmyMaster’sresearch,particularlyFenyi-Lu,theTanfamilyofSingapore,
DeborahStevenson,theBoglesandtheMarshall-Roberts.Thesefriendsallowedme
totakeholdofanexcellentopportunitywhenitpresenteditself,andtoexpandmy
understandingofsubjectsthatinterestmethemost.
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Abstract
SinceTibet’sabruptmeetinginthe1980swiththemodernizingforcesofcapitalism,
scienceandtheChinesegovernment’ssocialistpoliciesonreligion,Buddhistculture
inEasternTibetisshiftingtowardsavaluingofscholasticknowledgeoveryogic,
experientialknowledge.ThisisevidentincontemporaryTibetandiscussionswhere
practitionersarecriticizedwhodonotmarrytheirmeditationandyogicpractices
within-depthtextualstudy.Itisalsoevidentinamoveofmonasticsfromretreat
centrestostudycentres.TheshiftisparticularlyapparentinNangchen(Ch.
Nangqian),aformerkingdominKhams,EasternTibet,whereorallineagesthat
engagedintantricsādhanāandyogaswithoutextensivedialecticalstudyusedtofill
theregion’smanyhermitages.ThisresearchtakesGadchagsdGonpa1inNangchen
asanexampleofTibet’searliercontemplativeculture,andjuxtaposesthenunnery’s
determinationtopreserveitsoriginalpracticetraditionswiththeshifttowards
scholasticismtakingplaceelsewhereintheregion.Theresearchinvestigatesfactors
andinfluencesbehindthetrendforincreasedscholasticism,whileconsideringfuture
pathwaysforTibetanyogiccultureandquestionsforfurtherresearch.
1IprefertousetheTibetantermdgonpathanitsoftentranslated‘monastery’attimesinthispaper.Thetermisbroaderandincludesnunneriesaswellassomelargehermitages,andthereforebetterdescribesthetypeofmonasticcommunitythatwascommoninNangchen,theparticularsettingofthisresearch.InthiscaseGadchagsdGonpaisanunnery.
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INTRODUCTION
Thisthesisisaboutanewtrendofdegree-orientedscholasticisminmanyEastern
Tibetandgonpathathasemergedoverthelastdecade.Overthesameperiodof
timeandforsomeofthesamereasonsanewtrendofethnographicalresearchhas
beenemerginginTibetanstudies.Variouspoliticalandlogisticalreasonsprecluded
ethnographiesfrombeingacommonmethodofforeignresearchonTibetan
BuddhisminChinapriortothe1980s.SinceDengXiaoping’sliberalizingreforms
grantedfreedomofreligiousbeliefforitscitizensandopenedChina’smarketto
tourism,aslowlygrowingbodyoffieldwork-basedresearchhasbeeninvestigating
questionsonthestatusofTibetanreligionandcultureinmodernChina.This
fieldwork-basedresearchisaddinganewdimensiontothe“ongoingwarof
representationsconcerningcontemporaryTibetanreligioninChina”remarkedonby
Kapstein(Kapstein2004:230).Contrarytotheearlier,prevailingperspectivein
WesterncountriesthatTibetanBuddhismisbeingsystematicallyeradicatedinChina
byitsCommunistgovernment2,theseethnographieshavediscoveredthatinmany
waysTibetanBuddhisminChinahasrevivedandthrives.
AsYüpointsout,theseethnographiesareastepawayfromtheprimarilytextual
basisthatuntilrecentlyhasbeenthemaininformantofTibetanstudiesfocusedon
KhamsandAmdo.Theyarealsoastepawayfromthecommonperceptionof
CentralTibetastheheartoftheTibetanBuddhistworld(Yü2006:6).Thefieldwork
researchofGermano,GoldsteinandKapstein,Gaerrang,Gayley,Makley,Schrempf,
Terrone,TurekandYüandothershasobservedaTibetanBuddhistrevivaltaking
placeinChinainwhichEasternTibetisthenewculturalandreligiouscentre.Han
ChinesearenowaconsiderabledemographicparticipatinginTibetanBuddhismin
China,andformalargepartofthereligion’swidersocialcontexttoday.
2SeeforexampleJohnPowersIntroductiontoTibetanBuddhism,p.18.
7
Germano’s1998‘Re-memberingtheDismemberedBodyofTibet’describesthe
recoveryofinstitutionalpresenceandtheunearthingofsacredobjectsbyKhenpo
JigmePhuntsok(mKhanpo’JigsmedPhuntshogs,1933-2004)thatreconstitutedthe
rNyingmatraditioninpartsofEasternTibetaftertheCulturalRevolution(Germano
1998).IagreewithYü’sassessmentofGermanothatwhilewhatwas‘dismembered’
ofthebodyofTibetisclearandalmostuniversallyunderstood3,whatisbeing‘re-
membered’intheTibetanBuddhistrevivalrequirescontinuedethnographicand
theoreticalinvestigationthatgoesbeyonditslocalized,physicalsetting(Yü2006:6-
11).Thepresentresearchisapartoffurtherinvestigationsonthisandfindsthat
TibetanBuddhisminChinaiscontinuingtoreformulateitselfaccordingtorapidly
changingneedsofarapidlymodernizingsociety.Theoverwhelmingspeedand
spectrumofchangestolifeinEasternTibetoverthelasttwenty-fiveyearshave
resultedinaTibetanreligiousrevivalthatatsomepointbraceditself.Iseethis
expressedintheincreaseofscholarshipinthepracticelineagesofEasternTibetthat
isthetopicofthisthesis.WhatstartedinEasternTibetbetweenthe1980sandearly
2000sasarevivaloftantricpracticesandpracticecommunities–asobservedby
GermanoatgSerrta,TerroneinmGolog,TurekinNangchenandothers–hasinmy
observationsoverthelasttenyearstransformedintoamovementofinstitutionally
strengtheningcommunitiesthatemphasizedegree-orientedstudy.Thusthemonks
andnunsofseveralofGadchags’sbranchdgonpawhointhe1990sspenttheirdays
practisingacurriculumofritualandmeditationbasedonTshangsdbyangsrGya
mtsho’scommentaryonagterma(concealedtreasure),nowspendatleasthalfof
eachdaystudyingclassicaltextsofMahāyānaphilosophy.Inthemajorityofother
rNyingmaandbKa’brgyuddgonpainNangchenthesameshifttomorescholastic
activitieshasbeenoccurringoverthelastdecade.
DueinparttotherelativescarcityofrecentfieldresearchinTibetandtotherapidly
changingsceneoftheTibetanBuddhistrevival,thepresentresearchisthefirstto
addressthistrendtowardsintensifiedscholasticisminEasternTibetandgonpa.
3Namely,thesystematicdemolitionofTibetanBuddhismandallreligionsinChinafromthe1950sto1970s(includingtheCulturalRevolution),whichisattimesacknowledgedevenbyChinesestatesmen(Yü2006:7).
8
ScholarshipandpracticearebothimportantcomponentsofallTibetanBuddhist
schools,whicharebasedonthephilosophicaltraditionsofancientIndia’sNalanda
UniversityandonthepracticemethodsofVajrayāna.Therecenttrendissignificant
inthatitappearstodivergefromearlierpatternsofscholasticrevivalinTibetan
history,particularlyinitsattitudesofskepticismandinthematerialismofitsdegree-
orientation4.ThenewemphasisonscholasticismisespeciallyvisibleinNangchen,a
formerkingdominnorthwestKhamsandtheparticularsettingofthisresearch.
Eighty-threepercentofthedgonpainpresent-dayNangchenaresub-lineagesof
thebKa’brgyudandrNyingmaschools5whosetraditionalemphasiswason
liturgical,contemplativetrainingandtheoralinstructionsofaqualifiedguru6asthe
highestinstructiveprinciple.
InaddressingthecontemplativecultureofNangchenthisresearchaddsto
discussionsonthesignificanceofKhamsinthetotalityofTibetanBuddhistculture
andhistory7,whichhasoftenbeenoverlookedbyTibetanstudiesrelativetoCentral
Tibetanperspectives.Theresearchisalsotimelyinthatthecontemplativetraditions
andtantricmastersthatcharacterizedmuchofEasternTibetancultureandmadeit
significantinTibet’shistoryareshowingsignsofwaninginChinaoverthelast
decade.
Methodology
Setastheyareinacomplexwebofforcesandrapidsocialchanges,myresearch
questionshaverequiredamulti-facetedapproachofparticipatoryobservation,
interviewsandtheoreticalanalysis.Mystartingoffpointforthisthesiswasthe
participatoryobservationsImadeofatrendtowardsincreasedscholasticismin
4IexpectthesamequalitiesareseeninthescholasticdGelugsandSaskyaschoolstodayaswell,thoughIhavenotfocusedontheseschoolsinthisresearch.5KarmaDon-grubPhun-tshogsshowsthat59%ofNangchendgonpaarebKa’brgyud,24%arerNyingma,13%areSaskyaand4%aredGelugs(Karma1999).6i.e.‘lama’(blama)inTibetan7SeediscussionsinOldmeadow(2012),Samuel(1993,2005),Smith(2012)andTurek(2013).
9
Tibetanpracticelineages8overthelasttenyearsonannualvisitstoNangchenand
GadchagsdGonpa.IobservedasimilartrendinIndiawhilelivingasanuninTibetan
nunneriestherebetween2000and2014,thoughexiledTibetanBuddhist
communitiesarenotthefocusofthisresearch.Myobservationsincludedthe
markedphysicalchangesIsawyearbyyearinthedevelopmentoftowns,
infrastructure,technology,religiousstructuresandstudyprogramsinNangchen9.
TheyalsoincludedTibetanconversations,debatesandlecturesthatIheardand
participatedin,bothfirst-handandontheinternet.
Alongwithparticipatoryobservation,mymainsourceofdataformystudyofGad
chagsdGonpaconsistsofinterviewsthatIconductedanddigitallyrecordedwith
Gadchagsnunsandlamasin2006and2013.In2006IbeganworkingforGadchags
dGonpaasitsEnglishsecretaryandastranslatorfortheGadchagslamamostactive
inprovidingforthenuns’materialneeds.Thisallowedmetwo-monthvisitstoNang
chenalmosteveryyearasatranslatorforWesternvisitorstothenunnery(usually
sponsorsandstudentsofGadchagslamas),andtoengageinmyownshort
meditationretreatsatvarioushermitagesinNangchen.The2006interviewswere
conductedwiththeGadchagsnunsonmyfirstvisittothenunnerythatlastedone
month.TheinterviewsweredoneprimarilyformyowninterestasaBuddhistnun,
andrecordedbecauseIdeemedthemvaluableforsharingwithotherWestern
Buddhists.InmostinterviewsIwasalonewithanindividualnunandfocusedmy
questionsonhowsheviewedherBuddhistpracticesandlifeatGadchagsdGonpa.
The2013interviewswereconductedforthesakeofinterestedWesternstudents
andsupportersoftheGadchagstradition.dBangdragRinpoche,aseniorGadchags
lama,waspresentateachinterviewcoaxingthenunstorecalltheirstoriesfor
8Specificallysub-lineagesoftherNyingmaandbKa’brgyudschoolsthathavetraditionallyemphasizedaguru’soralinstructionsandpracticeexperienceasthemostimportantlearningprinciples.9OneexampleisthatthelastsectionofmyjourneytoGadchagsdGonpain2006wasonhorseback.Adirtroadreachedonlyhalfwaytothenunnery;afterthatwedroveforseveralhoursoverfieldsandhillsbeforesaddlinghorsesforthelastsection.By2015apavedroadhadbeenbuiltnearlyallthewaytoGadchagsdGonpaandtheremaining20kmisadirtroadregularlytravelledbylocalTibetanfamiliesintheirSUVs,transporttrucksandconstructionsworkers.
10
posterityofthenunneryandforthebenefitofforeignBuddhists.Iformulatedthe
questions,alongwithtwootherWesternBuddhistvisitors,andposedthemtothe
nuns.ThemainthemeofourquestionswastheelderlyGadchagsnunswhosurvived
theCulturalRevolutionandre-establishedthenunneryanditstraditionsfromthe
early1980s.Wewantedtolearnaboutthesenunswhowereresponsibleforthe
continuationofGadchags’sfemalelineagetothepresent,andtorecordtheirstories
asnootherdocumentationoftheirliveshadeverbeenmade.Wewerealso
interestedtoheartheinterviewedGadchagsnuns’understandingoftheirBuddhist
practices.WhennecessaryduringtheinterviewsdBangdragRinpochetranslatedthe
nuns’NangchendialectintotheCentralTibetandialectthatIamcompetentin.I
transcribedandtranslatedthe2006and2013interviewsin2007and2014.dBang
dragRinpochehelpedagainduringthosetimes,alongwithaGadchagsnun,to
clarifyphrasesoftheNangchendialectthatIdidnotunderstand.
In2015duringtheyearIcomposedthisthesisIhadfurtherinformaldiscussionswith
severalEasternTibetanmonks,nunsandlaypeople.Thesediscussionsprovidedme
withlocalperspectivesaboutTibetancontemplativeculture,abouthowithasbeen
changinginthelastfewdecadesandpossiblecausesofthesechanges.
Iaugmentedandanalysedtheabove-mentioneddatausingliteraturefromvarious
researchfields.Whiletheseresearchfieldsaredisparate,eachonedirectlyrelatesto
thequestionsofmythesis.Theseresearchfieldscoverthefollowing:Chinesestudies
ontheChineseCommunistParty’s(CCP’s)policiesonreligion;Buddhisthistorical
studiesonBuddhism’sencounterwithscienceandmodernityinSriLanka,Burma
andglobally;oralityandliteracystudies;andTibetananthropologicalstudies,
especiallyfieldwork-basedresearchontherevivalofTibetanBuddhisminpost-Mao
China.Ihavegivenmoreattentiontothefieldworkofresearcherswhohavespent
extendedperiodsoftimeinChinaoverthelasttenyears.Thisisbecausethe
situationinTibetischangingsorapidlysincethe1980sthatitrequiressustained
observationtounderstandthemanyfactorsatplayinTibetanBuddhistculturein
Chinatoday.
11
Literaturereview
Thefieldwork-basedstudiesofGaerrang,YüandTurekhaveprovidedthemost
relevantinformationforthisresearchandhaveshapedmythesisconsiderably.
Gaerrang10offersinsightsontheCCP’spoliciesandperceptionofTibetannomads,
andhowits‘DeveloptheWest’campaignisrestructuringtheirlivesandstrainingthe
materialcontextofTibetanculturalvalues(Gaerrang2012).Hisstudyalsoreveals
theself-perceptionofmanyTibetannomadstoday,andthetremendousinfluenceof
bLarungsGarmonk-scholars(andimplicitly,TibetanBuddhism)ontheEastern
Tibetanlaityviaananimalslaughterrenunciationmovementandotheraspectsof
ethicalreforms.Gayleyexploresthesameslaughterrenunciationmovementandthe
inherenttensioninTibetans’effortstofulfilbothBuddhistmoralandcultural
preservation,andthematerialdemandsofthemodernizingeconomy(Gayley2013).
Yü’sresearchlookstothepsychologyoftheTibetanBuddhistrevivalandthe
recoveryofhumanmindsfromthe“destructiveideologicalconsciousnesses”ofthe
pastcenturyinChina(Yü2006:10).Yü’sexplorationoftheinterfacebetween
ChineseandTibetansintheTibetanreligiousrevival,andoftheideologicalhistoryof
modernChina,providedvaluableinsightsintotheteachingstyleofTibetanBuddhist
teachersinChinatoday.
Turek’ssynthesisofTibetanhistoricalliteratureonNangchenandheranalysisofthe
significanceofyoginsandtheirlineagesinNangchenandwiderKhamssocietywere
invaluableformyresearch(Turek2013,inpress).Turekgivesadetailedhistoryof
Nangchen’sseminalyogin-kingsofthe’Ba’rombKa’brgyudlineage,andthat
lineage’srevivalintheRismederaandinapresent-dayinstanceofhermiticrevival
nearsKyobragmonasteryinNangchen.Turek’stheoreticalanalysisofreligious
revivalsandthepotentialofTibetanyoginstorevitalizeTibetanculturalidentity
providedseriousfoodforthought.Herresearchbasedonfieldworkfrom2007and
10GaerrangisanativeEasternTibetanfromHongyuanCounty(SichuanProvince).HespentfouryearscompletinghisPhDatUniversityofColoradoandpresentlyteachesatSichuanUniversityinChengdu.
12
2008lendscredencetomyemphasisonthesignificanceofcontemplativeculturein
pre-modernEasternTibetansociety,thoughIhavenotobservedsince2006the‘vast
hermiticmovement’thatTurekspeaksof(Turek2013:100).Ahermiticmovementof
EasternTibetanpracticelineageswaspresentinthefirsthalfofthe20thcentury
duringtheRismedera(asTurekshows),andmusthavebeennascentinthefirst
stagesofthecurrentTibetanBuddhistrevival–asobservedalsobyGermano(1998)
andTerrone(2009).TurekadmitsthattantricspecializationisdeclininginTibetin
recentdecades(Turek2013:8-9).
Kapstein’sresearchbasedonfieldworkfrom1998and2000looksatthemonastic
revivalinEasternTibetandthecross-pollinationofvaluestakingplacebetween
TibetanandChineseparticipantsintoday’sTibetanBuddhism(Kapstein2004).Like
KolasandThowsen(2005),Kapsteinisinformativeonstateschoolcurriculataughtto
youthinTibetanethnicareasandhowtheexpansionofseculareducationisrevising
theroleofTibetanmonasteries,languageandculture.
FurtherethnographiesofreligiousrevivalinTibetanareasincludeWellen’sstudyof
thePremipeopleattheYunnan-Sichuanborder(Wellens2010),andtheworksof
bothMakleyandSchrempfthatfocusonethno-religiousmovementsandtheir
correlativestate-societyrelationsinAmdo(Makley2007,2010;Schrempf2002).As
theseareashaveverydifferentpastandpresentbackgroundsfromNangchenand
donothavemajoritypopulationsofbKa’brgyudandrNyingmapracticelineages,
theirstudiesonlyobliquelyrelatetothequestionsofmyresearch.
OutsidethefieldofEasternTibet,CookeandYangprovidekeyinformationonthe
CCP’sreligiouspoliciesandthepoliticalrealitythatnowhousesTibetanBuddhism
(Cooke2005,2009;Yang2012).McMahanandLopezbothpresentadetailed
backgroundofBuddhistmodernismanditsEast-Westorigins(McMahan2008,2012;
Lopez2002,2009).Samuel’sdiscussionsofpre-modernTibetansocietiesandthe
uniquelyTibetanrelationshipbetweenthe‘clerical’andthe‘shamanic’inTibetan
religionareanelevatedpointofreferenceforanalysis(Samuel1993,2005).Cole
andColegavemeanintroductiontotheideasofGoodyandA.R.Luria(Cole&Cole
13
2006),andalongwithOngpresentastimulativediscussiononthementalmodes
thataccompanyorally-andtextually-transmittedknowledge(Ong1986).
Anoteontermsandconventions
InthispaperIusethename‘EasternTibet’torefertoTibetanethnicregionsoutside
oftheTibetAutonomousRegion(TAR)–traditionallyKhamsandAmdo,which
comprisetwothirdsoftheTibetanPlateau11.Inrecentyearstheseregionshavehad
amarkedlydifferentsocio-politicalatmospherethanthetightlycontrolledTARand
havebeenthegeneralsettingofmyinquiries12.‘Tibet’willbeusedoccasionallyto
refertoTibetanregionsofthePRC,notasanexpressionofpoliticalviewsbutto
avoidrepetitionofthelong-winded‘theTARandTibetanprefecturesinQinghai,
Sichuan,YunnanandGansu’.
TypicallyinTibetantextstheterm‘yogin’(rnal’byorpa)referstoanindividualwho
hasmasteredthemeditationand‘yogas’(rnal’byor)oftantricBuddhism,whichI
discussinmoredetailbelowinChapterOne.InthisdissertationIusetheterm
‘yogin’torefertolayandordainedTibetanswhoengageinprolongedperiodsof
focusedVajrayānapracticeatsomestageintheirlives,betheyeliteornovice.Thus
‘yogin’inthisdissertationreferstothetypeofpersonactiveinTibet’scontemplative
culture,particularlyinbKa’brgyudandrNyingmapracticelineages.Theseyogic
practicelineagespopulatedtheNangchenregionwhichisthefocusofthisresearch,
andhavetraditionallyemphasizedoralinstructionsandpracticeovertextualstudy.
InthescholasticGelukschoolwheremonksweregenerallydiscouragedfromtantric
practiceuntilcompletingadecades-longcurriculumofsūtrastudy13,yoginswerea
considerablysmallerpopulation.
11EasternTibetisknowninTibetanasmDoKhams(comprisingAmdoandKhams).12Onereasonforthedifferentsocio-politicalatmosphereisthattheTARiseffectivelyruledbyBeijing,whereasadministrationinTibetanprovincesoutsidetheTARisconductedmainlyatcountyandprefecturelevels,oftenwithTibetancivilservantsparticipating.ReligiousandculturalmattersthereforetendtoreflectmorelocaldiscretioninEasternTibet(Kapstein2004:249).13LifeindGelugspamonasteriesdoesentailafairamountoftantricritualindailypujas,butseriousyogicpracticeistypicallypursuedonlybyelite,seniormonks.
14
Ialsousetheterm‘contemplative’interchangeablywith‘yogic’(theadjectivalform
of‘yoga’)inthisdissertation.BothtermsintheTibetancontextalsoimply‘tantric’as
theyrefertoengagementofVajrayānatantricmethods.Thecolloquialmeaningof
‘contemplate’,ortheTibetanbsamasinthosbsamsgom(‘hearing,contemplating,
meditating’),istothinkormentallyreflectuponsomething.Inthispaper
‘contemplative’insteadaccordswithitsreligioussenseofthemindinone-pointed
prayerormeditation.AprimaryintentofVajrayānapracticeisforthemindtorest
in,orcultivatethestateof,nondualconsciousnessthattranscendsbothsubjectivity
andobjectivity.Tibetancontemplativepracticeisthereforedifferentfromthe
ratiocinationofintellectualstudy,thoughthetwoprocessestraditionally
complementedandinformedeachotherinallTibetanBuddhistschools.Oneway
thatTibetanBuddhistschoolsdifferisintherelativeemphasistheyputoneach
process.
AllTibetan,ChineseandSanskritwordsinthispaperaretransliterated,exceptfor
namesandtermsthathavebeenassimilatedintoEnglish,likelama,yoga,etc.
TibetantransliterationsarewrittenaccordingtotheWyliescheme,andlistedagain
withtheirtranslationsintheglossary.ChinesetransliterationsarewritteninPinyin
withoutdiacriticsandprecededwith‘Ch.’Sanskrittermsaretransliteratedwith
diacriticsandprecededwith‘Skt.’
Outlineofchapters
ChapterOnebrieflyexplainstheoriginsofTibetancontemplative(oryogic)culture,
andhowitcharacterizedNangcheninEasternTibetbeforethe1950sinahigh
altitudesocietyinvolvingnomads,numerousmonastichermitagesandaloose
politicalstructurerunbyBuddhistkings.Adescriptionofthepracticecultureand
curriculumofGadchagsdGonpaactsasanexampleofNangchen’scontemplative
culture.
ChapterTwodescribesthesettingofTibetancontemplativecultureinpost-Mao
Chinasincethe1980s,particularlythepositionofTibet’straditionaleconomyand
15
cultureunderthegovernment’sdoctrineofscientificatheismanditsforcefuldrive
tomodernizetheTibetanPlateauanditsinhabitants.Thechapterthenturnstothe
centralinterestofthisthesis:arecentandnewemphasisonrationalized,degree-
orientedstudyinEasternTibetandgonpa,andhowcommunitieslikeGadchags
dGonpawhoareretainingpurelypracticecurriculaarebecomingavestigeofthe
past.
ChapterThreeattemptstouncoverthereasonsbehindtheshifttorationalizedstudy
inEasternTibetandgonpa.Itconsidersgovernmentpoliciesonreligion;how
conditionsofcolonialismunderscientific-mindedregimesmayshapeascientific
discourseinBuddhism;worldwidetrendsinmodernBuddhismandtheirinfluence
onTibetandgonpa;andthedifferenceinmentalmodesassociatedwithtextually-
andorally-transmittedknowledge.Alsoexploredishowthisdifferenceinmental
modeshighlightsthechangingviewinthemindsofEasternTibetansastheirreligion
isforcedtomodernize.
ChapterFourroundsofftheconsiderationsofChapterThreebyventuring
suggestionsforthefutureofTibetancontemplativeculture.Itconsiderswhether
tantricBuddhismcansurviveundertheauthoritarian,atheistruleoftheChinese
CommunistParty;thesocialempowermentofTibetanyoginsandhowtheymay
continuewithinacountercultureofthefuture;andincentiveforTibetanyogins
offeredbyTibetanBuddhismexpandingasaninternationalreligion.
Thethesis’Conclusionconnectstheexplorationsofthisresearchtorecent
statementsmadebyTibetanlamasaboutthefutureofTibetanBuddhist
contemplativeculture.Itoverviewstheresultsofthestudyandthemethodological
challengesfacedtherein,whileidentifyingquestionsandavenuesforfurther
enquiry.
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CHAPTERONE
GoingUptheMountain:TheLifeofContemplativeCultureinEasternTibet
TheoriginsofTibetancontemplativeculture
Buddhismisfirstapracticalreligion14,andTibetanBuddhism–withitsnumberless
mountaincavesanditsfavouringofVajrayāna–hasforcenturiesspecializedin
contemplativeexperience.TheimportofBuddhismfromIndiatoTibetbeganunder
Tibetanroyalpatronageinthe7thcentury,atimethatcoincidedwiththelastperiod
ofBuddhisminIndiawhenVajrayāna(tantricBuddhism)wasascendant.Itwasthus
VajrayānathatcametoTibet,andwithitspracticalmethodsforattainingdirect
experienceofthephilosophicaltruthsofMahayāna,founditslong-termrefugeat
therooftopoftheworld.InthewildandvastnaturalenvironmentoftheTibetan
Plateau,isolatedbythemandateofaBuddhistgovernment15andsupportedbya
relativelysimpleherdingandagriculturaleconomy,dedicatedBuddhistpractitioners
–yogins–spentyearsifnotdecadesinmountaincavesandhermitages.Tibetan
yoginswerelayandmonastic,maleandfemale,peasantsandaristocrats,individual
andcollective.Inmanycasesaccomplishedyoginswerealsoprominentscholarswho
composedscripturesofauthoritythatbecamecentralinthefourmainschoolsof
TibetanBuddhism16.
AgenerictermforVajrayānamethodsis‘yoga’,whichcomprisessophisticated
methodsfortrainingtheenergeticmind-bodycomplexofpractitionerstoexpedite
therealizationofnondualwisdom(yeshe).Vajrayānayogicmethods,alongwith
14PālicanonicalliteraturepresentstheBuddhaasafirmcriticofmetaphysicalspeculationwhoprioritizedpracticeovertheory.IntheAṭṭhakavaggaoftheSutta-nipāta,theBuddhadeniestheabilityofreasonalonetocomprehendultimatetruth(Sn886;DI16;Premasiri2008).15ThoughasSamuel(2005)haspointedouttheisolationofTibettendstobeexaggerated.TheLhasagovernmentwasperhapsmoreselectivethanexclusiveofforeignvisitors,andTibetanswerealwaysincontactwiththeworldoutside.16Theideaofthe‘fourmainschools’hascrystallizedsince1959asTibetanshavehadtoorganizetheircommunitiesandmonasteriesinexile.Priortothisdifferentenumerationswerecommon,suchas’JammgonKongsprul’spresentationofthe‘eightpracticelineages’(sgrubbrgyudshingrtabrgyad)thatincludelineagesnotenumeratedinthefourmainschools,likeZhibyedandrDorjerNal’byor(Oldmeadow2012:72).Today,alongwiththefourmainschoolsTibet’sBontraditionisgivenequalstatusandrightsasareligioustraditionbytheCentralTibetanAdministrationinexile.
17
theircorollaryMahāmudrā(PhyagrgyaChenpo)andDzogchen(rDzogschen;Skt.
MahāsandiorMaha-ati)meditationsystems,arederivedfromIndianBuddhism.
ThroughoutmanycenturiesinTibettheyhavedevelopedadeepandsophisticated
scholarlyandtextualexpression.Theircore,however,hasalwaysbeenthe
continuityofcontemplativepracticeamongabodyofhighlyskilledandtrained
practitioners.Thecontemplative,oryogic,cultureofTibethasfunctionedto
cultivateapopulationofpractitionerswhohavedevelopedfarenoughwiththeir
ownpracticetomediatetheteachingseffectivelytothepopulationasawholeand
toassisttheminavarietyofotherways.
ThefourmainBuddhistschoolsofTibet–rNyingma,Saskya,bKa’brgyudanddGe
lugs–havevaryingapproachestotheBuddhistpath17.Generallyspeaking,dGelugs
andSaskyaemphasizephilosophicalstudyinordertoexhaustintellectualdoubts
aboutultimaterealitybeforemeditation;whilebKa’brgyudandrNyingma
emphasizemeditationexperiencetounderstandultimaterealityasthenatureof
mind.Overthecenturiesthesefourlineageshavebeendispersedindifferent
concentrationsthroughoutthethreetraditionalregionsofTibet:CentralTibet(dBus
gTsang),AmdoandKhams18.
SincetheChineseCommunistoccupationofTibetthatbeganinthe1950sunderthe
leadershipofMaoZedong,Tibetanregionshavebeenincludedunderthe
administrationofthePeople’sRepublicofChina(PRC).CentralTibetnowroughly
correspondstotheTibetAutonomousRegion(TAR),whileKhams19andAmdocover
largeareasofQinghaiandSichuanProvinces,andsmallerpartsofGansuandYunnan
Provinces.Sincethe17thcentury,whentheFifthDalaiLamaunifiedCentralTibet
withthebackingoftheMongolkingGushriKhan,CentralTibetandAmdohave
beenmajoritydGelugsregions,whileKhamshashadstrongerconcentrationsof
17TibetanBuddhistlineages–forexamplethe’BrugpabKa’brgyud,dPalyulrNyingmaand’Khonlineage–aresubsumedunderoneormoreoftheseschools.Oldmeadow(2012:18-19)pointsoutthat‘schools’inTibetanBuddhismareamatterofmonasticandinstitutionalorganization,whereas‘lineage’isalineofpracticetransmissionfromgurutodisciples,liketheNaroChosdrugorLam’bras.18PriortotheTibetanexileperiod,Tibet(Bod)wasmoreregularlysaidtocomprisefivetraditionalregions:Amdo,Khams,mNga’ri,dBusandgTsang.19SomepartsofwesternKhamsareintheTAR,includingRiwocheandChabmdo.
18
bKa’brgyud,SaskyaandrNyingmalineages.ThoughtheDalaiLamasandshrinesof
LhasawerespiritualandculturalfociforTibetansacrossthePlateau,theCentral
TibetangovernmentwasnotthepoliticalcentreformanypartsofAmdoand
Khams.Rather,manypartsofEasternTibethadmoreimmediatepoliticalallegiances
tolocalkingsandchieftainswithahighdegreeofautonomyundertheMongols,
ManchusandRepublicans(Kapstein2004:231-232).Kapsteinnotesthattribaland
clanaffiliationsformedthefundamentalorganizationalstructuresinEasternTibet,
andsocietythereforeenjoyedlessrigidlyhierarchicalrelationsthandidthatof
CentralTibet(Kapstein2012:232).Owingtothis,practicelineagesofthebKa’
brgyudandrNyingmaschoolsflourishedinKhamsaroundlocaltraditionsof
religiousandpoliticalauthority,awayfromthecentralizedstatepowerofLhasa
(Oldmeadow2012;Samuel1993;Turek2013:10).
‘EasternTibet’:TibetanethnicareastotheeastofCentralTibet(traditionallyKhamsandAmdo).Credit:Kolas&Thowsen2005:2.
19
sGomsdeNangchen:‘TheLandofMeditators’
NangchenissituatedinthesouthernpartofQinghaiProvincenearthesourceof
China’sthreemajorrivers–theYangtze,YellowandMekong–andispresently
administeredbytheChineseCommunistParty(CCP)asacountyinYushu
AutonomousPrefecture.AccordingtotheNangchenCountyofficeofReligious
Affairs,Nangchenpresentlyhas75registereddgonpa.Aswasthecasebeforethe
CulturalRevolution,Nangchenhashighestrelativepopulationofmonksandnunsin
anyethnicTibetancountyofChina20(Gruschke2004:249n.3;Lobzang2012).
NangchenoffersaconvenientwindowonTibetancontemplativecultureasitisa
regionwherelineagesofyogicpracticeflourishedunderthepatronageofsuccessive
Buddhistkings,someofwhomwerethemselvesrenownedyogins(Turek2013:118;
TulkuUrgyen2005).Anepithettracedtothe13thcenturycallsNangchenthe‘Land
ofMeditators’(sGomsdeNangchen21)(’Jamdbyangsetal.1995-1997,2:2-3)and
itsmanyhermitageshavebeenafertilesourceofTibetanculturalproductionover
thecenturies,givingrisetofamousyogins,gterston(‘treasurerevealer’)pilgrimage
sitesandincarnationlineages(sprulsku)(Turek2013:3).
Inthe13thcenturyNangchenwasgovernedbyasuccessionofeminentyoginsofthe
’Ba’rombKa’brgyudschool,whoseadeptnessingtummo(yogaofpsychicheat)
earnedthemthetitle‘Raspa’(‘Cotton-clad’)(Turek2013:115).RaspadKarpo
(1198-1262)andhis’Ba’rombKa’brgyuddisciple-heirsconsolidatedreligiousand
temporalpoweroverNangchenattheirseatofsKu’bumdGonpathroughtheir
patron-priest(mchodyon)unionwiththeMongoladministration.Aroundthistime
Nangchenwasdividedintoeighteenhighlanddistricts(rikhagbcobrgyad),each20Lobzangestimatesapopulationof15,000ordainedsaṅghaoutofatotalestimatedTibetanpopulationof70,000inNangchen(Lobzang2012).21Thefullepithetis‘FamilyofCotton-cladOnes,LandofMeditators’(RastshangsGomsde).Khams-stodlogyusexplainsthattheepithetisfromthereignofthe’Ba’rombKa’brgyudmastersinNangchenfromthe13thcentury,whosewidespreadactivitiesinfluencedallmenandwomentobemeditators(’Jamdbyangs,etal.1995-1997,2:2-3).Cotton-cladmeditatorswerefollowersoftheearlybKa’brgyudlineagewhowereabletowearonlyasinglecottongarmentinbothsummerandwinterbecauseoftheinnerheatgeneratedintheirgtummopractice.TheepithetisalsomentionedinTshangsgsar2005:237-238;’Brongpargyalpo2003:81-82.andTulkuUrgyen,etal.2005:13,373n.16.
20
surroundingaprincipalmonasterythatinsomecasessharedadministrative
authorityovertheirterritorieswiththeking.In1300Nangchenwaslegitimizedasa
kingdombytheSaskya-Mongoldiarchywhenasonofthe’BuTreboclanwas
enthronedasthefirstNangchenkingatNangsoChenmodGonpa(’Jamdbyangs,
etal.1995-1997,2:63).
ImageshowingthegenerallocationofNangchenandGadchagsdGonpainQinghaiProvince
Turek,forherforthcomingethno-historyofNangchen,reviewedrecentlypublished
localsourcesandoralhistoriesofNangchenandobservedintheirnarrativesa
commonidealisationoftheNangchenkingshipthatevolvedfromthelineof’BuTre
boclanrulers.Turekfindsinthenarrativescommonlegitimisingstrategiesofthe
Nangchenkingship,suchassociety’sbeliefsystemoftantricBuddhismandthe
powervestedinkingsthroughtheirprolongedperiodsofritualretreat(Turek,in
press).Tureknotestheardentinterestinmeditationretreatsexpressedbysomeof
theNangchenkings22,andthatwithitsde-centralizedpoliticalauthorityandits
concentrationofpracticelineagesNangchenwasanenvironmentthatencouraged
thedevelopmentofhermitagesandnumerousfamousyoginsoverthecenturies23
22TureknotesthatTulkuUrgyen’sBLazingSplendorandKarma’Phrinlas’HistoryofNangchenbothextolthespiritualaccomplishmentsoftheNangchenkingssomuchthattheyreadlikernamtharhagiographies(Turek2013:118,n.410).23 ExamplesofrenownedNangchenyogins:TishriRaspa(12thcentury),LusmedrDorje(13thcentury),SKyobragChosrje(14-15thcenturies),Dungdkarba(16thcentury),GrubdbangTshogsgnyis
21
(Turek2013:118).Withauthoritydistributedamonghighlanddistrictsandtheir
locally-runadministrativeandmilitaryunits,Nangchenkingsretainedpowernotas
activesovereigns,buttoalargeextentas‘moralandsocialinstitutions’.The
environmentwasoneinwhichdedicationtotantricpracticewasencouragedand
highlyvalued(Gruschke2004:107;Turek2013:118).
Inthe17thcenturytheNangchenkingdomwasgivenlegitimacybyGushriKhan,and
thenbytheQingdynastyambansinXininginthe18thcentury.Fromthe1950sthe
CCP’sappropriationofNangchenwascarriedoutthroughaprocessofabsorbingold
powerstructuresintoCCPadministration.ThusgreaterNangchenwasestablished
in1951as‘YushuTibetanAutonomousPrefecture’withtheincumbentNangchen
kingasitshead(Gruschke2004:33;’Jam-dyangs,etal.1995-1997;Turek2013:119).
NangchenasindicatedonpresentmapsofthePRCisafractionofthehistorical
territorybythesamename(Turek2013:120).Withitslargeconcentrationof
hermitages,andbeingnonalignedwiththeCentralTibetanpoliticalcentreofthe
TAR,NangchenhasseencomparativelyfewTibetanuprisingsanduntil2008was
littleaffectedbyCCP-imposedstricturesandthepresenceofthestate’sPeople’s
ArmedPolice.
Nangchenissetatanaveragealtitudeof3,645metre(11,968feet)andits
predominantlivelihoodhasbeenpastoralism,withmanyfamiliestendingherdsof
overathousandyakandsheep24.Untilthe1990stherewerenophonesor
televisionsandmosttransportationtookplaceonfoot,horsebackandyakcaravans.
Mostfamilieshadseveralchildrenwithatleastonesonordaughterinalocal
monasteryornunnery.Monksandnunsreturnedhomeduringharvestseasonsto
collectfoodsuppliesthatwouldlastthemforseveralmonthswhensharedamongst
themembersoftheirmonasticcommunity.
andTshangsdbyangsrGyammtsho(19thcentury).gNamchosMi’gyur,thegterstonofthegNamchoscycle,wasalsoactiveinNangcheninthe17thcentury. 24GruschkenotesthatlessthanonefifthofNangchen’spre-2008populationwasinvolvedinfieldcultivation(Gruschke2008).
22
MostofNangchen’sdgonpaarelocatedat4000metres(13,000feet)orhigherand
weretraditionallymodelledashermitagesratherthanmonasteries,withalifelong
courseofmeditation,yogaandextendedgroupsādhanācycles(sgrubchen)fortheir
residents.LittlemeditationtrainingisactuallyconductedinlargeTibetanBuddhist
monasteries,whicharebusycentresofclericaltraininginphilosophy,artsandritual.
Insteadmeditationtrainingiscarriedoutinretreatcentresannexedtoaparticular
monastery,orinindependenthermitageslikemanyofNangchen’sdgonpa.Aswas
thecaseinpre-CommunistTibet,atthetimeofwritingnearlyallbKa’brgyudand
rNyingmamonasteriesinNangchen(andEasternTibet)haveathree-yearretreat
centrewheremonasticstraditionallytrainedinVajrayānapractices,includinggtum
mo25,foratleastoneintensivethree-yearperiodintheirlives.
Broadlyspeaking,thecourseoftraininginaTibetanBuddhistthree-yearretreatisas
follows26:inthefirstyear,completionofsngon’gropreliminarypracticesalongwith
developmentofzhignas(śamatha)andlhagmthong(vipaśyanā)27intandemwith
guruyoga(blasgrub)sādhanā;inthesecondyear,emphasisonguruyogaonthe
basisofyidam(personalmeditationdeity)sadhanāandtheirmantraaccumulations,
alongwithcultivationoflhagmthongandMahāmudrāand/orDzogchenmeditation;
inthethirdyear,subtle-bodypracticesincludinggtummo,dreamyogaand
transferenceofconsciousness(asintheSixYogasofNaropaofbKa’brgyudanddGe
lugslineages),alongwithrefiningawarenessinMahāmudrāand/orDzogchen
meditation.Untilveryrecently,manyTibetanmonksandnunsofbKa’brgyudand
rNyingmalineageswouldstaytwoormoretimesinathree-yearretreat.InNang
chenIamtoldthatdoingathree-yearretreatwasaprincipalaimforthosewho
25gtummoisanadvancedtantricBuddhistyogabywhichapractitioner’spsychicenergy-windsaredissolvedinthecentralchanneloftheenergeticmind-bodycomplex,givingrisetoanexperienceofco-emergentblissandemptiness(bdestongzung’jug).Theincreasedbodytemperaturethatariseswithadvancedgtummopracticeisabyproductoftheyogaandnotitspurpose.26Thecourseoftrainingonathree-yearretreatvariesconsiderablybetweenlineages;thisisageneralizedexample.SeeJamgonKongtrul’sRetreatManualformoredetails.27Vipaśyanā(lhagmthong)inTibetanBuddhismispractiseddifferentlythanmodernThai-Burmesevipassanā.InTibetansūtrapresentations(liketheLamrimChenmo)vipaśyanāreferstoasubtleanalyticalmindofdiscernment,basedonsomedegreeofśamathacultivation,oftenanalyzingemptinessortheFourNobleTruths.Dzogchenpresentationsdescribevipaśyanāasself-reflexivewisdomthatclearlyseestheabsolutenatureofawarenessitself(rigpa)(Khang-sar2013).
23
ordainedasmonksandnuns,andalmostallmonasticsstayedinathree-yearretreat
atleastonceintheirlives.Itwasalsocommonforindividualswishingtodeepen
theirpracticeafteroneormorethree-yearretreatstomovetocavehermitages
connectedwiththemonastery,orevenfurtherawaytoremote,unpopulated
mountainvalleys.
AtypicalexampleofthisisthemonasticcommunityofRigsgsumdGonpainNang
chen,presentlywithamonasticpopulationofabout250andhavingannexedretreat
centresforbothmonksandnuns.Fifteentotwentynunsstaytogetherinthenuns’
three-yearretreatcentre,severalofthemparticipatingintwoorthreeretreatsina
row.Inthefemaleretreatinprogressin2010mostofthenunswereintheirlate
teensorearlytwenties.Afterathree-yearretreatahandfulofnunswishingto
deepentheirpracticeofsubtle-bodyyogas(particularlygtummo)andmeditation
movetoancientcavehermitagesoverlookingthemonasterywheretheycontinue
theirretreatsindependently.TheyoginbSodnamsChos’phel,fromwhomthenuns
receivethecrucialoraltransmissionandinstructionsfortheirretreatpractices,is
saidtobelivinginaremoteunmarkedcaveintheregionnearbyanelderlyyogin
whoishisguru.Theelderlyyoginisfamedfor“swimmingcomfortablyinfreezing
riversandmeltingthewintersnowaroundhiscave”duetohismasteryofthe
physicalelementsthroughgtummoandDzogchenrealization(bSamgtansGrolma,
personalcommunication,January2010).AsthisexampleoftheRigsgsum
communityshows,thelifeofayogininEasternTibetmovedupthemountainashe
orsheprogressedoveralifetimeofBuddhistpractice.
IndescribingNangchen,thereisariftbetweentheabovedescriptionandthe
presentstateofaffairs.Atthetimeofwritingarapidmodernisationandradical
restructuringofTibetansocietyistakingplaceundertheCommunistleadershipof
thePRC,sothatwithinthelasttwodecadestheabovedescriptionofNangchenis
ceasingtoholdtrue.TodayanetworkofhighwaysspanstheTibetanPlateauandthe
favouredvehicleonNangchenroadsisnolongerthehorse,butthemotorcycle–
literally‘motorhorse’(’phrulrta)inTibetan–oranSUV.Underdirectionfromthe
governmentthemajorityofNangchen’snomadshavemoveddownthemountainto
24
newlybuilturbansettlementsinordertosurviveintheswiftlymodernizing
economy,leavingtheiryaksandmountainhermitagesbehind.Significantnumbers
ofordainedsaṅghaarealsomovingawayfromremotehermitagestopursuenew,
systematizedstudyprogramsatmonasticcentres,leavingemptyplacesinNang
chen’sretreatcentres.
TheyoginasculturalheroinEasternTibet
AsTurekhasdiscussed,despitetheregion’simportanceinTibetanreligioushistory
NangchenhasreceivedsparseattentioninWesternscholarship–apartfromTurek’s
own2013compellingstudyofacontemporaryhermiticrevivalatNangchen’ssKyo
bragmonastery.TulkuUrgyenRinpoche’smemoirsof19thcenturyNangchen,
BlazingSplendor,hasbecomepopularamongWesternTibetanBuddhistssinceit
wasfirstpublishedin2005.Priortothis,however,Nangchenwaslittleknownto
Westernreaders,exceptperhapsthroughtheautobiographicalwritingsofNang
chenlamaswhosettledintheWest,likeChögyamTrungpaandKarmaThinley
Rinpoches28.
ThesamecanbesaidofTibetanyogiccultureingeneral.Despiteitscentralrolein
Tibetanreligionandbiography,littleWesternscholarshiphasdirectlyengagedwith
yogicpractice,asidefromdescriptiveaccountsoftantrictraditionsanddoctrine(like
Tucci’sReligionsofTibet)orbiographicalstudiesoffamousyoginslikeMilaraspa
(Turek2013:9-10)29.Thisisperhapsduetothesecrecyofpractices,theelusiveness
ofcontemplativepractitionerswillingtoparticipateinWesternresearch,andthe
lackofascientificframeworkcapableofengagingwithfirst-handyogicexperience.
AsKamalaTiyanavichandReginaldRayhavebothhighlighted,Westernscholarship’s
popularfocusondoctrine,historicalandtextualworktendstoreducetheintangible
28AtoRinpocheandChimeRinpoche,bothofwhomarrivedinEnglandinthe1960s,arealsofromNangchen.KarmaThinleypublishedhishistoryofNangchen,ImportantEventsandPlacesintheHistoryofNangchen,in1965.29SomeearlyexceptionstothisareGarmaC.C.Chang’sworkontheSixYogas,Guenther’sTheLifeandTeachingofNaropa,CrookandLow’sTheYoginsofLadakhandGoldsteinandTsarong’s1985articleoncontemplativemonasteries.AlexandraDavid-NeelandW.Y.Evans-Wentz’saccountsalsodeservemention.
25
individualdetailsofyogins’livedexperiencetotheperipheryofBuddhisttraditions
(Ray1994:1-10;Tiyanavich1997:2).Regardlessofthismethodologicalbiasin
academia,yoginshavebeentheparagonofreligiouscultureinTibetsinceatleast
the12thor13thcenturyandTibet’sfourmajorBuddhistschoolsandnumeroussub-
schoolswereeachspawnedfromamasterwhohadbecomerealizedthroughtantric
practice30.ToagreatextentsocialdistinctionacrosstheTibetanPlateauwas
affordedtothedegreeofrenunciation,andyoginswereheldinhighesteeminboth
socialandpoliticalspheres(Samuel1993:556-557;Turek2013).
ThewildlandscapeandnomadiclifestyleoftheEasternTibetanhighlandsformeda
tough,resilientspiritinitspeoplethatequippedthemforsurvival.Whenchannelled
towardstheirBuddhistspiritualitythesametoughnesscreatedanardentreligious
devotionandmanyhighlyaccomplishedyoginsamongthepopulation.AsSamuel
andTurekhavebothdiscussed,itismistakentounderstandKhamsasperipheralto
CentralTibet,whichhasbeenatendencyinscholarshipfollowingtextualand
politicalportrayalsrelativetoCentralTibetanperspectives31.Khamshashardlybeen
peripheralinthehistoryofTibetanBuddhism.Insteaditiswherepracticelineages
flourishedunderroyalpatronageofkingdomslikesDedgeandNangchenandhas
thereforebeenthecradlefortheperpetuationofTibetantantrism(Turek2013:10).
Khamswasalsothebirthplaceofthe19thcenturynon-sectarianRismed(‘Unbiased’)
movement,whichcontinuestoshapeTibetanBuddhismtodaybothinsideand
outsideofChinawiththelegacyandteachingsofitsfamousmasters,gterstonand
scripturalcompilations.
TheRismedmovement,andGadchagsdGonpaasanexampleofcontemplative
culture
30Examples:Tsongkhapa(founderofthedGelugs),sGampopa(DwagspobKa’bryud),YumoMibskyodrDorje(JoNang),Virupa(Saskya),MagcigLabsgron(gCod)andgTsangparGyaras(’BrugpabKa’brgyud).31Asrecentlyas2004KapsteinwrotethatLhasawasthe“traditionalcenterofTibetanreligionandpolitics”(Kapstein2004:255).NotealsothatKolasandThowsentitletheir2005studybasedonfieldworkinTibetanethnicareasoutsidetheTAR(AmdoandKhams)OntheMarginsofTibet.
26
InthedecadespriortoGadchagsdGonpa’sfoundingin1892,aseriesof
developmentsnowadaysreferredtoastheRismedmovementsawagreat
invigorationofnon-sectarianthoughtandpracticethatstrengthenedandcentred
theculturalworldofKhams32.TrendsoftheRismedmovementunfoldedupuntil
the1950s,andcontinuetoinfluencemoderndevelopmentsinTibetanBuddhism
today.Theleaders’JammgonKongsprul(1813-1899),’JamdbyangsmKhyenbrtse
dByangpo(1820-1892)andthegter-stonmChoggyurgLingpa(1829-1870)initiated
arevivalofminoritylineagesandphilosophicalviewsthatwerenearingextinction
(partlyowingtotheGelugpadominationofthetime).Theselamasandtheir
associatesinitiatedasynthesisofpractices,doctrines,scripturalcollectionsand
hermitages33thatespeciallybolsteredpracticelineagesinKhams(Oldmeadow2012;
Turek2012).DzogchenandMahāmudrāsystemsofpractice-basedphilosophy,with
theiremphasesontheunconstrained,all-pervadingnatureofmind,founddirecting
rolesinthenon-sectarianRismedethos–althoughanopennesstoavarietyof
doctrinalpositionsiswhatcharacterizedthemovement(Oldmeadow2012:16;
Turek2012:433).Indeed,gtermarevealedduringtheRismedperiod,likethe
mChogglinggTergsar(‘NewTreasuresofChokling’),werenovelinbeingthefirst
totalpresentationsofallrNyingmaandDzogchenteachingseries(sde)(Oldmeadow
2012:84).
ThemovementoriginatedinthesDedgekingdomwheretheroyalfamilyhadalong-
establishedreputationforreligioustolerance(Oldmeadow2012:49).Nangchen,as
bDedge’scloseculturalneighbour,wasanotherimportantstageforRismed
developments34(Turek2013:36).Marginalgroupsofpractitionersflourishedinthe
RismedatmosphereanditwasattheheightofthemovementthatGadchagsdGon32SeveralresearchershavebeencarefultoplaceRismeddevelopmentsintheirwidercontext,anddrawnattentiontothemistakenreificationofanessential‘Rismedmovement’,whichwasneverdefinedassuchbytheleadingmastersofthetime.SeeGardner(2006),Oldmeadow(2012),Samuel(1993)andTurek(2012).33Hermitagesbuiltatthe25powerplacesofEasternTibet(mDoKhams),mappedinagtermarevealedbymChoggling,gavespatialreferentstothemovementandhelpedtomarkKhamsasaterritory(Turek2012:436).34mChoggyurgLingpawasborninNangchenandhadbeenamonkattheNangchenking’smonastery,TshebcusGar.AnotherimportantimpetusbehindtheRismedmovementwastheestablishmentofthesDedgeprintingpressanditseditionoftheTibetanBuddhistcanoninthe18thcentury(Oldmeadow2012:85:49).
27
pa,anunnerythatwoulddevelopauniquelineageoffemaleyogicpracticefollowing
Dzogchentenets,wasestablished.FollowingthemodelofaDharmaencampment
(chossgar)35,GadchagsdGonpabeganasacommunityofpractitionerslivinginfull-
timeretreataroundtheirguru,theyoginTshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho(1848-1909).
TshangsdbyangsrGyamtshoandhisguru,thefirstGrubdbangTshogsgnyis(b.circa
1828),sawthatwomenhadequalpotentialasmenforattainingenlightenment,yet
withavirtualabsenceofnunneriesintheregionweredeniedopportunitiesfor
Dharmalearningandpractice.FemalesinTibetweregenerallyregardedasunfit
vesselsforadvancedlearning.Religious-mindedgirlsandwomenwhodidordain
oftencontinuedlivingwiththeirfamiliesandcontributingtotheirhousehold’s
domesticworkload.AfterTshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho’sfoundingofGadchags
dGonpawomencamefromallpartsofEasternTibetandvariousTibetanBuddhist
schoolstojoinitsintensivepracticesystem.AlongwiththerevivedvaluesoftheRis
mederathatformedaculturalbackdropforGadchags’sfounding,thisdiversity
gavethenunneryanon-sectariancharacterthatremainstothisday.
GadchagsisaconvenientexampleofNangchen’straditionalcontemplativeculture
inthatitswayoflifehaslittlechangedfromitspre-1950sexistence,duetothe
nunnery’sisolatedsettingandself-determinationtopreserveitsoriginalpractice
tradition.GadchagsislocatedinsouthernNangcheninaremotevalleyatan
altitudeof4,500metres(14,700feet)surroundedbyhilltopsthataresaidtoreflect
sacredfeminineforms.Itscurriculumentailsarigoroustraininginsubtle-bodyyogas
andmeditation,withaspecializationinrtsalung(nāḍīandprāṇayoga,thegeneral
practicecategorythatincludesgtummo)asasupportfortheirmeditativeinsight.
TheGadchagsnunsupholdallreligiousleadershiproles,frombursarandprovostto
VajraMaster(rDorjesLobdpon)duringritualceremonies,andwearbrocadehatson
specialoccasionsthatmarkthemaslineageholders.Apartfromconductingtantric
35ChossgarwerecommoninEasternTibetfromthetimeofthefourthKarmapainthe14thcentury.Chossgararelargecommunitiesofmonasticandnon-monasticpractitioners(oftenmaleandfemale)usuallycentredaroundacharismaticrealizedmasterortertön.Somefamouschossgararepresent-daybLarungsGarandYachensGar,bothinGarzé(dKarmdzes)Prefecture,andShakyaShri’snineteenthcenturyencampmentatKhyi-puk.
28
empowerments(dbang),publicformalitiesandfundraising,forwhichtheyrelyon
thenunnery’sfourmalelamas,theseniornunsteachallcomponentsofGadchags’s
practicetraditiontotheyoungernuns,aswellastomonksatbranchdgonpa.Such
anautonomousfemalemonasticlineagewasunprecedentedinTibetanBuddhist
history.
GadchagsdGonpaat4,500metresinNangchen,EasternTibet.PhotographedbyJeromeRaphalen,2006.
Gadchags’spracticesystem
Afterfulfillingaoneyearobligationasnunneryyak-herder,anunofficiallyentersthe
nunneryandbeginsher400,000preliminarypractices(sngon’gro),whichtake
roughlyfourmonths.Thesearefollowedbyonehundredsetsofsmyunggnas,a
two-dayfastingpracticeofAvalokiteśvara,whichmaytakeuptoayeartocomplete.
NextisamantraaccumulationretreatoftheguardiandeityVajrakīlaya(Phursgrub)
whichlastsaboutsevenmonths.Alongwithcompletingthesepreliminaryretreatsa
newnuntrainsinritualinstruments,shrinepreparationandliturgicalchanting.Upon
completingallofthese,aGadchagsnunthenbeginsherthree-year,three-month
retreat.
29
Generally,fromthetimeofenteringthenunneryallGadchagsnunspracticeand
sleepinmeditationboxes(sgromkhri)aboutonesquaremetreinsize.Duringthe
three-yearretreatapproximatelyfifteennunsliveinmeditationboxesliningthe
wallsoftheretreatroom.Theyleavetheirboxesonlyformealtimes,bathroom
breaksandyogasessionsanddonotexittheretreathousefortheentiredurationof
theretreat.Uponcompletionofthethree-yearretreataGadchagsnunentersone
ofsixteenretreatdivisions(sgrubkhag)whereshecontinuespracticingheryidam
meditationdeityfortherestofherlife.Alongwithdailysessionsofyidampractice
andsubtle-bodyyogasarenineteenextensivesādhanāceremoniescalledsgrub
chen,lastingabouttendayseach.Thesefallthroughouttheyearandareperformed
byallthenunstogetherinthemaintemple.
Gadchagsnunsintheirmeditationboxesinoneofthesixteenretreatdivisions(sgrubkhag).PhotographedbyJeromeRaphalen,2006.In2006amiddle-agednunreportedherexperienceofGadchags’spracticesystem:
30
MymindtransformedwhileIwasin[three-year]retreat.Ididn’twanttocomeoutwhentheretreatwasfinished.Althoughthepracticeswerehardphysically,inmymindIwasveryjoyful.BeforeIdidmythree-yearretreatIhadalotofwildemotionsanddistractions.Butduringtheretreattheseemotionswerepacifiedandtransformedintothefivewisdoms36.
Everymorningfromsixuntileighto’clockeachretreatdivisionholdsapracticesessionofmeditationandprayers.Thereisabigroomdownstairsintheretreatdivisionbuildingwhereallthenunsdotheirdailypracticesofrtsalungand’khrul’khor[supportivehaṭhayoga].Wehavetodotheseyogicpracticeseverydayofourlives.
GadchagsdGonpa’spracticespecialtyisrtsalung,anditispracticedhereaccordingtotheuniqueteachingsofthefirstTshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho.TshangsdbyangsrGyamtshowasn’tascholar,butwrotethesepracticecommentariesfromhispurevisionandmeditativerealization.
sGrubchenareadefiningcomponentofGadchags’spracticeculture,andindeedof
thepracticecultureofrNyingmaandbKa’brgyuddgonpathroughoutpre-modern
EasternTibet37.Asgrubchenwasdescribedbyoneparticipantas:“aformof
intensivegroupritualpracticethatepitomizesthedepth,powerandprecisionof
Vajrayāna,drawingtogethertheentirerangeoftantricmethods–ritual,artisticand
yogic–tocreatetranscendentperceptionoftheenvironmentanditsinhabitantsas
apurefieldofthebuddha”(Lun-Sin2011).Usuallylastingtendays,asgrubchen’s
participantsengageintwenty-fourhourcontinuoussādhanāpracticeofaparticular
buddha(i.e.yidam)anditssurroundingmaṇḍala.Thesgrubchenceremonyemploys
visualization,mantra,prayersandmeditationandisstyledwithritualmusic,mudras
andcostumeddance.
AtGadchagsthenunsintegrateperiodsofrtsalungandmeditationinthesgrub
cheninordertoexperiencenon-conceptualconsciousnessbyunitingmindwiththe
psychicwindsinthesubtle-body’scentralchannel.ExamplesofGadchags’stwenty
36Yesheslnga(fivewisdoms):chosdbyingsyeshe(wisdomofdharmadhātu),melongyeshes(mirror-likewisdom),mnyamnyidyeshes(wisdomofequality),sosorrtogpa’iyeshes(wisdomofdiscernment)andbyagrubyeshes(all-accomplishingwisdom).37 Beingbasedonsādhanāofarevealedgtermacycle,sgrubchenaremostcommonlyconductedinrNyingmaandbKa’brgyuddgonpa.TheyareconductedwithlessfrequencyinSaskyaanddGelugsdgonpaonvariousholydaysthroughouttheyear.
31
annualsgrubchencyclesareHayagrīva(rTamgrin),Tārā(sGrolma)and
Vajrabhairava(rDorje’jigsbyed).sGrubchenareregardedasapowerfulpracticeto
removenegativeforcesintheworldandtopromotepurification,harmonyand
spiritualpotency.
IncertainsgrubchentheGadchagsnunsproducesmansgrub(sacredmedicine)
composedoflocalherbsandinfusedwiththemantraandprayersoftheparticipants
duringtheten-dayceremony.Duringthesgrubchenthedriedherbsarerolledinto
smallpelletsandconsecratedasasacredsubstanceencapsulatingtheblessingsand
healingpoweroftheBuddha.Inthepast,beforeallopathicmedicalclinicswere
introducedbytheChinesegovernmentinTibetanareas,manyTibetansreliedsolely
onsmansgrubasacureforphysicalandmentalsicknesses.
TwofeaturesdistinguishGadchagsdGonpa’suniquepracticesystem:itssixteen
retreatdivisions(sgrubkhag)eachdedicatedtoadifferentyidam,andthenuns’
specializationinrtsalung.Whileinmostthree-yearretreatmodelsofTibetan
Buddhismsubtle-bodyyogas(includingrtsalung)arelearnedinthefinalyear,at
GadchagsdGonpartsalungand‘khrul’khor38arelearnedfromtheoutsetofthe
three-yearretreatandpracticeddailyasayogicsupportfortheirmeditativeinsight.
Thenuns’specializationinrtsalungisexhibitedinthenunnery’sannualChuras
(‘Wetsheet’)ceremonywhichtakesplaceonthefull-moondayofthetwelfthlunar
month(JanuaryorFebruary),withtemperaturesataround-25C(-13F).Duringthe
ceremonythenunsdryoffwetsheetsdrapedovertheirshouldersbytheinner
bodilyheatgeneratedasaby-productoftheirrtsalungpractice.Theparticipating
nunspreparefortheChurasceremonyontheeveofthefullmoonbybathingin
theirrespectiveretreatdivisionsandthendressinginashortskirt-likeundergarment
(angrag);nouppergarmentsorsocksarepermitteduntilaftertheceremonyis
finishedthefollowingmorning.TheparticipantsthengatherinGadchags’s38‘khrul’khorisseriesofrigorousbreathingandphysicalposturesthatsupportsitscorollaryrtsalunginpushingthemind,andtherebyconsciousness,beyonditsconventionalconceptualhabitsandconstraints(Baker2012).InTibetrtsalungand‘khrul’khorarepracticedtopreparetheenergeticmind-bodycomplexofthepractitionerforDzogchenorMahāmudrārealization.
32
designatedyogahallandbeginchantingdevotionalprayers,alongwithpreliminary
breathcontrolandhaṭhayoga(‘khrul’khor).By9pm,asthefervouroftheirprayers
andbreathingpracticesdevelopintofull-blowngtummo,individualnunsbeginto
dryoffwetsheetsbytheirbodilyheat.Thiscontinuesthroughoutthenightwith
supplicationprayersandsequencesofyogainterspersedwithperiodsofmeditative
absorption.dBangdragRinpoche,apresentabbotofGadchagsnunnery,was
presentamongthenunsintheyogahallduringthenightoftheChurasceremonyin
2010.Thoughhewasnotgeneratinginnerheatthroughrtsalungpracticehimself,
hedescribedthetemperatureoftheroomaswarmandhumidandwitnessedsome
ofthenunsdryuptoeightsheetsduringthenight(dBangdragRinpoche,personal
communication,January2010).
ThepublicChurasdemonstrationtakesplaceatthebreakofdawn.Theparticipants,
whohavenotsleptthepreviousnight,exittheyogahallinasolemnprocessionwith
wetsheetsdrapedaroundtheirshoulders.Singingdevotionalprayerstheyproceed
slowlyaroundtheentirenunnerycomplex,awalkthattakesaboutanhourand
crossesaslopewheremountainwindsblowfreezingair.Ateachofthefour
directionsanun’ssheetisre-soakedincoldwaterandplacedagainaroundher
shoulders.Fromadistanceobserversoftheceremonycanseevapourrisingupfrom
thenuns’procession.Thenunnery’slamaswhowalkattheheadoftheprocession
reportseeingsomeofthesheetsfullydriedbeforereachingthenextcorner.Only
nunsaccomplishedatraisinginnerheatthroughrtsalungyogaarecapableof
participatingintheChurasdemonstration;in2010thiswas85outof360nuns.No
otherdgonpainpresent-dayTibetupholdssucharegular,lifelongtraininginrtsa
lung,noranannualChurasceremony.SeveralNangchendgonpa,likesKyobrag
monastery,dohoweverholdaChurasceremonyoncompletionofathree-year
retreat,andtheceremonyasatraditiondatesbacktotheearliestbKa’brgyud
communitiesfollowingMilaraspa’sgtummolineage39.
39SeeToniHuber(1999:87-90)foradescriptionoftheChuras(or‘Rephu’)ceremonyperformedby’BrugpabKa’brgyudyoginsinthe1950satTsariMountaininsoutheasternTibet.HuberalsonotesanaccountoftheceremonyincontemporaryLadakhinCrook’sTheYoginsofLadakh(Huber1999:246,n.19).
33
Infreetimeamidstthepracticescheduledescribedabove,thenunsengageinshort
periodsofdarkness-retreat(munmtshams),‘extractingtheessence’(bcudlen)and
visionarythodrgal(‘leap-over’)practiceofDzogchen.Severalnunsintheirmid-
fortiesexplainedtomethattheydotheseextrapractices(andallpracticesoftheir
curriculum)oftheirownvolitionandnohigherauthoritiesencouragethem:“No
lamasmakeusdoourpractices,nodisciplinarian.Eachnunismotivatedtopractice
outofdevotion.Weneverwasteanytimeforpractice.Thatishowwelivehere”(47
year-oldGadchagsnun,personalcommunication,September2013).
Tothepresent
ThesecondincarnationofGadchags’sfounder(ChosgragsrGyamtsho,b.1911)was
bornasthesonoftheNangchenkingandtherebysecuredroyalsupportandstature
forthenunnery.WiththehelpofthisroyalpatronageanditsprestigiousChuras
ceremonyGadchagshadbecomerenownedthroughouttheregionforthenuns’
yogicaccomplishments,andbythe1950stherewereoversevenhundrednunsat
Gadchags(rDorje1997).Gadchagshadalsobecomethemothernunneryto
twenty-eightbranchdgonpafollowingitspracticesystem,twenty-threeofthem
nunneriesandfourofthemmonasteries.Havingbranchmonasterieswas
unprecedentedforanunneryinTibet,wherenunneriesareusuallyannexedtoa
monastery.
TheheightofGadchags’sflourishingcollidedwiththestartofMaoZedong’sGreat
LeapForward(1958-1961)andtheCulturalRevolution(1966-1976;GreatProletarian
CulturalRevolution).Thiswasaperiodreferredtobythenunsas‘whentimeturned
upsidedown’(duslogsgang).BasedonamilitantatheistinterpretationofMarxist
ideology,theeffortsoftheCCPduringthisradicalperiodassumedthatTibetan
religiousculturewasbackwardsandthattheTibetanmajoritywasfeudallyenslaved
tomonasticestates.TheTibetanpeoplewerethustobecivilisedand‘liberated’by
submittingtoadvancedHanCommunistleadershipandideology(Yang2012).
TibetanmonasteriesandreligiousleadersweretheprimarytargetsoftheCCP’s
effortstoliberatetheTibetans,andbytheendoftheCulturalRevolutiononly4of
34
722monasteriesinethnicTibetanareasofQinghaiProvinceremainedintact(Turek
2013:83).GadchagsdGonpawasamongthoseransackedanddemolishedbythe
RedArmyandseveralofitslamaswereexecuted.Thenunsthatsurvivedthe
deprivationsoftheera,includingaseverefamineinQinghaifrom1960-1962,were
assembledincommunesorfledasindividualstoCentralTibetwheretheyworkedas
householdservants.
When‘timebegantoturnuprightagain’(dustshodtshurbdeyongdus)inthelate
1970s,nearlyseventyGadchagsnunsreturnedtotheoriginallocationofthe
nunneryandresumedtheirprayersandpracticestogetherinayak-hairtent.Along
withtwosurvivingseniorGadchagslamastheyslowlybeganrebuildingtheirtemple
andretreatdivisionsusinglocallygatheredstonesandmud-bricks.Asthenuns’
memoriesandpracticespacesreassembled,itbecameapparentthatallthemajor
componentsoftheGadchagspracticetraditionhadbeenpreserved.Theirentire
scripturalcollection40wasintact,aswellasnunswithembodiedexperiencecapable
oftransmittinginstructionstonewnunsonthesubtle-bodyyogas,Dzogchen,
liturgies,retreatstylesandadministrativeprotocols.Toagreatextentitwasthe
nuns’courageanddedicationthatallowedforthesetobepreserved.Onenunatthe
riskofherlifecarriedthetwosetsofscripturestoCentralTibetandentrustedthem
toapoorfarmerwhoburiedthemunderground41.Anothernunfeigneddisabilityfor
nearlytenyearswhileshesilentlymaintainedhermeditationinsteadofperforming
communallabour.Thenuns’dedicationnotwithstanding,completepreservationwas
onlypossiblebecauseGadchagswasprimarilyanoraltraditionthatreliedonfew
scriptures,andintheshorthistorysinceGadchagshadbeenestablishedtherewere
onlyafewhand-writtencopiesmadeofitsmajortexts.Tofindthatallthe
componentsofalineagehadsurvivedtheCulturalRevolutionwasunusualinTibet.
Mostmonasterieslostatleastsomeoftheirtextsinthedestructionand/orteachers
whoembodiedtheonlylivingknowledgeofhowtoperformacertainpractice.With
thelossoftextsandteachers,continuityoftheparticularknowledgewaslost.40Gadchags’sprimaryscripturalcollectioncomprisesTshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho’ssixteenvolumesofcommentaryonRatnagLingpa’sThugssgrubyangsnying’duspa(referedtoatGadchagsas“Podsdebcudrug”),andRatnagLingpa’stwenty-fiverootgterma(Zabgternyishurtsalnga).41SuchstorieswerecommonduringtheCulturalRevolution.SeeGermano1998,p.177.
35
AGadchagsnunwhojoinedasayounggirlinthe1980sandwasraisedbythe
survivingelderlynunsexplainshowtheGadchagstraditionwaspreserved:
Question:WhentheCommunistinvasionstarted,howdidthelatenunTendronsave[Gadchags’s]texts?Didshecarrythemoffonyaks?Onhorses?Howdidshedoit?Nun:Idon’tknowhowshedidit!Shevaluedthetextsmorethanherlife,that’show.Byhidingsometextshere,somethere,shemanagedtopreserveallofTshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho’s16VolumesandRatnagLingpa’s25volumes.Shesavedallofthem.AftertheCulturalRevolutionwhennunsweregatheringatGadchagsagain,shereturnedwithallthetextsonayakandofferedthembacktothelamas.ThatoldnunTendronsavedallofourtexts.TheoldritualobjectsyouseeintheKangyurLhakang[nunnerytemple]werepreservedbythelateNgödrubChomtso.SheunearthedthemaftertheCulturalRevolution.Asbursarshedidalotofworktore-organizetheNunnerybackthen.ThelatenunShakyawastheritualandchant-master;shetaughtalltheritualsandprayerstothenewnuns.ThelatenunPalmorememberedalltheyogicpractices,likertsalungand‘khrul’khor,andtaughtthemtothenewnuns.AndthelateSherabZangmotaughttheviewandmeditation.Sheplacedtheminthehandsofthenewnuns.Shepassedthelineagetothenewnuns.Thoseoldnunspreservedtheentirelineage–thelineagethatTshangsdbyangsrGyamtshohadfirsttaughtthenunshimself,fromthebasicsoftorma-makingandconch-blowingtothehighestpractices.Itwashisdyingwishthatthefemalelineageheestablishedneverbescattered.Thoseoldnunsfulfilledthatwish.Theypreservedhislineageentirelyandpassedittoanewgenerationofnuns.
Todaythereare368nunsatGadchagsdGonpa.Thebulkofthemaremiddle-aged
womenwhojoinedthenunneryinthe1980sandweretrainedbythesurviving
elderlynunsinallaspectsofGadchags’spracticetradition.Accordingtothesenuns’
reports,oneofthekeyreasonsforthearrivalofnewnunssincethe1980sisthe
inspiringexampleoftheelderlynunswhodiewithanattitudeofcheerful
confidence.Gadchags’snunsandlamastellthatmanyoftheelderlynuns,having
spentdecadesinintensiveBuddhistpractice,stayseateduprightinthugsdam(post-
deathsamādhi)aftertheirvitalsignshavestopped,withwarmthattheheartandno
signsofbodilydecayforuptotendays.OnenuninSeptember2013describedthe
demeanouroftheelderlynunswhoraisedher:
36
Whentheoldnunswerereadytopassaway,therewasn’tasingleonewhodidn’tdieaspecialdeath.WhenIfirstcameIwastooyoungtoappreciatetheirqualities.NowlookingbackIreallyfeelfaith.Justbyuttering“Phet!”theoldnunSangdroncouldscareallthekidshoveringatthetempledoors–theywouldfalloverandrunaway!LookingbacknowIseetheyhadthatkindofforceaboutthem.TheywouldalwaystelluswehavetospendourwholelivesatGadchags,wehavetofantheflamesofpracticehereandnotgetscattered.Whenthoseoldnunsdiedtheydidn’tcomplainofanysuffering.They’dsay,“Look,todayI’mdying.Nopointinfussingaboutit.Ihavenoregrets!MybodyhasdiseasebutIamfine.I’mnotsuffering.”Mostofthemtalkedlikethatwhentheywerenearingdeath.Therewasn’tasingleonewhodidn’tdieanimpressivedeath.
AnotherGadchagsnuninSeptember2013reported:
Lastyearoneofthelastelderlynuns,Tamke,passedaway.…Beingsummer,wethoughtaftertwodaysherbodywouldsmell.Iexpectedtosmellacorpse,butinsideherretreatdivisionitsmelledlikeperfume–“thefragranceofmorality”.Steppingclosertoherbody,thefragrancebecamestronger.Thenmyeyesfilledwithtears.Wewerereallyamazed.Thenextmorningwhentheybroughtherbodytothehilltoptheysaidhercomplexionhadn’tfaded,itwaslightandradiant.
Younggirlsarenotforcedtojointhenunnery.Despitetheharshenvironmentand
famedrigourofGadchagsdGonpa’sdiscipline,nottomentionothereducational
opportunitiesandmorecomfortablenunneriesforyounggirlsinmodernTibet,
severalnoviceyoungnunscontinuetojoinGadchagseachyear.Astotheelderly
nunswhosurvivedtheCulturalRevolution,onlytworemainatGadchagsatthetime
ofwriting.
GadchagsdGonpa’sextremelyremote,highaltitudelocationissurelyacondition
allowingthecontinuationofitsintensivecontemplativetradition.Untiltodaythe
valleywhereGadchagsissituatedhasevadedthedevelopmentofroadsand
electricitypylonspervadingmanyothervalleysofEasternTibetoverthelasttwenty
years.Significantlyforthisresearch–andlikelydueatleastinparttothenunnery’s
seclusion–theseniornunsandlamasofGadchagsdGonpareportthattheir
37
practicecurriculumisbeingmaintainedtodayasitwasinthenunnery’searlydays42.
IhaveheardGadchags’slamas,nunsandassociatedmonksrepeatedlyexpresstheir
intentionthatthenunnery’sannualpracticesystemandsgrubchenschedulebe
preservedinitsoriginalformsandflourishwithoutdecline43.Manyotherdgonpain
Nangchenhave,asweshallsee,expandedtheirphilosophicalstudyprogramsand
reducedtheirformerretreatandsgrubchenschedules.
AtypicallookingKhamspanunwithherprayertextsandtaperecorderforlisteningtoBuddhistteachings.Credit:GettyImages.AstothecurrentmaterialconditionsofGadchagsdGonpa,themaintempleand
mostoftheretreatbuildingswererebuiltbetween2000and2015(asecondtime
sincetheCulturalRevolution,withmoredurablematerials).Thenunneryhassofar
refusedoffersfromChinesebusinessmentoinstallanearbycellphonetower
(thoughthiswasthelamas’decisionandnotthenuns’).Atpresenttheonlysource
42Whilethecurriculumisthesame,aGadchagsnuninherfiftiestoldmein2013thatthenuns’dedicationtopracticehasdeclined:“Inmyearlydaysherewewouldgetonwithourpracticewhetherteawasboiledornot.[…]Thesedays,noway!”43Oftenexpressedinthephrasemthongbabrgyudpa’iphyaglen:“tocarryforwardwhatwehaveseen”.
38
ofelectricityaresolarbatteriesthatpowerlampsforreadingandaudiorecorders
usedmainlytolistentoBuddhistteachings.
Conclusion
Thuscommunitiesofcontemplativepractitioners,alongwithsociety’svaluingof
tantricpracticeandyogins,havedistinguishedthesocio-culturalworldofEastern
Tibet,Nangcheninparticular,untiltherecentpresent.GadchagsdGonpamaynot
betypicalofNangchen’searliercontemplativecommunities,beinguniqueasa
femalelineagewithanespeciallyintensivefocusonyogicpractice.Itdoes,however,
exemplifythecomponentsofatypicalpracticelineagecurriculumandthereverence
givenbyTibetansocietytoindividualsandcommunitiesdedicatedtocultivationof
innerenlightenedqualities.EasternTibet’scontemplativeculturewasalso
characterizedbypredominantlyearth-basedlivelihoodsofnomadsand
agriculturalists.Nomadsandfarmerssupportedmonasteriesandretreatcentres
withmaterialprovisions,whiledependingonthemforspiritualandsocialguidance.
Theearth-basedEasternTibetanwayoflifealsoentailedamentalsimplicityand
experientialapproachtounderstandingthatallowedforeasyaccesstoattitudesof
faith(dad-pa)andpureperception(dag-snang)thatareessentialtoVajrayāna
practice44.WithextremealterationstoTibet’searth-basedeconomyoverthelast
twodecades,alongwithanewpoliticalsuperstructureadvocatingamaterialistic
worldview,Tibet’straditionalvaluesystemandcontemplativecultureare
undergoingtransformationinresponsetochangingmaterialandnonmaterialneeds
ofthetime.
44Pureperception(dagsnang)istoseeeverythingasanexpressionofultimatereality.ItisthecardinaltraininginVajrayānathatmaintainsasacredbondbetweenguruanddisciplesandopensthemindtounconditionedperception.Faith,orconfidence(dadpa),isanotherimportantVajrayānacardinalprinciplethatgoesalongwithpureperception.Ratherthanfaithinanexternalgodorprinciple,inVajrayānafaithisdirectedtoBuddhanatureastheultimaterealityofone’sownbeing,andthisissaidtobewithinthesphereofdirectexperiencethroughBuddhistpractice.
39
CHAPTERTWO
ComingDowntheMountain:FromtheCavetotheClassroom
Post-Maoreformsfromthe1980s:legalizedreligioninaMarxiststate
ThedeathofMaoZedonginSeptember1976markedamonumentalchangein
directionforChinaanditsCCPleadership.Inreactiontothecrippledeconomyand
societyleftbehindbyMaoZedong’scampaigns,boldlypragmaticnewpolicieswere
establishedunderthedirectionofDengXiaoping(1904-1997).TheseopenedChina
toforeigninvestment,privateownershipofsmallbusinessesandalongwiththesea
smallmeasureofpopularpoliticalparticipation45.Thesepolicies,self-styledas
‘capitalismwithChinesecharacteristics’(McCarthy2010:177),havetransformed
Chinafromeconomicdevastationintotheworld’ssecondlargesteconomywithin
thirtyyears46.
MillionsofChinesetodayhavethekindofwealththatpreviousgenerationscould
onlydreamof.Atthesametimesuchsheereconomicgrowthhasbeenaccompanied
bydrasticsocialupheaval–andwiththat,anexplosioninthenumberofreligious
followers.Suchalargereligiousdemographicpresentsconsiderablepolitical
implicationsforstate-societyrelations47.Asaresponse,theCCPhasadopteda
pragmatictoleranceofreligionthatallowsitsexistenceasaresourcetobemanaged
towardssocialharmony.ThisisaccordingtoMao’scategorizationofreligionasa
non-antagonisticcontradictionthatneednotbeeliminated,butcanbeunitedwitha
commonsocialistcause(Cooke2009:128;146,n1).Individualreligiousbeliefisnow
consideredbeyondstateintervention,with‘normalreligiousactivities’granted
45Chinaofficiallyendorsedaprogramof‘reformandopenness’attheThirdPlenumoftheEleventhCentralCommitteeoftheCCPinDecember1978(Jefreys&Sigley2009:8).46HuJintao,inhiskeynotespeechtotheFortuneGlobalForuminMay2005,statedthatbetween1978to2004China'sGDPincreasedfromUS$147.3billionto$1.6494trillionwithanaverageannualgrowthrateof9.4percent.Thenumberofruralpoordwindledfromsome250millionto26million.47In2007Shanghai’sEastChinaNormalUniversityfoundathirdof4,500peopleintervieweddescribedthemselvesasreligious.Thatextrapolatesto300millionofwholepopulation(Yardley2007inOakes&Sutton2010:8).
40
protectionbyArticle36ofthePRCConstitution48.Thisissolongasreligious
activitiespromotethestate’ssocialistaimsandeconomicdevelopmentanddo
nothingtodisruptthestate’seducationalsystem(Cooke2009:130;Yang2012:76).
Article36isbackedbythetenetsoftheParty’s1982circular‘Document19’,which
allowreligionasaprovisionalsocialphenomenonthatshouldbecarefullymanaged
andharnessedforitsrallyingpowerstowardsthestate’ssocialistaimsanditscentral
taskofeconomicconstruction(Yang2012:50).Buddhismisnowoneoffivereligions
grantedlegalexistenceinChina–alongwithDaoism,Islam,Protestantismand
Catholicism.Theseareincontrasttoreligionsthatfallintothegovernment’s
politicallydefinedcategoriesofsuperstition(Ch.mixin)andevilcult(Ch.xiejiao),and
arethereforeillegal(Gaerrang2012:113).SinceDocument19theParty’s
managementofreligionhasneverthelesscontinuedwithinaframeworkofMarxist
ideology.Thegovernmentregularlypropagatesatheismandascientificoutlook
amongthepeople,particularlyamongtheyouth,anditslong-termgoalremainsthe
fullrealizationofsocialistideals(Huang2003:9;Yang2012).
Religion–asatypeofsocialorganization49–isnowmanagedaccordingtoanewly
articulatedMarxisminwhichrevolutionaryvocabularylike‘communism’and‘class
struggle’havebeenreplacedwithphraseslike‘harmonioussocialistsociety’and‘the
advancednatureoftheChineseCommunistParty’(Yü2013:92).Religions,
particularlyBuddhismwithitsrationalandethicaltenors,areseenaspotential
civilizingagentstowardsthestate’sgoalofa‘SocialistSpiritualCivilization’(Ch.
shehuizhuyijingshenwenming)toparalleltherampant‘materialcivilization’
unfoldinginthepost-reformera50(Cooke2009:142,146,n1).
48ThoughaccordingtoYang,whatconstitutes‘normalreligiousactivities’isundefinedandoftendecidedbyincumbentadministrators(Yang2012:75).49InChinareligiousorganizationsareregisteredassocialorganizationswiththeMinistryofCivilAffairs(Cooke2009:138).50Formuchofthepost-Maoeratheideaof‘twocivilizations’(Ch.lianggewenming)–materialandspiritual–hasframedtheCCP’snarrativeinpromotingitsgoalofbalancedeconomicandmoraldevelopment(Dynon2008:84).
41
‘DeveloptheWest’:forcefuleconomicdevelopmentoftheTibetanPlateau
Aforcefuldriveforeconomicdevelopmentisthestate’sfirstprincipletowards
achievingaharmonioussocialistsociety,andoftenseemstobethestate’ssole
solutionforthevariousproblemsitfaces(Gaerrang2012:59).Thisisevidentinthe
outcomesofthreemajorgovernmentalforumsrelevanttoTibetanaffairsin2010
and2011thataddressedpoliticalstability,economicdisparityandecologicalsecurity
respectively51.Thoughtheissuesaddressedinthethreeforumsweredifferentand
distinct,thesolutiondeterminedbyeachforumwasthesame:intensifiedeconomic
reformsinChina’swesternregions(Gaerrang2012:60).ForTibetansasanethnic
minoritylivinginChina’sWest,thishasmeantassimilationalongacourseofrapid
economicmodernisationthroughChina’s‘DeveloptheWest’campaign(Ch.xibuda
kaifa).Thecampaignwaslaunchedin2000toreduceagrowingeconomicdivide
betweenChina’scoastalandwesternregions,andhasbeenpropelledbythewealth
ofnaturalresourcesontheTibetanPlateauandthetransnationalrailwayintoLhasa
thatwascompletedin2006.
AlargepartoftheDeveloptheWestcampaignhasbeentheresettlementofTibetan
nomadsinurbancentres,aswellasfencinginpastoralareaswhereTibetannomads
remain(Gaerrang2012;Harwood2009:70-71).IntheeyesoftheCCP’smodernist
vision,Tibetanfarmersandnomadswiththeirstoneandyakdunghousesare
backwardsandpitiable.In2005thePartychiefoftheTAR,ZhangQingli,touredthe
TibetanPlateauandreportedthatthehousesoflocalfarmersandherdsmenhad
shockedhimthemost.“Youcanseethestarsfrominsidemanyhouses,”saidZhang.
Hededicatedhimselftoimprovingthelivesoflocalpeoplebyintensifying
resettlementinitiativesthathadbeguninthe1990s.Thenomadiclifestyleis
generallydeemedathreattotheenvironmentandtothestate’splansforsocialand
economicdevelopment.ResettlementpolicieswerereinforcedinMarch2006with
theNationalPeople’sCongress’planstobuilda‘NewSocialistCountryside’(Ch.
shehuizhuyixinnong-cunjianshe),ainitiativeofinnovationsinruralsystemsto
51TheFifthForumonWorkinTibet,January2010;aforumontheOpenuptheWestCampaign,July2010;andtheNationalConferenceonPastoralRegions,August2011.
42
bringabouta“rapidandsignificantchangeintheoverallappearanceofthe
countryside”(Jiabao2006).
ReliablestatisticsonTibet’snomadsareelusiveandpoliciesconcerningthemseem
tovarybetweenregionsandlevelsofbureaucracy(Gaerrang,personal
communication,July2015).Oneindependentresearcherconcludedthatatleasttwo
millionTibetannomadswereresettledby2014(’Phrinlas2014).Thesame
researcherstatesthatinQinghaiProvince,wherepastoralismwasthepredominant
traditionallivelihooduntilthe1960s,uptoninetypercentofnomadicfamilieshad
beenresettledinpermanenthousingprojectsmodelledaccordingtoprecise
governmentstandardsby2014(’Phrinlas2014).InNangchen,eachconcretehouse
iseightysquarefeetandsharesawaterpumpwithseveralotherhousesinarow;
mostofthesettlementsareconcentratednearvillageortowncentresandhavea
primaryschool.Thegovernment’soverarchingexplanationforitsresettlement
policiesis‘helpingTibet’.Tibetansarepromisedbetterlivingconditions,education
andcooperativehealthcareinurbanizingsettlements,aswellasgovernment
supporttomakearapidtransitiontoChina’smarketeconomy(Gaerrang2012).
ThisbillboardinEasternTibetpromotinghousingresettlementsstates:“Buildabetterhome,enjoyahappylife”.Credit:TseringWoeser,2011.
43
Sincethe1980sthegovernmenthasalsoconsistentlyclaimedenvironmental
preservationasareasonforresettlingnomads,arguingthatover-grazinghas
degradedthegrasslands.Thoughthereisconsensusamongscientiststhat
environmentaldegradationofthegrasslandsisincreasing(Gruschke2008:8),some
ecologistsclaimthatdepletionofthegrasslandsisduetotherecenteffectsof
climatechangeandfencingpolicies,andthatpastoralismhasinfactpreservedthe
grasslands’healthoverthecenturies(Miller&Sheehy2008).
ItisdifficulttopredicttowhatextentTibetanpastoralismmightsurviveinthelong
run.IhaverecentlyheardofTibetanex-nomadsinQinghaiandSichuanreturningto
nomadiclifeafterfindingitinerantconstructionworkintownsmoredifficult,
insecureandlow-paying.Atthesametime,theCCP’sNationalConferenceon
PastoralRegionsin2011decidedthatecologicalstabilityofWesternChina’spastoral
areasistobeachievedbytransformingpastoralproductionintomoreintensified
livestockindustrialization,andpastoralistsintourbanizedmarketactors(Gaerrang
2012:60).Whatisclearisthatremaininganunwashedyakherderinunfixedareas
oftheTibetanPlateauisnotseenbytheCCPasaviablefuturelivelihoodfor
Tibetans.
Atypical-lookingTibetanhousingresettlementontheTibetanPlateau.Credit:www.rukor.org.
Theerosionofahigh-altitudevaluesystem
InaperfectexampleofJamesC.Scott’snotionofhighmodernism,theCCPisusing
itsstatepowerstoreshapesocietyinordertomaximizeproduction,confidentthat
thiswillimprovethehumancondition(Scott1998).Butthisdrastictransformation
oftheTibetaneconomy–fromhighaltitudepasturesandsustainableagricultureto
44
reservation-stylehousingblocksinSinicizedtownships–presentsTibetanswith
enormouschallengesofadaptingtoaneweconomyandvaluesysteminaveryshort
periodoftime.Withoutlivestock,landandwithlittleinnovativeflairforthe
capitalistmarketplace,manyresettlednomadsnowsurviveontheprofitsfrom
tradingCordycepssinensis(dByarrtsadGun’bu,‘Summergrass,Winterworm’).
Cordycepsisamountain-growncaterpillarfungusharvestedbyTibetansinMayand
JuneandsoldprimarilytoChinesecustomersasanenergytonic.Thehighdemand
andpriceofCordycepsfungushasmadeitstradeamainstayofruralTibetanfamily
incomes.FormanyTibetanfamiliesinQinghaiprovinceCordycepstradeisthesole
sourceoftheiryearlyincome(Winkler2008;Traga,personalcommunication,July
2016).
TheresettlementofTibetannomadsunderminestheirtraditionalearth-based
livelihoodsthatformillenniasupportedTibet’scontemplative,visionaryculture52.
ThenomadicwayoflifehasbeenadefiningfeatureofBuddhistlifeinEasternTibet
andallowedforthenomadicreligiousencampments(chossgar)ofgreatmasterslike
rTogsldanShakyaShriandAkhyugRinpoche,andthehigh-altitudeeconomy
supportingyogicpractitioners.PreviouslyTibetannomadsandfarmersoffered
regularfoodsupplieslikeroastedbarleyflour(tshampa),meatanddairyproducts
tomonasteriesandhermitagesasamatterofreligiousdevotion.Theseofferings
madecommitmenttolongtermyogicpracticeaviablewayoflifewithstrong
communitysupport.Highlandnomadsandfarmerswereinturnsustainedintheir
religiousandmundanelivesbytherituals,blessingsandcounselofthe
practitioners53.Today,asthetraditionalfoodsourceisnolongerforthcomingfrom
Tibetanfamilies,dgonpaareforcedtoformconnectionswithtownsandrelyon
alternativesourcesofsupportviathemodernmarket.Headlamasandmonksof
TibetandgonpanowtravelthroughoutChinaandabroadtofundraisefortheneeds
oftheirmonksandnuns.GadchagsdGonpaisoneexampleofthis:bytheyear2000
52Visionsofmountaingods,spiritsanddeitieswerenotuncommonamongordainedandlayTibetans(theyarenarratedinmostrnamthar).Moreover,suchvisionswereoftentakenseriouslybyTibetancommunitieswhenreported.53Religiouspractitionerscontributedtosocialwelfarethroughmentalandphysicalhealing,conflictresolutionandguidingethicalconduct.
45
manynunswerenolongerabletoprocureadequatefoodsuppliesfromtheir
parentsorsiblingsontheirseasonalalmsrounds,andsincethentheyhavereliedon
oneoftheirmalelamastofundraisefortheirdailymeals.
AnotherthrustoftheDeveloptheWestcampaign,andasalientfactorbehind
transformationsofTibet’scontemplativeculture,isnationwidecompulsorynine-
yeareducationforallschool-agechildren(Harwood2009:71;Zhang&Zhao2006:
262-63).Althoughthestatewasinitiallychallengedtoimplementthiseducational
systemwithunregisteredTibetanchildrenlivinginhard-to-reachpastoralareas,
todayithassucceededsothatnearlyninetypercentofchildreninNangchen
Countyattendimpressiveprimaryandsecondaryschoolfacilitiesintownsand
villages(Kolas&Thowsen2005:120).Chineseisthemainlanguageofinstructionin
stateschoolsandallsubjectsaresecular.Tibetanlanguageisabranchsubjectand
thereisverylittleinstructioninTibetanreligiouscultureorhistory54(Goldstein&
Kapstein1998:3).Thecoreeducationalgoalofthestatecurriculumistoconsolidate
TibetansasanethnicminoritywithinanationalunityofChina,andtoelevatethem
culturallythroughscientific,socialistvaluesandeconomicdevelopment(Kolas&
Thowsen2005:93).ThusthemajorityofTibetanyoutharenowstreamedinan
educationsystemthatservesthestate’sdevelopmentagenda:thatofshaping
Chinesecitizensasrationalmarketactorswhoprioritizematerialdevelopmentand
commodityproduction(Gaerrang2012).
Whetherornot,withthedeeplyingrainedBuddhistcultureoftheirhomelives,the
currentgenerationofchildrensubscribetothesentimentsofstateeducation,
Tibetanlanguageandreligionisseenashavinglittlepracticalusewhenitcomesto
survivinginthefastgrowingmarketeconomyofurbanChina.Themomentumofthe
country’seducationsystemandindustrial-strengthdevelopmentissteeringyoung
54AlthoughtherehavebeenperiodiceffortstostrengthenTibetanlanguageinprimaryandsecondaryschoolcurricula,theyhavenothelduptotheimmensedemandforChineseasthelanguageneededtosucceedeconomicallyintoday’sChina.InKapstein’spre-2004fieldworkhecommonlyheardBeijingofficialsexpressadevaluingofTibetanlanguageasbeingunsuitedforthetasksofmodernscience,technologyandbusiness.HeheardsimilarsentimentsfromTibetansintheTAR(Kapstein2004:248).
46
Tibetanstowardscitylifewithallthetechnologicaltrimmingsthataccompany
modernityanddistractthemind.
TibetanBuddhistresurgenceanddomestictourism
Despitestateregulationofreligion,includingaminimumageformonastic
ordination55andlimitationsonthepopulationsofmonasteries,aTibetanBuddhist
revivalhastakenplaceinEasternTibetsincethe1980s(Cabezon2008).A
surprisinglylargenumberofordainedTibetansarelivinginmonasticcentres
throughoutKhamsandAmdo,resumingtheirpositionasthecentralpillarofTibetan
religiouscultureandliteraryproduction(McMahan2012:95)Thisrevivalhas
unfoldedwithinanincreasinglyopenculturalsceneinChinasothatTibetan-
languagepublications,educationandpreservationofculturalrelicshavedeveloped
aspartofit(Kapstein2004:242).Kapsteinreportedin2004thatoveronehundred
thousandTibetanBuddhistmonksandnunshadordainedinChina,nearingthetotal
Tibetanpopulationinexile56(Kapstein2004:230).
Toagreatextentthisrevivalistestimonytotheresilienceanddevotionofthe
Tibetanpeoplewhohaverecoveredtheirreligiousculturedespitehavinglostnearly
allofitsphysicalrepresentationsandseveralgenerationsofqualifiedlamasduring
theMaoistera.Inthefirsttwodecadesofpost-MaoreformsmanyTibetans
contributedthelion’sshareoftheirincomeandlabourtoreconstructtheir
monasteriesandtemples.NowadaysthebulkoffinancialsupportforTibetan
religiousstructuresinChinacomefromHanChinese(mainlandanddiasporic),afast
growingnumberofwhomareparticipatinginTibetanBuddhismasstudentsand
patrons.WithChineseMahāyāna’sforemostprincipleofoffering(Ch.gongyang)to
55age1856OfficialfiguresonBuddhistmonasticpopulationsindicatethatamonasticrevivalhasoccurredfarmoreinTibetanBuddhismthaninChineseMahayānaandotherBuddhisttraditionsinChina(Kapstein2004:264,n.3).KaptseinalsonotesthatmonasticcollegeslikeŚriSinghaandrDzogscheninKhamshaveofferedclassesinChineseandmathematicstoyoungmonkswhosefamiliesnowvaluepubliceducation.Asthetraditionaleducators,monasteriespickeduptheslackuntilthenewstateschoolsystemreachedallTibetanareas(Kapstein2004:248-249).Thisexplainssomeofthenumbersofmonksfromthe1980stoearly2000s.
47
thesaṅghaasawayofamassingwealth-creatingmerit(Ch.fubao),Chinese
BuddhistsareavidpatronsofTibetanlamasanddgonpa.Inawaythisplaysoutthe
age-oldpatron-preceptorrelationshipbetweenChinaandTibetthathasexisted
sincetheYuandynasty–thoughnowthepatronisthepopulationandnotthe
government.
Atypical-lookingnewlyconstructedmonasticcollegeinEasternTibet.Credit:GuiLingGan,2015.
AsignificantnumberofmainlandChinesehaveordainedatmajorTibetan
monasteries,likebLarungsGarandYachensGarinSichuan,whilelayChinese
BuddhistsregularlyinviteTibetanlamas,doctorsandartisanstoChina’scoastal
citiestoshareteachingsandculturalpractices.TheTibetanBuddhistrevivalisinfact
partofamuchbroaderresurgenceofreligiousinclinationthroughoutChina.In
anomalouswaysthisresurgenceisinvigoratedbythestate’spromotionofdomestic
tourismasasourceofrevenueandasawaytoassertitscontroloverreligious
matters(Kolas2008;Makley2010;OakesandSutton2010:21).Colourfullyethnic
nationalities(Ch.minzu)57areadvertisedintheinterestsofdomestictourism,and
Tibet,withitssacredcultureandpristinenature,isoneofthemostalluring
destinations.
57Tibetansareoneoffifty-six‘nationalities’(Ch.minzu)thatconstitutethemulti-ethnicPRC.
48
ThousandsofnewlyrichHantouristsfromChina’ssprawlingcities–manywith
Tibetangurus–vacationtotheTibetanplateauinsummermonthsforrespitefrom
thepollutionandstressesofindustrialcitylife.Tibetanditsculturalparaphernalia
arebecomingcommodifiedontheChinesemarket,muchinthesamewaythat
IndianyogaandBuddhastatuesaresoldfortherapeuticvalueintheWest.Ashopat
theChengduairportinJuly2015calledPeaceofMindandstaffedbyfemaleHan
clerkswearingTibetantraditionaldressessellsallthingsTibetan–fromthangkas
andprayer-wheelstodriedyak-meat.Tibetanmineralwater‘bottledatthesource’
ismarketedasholyspringwater.Integratingreligionsintoeconomicdevelopmentis
oneofthestate’smainwaysofmanagingreligionasacontributingforcetowards
CCPgoals(Gaerrang2013:114).Commercializationofreligionsandethniccultures
throughthetourismindustrybringsveryhighreturns:domesticspendingontourism
in2007wasmorethan1.2billionyuan(Oakes&Sutton2010).
bLarungsGarmkhanpoandtheirmovementsforeducationalandethicalreforms
InthelasttenyearstheresurgenceofBuddhisminEasternTibetispredominantly
takingplacethroughthemediumofmonasticcolleges.Agrowingnumberofdgon
paareadoptingmoresystemizedscholasticcurricula,manyoftheminfluencedby
themonasticcollegeofbLarungsGarFiveSciencesBuddhistAcademy(bLarung
sGarlNgarigNangbstansLobgling,hereafterbLarungsGar),locatedingSerrta
CountyofdKarmdzesPrefecture,SichuanProvince(northernKhams)58.Witha
populationofwellover10,000monksandnuns59,bLarungsGaristhelargest
BuddhistinstitutionontheTibetanplateauandthefocalpointoftheTibetan
Buddhistrevival.Itsmagnitudeandhighintellectualandethicalstandardshave
58Anothermajormonasticcollegere-establishedsincethe1980sisbLabrangMonasteryinAmdo(GansuProvince).Foundedintheearly18thcentury,bLabranghasbeenknownasthegreatestcentreofdGelugspalearningandauthorityinnortheasternTibet.bLabranghasstronglyfiguredinrelationsbetweenTibetan,MongolandChinesegovernmentssincetheQingdynasty(Kapstein2004:250).59Reportsofthepopulationvaryconsiderably.On17October2015theSydneyMorningHeraldreportedanestimated50,000monasticslivingatbLarungsGar.
49
incrediblyfar-reachinginfluenceonthemindsofTibetansacrosstheTibetan
Plateau,fromdietandlivelihoodtoculturalidentity.
bLarungsGarwasformallyestablishedin1987byKhenpoJigmePhuntsokwiththe
assistanceoftheTenthPanchenLama,aspartoftheireffortstorehabilitatetheir
religionafterthecorruptionsundergoneduringtheMaoistera,andwiththevision
thatTibetanBuddhismshouldspreadtoHanareas(Germano1998;Osburg2013).
KhenpoJigmePhuntsok’slifelongemphasisonpuremonasticdisciplineandhis
revelationofnumerousgtermaplayedextremelyimportantrolesininspiring
Tibetansintherevitalizationoftheirreligion(Germano1998;Sodargye2015).
KhenpoJigmePhuntsokhadevadedcapturebyChineseauthoritiesduringthe
CulturalRevolutionandspentthatdecademeditatingandcomposingBuddhist
commentariesinremotevalleysofgSerrta.In1980bLarungsGarfirstformedasa
chossgar–aninformalcommunityofdisciplesgatheredaroundKhenpoJigme
PhuntsokforVajrayānateachingsandcontemplatepractice.(Thesitehadlongbeen
celebratedasthemountainhermitageofa19thcenturygterstonandasafavoured
retreatplaceformanyyogins.)AsthenumberofdisciplesresidingatbLarungsGar
quicklyswelled–by1986thereweremorethansixthousand–KhenpoJigme
PhuntsokdevelopedanintensiveBuddhistcurriculumofstudy,meditationand
debate.KhenpoJigmePhuntsokwasthefirstlamainmodernTibettosuccessfully
establishamajorcentreofTibetanBuddhistlearning,andbLarungsGaris
celebratedashismonumentalachievement(Terrone2013).TherolethatbLarung
sGarhasplayedintheTibetanBuddhistrevivalcannotbeoverstated.
Today,besidesbeinganecumenicalinstituteopentofollowersofallTibetan
Buddhistschools,bLarungsGarisunusualinthathalfofitsstudentsarenuns
studyingthesamecurriculumasmonks.Whileacademicstudieshavebeenoffered
innunneriesofIndiaandNepaloverthelastthreedecades,theseexilednunneries
havebeenexposedtomodernityandtothefeministinfluenceofparticipating
WesternandTaiwaneseBuddhistwomensincethe1960s.bLarungsGarwasa
trailblazerinTibetbyadmittingwomentoitscurriculumfromthe1980swhen
Tibet’sencounterwithmodernitywasstillnascent.ItisalsothefirstBuddhist
50
collegeinTibetanhistorytosystematicallygrantthetitleofmkhanmo(Buddhist
nun-scholar)tonunsoncompletionoftheirstudies.AnotherunusualelementofbLa
rungsGaristhelargenumberofethnicHanmonksandnunsattendingclasses
taughtinChineselanguage.
bLarungsGarFiveSciencesBuddhistAcademyindKarmdzesPrefecture,Sichuan(Khams).Credit:DailyMail,19April2015.
Furtherafield,tensofthousandsoflayChinesearoundtheworldstudyclassical
TibetanBuddhistteachingsviaonlinecoursestaughtinChinesebybLarungsGar’s
seniormkhanpo60.InteachingChineselaypeoplethemkhanpo’semphasisisnoton
chantingsūtrasandmakingofferings,butonstudyofclassicalMahāyānatreatises
likeBodhisattvacaryāvatāraandAbhisamayālaṅkāra.Otherpopularthemesinthe
mkhanpos’andotherTibetanlamas’teachingsandactivitieswithChinesefollowers
arevegetarianism,savingthelivesofanimals(tshethar;Ch.fang-sheng)andethical
precepts.ThesethemesaccordwiththevaluestraditionallyespousedinChinese
MahāyānaBuddhism,andinthepasthavenotbeenasstronglyemphasizedin
BuddhismamongTibetans.Itispossiblethatanemphasisonthesethemesis
60Seeforexamplehttp://www.zhibeifw.com/cn/
51
necessaryforTibetanlamastoestablishreputabilityandcommongroundwithnew
Chineseaudiences61.
AtbLarungsGarAcademythemonasticcurriculumcomprisesclassicBuddhisttexts
ofsūtraandtantra,specializingincommentariesoftherNyingmaandbKa’brgyud
schools,aswellassecularsubjectslikegrammar,medicine,artsandcomputer
science(Sodargye2015).TodatebLarungsGarhasproducedmorethanathousand
qualifiedmkhanpoandmkhanmo,manyofwhomnowteachatothermonasteries
andDharmacentresthroughoutTibet,China,IndiaandtheWest.(Thoughfemale
teachersaregenerallylesswellreceivedbywiderTibetanandChinesesociety.)
Perhapsthemostwell-knownofbLarungsGar’sleadingteacherstodayareKhenpo
Sodargye(mKhanpobSodDarrgyas)andKhenpoTsultrimLodrö(mKhanpoTshul
khrimsbLogros).BesideshavingmassivefollowingsofHanChinesestudents,these
twoteachershavebothtravelledtomajoruniversitiesinAsia,Europe,North
AmericaandAustraliagivinglecturesontheimportanceofBuddhiststudyto
worldwideaudiences.KhenpoSodargye’sbookAScientificTreatiseonBuddhismin
ChineselanguageisapopularhandbookofChineseBuddhists,asisKhenpoTsultrim
Lodrö’sFromBelieverstoBodhisattvas.Bothofthesebooksemphasizetheclose
bondsthatBuddhismshareswithscienceandexhortthelayBuddhistcommunityto
becomeeducatedinBuddhistphilosophy.
InTibetanpastoralareastheinfluenceofbLarungsGarmkhanpoiswidespread
throughreformmovementsaimingtostrengthenethicalconduct,educationand
purityofspokenTibetanlanguage(Gaerrang2012).In2000KhenpoJigmePhuntsok
launchedamovementagainsttheslaughterofanimalsamongEastTibetan
pastoralists.ThiswasinresponsetothemassslaughteringofTibetanlivestockthat
beganafterChina’smarketopenedtothecommercialsaleofTibetanyakmeat.This
movement,nowcarriedbyotherbLarungsGarmkhanpo,promotestheupholding
oftenBuddhistpreceptsthatprohibitsellinglivestockforslaughter,gambling,61OnemaywonderifKhenpoJigmePhuntsok’slifelongadherencetomonasticvows,despitebeingagterston,wastoaidhismissionofspreadingTibetanBuddhismamongHanChinese.gTermarevelationsareusuallysaidtorequiretheassemblageofparticularconditions,includingthegterston’srelianceonsexualyogawithaprophesizedconsort(Jacoby2007:85).
52
visitingprostitutesandothermisconductsthatspoiltheintegrityoftheTibetan
character(Gaerrang2012;Gayley2013).Alongwiththeseprecepts,which
incidentallywerenewlyformulatedatbLarungsGar,vegetarianismisstrongly
encouragedbythemkhanpoandarguedforonthebasisofBuddhistscriptures.
Wholetownsandvillageshavejoinedthismonastic-drivenethicalmovementand
takensomeorallofthetenpreceptsforaperiodofthreeyearsorlonger(Gaerrang
2012:4).Manypastoralists,however,findthetensionbetweeneconomicnecessity
andtheBuddhistanti-slaughterpreceptirreconcilableandchoosenottorenewthe
preceptsafterathree-yearperiod(Gaerrang2012;Gayley2013:281).
Hand-in-handwiththeseethicalreformsisanilliteracy-eradicationmovement
instigatedbybLarungsGar’smkhanpo.Monk-teachersaredispatchedto
communitiesthroughoutEasternTibettoteachTibetanlanguageandBuddhismto
schoolchildrenandilliterateherdersrequestingtheirinstruction(Gaerrang2012).
EducationisrecognizedbybLarungsGar’smkhanpoasatoppriorityforthefuture
ofTibetansinthe21stcentury,andTibetansareencouragedbythemtoavailthe
neweducationalandeconomicopportunitiesindevelopingurbancentres.Itis
noteworthythatuntilthe1980stheonlyTibetaneducationsystemexistedin
monasteries.ThemkhanpoarethereforeconcernedthattheTibetanlaityare
educatedintheirreligiousculturalheritageinordertoassistinitspreservation.At
thesametimethemkhanpoareconcernedthatTibetanyouthareequippedfor
survivalinaChinesecapitalistsocietythatismodernizingatbreakneckspeed.
KhenpoTsultrimLodröhassaid“educationisTibetanBuddhism…achangethat
mustbemadeintheTibetanherders’meansofmakingaliving”(Gaerrang2012:
248).
AsleadingspokespeopleinTibetansocietyonreligiousculture,Tibet’smkhanpo
andotherteachersaimtosteertheirsocietythroughthecurrentfluxofdrastic
socioeconomicchangesonapaththatensuresmaterialdevelopmentiscongruent
withBuddhistvalues(Gayley2013:282).Theyareridingthebullofstate-driven
modernisationbypresentingTibetanBuddhismasanethicallyexemplary,scientific
53
alternativetostringentideologicalbeliefinMarxismandtherampantmaterialism
thatthreatensChinesesociety(Yü2013:139).
Theinfluxofmonasticcollegesandthe‘newintellect’(riggsar)inEasternTibet
Insideandoutsideofthemonasteriesanewethosofliteracyandcriticalthoughtis
beingadvocatedbyyoungTibetanswhohaveaccesstoformal,secularized
educationforthefirsttime.Thisisespeciallypronouncedinthenumberoflay
Tibetanspublishingbooksonpolitics,sociologyandothersecularthemes,aswellas
writers’groups,websitesandblogsdedicatedtosharingviewsandliterary
compositions.AradicalexampleisacontemporarygroupoflayTibetanintellectuals
inChinacalledtheNewSchoolofThoughtwhowriteinTibetanandChinese
languageabouttheneedforinternalreformandchangeinTibetantraditions.
PerhapsthemostextremeofthesemodernTibetanintellectualsisZhogsdung
(a.k.a.bKrargyal),whoarguedina1999newsforumthatTibetansshould
disassociatefromtraditionalBuddhistlearninginordertoovercometheirpresent
colonisedcondition(JamyangKyi2010;Yü2013b;Zhogsdung2001).Thegeneral
moodamongTibetansseesthe21stcenturyasanageofreason,andcritical
intelligencehasbeenelevatedtonewprominenceinthelearningcultureof
contemporaryTibetansociety,bothinChinaandinexile.Thisisreflectedbythenew
prevalenceofwordsincolloquialTibetanlike‘reasonedunderstanding’(rtogssad),
whichissometimesjuxtaposedwith‘blindfaith’(rmongsdad),and‘newbrain’(klad
pagsarpa)whichreferstoeducated,scepticalthinkers.
Inmonasteriesandnunneries,themodernimportanceofrationalityisseenina
strongadvocacytomarrylearning(shespa)withpractice(sgrubpa)atalltimesin
Buddhisttraining.Leadingmastersofthe19thcenturyRismedmovement,
renownedas‘lamaspossessingknowledgeandyogicrealization’(shessgrubgnyi
ldangyiblama),arethedirectinspirationforbLarungsGarmkhanpoandother
lamasinEasternTibettoday.Theirstudy-with-practiceidealisbeingstrongly
advocatedbyteachersandbythegeneralpopulationofmonksandnunsengagedin
scholasticcurricula.Whilethisidealisbeingvoiced,theformitistakingunder
54
numerouspoliticalandsocio-economicinfluencesisapopulationshiftofmonksand
nunsfromlong-termretreatcentrestoclassrooms.
Interestingly,severaloftoday’smostpopulatedmonasticcentres,likebLarungsGar
andYachensGar,hadfirstestablishedthemselvesaschossgar(‘Dharma
encampment’)inthelate1980s.Chossgarweretraditionallymeditation
communitiesratherthanmonasticinstitutionsthatsometimesmigratedwiththe
seasonsorthemovementsofthecommunity’sguru.TurekandTerronehave
assertedthatanincreaseinchossgarandsgrubgrwa(retreatcentres)inthepost-
1980srevivalwasbecausetheirlessorganizedenrolmentandcurricularstructure
madethemlesssusceptibletostateinterventionandscrutinythanmonasteries
(Terrone2009:81-84;Turek2013:89-90).Whilethiswasthecasefromthelate
1980stoearly2000s,inthelasttenyearsseveralofthesecommunitieshave
evolvedintobshadgrwa(monasticcollege)orstudycentreswithlargebasesof
Chinesefollowersandpatrons.Theynolongerfitthetraditionaldescriptionofchos
sgarandsgrubgrwaascentresformeditationtraining.bLarungsGarisanobvious
exampleofthis,aswellasseveralofGadchags’slargerbranchdgonpainNangchen
likeRayaandBragnang.YachensGartodayremainsprimarilyacentrefor
Dzogchentrainingandisadestinationformonksandnunsofotherdgonpain
EasternTibettoobtainmeditationteachingsonaseasonalbasis(ontopofitssteady
populationofseveralthousandmonastics).InthelastfewyearsatYachen,
however,whatusedtobeasolecurriculumofcontemplativepracticehasdeveloped
apart-timestudyprogramtaughtbybLarungsGarmkhanpoandmkhanmo(dBang
dragRinpoche,personalcommunication,July2015).
ScholasticlearninghasalwaysbeenastrongstreaminTibetanBuddhisttraining,
whichisinlargepartbasedonthephilosophicalscripturaltraditionsofNālandā
University.ItiscentralinthedGelugsschool,whereadgebshesdegree(nominally
equivalenttomkhanpointheSaskya,bKa’brgyudandrNyingmaschools)entailsat
leastfifteenyearsofdialecticalstudy.TheSaskyalineagehasalsolongbeen
identifiedasascholastictraditionwithitsillustriousscholarsandhistorians,likeSa-
skyaPandita(1182-1251)andGoramspa(1429-1489).rNyingmaandbKa’brgyud
55
lineageshavealsohadtheirfairshareofmaster-scholars,notablyduringtheRismed
erainfigureslike’JamdbyangmKyenbrtsedBangpo(1820-1892)and’JuMipham
(1846-1912),andalsoinearliertimesinmasterslike’BrugchenPadmadKarpo
(1527-1592)andkLongchenpa(1308-1364).
Alongwithscholasticlearning,scholasticrevivalshavealsoplayeddefiningand
recurringrolesinthehistoryofTibetanBuddhism.Samuelhasdescribedtheseries
ofsynthesesandreactionsbetweenwhatheterms‘clerical’and‘shamanic’
approachesinTibetanBuddhism(whatIwouldlooselycomparetoscholasticand
yogicapproaches).ClericaldevelopmentssuchasaspectsoftheNewTranslation
period(gSarbsgyur,10th-12thcenturies)andthefoundingofthedGelugsschool
attemptedrationalizedsynthesesoftheBuddha’steachingsbasedongraduated
monasticcurricula(Samuel1993:504)62.Therecentincreaseofmonasticcollegesin
thedgonpaofEasternTibet(manyofwhichtraditionallyfavouredtheshamanic
approach)mayresemblesuchearlierpatternsofscholasticrevival.However,beyond
anincreaseofstudyprogramssomerecentdevelopmentsinthedgonpaofEastern
Tibetseemnewanddivergent.Inparticular,attitudesofscepticismandamore
systematic,degree-orientedapproachtostudyseemoutofstepwithtraditional
Tibetanpatternsofscholarshipanditsrelationtopractice.
Inpre-CommunistEasternTibetamkhanpodegreewasrarelybestowedandwas
considerablymoredifficulttoacquirethanitistoday63.Thedegreewasnottheend
resultofastandardcurriculum,butwasgiventoamonkwhooverdecadeshad
provenhisdeepknowledgeofBuddhistphilosophy,alongwithaltruisticmoral
conductandspiritualrealizationcultivatedthroughextendedperiodsofretreat.64
bShadgrwa(monasticcolleges)werebynomeansthestandardmodelofmost
62SamuelrepeatedlypointsoutthatclericalpatternsinTibetalsoinvolvedshamanicelements,asinthefigureofTsongkhapa(1357-1419)whoseacademicworkswereinspiredbyvisionsoftantricdeities(Samuel1993:499,507).63Thetitlemkhanpotraditionallyreferredtoapreceptorwhoimpartedmonks’vows.Onlymonkshighlyaccomplishedinscholarshipandconduct,i.e.mkhanpo,wouldbestowPrātimokṣavowstonewmonks.64Forexamples,mKhanpogZhandga’(1871-1927)andmKhanpoNgagga(1879-1941).SeealsoKhenpoNgawangPalzang’sautobiography,WondrousDanceofIllusion(Ngawang2013).
56
monasteriesinpre-CommunistEasternTibet.FamousbshadgrwalikerDzonggsar
andŚriSinghainsDedge,Khams,establishedduringtheRismedmovementinthe
19thcentury,werefewandfarbetweenandservedasmajorscholasticcentresfor
monkscomingfromallpartsoftheTibetanPlateau.Outsideofthesebshadgrwa
mostrNyingmaandbKa’brgyudmonkswhoengagedinstudiesdidsoinsmall
groupsaroundateacherwhospecializedinaparticularsubject,sometimesfor
years.Theywouldthenproceedtoanotherteacherorretreatareatodeepentheir
knowledge65(rDorDzongRinpoche,personalcommunication,2014).
Todayanine-yearbshadgrwacurriculumisstandardinalmostallbKa’brgyud,Sa
skyaandrNyingmamonasteriesinIndiaandNepal.Atypicaldailyscheduleofstudy
inabshadgrwastartswithamorningclassonthemaintexttaughtbyamkhanpo,
followedbyaclassonabranchsubjectoflanguageorintroductorytopics.After
lunchthereisarevisionclassonthemaintext,andthendebateintheevening
(Pearcey2015:452).ThemaintextsstudiedinabshadgrwaareTibetan
commentarialwritingsonthe‘thirteengreattexts’(gzhungchenbcugsum),which
areIndianśāstracommentariesonthesubjectsofVinaya,Abhidharmaand
Madhyamaka(Pearcey2015:453)66.Throughoutthecurriculummonasticstudents
areassessedinmemorization,debateandwrittenexamination.Uponsuccessful
completionofthecurriculumamonkornunisgiventhedegreeofslobdpon
(female:slobdponma;Skt.ācārya)ormkhanpo(female:mkhanmo)67,depending
onone’steachingexperienceandmoralconduct.
65AccountsarealsocommonofTibetanmasterswhohavingclearedkarmicblockagesintheirpsychicchannelsthroughyogicpracticewereabletowriteextensivecommentariesonarcaneBuddhistscriptures,withminimalformalstudyofthem.ThisissaidofthefounderofGadchagsdGonpa,TshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho,whocomposedlargevolumesofcommentaryontheGuhyagarbhaTantra(rGyudgSangbasNyingpo)andothertantrictexts(rDorje1997).Morerecentexamplesare’KhrulzhigAldeuRinpoche(1931-2007)andKhangsarbsTenpa’idBangphyug(1938-2014).66Foramoredetailedoverviewofnon-dGelugsbshadgrwacurriculaandtheirbackground,seePearcey(2015).67Thisisprimarilythecasefornun-scholarsatbLarungsGarinEasternTibet.InbshadgrwainIndianunsmaybecomeslobdponma,butnotmkhanmo.ThisisbecauseTibetantraditionsofardoesnotofferdgeslongma(Skt.bhikṣuṇī)ordinationfornuns,andwithoutitoneistechnicallynotpermittedtostudytheVinaya.WithoutfullstudyofVinaya,administratorsofbshadgrwainIndiaconsiderthatamkhanmodegreecannotbeissued.
57
Suchanine-yearbshadgrwacurriculumwasdevisedinTibetanmonasteriesinexile
after1960,perhapsshapedtosomedegreebytheinfluencesofseculareducation
modelsinIndiaandNepalandthemodern-worldimportanceofdegreesand
certificates68.Asachossgar,bLarungsGar’sstudyprogramdidnotinitiallyentaila
fixednumberofyears.Since2011,however,bLarungsGarhasdeterminedafifteen
yearcourseofstudyforamkhanpodegree,perhapsshapedundersimilarinfluences
inmodernChina(bLarungsGarmKhanpoGarab,personalcommunication,
November2015).
Thesestandardizedcurriculahaveallowedhundreds,ifnotthousands,ofrNyingma,
SaskyaandbKa’brgyudslobdponandmkhanpotograduatefromTibetanbshad
grwainChinaandinexileoverthelasttwodecades.AnelderlyNangchenlama
relayedhowinthepastmonkswhoattainedasgrubbla(‘lamaofpractice’)titleon
completionofathree-yearretreatweregiventhebestopportunitiesforperforming
ritualsandprayersinsociety,andthereforehadbetterlivelihoods.Todaythishas
changedsothatmonkswithscholarlytitlesaregivenmorepaidopportunitiesas
teachersandtutors,andasaresultmanymonksarepursuingstudyastheirmain
trainingcourse(LamadGa’ba,personalcommunication,January2016).Thisshift
towardsdegree-orientedsystematicstudy(inEasternTibetaswellasinIndiaand
Nepal)isaccompaniedbyashiftformanymonasticsawayfromextendedperiodsin
contemplativeretreat.Thechangeisnotlostoncontemporaryleadinglamaslike
DzongsarKhyentseRinpocheandKarmapaThayeDorje69whohavestrongly
exhortedtheTibetancommunitytosalvagetheirwaningmeditationtraditions.
DzongsarKhyentsesaidinearly2015:
ThesedaysinTibetthetraditionofmeditationisdeclining.[…]BeforethelineageofourlamaswascarriedbyIndianguruslikeDorjeChang,Tilopa,Virupa,Padmasambhava,Atisha,andTibetanslikeDrakpaGyaltsen,thegreat
68ThefactthatslobdponandmkhanpodegreesareoftencomparedtoMasterandDoctoratedegreesalludestothis.69IwastoldthatKarmapaThayeDorjehasrepeatedlystressedtheimportanceofpreservingTibetanBuddhistpracticetraditionsasthereligionspreadsthroughouttheworld.TheyogicaccomplishmentsofmanyTibetanpractitionershaveinspiredforeignerstopracticeTibetanBuddhism(LamadGa’ba,personalcommunication,January2016).
58
SakyamasterKungaNyingpoandsoon.Ifwe[Tibetans]continuenotmeditatingandnotpractisinglikewearenow,aftertwentyorthirtyyearsourspiritualguideswillbenamed‘Michelle’and‘David’because[Westerners]aretheonesmeditating.Weneedtobecareful!(Dzongsar2015)
AnothersymptomofmodernviewspermeatingTibetanmonasteriesisthat
nowadaysonemayencounterHimālayanmonkswhodonotbelieveinkarmaand
rebirth.In2014IencounteredthisinseveralmonksatShesrabgLing’scollegein
HimachalPradesh,India,andhaveheardthatsuchskepticismnowexists(though
rarely)inEasternTibetanmonasteries(dBangdragRinpoche,personal
communication,January2015).Inthepast,eveninthehighlydialectical
environmentof dGelugspamonasteries,rigorousphilosophicalstudywasbasedon
asecureunionoffaithandreasonandtheexistenceoftheThreeJewels,karmaand
rebirthwasrarely,ifever,questioned.70Suchskepticismisofcoursemorecommon
inmodernWesternBuddhistcircleswhere‘SecularBuddhism’hasemergedasa
fieldofitsownandpragmaticBuddhismisarguedforbyscholarslikeStephen
BatchelorandDavidKalupahana.
InNangchenbeforetheCulturalRevolutiontheonlybshadgrwawheremonks
engagedincontinuousyearsofsystematicstudyexistedatZurmangrNamrgyalrtse
monastery(A’phel,personalcommunication,July2015).Localnarrativesalsosay
thatthelastNangchenking,whoseseatwasthe’BrugpabKa’brgyudmonastery
TshesbcusGar,prohibitedextensivedialecticalstudyatthemonasteryinorderto
encourageyogicrealizationsinhismonks(dBangdragRinpoche,personal
communication,July2015).TodayinNangchentherearesixbshadgrwaand
approximatelytwentylower-levelmonasticcolleges,makingupthirty-fivepercent
ofthetotalnumberofmonasteriesandnunneriesintheregion(Traga,personal
communication,July2015).AmongGadchags’sbranchdgonpathathaveconverted
areRayadGonpa(nowabshadgrwa)andthesecondlargestnunneryafterGad
chags,bDechengLingNunnery,thatnowhasafull-timestudyprogramtaughtbya
70ForasenseofthedGelugspaintellectualatmosphere,seethePerfectionofWisdomsectionsofPabongkaRinpoche’sLiberationinthePalmofYourHandandTsongkhapa’sGreatTreatiseontheStagesofthePathtoEnlightenment(LamrimChenmo).SeealsoDreyfus’(2003)TheSoundofTwoHandsClapping.
59
residentmkhanpofrombLarungsGar.Gadchagsremainsoneofahandfulofdgon
painNangchenthathasnotdevelopedastudyprogram,anditislookeddownupon
forthisreasonbymoreprogressiveeducatedmonksandnuns.AnunfromsKyobrag
KhangnedGonpainNangchentoldme:
ThesedaysalldgonpainNangchenhavestudyandpracticejoinedtogether.ManynunmkhanmoaregraduatingwhoknowBuddhistlogic,psychologyandphilosophyverywell.NowadaysinsocietyDharmastudyisreallyimproving.Thereareafewnunnerieswhichhaveonlypracticeandnostudy.ButeverymonasteryinNangchennowhasbothbshadgrwaandpractice.Wearebettereducatedthanbefore.GadchagsisoneofthebiggestofNangchen’solddgonpa,buttheyhaveonlypractice,nostudyoflanguageorphilosophy.Itisaremotedgonpainanomadicarea;maybethatisthereason.BeforeGadchagswasconsideredanexcellentdgonpa.Whyaren’tthelamaspromotingstudyatGadchags?Somepeoplewonderthis.
GadchagsdGonpaasavestigeofNangchen’sformercontemplativeculture
WhatfollowsisanextractofaconversationbetweenaGadchagslamaandayoung
rtogsldan(‘realizedperson’,oryogin),ataremotehermitageinNangchenin
September2013.Theconversationhappenedinthepresenceoftheelderlyyogin,
PadmarDorje,whowasrespectedasthemosthighlyrealizedlivinglamaoftheGad
chagslineage,untilhisdeaththreemonthsafterthisconversation.PadmarDorje
hadmanagedtoavoidthelabourcampsoftheCulturalRevolutionandcontinuedhis
practiceinaremotecave,andwasthusarareembodimentofyogicaccomplishment
connectedtothecontemplativecultureofpre-Communistera.Theyoungrtogsldan
inthisconversationishisdiscipleandapractitioneroftheGadchagslineage.
Gadchagslama[GL]:PeoplesaythatBuddhismisgettingcleanedupinthiscountry,thatnowadaysthereshouldbenofaithwithoutstudying.rtogsldan[T]:Whatdoesitmeantopractice?Discursivethought–isitoutside,insideorinvisible?Whatistheessenceofourteachings?Wehavetounderstandthenatureofthemindandthenpractice,withtheguidanceofthelama.Whatistheessenceofmeditationexperience?Fromwheredoesrealizationarise?Weonlyfindthisoutfromthelama.Noblethoughts,negativethoughts…whatisthedifference?Ourpreviouslineagelamaswouldguideusdirectlylikethis.NowadayspeoplelearnDharmamostlyfrombooks.
60
Theydon’tunderstandtheessentialteachingofthelama,themanngag[pithoralinstructions;upadeśa].Thesedayspracticeisintrouble.GL:Nowadayssgrubchenarecriticized.Peoplesayit’smoreimportanttostudytexts.[…]Somemkhanpowhostudyemptinesstoanextremetellthelaypeoplethatdoingcircumambulations[skorba]isuseless.Circumambulationshelpthelaypeople’smindsbecauseintheirheartstheybelieveitisgood.Youmakethemdoubtthat,andthenwhatdotheyhave?Whatdoyouthink?T:Really,whatIthinkisthatweneedpractice!Thosewhosayritualpracticeisn’tnecessaryshouldlookin[Gadchags’s]scriptures,theycanseethatwithoutinnerpracticeandrelyingonayidam,it’simpossibletotakerealizationfromtheoutside.Ithinkweneedpractice-ifitistantrawe’retalkingabout.Whoeverheardoftantrawithoutpractice?Formethodofthefathertantras,wisdomofthemothertantras,thenonduallineageofessentialmeaning,thefortunatelineageofexperience…foralllevelsoftantraIthinkyouneedpractice.I’vemetafewpeoplewhosayyoudon’tneedritualpractice,thatthemainthingisstudy.Onemonksaidtome,“Whatkindofdgonpadoyouhavewithoutstudy?”Iturneditbackonhim,“Youhavestudybutnodgonpa!”...AtGadchagsdGonpapracticeisstillgood,withnunslikeJamtsenChödron71.GL:AllnearbybranchdgonpalearnfromJamtsenChödron.T:Yes,accomplishedpractitionerslikeJamtsenChödronarethewholepointofourtradition.GL:Thesedaysthisisthebiggestchallenge.[…]Youdoneedlearningandpractice.ButthosewhosaytheGadchagsnunsdon’thavelearningarewrong.Theylearnfromadirectlineageoforalteachings[nyebrgyud],theypracticetheexperientialinstructionsofpureawareness[rigpadmarkhrid].Peoplecriticizethem,saywhat’stheuseofdoingmeditationandritualpracticeifyouhaven’tstudied?It’struethatthe21stcenturyistheageofreasonandeducationisimproving.Butexperientialpracticeisdeclining,isn’tit.Inmanyplacesit’sdeclining.I’vetravelledaroundandheardfolkssayinghowtodaythereisa‘newintellect’[riggsar],andit’sthetimeforreasonandnomoreblindfaith.Theysaythenewintellectisbetterthantheoldone.Sonowwhoisfacingthechallenge?We’refacingthechallenge.IfyoulookthroughoutNangchen,thereisnobetterplacethanGadchagsdGonpa.Howisitbetter?Whenitcomestoyogicpractice.Asidefromthat,logic,analyticalreasoning,debate…theydon’thavetheseat
71Thenameofamiddle-agedGadchagsnunwhoholdsthelineage(i.e.hasmastery)ofrtsalungpractice.
61
Gadchags,tobehonest.Butwhattheydohaveisstrongfaithandpureperception,andonthebasisofthesesubtlechannelsareclearedandrealizationsarise.ThisyeartherewasadebateinNangchentownaboutBuddhistwomen.TheGadchagsnunswerethere.Someonetheresaid,“InthepastGadchagswasrenowned,butnowitisnotsogood,becausetheyhavenostudyprogram.Thosenunsenterthree-yearretreatnotknowinganything.It’sawasteoftime.”Thatkindofattitudeisourgreatestchallenge.Otherwise,alltheaspectsofthepracticelineagetaughtbyGadchags’sseniornuns-likertsalungand’khrul’khor-arestillbeingpractised,notjustformonthsbutfortheirwholelives.ThertsalunglineagewaspassedfromthelatenunPalmotoJamtsenChödron,andsheteachesatotherbranchdgonpa.RecentlyIaskedthenunsifthereareothernunsascapableofteachingasJamtsenChödron.TheyansweredthattherearemanyGadchagsnunswithherlevelofaccomplishment.Iwassohappytohearthis,IfeltthattheGadchagslineagemaybealright.
Theelderlyyogin,PadmarDorje,atthetimeoftheaboveconversation.InfrontofhimaGadchagsnunisreceivinginstructionsonthenatureofmind.PhotographedbyCaterinaDeRe,2013.WhatisnoteworthyintheserecentcriticismsofGadchagsdGonpaisthatbefore
thenunnerywasrenowned,andnowitiscriticized,yetlittlehaschangedinGad
chags’sdailylifeandpracticecurriculum.Insteadtheattitudesandprioritiesin
TibetansocietyoutsideofGadchagsdGonpahavechanged.NotsolongagoGad
chagswasreputedasahighqualitynunnery.Onenunexplainshowsheandher
62
parentsdecidedshewouldjoinGadchagsinthelate1980s:“Wediscussedhow
therearemanynewnunneriesaround,butGadchagsdGonpaisthebestofthem
withalonghistoryandpracticetradition.MyparentsstressedthatIhavetoroot
myselfatGadchagsformywholelifeandnotgetdistracted.”
InKarmaDongrubPhuntshogs’1999AHistoryofGonpainKhamGom-de
Nangchen,Gadchagsisthefirstof69dgonpawhosehistoriesarecompiledandits
photosarefeaturedatthefrontofthebook.GadchagsisalsopraisedbyTulku
UrgyenRinpocheinhis20thcenturymemoirsBlazingSplendorinanentirechapter
aboutGadchagsdGonpatitled‘TheNunneryofYoginis’.TheGadchagsnuns’
dedicationtotheirtraditionalpracticesystemisacauseoftheirpreviousrenown,
andtheGadchagscommunitythereforehasreasontoremainproudofit.As
mentionedinChapterOne,IhaverepeatedlyheardGadchags’snunsandlamas
expresstheirintentiontopreservetheoriginalformsofthenunnery’spractice
systemwithoutalteration.Thisconsciousdeterminationhasemergedgraduallyover
thelasttenyears,however,asGadchagshasbeenexposedtovariousoutside
influencesurgingthenunnerytorestructuretheircurriculumandtraditions.
GadchagsdGonpapresentlyhasfourreincarnatelamas(sprulsku)livingnearthe
nunneryandregularlyinvolvedinitsrituallifeandadministrativeaffairs.Allfour
lamasaremale72andeachwasrecognizedasaGadchagssprulskuafter1990.The
twoseniorlamasareintheirlateforties(theaverageageofthemajorityofGad
chags’snuns,whojoinedthenunneryinthe1980s),approximatelytwentyyears
olderthanthetwoyoungerlamas.Byvirtueofsenioritythetwoolderlamashave
assumedleadershiprolesinmanyofthenunnery’saffairs,althoughdecisionsare
oftenmadeinconsultationwiththenuns’administrativecommittee73.TheGad
72mTshorgyalsPrulskuistheyoungestofthefour,andisconsideredthethirdreincarnationofmTshorgyalsGrolma,theGadchagsnun-lamamentionedbelowonpage64.73ItiscommonforgroupsofnunstovisitwiththelamasintheirroomsatGadchagsovercupsoftea,informallydiscussingcurrenteventsandissuesrelatedtospiritualrealization.Manyimportantdecisionsaboutthenunnery’slifeareresolvedinthissetting.Besidesthisaformaladministrativecommitteeiscomposedofsixteennuns(onerepresentingeachretreatdivision)andseniormonksofTshechusGar,themonasteryoftheerstwhileNangchenking.Committeemeetingsarecalledwhendeemednecessary.
63
chagsnunsareautonomousintheirreligiouslifeandself-sufficientintransmitting
practiceinstructions,butasisnormalthroughoutTibettheydefertomalelamasina
widersocialcontext,especiallyregardingthenunnery’smundaneaffairs.
WhenthetwoseniorlamasbeganfundraisingforGadchagsfromthelate1990s
bothinitiallyagreedtoestablishaschoolatthenunnery–whichwasinlinewiththe
generalmoodatthetimethatTibetandgonpacouldbeimprovedthrough
education.FundsraisedforGadchagswerefirstchannelledtomoreurgentneeds,
however,likerebuildingthenunnery’sretreathouses,templeandlivingquarters.In
theyearsittooktoaccomplishtheseotherbuildingsthelamasreassessedtheir
intentionsforthenunneryandchangedtheirmindsaboutbuildingaschool.In2006
thenunsandlamasIspokewithsoundedardentlydedicatedtopreservingGad
chags’spracticecurriculum.“Idon’twanttobeanywhereelsebuthere,spending
mytimepracticingtheseuniqueteachings.ImadeapromisetothepreviousNgag
bsamRinpoche74[…]thatIwillspendmyentirelifepractisinghereatGadchags
dGonpa.Tomethisisapureland,”saidaforty-sixyear-oldGadchagsnunin2006.
Severalmiddle-agednunsIspokewithtoldmeoftheirvowtodieatGadchagsdGon
pa.
Alongwiththesesentiments,itisalsosignificantthatGadchagsdGonpacontinues
tocultivateacloserelationshipwithTshesbcusGar,theroyalmonasteryofthe
erstwhileNangchenking.Severalofthemonastery’sseniormonksareincludedin
theGadchags’sadministrativecommitteeanddecision-makingrelatedtonunnery’s
organizationalstructure(seenote73).ThisrelationshipconnectsGadchagstoits
earliereraofprestigeandroyalpatronage,securedduringthetimeofthesecond
TshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho(b.1911)whowasthesonoftheNangchenking,as
wellastowiderdynamicsofculturalidentityinNangchen.
Intheearly2000samkhanpofrombLarungsGarwasinvitedbythenunsandlamas
toGadchagsdGonpaandspentseveralmonth-longperiodsteachingthenuns
74OneofGadchags’sfourmalesprulsku.
64
graduatedpath(lamrim)commentarieslikedPalsprulRinpoche’sKunbzangbLa
ma’izhallungfortwohourseachmorning.Aninterestingphysicalsignofthemkhan
po’sinfluenceatGadchagsisthatheencouragedthenunstoshavetheirheads.
Alongwiththisheencouragedthemtofocusmoreeffortsonphilosophicalstudies
andstricteradherencetotherulesoftheVinaya.Untilthemkhanpo’svisitsGad
chagsnunshadworntheirhairslightlygrownouttoabouttwoinches,which
markedthemasGadchagsnunswhentheytravelledoutsideofthenunneryand
identifiedthemastantricpractitioners.
Anearly1990sphotoofGadchagsnunswiththe’Brugpa‘Ka’brgyudmaster,Alde’uRinpoche,andhisnephew,SasprulRinpoche,whichshowsthenuns’traditionalshorthairstyle.Credit:GadchagsdGonpa.AccordingtoareveredseniorGadchagsnun,ShesrabbZangmo(whopassedaway
atage86in2008),thishairstylewasatraditionfollowingtheinstructionsofalate
19thcenturyGadchagsnun-lamanamedmTshorgyalsGrolma.mTshorgyalsGrol
mawasbelievedtobeanemanationofYeshesmTshorgyalandtookover
leadershipofthenunneryafterthepassingofthefirstTshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho
(ShesrabbZangmo,personalcommunication,July2006).ThebLarungsGarmkhan
poceasedteachingatGadchagsdGonpaafter200975.Accordingtooneofthetwo
seniorlamasthiscancellationwasthelamas’decisionandnotthenuns’,asGad75Thenunsstillcontinuetoshavetheirheads,perhapsself-consciouswhentravellingoutsideofthenunneryinanewsocialatmosphere.
65
chags’syoungernunsaremoredisposedtothepeerpressureofothernunneries
withimprovedstudyprograms.Theyaremoresusceptibletotheinfluenceofvisiting
mkhanpoanddonotnecessarilysharethedeterminationoftheolderlamasand
nunstopreserveGadchags’soriginaltraditions(dBangdragRinpoche,personal
communication,January2015).
AphotoshowingtheGadchagsnuns’shavenheadsafterthemkhanpo’svisitsintheearly2000s.PhotographedbyJeromeRaphalen,2006.
TshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho,thenunnery’srootguruandoneofitstwosenior
lamas,spokein2013abouthisthoughtsonpreservingGadchags’soriginalpractice
traditions:
From2003untilthepresentGadchagsdGonpahasdevelopedwithretreathouses,runningwater...Withalltheworkthat’sbeenhappeningthenunshaven’thadmuchtimetostudy.Planningforthefuture,themaintemplewasrebuiltthisyear.[…]GadchagsdGonpahas18sgrubcheninwinterandasmangrub76onceeverythreeyears.Thereisalsothe’Ja’dmarsMonlamforsixdaysat’Ja’dmareachyear(thatisarNyingmaprayerfestivalfromthe10thtothe15thofthe8thTibetanmonth).Insummeraswell,onemillionOmManiandBenzraGurumantraaccumulationsareperformedinthe10th[Tibetan]month.Theseextensiveritualtraditionsaremaintained.IhadbeenthinkingtobuildastudycentreatGadchags.[…]Ithoughtaboutthis,andhowtheteachingtraditionatGadchagsdGonpaisanorallineageinvolvingintensive
76Asgrubchenduringwhichsacredmedicine(smansgrub)isproduced.
66
sgrubchenandyogicpractice.Fromthebeginning,GadchagsdGonpahashadbcudlen[‘takingtheessence’],munmtshams[‘darkretreat’]andmanypracticetraditionsthatarestillmaintained.Thesearecrucialtopreserve.Wehaveexperiencednunshere.Amongthenuns,abouttenarehighlyaccomplishedin’khrul’khorandyogicpractice.Thepracticesarepreservedlikewaterbeingfullypassedfromvesseltovessel–thelineagehasbeenunbroken.Thisismostimportant,thatGadchagsdGonpapreservesitsuniquepracticelineage.Thereareotherswhobuildgreatcollegesorstudythetextsindepth.ButI’mnotthinkingmuchaboutthosethings.Whoknowswhatthefuturewillbring?
Conclusion
Inmanywaystensionbetweenyogicandscholasticorientationsisnothingnewin
Buddhism.Itwaspresentbetweenforestmeditatorsandsettledmonasticsinearly
IndianBuddhism(Ray1994),whilefrictionbetweenthescholasticdGelugsschool
andbKa’brgyudandrNyingmapracticelineageshasexistedforcenturies.Insome
wayssuchtensionwasafactorinthe19thcenturyRismedperiod(Oldmeadow
2012:47-54;Samuel1993:525-543).Asapparentinthischapter’sdiscussions,the
patternreappearstodaybetweenscholasticandyogicapproachesinEasternTibetan
communities.YettherearedevelopmentsinTibetanBuddhismsincethe1980sthat
areredirectingthereligion’sgeneralorientationinunprecedentedways.InNang
chenthechangeindirectiontowardsdegree-oriented,rationalizedstudyisobvious,
formonksandnunsaswellasforlaypeople.Despitepeerpressuretoaddastudy
program,GadchagsdGonpaisoneofonlyafewcommunitieschoosingtomaintain
itsoriginalpracticecurriculumwithoutalterations.Gadchagsissupportedinits
determinationtodosobythenunnery’sremotelocation,itsrenownedhistoryand
theleadershipofitslamas.Atloweraltitudedgonpawheretheinfluencesofa
rapidlychangingsocialandeconomicenvironmentcannotbeevaded,anincreasein
scholasticlearningisapparent.
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CHAPTERTHREE
WhytheNewEmphasisonSystematicScholasticStudyinthePracticeLineagesofEasternTibet?
Religionina‘SocialistSpiritualCivilization’:atheism,superstitionandthesurvivaloftherationalThebuildingofa‘SocialistSpiritualCivilization’(SSC;Ch.shehuizhuyijingshen
wenming)hasbeenadoctrinalaimofthePartysinceitwasfirstconceptualizedby
DengXiaopingin1980.TheSSCgoalservestheParty’sneedtoredefineoldideals
andassertnewvaluesinthereform-era.Italsoseekstomaintainsocialstability
whiletemperingthenegativemoraltraitsarisingwithhigh-speedmaterial
development(Cooke2009:126-129).AsthePartytendereditsnewtoleranceof
religion,necessaryideologicaladjustmentsweremadetoitsMarxistdoctrine.In
Document19,theParty’spost-reformedictonreligionwrittenin1982,
enlightenmentatheismprevailsoverthemilitantatheismofMao’syears.That
meansthatreligionisnolongerconsideredadangerousnarcoticofthepeopletobe
controlledandeliminated,butadistortedconsciousnessofsocialrealitythatis
provisionallyallowedasasocialphenomenon.Moreover,religioncannowbe
harnessedintheinterestsofaSSCforitsmoralizinginfluenceonthepeople(Yang
2012:46,48).Document19acknowledgesthepastmistakesofmilitantatheism,yet
itclearlyaffirmsthatatheismmustcontinuallybepropagatedamongthepeople
(outsideofreligiousvenues).Religionisstillregardedasabackward,unscientific
outlookthatwillfadeawayassocietyevolves(Yang2012:50).AsJiangZeminurged
thePartyinastatementtotheUnitedFrontWorkDepartment(UFWD)in2003:
Alongwiththedevelopmentofsocialistmaterialandspiritualcivilizations,peoplewillcontinuallygraspthesecretofthenaturalworldandtheirdestiny,andleantowardscienceandrationalthinkingfortheunderstandingoftheobjectiveworld,themotionoflife,andtheessenceofreligion.Thiswillhelpreligionwalktoitsfinaldemise(UFWD2003citedinYü2006:93).
68
SuchastaunchatheistviewisreaffirmedamongPartymembersthroughmandatory
trainingperiodsinCCPschools,andincircularsandperiodicpropagandacampaigns
(Yang2012:58).ThusinChina’sSocialistSpiritualCivilization,whereBuddhismhas
itsrole,thedeterminingdoctrineremainsMarxist-Leninistatheism.Buddhismand
otherreligionscansurviveundersuchconditionsinChinabysubordinating
themselvestostateideologyandregulationsofpoliticalauthorities.
ThehighestCCPbodyinthemanagementofreligionistheUnitedFrontWork
Department,establishedwiththeinceptionoftheCommunistPartyinthe1920sas
theagenttounifynon-Partysocialresources.Sincethe1980sithasbeenprimarily
concernedwitheconomicdevelopment(Gaerrang2013:111).Atthelevelofthe
centralgovernment(i.e.thestatecouncil)theStateAdministrationofReligious
Affairs(SARA,whichreplacedtheReligiousAffairsBureauin1998)supervisesthe
operationofChina’sfiveofficiallysanctionedreligions.Atthelocalgovernmentlevel
eachreligionisfurthermanagedthroughitsstate-financedAssociation(likethe
ChineseBuddhistAssociation),usuallyheadedbyareligiousleader.Religious
Associationsfunctiontolinkreligiouscircleswithstatepowerthroughacademic
workandthedevelopmentofreligion,aswellastoprotecttheinterestsofreligious
communities(Cooke2009;Gaerrang2013:111-112).Theseadministrativebodies
are,inprinciple,primarilyconcernedwithmanagingareligion’ssocialexpression
andconductsothatitisadaptedtosocialistsociety.Theirpurviewcoversreligious
doctrine,texts,rituals,organizations,personsandplaces.Oneofthetenmain
functionsoftheSARAistoinvestigatereligiousdoctrineandensurethatitpromotes
nationalandpublicinterests.Thegovernment’srighttointerveneandcalibrate
religiousdoctrineanditsexpressionwasamajorpointintheadoptionofthe2004
RegulationsonReligiousAffairs(Cooke2009:130).
Asteppingoffpointforthegovernment’sreligiousworkisdemarcatingreligionfrom
superstition.“Religion”isregardedashavingalogicalsystemofthoughtorientedto
theafterlifeandbasedonscriptures,trainedclergyandfixedsitesofreligious
activity(Ashiwa2009:58).“Superstition”,incontrast,includesbeliefsandpractices
thatlackaphilosophicalfoundationandcontradictscientificknowledge,andare
69
thereforeconsideredharmfultosociety(Poon2011:31;Yang2012).TheCCPsees
superstitionasfundamentallyantagonistictoitsdoctrineandassomethingthat
mustbeeradicated.Anti-superstitionrhetorichashadalongandferventhistoryin
China,datinginthemodernperiodfromthelateQingdynastyattheturnofthe20th
century77.TheChinesewordforsuperstition,mixin(‘deludedfaith’),wasintroduced
intoChineselanguageatthattimeasthestatebegansuppressing‘superstitious’
beliefinfavourofasecular,moreenlightenedsociety.78Followinganedictbythe
Qingemperorin1898monasterieswereconvertedintoschoolsandthepeople’s
religiousritualswerecondemnedasamajorobstacletothecountry’ssocialhealth
andevolution(Lopez2002:xix;Poon2011:39).BytheRepublicanerainthe1920sa
growingpopulationofintellectualssawBuddhism(andallreligions)asprimitive
superstitionthatimpededChina’sentryintothemodernworld(Lopez2002:xix).Ina
popularpublicationbytheShanghaiCommercialPressin1931superstitionwas
definedasaresidueoftraditionleftoverfromthepre-scientificera(Poon2011:31).
DuringtheCulturalRevolutionfrom1967to1977therewasa‘Brigadeforthe
TerminationofReligions’andthenation’smissiontoeradicatesuperstitionwas
backedbyresearchinstitutesandthehighestmandateofthePRC.
SuchachargedstigmaofreligionhasevolvedintheCCP’spost-reformreligious
policiesasatrenchantdemarcationbetweensuperstitionandpermissiblereligion.
This,alongwiththemanagementapparatusmentionedabove,mustbeexerting
pressureontheself-consciousnessofTibetanBuddhistsinpublictalks,publications,
thoughtandconversationsinChinatoday.DanSmyerYü,basedonhisextensive
fieldworkontheTibetanBuddhistrevivalinChina,arguesthatthereadinessof
Tibetanlamastorepresenttheirreligionascongruentwithmodernscienceis“a
delayedcontentionwiththeantireligiousideologyofthestate”and“asignofpost-
traumaticdistressresultingfromtheattacksonTibetanBuddhism”duringtheanti-
religiousdrivesoftheMao-era(Yü2013a:127).Basedonhisinteractionswith
numerousTibetanBuddhistteachersandtheirHanChinesefollowers,Yüregardsthe
77InimperialChinapriestsandshamansweresometimescondemnedbylocalofficialsforperformingexorcismsanddeathrituals,andtemplesjudgedtobehousingpopularcultsfacedthethreatofdemolition(Lopez2002:xix;Poon2011:32).78TheChinesewordmixinwasborrowedfromJapaneseinthelate19thcentury(Poon2011:29).
70
rationaltenorofmodernTibetanBuddhistdiscoursesasaproject“forrescuing
religionfromsuperstition”.YüobservesthatintheirfrequentinteractionswithHan
ChineseBuddhists,theleadingfiguresoftheTibetanBuddhistrevivalareawareof
thesocialconditioninChinaandthemisconstruingofBuddhismaspessimisticand
superstitious(Yü2013:85-86).YüalsonotesthatmanyoftheTibetanteachers
leadingtheBuddhistrevivalinEasternTibet(likeKhenposSodargyeandTsultrim
Lodrö)arefluentinChineseandengagedwithbothTibetanandChineseaudiences.
Theyareacutelyawarethattheirreligiousactivitiesarecloselyregulatedbythe
ChinesestateandthatthereligiousandshamanicaspectsofTibetanBuddhismare
oftenperceivedassuperstitious.ThecrackdownagainstFalunGongloomsasan
exampleandwarning(Yü2006:84,89).
bLarungsGarKhenpoSodargyeinhisChineselanguagebookScientificTreatise
discussestheChinese-Marxistseparationofmaterialandidealasbeingtheoriginal
basisforthepoliticalcategoryof‘superstition’.Hegoesontoarguethattoaccuse
Buddhismofbeingsuperstitiousis“asludicrousastheaccusationofscienceas
superstition”(Sodargye2001inYü2006:86-87).Withasimilarapologyfor
Buddhism’srationalside,KhenpoTsultrimLodröinatalkatUniversityofSydneyin
2015introducedTibetanBuddhismas“apathonwhichoneneednothavefaithin
anydeityorreligiousprinciple;oneonlyneedsfaithinthenaturallawof
interdependenceandemptiness”(Lodrö2015).Withitsessentialthemeofguru
devotion,however,TibetanBuddhismisaconsummatereligion.Itisinfactreplete
withheavilyreligiouspracticesthatcouldeasilybecategorizedassuperstition:
dbangempowerments,bsangandgsursmokeofferingstolandspiritsandghosts,
modivinations,’phobatransferenceofconsciousnessandyidampracticesthat
visualizethehumanbodyasadeity.Atleastintheseinstances(andtonote,the
audienceatUniversityofSydneywasmainlyChinese),theKhenposappeartobe
selectivelyportrayingTibetanBuddhisminawaythatsatisfiesthegovernment’s
dictatesonreligiouscultureaswellastheneedsoftheaudience.Isthisteaching
styleintegraltomaintainingtheirlatitudeofmoralinfluenceoverhundredsof
thousandsofHanandTibetanfollowersinChina?
71
OnequestionswhytheChinesegovernmenthasissuedpassportstothesetwo
Khenpostotravelandspeakatdozensofleadinguniversitiesandradioprograms
worldwide.Humanrightsgroupshavehighlightedthewidespreaddenialof
passportstoTibetansandUighursinChina.Veryfeweverobtainoneforforeign
travel,andevenwithinTibetanareasthemovementsofTibetansarerestricted
throughacomplicatedregistrationsystem79.OnemightinferthattheChinese
governmentisapproving,evensupportive,oftheKhenpos’teachingstyleas
appropriatelycontributingtothe‘SocialistSpiritualCivilization’thatistheParty’s
currentgoal.ThisisevenmoresowhenconsideringthatseveralotherTibetan
teachershavebeenrestrainedorimprisonedoverthelasttenyearsforthecontent
oftheirpublicspeech.
KhenpoSodargyeteachingatMasseyUniversity.NotethattheaudienceappearstobemainlyChinese.Credit:zhibeifw.org.OnemayfurthercontrasttheKhenpos’publicteachingstylewiththatofTibetan
lamaslivingintheWest,likeDzongsarKhyentseRinpoche,LamaZopaRinpocheand
thelateChagdudTulkuwhohaveemphasizedreligiousaspectsofdevotion,deity-
79Seehttp://www.savetibet.org/policy-alienating-tibetans-denial-passports-tibetans-china-intensifies-control/#sthash.DF60LEPN.dpuf
72
yogaandsgrubchenintheirstudents’practice.PerhapsinChinapeoplesubscribing
toarationaldoctrinethataccordswithsciencearelessdisruptivetothe
authoritarian,socialistgovernmentthanthosepracticingthe‘darkarts’(tousea
HarryPotterreference)ofsuperstition.
LookingtotheadaptedteachingstylesofthefirstTibetanlamasintheWestinthe
1960sand70s,likeChögyamTrungpaandTarthangTulku,apossiblecomparison
maybedrawnwiththeKhenpos’andotherlamas’teachingtocontemporary
audiencesinChinaandabroad.EarlyEnglishTibetanBuddhistbooks,likeTarthang
Tulku’sTime,Space,andKnowledgeandChögyamTrungpa’sTheMythofFreedom,
showarenouncingoftraditionaldoctrineanddeitydevotionfornew-age
discussionsofrealityandpsychology.FiftyyearsofTibetanBuddhismintheWest
later,withafoundationofbasicunderstandingestablished,oneseesareturnto
traditionalpresentationsofTibetanBuddhismbymanylamas80.WheretheKhenpos
andotherlamasareselectivelyportrayingBuddhismtocontemporaryChinese
Buddhists,towhatextentistheirteachingstyleintendedtoestablish
communicationandaffinitywiththeirnewaudience?
GaerranghaspointedoutthatformerdynastiesuntiltheRepublicangovernment
haveforcenturiesusedTibetanspiritualleaderstoassertpoliticalaffiliationwith
Tibetansociety.Now,withfullcontroloverTibetandcloselysupervisingreligions,
theCCPcontinuestouseTibetanBuddhistleaderstoachieveitsgoalofisolating
separatistsfromreligion(Gaerrang2013:117).Inpointoffact,inTibetanpopulated
areasthegovernmenthasdemonstratedlessconcernwithcircumscribing
superstitionandcultsoverthelastfewdecadesthanwithsuppressingseparatist
sentimentsconnectedtotheTibetanindependencemovementinexile.(The
government’spreoccupationwiththematerialgoalsofdevelopmentandtheyields
ofreligioninthedomestictourismindustryalsodistractsfromitscampaignsagainst
superstition.)Tibetandgonpa,particularlymonasticcolleges,mustdiligentlyavoid
80ThankyoutoGeoffreySamuelforpointingthisout.SeeforexamplethegraduatedteachingstyleandrequirementoftraditionalpracticecommitmentsbyThranguRinpocheandYongeyMingyurRinpoche.
73
allovertexpressionsofpoliticalrhetoricandactivisminordertoproceedwiththeir
Buddhistprograms.GermanoandYühavebothobservedintheirfieldworkthatthe
post-MaoBuddhistrevivalexpressingitselfinthemonasticcollegesofEasternTibet
(particularlyintherNyingmaschool)hasavoideddirectpoliticalresponsestothe
authorityoftheCCP.YetatthesametimeitistakingadvantageoftheCCP’s
liberalizingpoliciesonreligiontorevitalizeBuddhismwhereverandhowever
possible(Germano1998:71;Yü2006:7).TibetanBuddhistteachersandthinkers
mustnotonlyconform,butinnovate,strategizeandnegotiatethecontoursof
variousrestraintswhilegivingexpressiontotheirreligion.
ThescientificdiscourseinBuddhismandparalleltransformationsinBurmaandSri
Lanka
Inhis2008studyTheMakingofModernBuddhismMcMahanconcludesthatthe
survivalofBuddhismdependsonitresonatingwiththedominantcultureofasociety
throughselectiveinterpretationandself-presentation(McMahan2008:15-16).
Lopezinhis2002AModernBuddhistBibletalkssimilarlyofhow‘modern’Buddhism
hasreformulateditselfnotsimplybyconformingtoanewsociety,butby
negotiatingandreshapingitselfintermsoftheprevalentdiscoursesofthesociety
(Lopez2002:vii-xl).InexploringthereasonsandwaysinwhichTibetanBuddhismis
reformulatingitselfinmodernChina,severalparallelscanbedrawninthe
restructuringofBuddhistlifethatoccurredinSriLankaandBurmaunderEuropean
colonialismfromthe18thto20thcenturies.Theseparallelshelptosuggestpossible
purposesandachievementsofthenewexpressionsofBuddhisminEasternTibet
today.
UnlikeBuddhisminSriLankaandBurmathatmetwithmodernizingforcesofscience
andindustrializationinthe18thand19thcenturies(andBuddhismofJapan,Thailand
andothercountriesondifferentterms),TibetanBuddhismhasonlybegunits
modernizingjourneysincethe1980s.ThecircumstancesofBurmaandSriLankain
colonialtimesdifferfromthoseofpresent-dayTibetans.However,severalofthe
challengestothesurvivalofBuddhisminthesecountriesaresimilar,namelytheloss
74
ofautonomyandofaBuddhistgovernment,themonasteries’lossoftheirtraditional
positionaseducatorsanddeprecationofBuddhismbytherulingauthorities.InSri
LankaandBurmathethreattoBuddhismcamefromEuropeancolonialrulewithits
associatedChristianproselytizingandWesternhegemony(McMahan2008).For
TibetanBuddhistsinChinathethreatisfromanatheistgovernmentwitha
Communistagendaandagrowingpopulationofintellectualswhowereraisedto
rejectsuperstition.SeveralofthewaysinwhichthenativeBuddhistsofthese
countrieshaverespondedtothesechallengesfurtherparalleleachother:the
privilegingoftextsandacademicqualifications,standardizingmonasticcurriculaand
anurgentcallforethicsandeducationamongthelaity.
Amkhanpogivingapublicteachingatabshadgrwa.NotetheBuddhistflag.Credit:GuruChödron,2015.
JustastheBuddhistflagthattheAmerican,HenrySteelOlcott,helpedtodesignis
foundincontemporarymonasteriesinTibet81,soisthediscourseofscientific
Buddhismfirstarticulatedinthe19thcenturybynativeBuddhistmodernizersand
WesternBuddhistpromoterslikeAnagarikaDharmapala,Olcott,PaulCarus,Shaku
81TheBuddhistflagisseeninTibetespeciallyatteachingandscholasticevents.
75
Sōen,D.T.SuzukiandLediSayadaw.UndercolonialruleBuddhisminSriLankaand
BurmawasregularlycriticizedbyChristianmissionariesforbeingsuperstitious,
unscientificandnihilistic(andthereforeethicallyweak).Theleadingvoicesofwhat
wouldbecomeBuddhistreformmovementshadthereforetofocusintentlyon
explaininghowBuddhismwasinfactrational,scientificandethicallystrong(Harris
2006;Lopez2002;McMahan2008).
ThefamousPanaduradebateof1873inCeylonbetweenGunanandaandReverend
deSilvasetthetoneforBuddhism’srepresentationasatechnicaldoctrineand
philosophy,ratherthanasthebodyofreligiousmerit-makingpracticesandviews
thatconstitutedBuddhismforthebulkofitsnativefollowers(Lopez2002:xi).
TwentyyearslaterwhilevisitingtheUnitedStatesfortheWorld’sParliamentof
Religions,DharmapalaaddressedanaudienceatNewYork’sTownHallwiththe
following:
ThemessageoftheBuddhathatIbringtoyouisfreefromtheology,priestcraft,rituals,ceremonies,dogmas,heavens,hellsandothertheologicalshibboleths.TheBuddhataughttothecivilizedAryansofIndiatwenty-fivecenturiesagoascientificreligioncontainingthehighestindividualisticaltruisticethics,aphilosophyoflifebuiltonpsychologicalmysticismandacosmologywhichisinharmonywithgeology,astronomy,radioactivityandreality(Dharmapala1965citedinMcMahan2008:96).
McMahancommentsonDharmapala’sspeech,“Evenacursoryknowledgeof
SinhaleseBuddhismonthegroundbeliesthisportrayalofBuddhismasfreefrom
ritual,priests,ceremony,heavens,andhells;yetearlyapologistsrepeatedthis
sentimentoften”(McMahan2008:95).ItappearshereaswellthatDharmapalawas
selectivelyportrayingBuddhisminawaythatresonatedwiththeprevailingviewsof
hisWesternaudience,andbyextensionthoseofSriLanka’srulingBritish.Yetin
doingsohesucceededinunderminingthecriticismsmadebyChristianand
scientific-mindedWesternerswhileremainingdedicatedtoasingularlyBuddhist
visionoftheworld.
76
AnneBlackburn(2001)explainshowacenturyearlierinSriLankatheSiyamNikāya
hadestablisheditselfasthedominantmonasticorderthroughanemphasisonPāli
textuallearningandanewlystandardizedmonasticcurriculum.Blackburnargues
thattheSiyamNikāya’sidentificationwithlearningiswhatgarnereditsprestigeand
influencetoattractpatronsandlargersocietalrespect,andtobecomethedominant
monasticorderinSriLankathattodayadministerssuchprincipalplacesofworship
astheTempleoftheToothRelic(DaḷadāMāligāva)andAdam’sPeak(Blackburn
2001:50-53;Malalgoda1976).
Theimportanceoftextuallearningasameansofgainingprestige,particularlywhen
socialstatusisdesperatelyneeded,isevidentalsoinLediSayadaw’seffortsfor
BuddhisminBurmaduringitsperiodunderBritishcolonialism.InTheBirthofInsight
ErikBraunexplainshowtheBurmesemovementtoreviveBuddhistmeditationwas
successfullargelybecauseofLediSayadaw(1846-1923),whomadeitpartofalarger
educationalprojectthatexpandedamongthelaity(Braun2013).WithBurma’s
Buddhistkingdeposed,LediassessedthatresponsibilityforupholdingBuddhism
belongedtothelaypopulation.Inresponsetothepoliticalrealitiesofthetime,Ledi
resortednottopoliticalactionbutinsteadcalledforindividualmoraldevelopment
andeducation(Braun2013:98).Hedeterminedthatinsightmeditationmustgo
hand-in-handwithdoctrinalstudy,withstudyservingasthebasisformeditation.
Throughhisteachingstyle,useofprintcultureandorganizationofself-directed
studygroups,LedimadeBuddhiststudyaccessibletothelaityasithadneverbeen
before,focusingoneducationofAbhidhammaforitsrationalappealto“scientific
menofotherreligions”andtheself-assuranceitinstilledinBuddhistswhostudiedit
(Braun2013:80-81).ThesereformsreinvigoratedBuddhismandalloweditto
surviveinaformthatcontinuestothepresent.EventodayinBurmamonastic
teachersareexpectedtohaveadhammacariyadegree(‘teacherofdhamma’)asa
minimumacademicqualificationtoteachmeditation(PatrickKearney,personal
communication,October2014).
ThoughBurmamayhavetakenaseeminglydifferentdirectiontowardsreviving
meditationpractice,itsvehiclesofeducation,outreachtothelaityanddegree-
77
orientedstudyhavesalientparallelsinTibetanBuddhisminthePRCoverthelast
fewdecades.LikeLediSayadawmanypopularTibetanBuddhistteachersinthePRC,
mostprominentlybLarungsGar’smkhanpo,relynotonpoliticalactivismbuton
spreadingethicalandeducationalreforms.Thesereformsaredirectednotonlyin
monasteriesbutamongtheTibetanlaity,andemphasizeself-directedBuddhist
studyandunderstandingasanindispensablefoundationforpractice.The
attainmentofdegreeslikemkhanpo,rab’byamsandslobdponthroughmonastic
curriculahaslikewisetakenonnewimportanceintrainingalargerpopulationof
Buddhistteacherswithinaframeworkofsystematizedformaleducation.InTibetrab
’byamsandslobdpondegreeshaveonlybeensystematicallyawardedtograduates
sincethe1990s,whileasmentionedinChapterTwomkhanpodegreeswere
awardedtomonksfarmoresparselypriortotheexileperiod.Anotherimportant
similarityofbothBurmeseandTibetanBuddhistreformsisthattheyhavemade
extensivedoctrinalstudyaccessibletothewiderlaypopulation,includingwomen,
whileithadpreviouslybeenthepurviewofonlyasmallcoterieofmonks(Braun
2013:105).
Monks’classinabshadgrwainEasternTibet(notetheBuddhistflagshangingfromtheceiling).Credit:XinlingGanlu,2015.
78
ItmaybesaidthattheoverallachievementofthesereformsforBurmeseand
TibetanBuddhistsisafortifiedversionoftheirdoctrinaltraditionsthatcanbe
upheldbyawiderpopulationofindividualsandeducationalinstitutions,aswellas
credibilityandprestigeintheeyesofthedominatinggovernmentandworldview.
ThereformshaveenabledBuddhisminthesesocietiestosurviveandflourishunder
radicallynewcircumstances.
Anotherfactorbehindanewemphasisonrationalizedtextualstudymaybethat
whenthepreservationofareligioustraditionischallenged,concretetextsand
doctrinearemoreeasilyheldandexplainedthanintangibleyogicexperience.
DzongsarKhyentseRinpoche,whoseKhyentseFoundationinvestsinacademic
Buddhiststudiesatuniversitiesaroundtheworld,saidinJuly2014,“Academic
BuddhiststudyisgoingtobetheinsuranceforBuddhiststudyandpracticeinthe
future.Becauseifwefollowsuddeninspiration,temporaryinspiration,that’snot
goingtolast.Weneedtheacademicinstitutionbackground.It’ssoimportant”
(Dzongsar2014).DzongsarKhyentsemayhavebeenreferringtothetransient
inspirationsofWesternersastheymeetwithBuddhismforthefirsttime,butthe
pointisnotlostincircumstanceswhereatraditionischallengedbyanewsocial
context.Thewrittenword,aspositedbyWalterOng,“assuresitsenduranceand
potentialforbeingresurrectedintolimitlesslivingcontextsbyalimitlessnumberof
livingreaders.Thedead,thing-liketexthaspotentialsfaroutdistancingthoseofthe
simplyspokenword”(Ong1986:31).
ModernityinChinaandtheglobalizinginfluenceofmodernBuddhism
BrunoLatourtracestheconceptofmodernityinWeHaveNeverBeenModern:“The
adjective‘modern’designatesanewregime,anacceleration,arupture,arevolution
intime”(Latour1993:10).AccordingtoLatour,theunspokenconstitutionbywhich
theconceptofmodernityoperatesguaranteesaseparationbetweenhumansand
nature,betweenmodernandancient,withwinnersareonthemodernsideand
losersareontheother(Latour1993:31-32).Rejectionofthe‘old’andafearof
laggingbehind(intothechaosofChina’s19thcentury)havefuelledChina’sdrivefor
79
drasticmodernisationsincethelateQingdynastyandthefoundingofthePRC(Saxer
2013:235).Tibetanindigenouscultureandlivelihoodsaretargetedbysucha
outlook:everynightonagovernment-sponsored‘TibetTV’channeltherearetwo
minutesofadvertisinginwhichthanksisgivenforthe‘newTibet’andinsultsare
giventothe‘oldTibet’,whichisrejectedasfeudalandbackwards(Woeser2015).
TacitinChina’shighmodernistdreams,whereinthingsareconceivableonlywhen
seenintermsofdevelopment,istheassumptionthatlessmateriallydeveloped
societiesarelessintellectuallydeveloped(Gaerrang2013:2).Intellectual
developmentisahoopthatTibetansmayfeelpressuredtojumpthroughinorderto
maintaintheirself-esteemandassertthemselvesinaswiftlychangingsociety.
BeyondtheCCP’sregulationsonreligioninChinaanditshyper-scientificcreed,there
isaglobalizationofmoderntrendsinBuddhismthatmaybeindirectlyinforming
changeswithinTibetanBuddhism.McMahanhasremarkedonmodernBuddhismas
an‘actualnewformofBuddhism’thathasbeenevolvingnotonlyintheWestbut
alsoinAsiancountriesforoveracentury,asareinterpretationcreatedby
interactionsofthetwo(McMahan2008:9;2012:3).Thefirstprolongedinteractions
betweenthetwointhe19thcenturyinvolvedaWestthatwasgoingthroughitsown
crisiswithJudeo-Christiantheologyandarupturebetweenfaithandreason,incited
bytheriseofmodernscience.WesternBuddhistconvertslikeOlcottwerequickto
rejectBuddhism’sapparentlyidolatrousdevotionalpractices,evenwhileembracing
thereligion(Lopez2002:17).ForCarus,OlcottandotherWesternBuddhistsofthe
timethemagicalelementsofthereligionweretobepurifiedthroughreasonand
science,leavingbehindtheessentialBuddhisttruth.Theyunderstoodtheessential
Buddhisttruthtobecongruentwithscience,andexpressibleinanevolved,rational
formofthereligion(Lopez2002:16;Verhoeven2001:77).Lopezremarksthat
Buddhismasasystemofrationalandethicalphilosophyisacommoncharacteristic
ofmodernBuddhismaroundtheworld,awayfromseeminglysuperstitiouspractices
likethevenerationofrelicsandmonkssocommonamongBuddhistmajoritiesin
pre-moderntimes(Lopez2002:xvii).
80
HowsuchWesterninfluenceshavereachedthemindsofTibetansinChinatodayis
toocomplexaquestiontoinvestigatehere,butsomechannelsareobvious,likethe
DalaiLamawhohasopenlystatedthatBuddhistdoctrinescontradictedby
establishedscientificconclusionsshouldbeabandoned(McMahan2008:115).Along
withincreasingscholasticism,othersalientfeaturesofmodernBuddhismas
highlightedbyMcMahanandLopezareconspicuousinthedgonpaofEasternTibet
today,especiallygenderequality,egalitarianismandscepticism.InChapterTwoI
mentionedtheinclusionofwomeninbLarungsGar’sstudyprogramandtheirright
toattainthemkhanmodegree(theequivalentofthehighestmonks’degree).
Skepticismisalsoassertingitselfinanewtrendofpublicdebates(bgrogleng)that
takeplaceinmonasticsettings,towntemplesandinvariousforumsontheChinese-
ownedmobilemessagingservice,WeChat82.Thesedebatesinvolvemonasticsand
laypeople,andrevolvearoundcontemporaryissuesseenascrucialtothe
preservationofTibetancultureandidentity,suchastheTibetanlexicon,women’s
rightsandthetraditionofreincarnationlineages(sprulsku).InaWeChatforum
titledWomen’sSocietythequestionofwhetherornotfemalescanattain
enlightenmenthasbeendebatedbymenandwomen(mostlymonksandnuns)since
thechatgroupbeganin201383.AtbLarungsGaravociferousdebateonwhetheror
nottomaintainthesprulskutraditioninTibetanBuddhismreacheditsheightin
2007andspiraledoutintodgonpathroughoutChina,Nepal,Tibetandtheglobal
diasporaofTibetans.
Alongsidethesedebatesthedemocraticprincipleofegalitarianismisstrongly
pronouncedatbLarungsGar,andIhaveoftenhearditexpressedwhenspeaking
withbLarungsGarmonksandnunsinphraseslike“equalityamongallistheseedof
compassionandlove”and”evenstudentsandteachersareequal”(mChogdga’
Rinpoche,personalcommunication,July2015).Acaseinpointisthatlastyearthe
twoyoungerofGadchags’sfourreincarnatelamas,botheducatedatbLarungsGar,
arguedforarotationsystemwherebyeachofthefourlamastakesatwo-yearterm
asthenunnery’sheadlama,withnosinglelamaassupreme.GenerallyinTibetan82WeChatisthemaininternationalsocialmediaplatformaccessibletoTibetansinChina.83ChatgroupatWeChatIDBudmedmthuntshogs,accessedon19September2014.
81
traditiontheheadlamaofadgonpaisveneratedbythemonksornunsofthat
communityasthe‘rootguru’(rtsaba’iblama)andthereforeasthehighest-ranking
lama84.Thetwoyoungerlamas’requestwasputtoGadchags’sadministrative
committeeanddecidedagainst,withtherootgurujudiciouslyrecommendingthat
theissueberevisitedinthefuture.
Knowledgepassedthroughtexts,knowledgepassedorally
Inhisstudyofthe20thcenturyBuddhistreformsinSriLanka,GeorgeBonddescribes
modernisationasa“revolutioninknowledge”broughtaboutbyrapidcontinualand
exhaustivechangesinscienceandtechnologyandtheirconsequencesinhuman
consciousnessandculture(Bond1992:11-12).RobertBellahpositsthat
modernisationentailsmorerationalizedsystemsofcommunicationand
understandingamonghumansandtheirorganizations(Bellah1965citedinBond
1992:12).Thewide-reachingfieldoforalityandliteracystudiestakesthequestion
ofmodernityalongtheselinestothelevelofhumanconsciousness.Modernisation
isseennotmerelyasmaterialandsocialdevelopments,butmorepivotallyasa
sweepingtransformationincognitiveprocessesandculturalthinking.Researchby
Goody&Watt,Luria,Ongandotherslookstohowthestructureoflanguage,
technologicaladvancementsandthegrowthofliteracydevelopintandemwith
transformationsofmentalactivity(Goody&Watt1963;Luria1976;Ong1986).
AlexanderLuria,basedonresearchcomparingthecognitiveperformancesof
literate/schooledandnonliterateCentralAsianpastoralists,proposedthat:
Asthebasicformsofactivitychange,asliteracyismastered,andanewstageofsocialandhistoricalpracticeisreached,majorshiftsoccurinhumanmentalactivity.Thesearenotlimitedsimplytoanexpandingofman’shorizons,butradicallyaffectthestructureofcognitiveprocesses”(Luria1976:161).
Luriasummarizedhisinterpretationoftheobservedchangesas“atransitionfrom
thesensorytotherational,”basedonashiftfrommodesofthinkingengagedwith
84Anexceptionarethefixed-termpositionsofmonasteryheadlamasinmajordGelugsmonasteries,likethedGa’ldanKhripa.
82
practicalactivitytotheoretical,abstractmodesofdiscursivethought(Luria1976:
162-163).WalterOngpositsthatwritingenhancestheseparationbetweenthe
knowerandtheknown,andincreasesobjectivity(Ong1986:36-37).Followingthe
ideasofJackGoody’sDomesticationoftheSavageMind,Ongremarksthat
“technologiesarenotmereexterioraidsbutalsointeriortransformationsof
consciousness,andnevermorethanwhentheyaffecttheword”(Ong1986:36).
Knowledgebasedonthereadingandwritingoftextsallows“abstractcontext-free
thought”,accordingtoOng.Thespokenwordalsoobjectifiesthroughthenaming
function,butunliketextualspeechitdoessoinaconcretesituationalcontext
(Greenfield,Reich&Olver1966:288;Ong1986:37,41).Theseideasoforalityand
literacystudies,whilenotwithouttheircriticalopponents,allowforaresearch
contextthatquestionshowcognitiveactivitytransformsastechnologyand
knowledgemodernize.
PriortothearrivaloftheChineseCommunistsinthe1950sTibetwashardlyapre-
literatesociety.Tibet’smonasteriesasthemainstaysofliterateeducationwere
responsibleforaremarkableoutputofscholarlywritingsandphilosophical
sophistication.AccordingtoAndrewFischertheyproducedaliteracylevelinTibet
thatwascomparabletomostpartsofpre-modernEurasia(Fischer2013:47).
Outsideofthemonasteries,thoughprivateeducationexistedforsomechildren–
usuallyviaaprivatetutorinaristocraticfamiliesorinaschoolroomestablishedbya
wealthypatron–formaleducationwasgenerallynotsoughtbythemajorityofthe
populationwhosespiritualneedsweresatisfiedbytheteachingsofthesaṅgha
(Boyd2004:72).MostTibetanfarmersandnomadswerepartiallyliterateatbest.
Thosewhocouldreadwerelikelycapableofreadingdailyprayers,liturgiesoralife-
storyofaBuddhistsaint,butunabletowriteorcomprehendentirebooksacross
genres.CulturalhistoryandBuddhistteachingswerecommunicatedtothe
nonliterateorpartiallyliteratepopulationthroughoralmethodslikedramaand
danceperformances,publiclecturesatthelocaldgonpaandsometimesby
wanderingsaṅghawhotoldthelife-storiesofBuddhistsaints(rnamthar)withthe
aidofscrollpaintings(thangka)(Boyd2004:72-73).
83
Tibetansocietyisnottransitioningfrompre-literacytoliteracy,nor,onecouldeasily
argue,frombeingprimitivetocivilized(acategoricaldistinctionthatanthropology
haslongagodoneawaywith)(Goody&Watt1963:344;Halverson1992;Lévi
Strauss1962).WhatistakingplaceforTibetansociety,however,isadrasticchange
totheextentofliteracyandtothecontentofwhatisbeingreadandwritten.For
stateschool-goingchildrentheliteracylevelhasincreaseddramaticallycomparedto
thatofpre-CommunistTibet.Withthat,theschoolsystemisredirectingknowledge
contentfromaBuddhistworldviewtoascientific,market-orientedone.Inthedgon
pa,aswehaveseen,asignificantnumberofmonksandnunsareincreasingtheir
textualstudiesofBuddhistphilosophy,developingreadingandwritingskillsthey
wouldnothavehadbeforethisera.
OntopofallthechangesconfrontingthemindsofTibetanssincethe1980s(asif
theyweren’tenough),theirperiodofassimilationinurbanenvironmentsand
seculareducationhascoincidedwiththeadventofdigitalcommunicationandthe
internet,whichintensifythepaceofchange.Accordingtothefindingsofliteracy
studies,modernisationofaculture’smaterial,socialandliteracypracticesare
accompaniedbyashiftinmentalfunctioning:from“sensory”thoughtcentredin
practicalactivityto“rational”cognitiveprocessesthataremoreabstractand
context-free(Goody1977:109-110;Luria1976:163;Ong1986).Suchanexplanation
wouldaccountfor,amongmanychanges,the‘newintellect’(rig-gsar)being
proclaimedbyTibetans;thenewwaveofindependent,criticalthinking;thegrowth
ofnewliterarygenreslikefiction,blogsandfreestylepoetry;andtheTibetan
Buddhistscholasticreformsoutlinedinthisthesis.
Therapid,systematicchangesthatoccurthroughmodernisationpresentan
exceptionalproblemforreligion.Thoughreligioneludesprecisedefinition,Bellah
offersadescriptionofitsfunctionasidentifyingthecosmologicalcontextofthe
worldanditsultimatereality,andguidinghumanitytomakesenseofsuchaworldin
thoughtandaction(Bellah1965inBond1992:12).Butwhenthatcontext
significantlychanges,asitischangingforTibetansintheirnewworldorder,
traditionalreligiousritualsandsymbolsceasetoprovidethesameconnectionto
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meaningfulexistenceastheyoncedid(Bond1992:12).Asanexample,Tibetans
raisedandeducatedinurbansettlementsmaynolongerrequirethesamereligious
servicesofyoginstoappeasenaturespiritsanddeitiesastheirnomadicandfarming
parentsdid.Areligionmustofferanewinterpretationofmeaningandvaluesifitis
toadaptandcontinuethrivinginanew,modernizedcontext.Perhapsthisisthe
workbeingcarriedoutbythemkhanpoandotherslikethemwhoareusingtextual
studiestobolsterBuddhisminawaythatrelatestothemodernviewsand
motivationsofpeopleinthePRCtoday(andaroundtheworld).Communitieslike
GadchagsdGonpa,however,whoarechoosingtoevadescholasticeducationand
maintaintheirtraditionsofritualandyogicpractice,muststandincreasinglyalone.
Nangchen’soldwaysofhigh-altitudepractice,surroundedbynomadswhoprovided
foodanddependedfortheirownlivelihoodsonthespiritualofferingsofyogins,are
becominglessviableinthemonetisedeconomy.
InthemindsofnewgenerationsofTibetanswhoaremodern-educated,theold
attitudesofunquestioningfaithanddevotionarebecomingbygone.Thecriticisms
voicedagainsttheGadchagsnunsfornotbasingtheirpracticesonscholasticstudy
assumethatthenunsdonothavetheintellectualthoughtrequiredtoproperly
understandwhattheyaredoing.Theincongruitymaybeonceagainpointedoutthat
beforethe1950sGadchagsdGonpawaspraisedthroughoutNangchensocietyfor
thequalityofitstraining,andtodayitiscriticized,yetGadchagshasnotchangedits
trainingcurriculum.AfaintechoisheardhereoftheCCP’srhetoricofbackwards
‘old’Tibet,andtheoldassumptionsinanthropologythatpre-modern,simple
societieshaveinferiorcapacitiesforintellectualandrationalthought(Goody1977:
33).
ThepracticetraditionofGadchagsdGonpacouldnotproperlybecalledanoral
traditioninthatsometextsarepasseddownasmaterialsupportsoftheirtradition
alongwithritualobjects,reliquaries,buildingsandholyimages.Gadchags’scentral
textscomprisetwoscripturalcollections:TheCollectedTeachingsofTshangs
dbyangsrGyamtsho(insixteenvolumes),andTheEssentialCollectionofRatnagLing
85
pa’sgTerma(intwenty-fivevolumes)85.TheCollectedTeachingsofTshangsdbyangs
rGyamtshocomprisehislife-storyandcommentaryonRatnagLingpa’sThugssgrub
yangsnying’duspa,thesubstanceofwhichareinstructionsonfiveyogicpracticesin
thecontextofguruyoga(blama’irnal’byor)86.Alongwithshortersupplementary
prayersandteachingsthesescripturesarethetextualmemoryofthenuns’practice
tradition,andasmentionedinChapterOnetheyareacrucialcomponentforthe
preservationofGadchags’slineage.Thenunsindeedspendlonghourseachday
readingsādhanātextsintheirretreatsdivisionsandduringten-daylongsgrubchen.
Atypicalsādhanātextinthesixteenretreatdivisionsishundredsofpageslong;the
Hayagrīvasādhanāforexampleisnearly300pageslong,includingsupplication
prayerstothenunnery’sDharmaprotectors(gsolkha)whicharereciteddailyaspart
ofthesādhanā.Tosomeextentthenunshavethesetextsmemorizedastheyrecite
themeachday,orinthecaseofsgrubchenforaten-dayperiodeachyear.Thenuns
read,orchant,thesetextsinwhatcouldbecalledreligiousstatesofmind:thewords
areintendedtoevokefaith,compassion,aspirationandthecardinalprinciplein
Vajrayāna,pureperception(dagsnang)87.Thetextsarenotreaddiscursivelyor
critically,butratherasguidelinesforvisualisationandasreminderstointuitively
engagewiththepresenceoftheguruastheBuddhanatureofone’sownmind.
Integralelementsofthenuns’contemplativetraining(andofVajrayānaingeneral)
areritualempowerments(dbang),verbaltransmissions(lung),meditation
instructions(khridkha)thatindicatethenondualBuddhanatureofmindand
personalizedpithinstructions(manngag)fromaguru.Theseareallconveyedby
qualifiedGadchagsteachers.Empowermentsandverbaltransmissionsarebasedon
85KhyabbdagbLamaKhamsgsumchoskyirgyalpordorje’changTshangsdByangsrGyamTsho’igsung’bumbdudrtsi’irolmtshobzhugsso:TheNectarOceanofEnjoyment:TheCollectedTeachingsofTshangsdbyangrGyamtsho,VajradhāraDharmaSovereignoftheThreeRealms(TshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho2010);andZabgternyishurtsalnga:TheTwenty-FiveRootgTerma[ofRatnagLingpa](RatnagLingpa[n.d.]).86Thefiveyogicpracticesare:gtummo(psychicheat),rmilam(dreamyoga),bardo(‘intermediatestate’),’odgsal(‘clearlight’),sgyulus(‘illusorybody’).Theguruyogaintentbehindthesepracticesistounitethepractitionersbody,speechandmindwiththatofPadmasambhava.87Forexample,fromaGadchagsprayerbook:kungyigzhini’dusmabyas;rangbyungklongyangsbrjoddumed;’khor’dasgnyiska’imingmeddo;denyidrignasangsrgyaste:“Thefoundationofallisunconditioned;itsvast,self-arisingexpanseisinexpressible;neithersamsaranornirvanahaveanameforit;whenitisknown,itisBuddhahood.”(KesGadchags2004:155)
86
textualrecitations,whilepithinstructionsarespokenspontaneously,sometimesin
chargedperiodsofsilence.Theoverallpracticalknowledgeofhowtoapplythe
indicationsinthetexts,suchas‘unitemindandprāṇa’and‘restinthenatureof
mind’88,isembodiedbythenunsandsharedthroughformalteachingsandcasual
conversationsintheirdailylives.Furthermore,instructionsonritualmusic,mudrā
andvisualisationsofeachsādhanāpractisedintheretreatdivisionsandsgrubchen
areforthemostparttransmittedorally,asareinstructionsontheyogasandstages
ofDzogchenmeditation.Inthewholeofthenuns’learningtradition,textsare
thereforesecondarytooralteachings.Aforty-nineyear-oldGadchagsnunsaidin
2013:
Oursisanoralteachingtraditionfromourlamas.Wehavetheteachingsinourtexts,ofcourse.Butthroughapersonalisedstyleofpithinstructionsourlamasestablishedanorallineageforus.Theytaughtusthattheauthenticlineagewemustpreserveisthisorallineage.Itisaveryprofound,excellentwayofteaching.
TibetanBuddhistmanualsonyogicpracticeslikertsalungaretypicallyterse,
allowingfororalinstructionstofillinthegapsandcarrythe‘live’qualitythat
constituteshearing,orpractice,lineages(snyanbrgyud,sgrubbrgyud)ofBuddhist
tantra.Thetextsserveasanaccompanyingmaterialmemoryoftheteachingsand
thehistoryoftheirlineage.Theseniornunsimpartingoralinstructionsembody
thousandsofhoursofexperiencepractisingthemethodsbeingtaught,andwerein
turnguidedbyhighlyexperiencedpractitionerswhoseinstructionstheyhave
contemplatedandunderstood.Gadchags’snunssharefirst-person,verbal
indicationswitheachotherofthepitfallstoavoidinpractice,thesignsof
accomplishment,psychologyandthenatureofmind(bdegshegssnyingpo;Skt.
sugatagarbha).Judgingbytheproportionofnunswhoexhibitsignsofrealizationat
thetimeofdeath,theGadchagssystemoftrainingenablesthenunswitha
profoundunderstandingofthepracticestheyarecontinuallyengagedin.Thedirect
face-to-facecontactoforaltransmission–itsmaterialsound,personalised
88‘rlungsemsbyermedduzhogs’(fromahandwrittencopyofGadchags’sgTummoAspirationPrayer,gTummo’igsol’debs);and‘semsrangbabdugnas’(fromahandwrittencopyofaGadchagsmeditationinstructiontext,Nyamslenrganposmjugkhridbzhugsso).
87
intonationandexpression–hasaneffectonthecontentthatistransmitted,
allowingforakindofknowledgethatisqualitativelydifferentfromthatgained
throughtextualstudy(Goody&Watt1963:306).
Ongassertsthatacademiclearning(Greek:mathēsisandmathēma)allowsforthe
conveyanceoforganizedandabstractthoughtstructuresthatareindependentofa
practicalcontext;whileknowledgepassedorally,withoutwriting,iswisdom(Greek:
sophia)thatrelatesnottoabstractionsbuttoholisticengagementinthehumanlife-
world(Ong1986:41).Ongmaintainsthattheeffectofwritingonthoughtisto
separatebeingfromtime(Ong1986:43).InTibetanBuddhism’sprecarioussituation
ofthelastfewdecadesithasneededorganizedconveyanceofitsviewsinorderto
ensureitssurvivalasaninstitutionallyformidablereligionthathasmeaningand
valueinmodernChinaandelsewhere.PerhapsthishasbeentheintentionofEastern
Tibetanlamaswhoaredirectinganincreaseinrationalizedstudyprogramsindgon
pathroughoutEasternTibet.Suchconveyanceisachievedthroughacademic
learning,asOngasserts,whichbolstersatraditionandconfirmsitsknowledgein
doctrinalandmaterialforms(Halverson1992:314).
Conclusion
ThischapterhasexploredcausesanddynamicsbehindnewexpressionsofBuddhism
inthepracticelineagesofEasternTibet–orinotherwords,behindashiftfroma
highvaluingofyogicpractice(whetherornotitissupportedbyscholasticstudy)to
anemphasisonrationalunderstandingofBuddhistdoctrineandtheneedfor
prolongedtextualstudyasabasisforyogicpractice.Theswiftlychangingsituationin
EasternTibetansocialandreligiouslifeiscomplicated,withfactorsexertingtheir
influenceinmanydirections.Thischapterhasconsideredsomeofthemost
conspicuousofthese,andfoundthattheyofferexplanationsfornewformsof
TibetanBuddhisminEasternTibettoday.Theanalysishasrevealedthe
achievementsofthesenewscholasticformsinpreservingthereligionamidst
formidablechallengestoitssurvival.Furtherinvestigationofallthepossibilitiesin
thischapter,andmore,couldleadtodeeperunderstandingofthechangestaking
88
place.Amongthem,theinsightsofliteracystudiespointtoanespeciallysignificant
questiononthementalmodesofyogicpractice.Howdothesementalmodesand
theoraltraditionsthatinformthemincorporateadifferentqualityofknowledge
thanthatoftext-basedscholasticstudy?Thisquestionofdifferentqualitiesof
knowledgehighlightsthefocalinterestofthisresearch:howtheviewischangingin
themindsofTibetansinNangchenandEasternTibet,andwhatthischangingview
mightleadtointhefutureoftheirreligion.
89
CHAPTERFOUR
TheYoginoftheFuture?PossibleFuturePathwaysforTibetanContemplative
Culture
TantricBuddhismasanextensionofthestate?
Tibetansarestrivingtocometotermswithanewidentityasmembersofthe
Chinesenation,whichisjarringlydissonantwithTibetanself-identitypriortothe
1950s.Actualpoliticalhistoryaside,untilthePRC’sappropriationofTibetanareasin
the1950sTibetanscholarshiphadregularlydescribedChinaasdistinctfromitselfas
India,AfricaandEurope(Cooke2005:126,134n30).Inthisdistinctnationalidentity
religionwascentralintheworldviewofTibetans.Evenbeforetheimportof
BuddhismfromIndiainthe6thcenturyorearlier(Snellgrove1987inCooke2005:
120)thepeopleoftheTibetanplateauconceiveditspowerstructuresandterritorial
realminthecontextofareligiousworldview.AsSusetteCookehasdiscussed,since
theTibetanempireofthe7thto9thcenturieseverymajorTibetanpolityhas
empowereditselftosomeextentthroughidentifyingwithareligiousworldview.
Fromatleastthe11thcentury,accordingtotheBookofKadam(abookof
conversationsattributedtoAtiśaandDromtönpa),Tibetwasperceivedasarealmof
spiritualsignificanceoverseenbysuccessivereincarnationsoftheBuddhaof
Compassion(sPyanrasgzigs)anddedicatedtopreservationoftheBuddhadharma
(Cooke2005:127).ThiscontinuestobetheviewoftheexiledCentralTibetan
AdministrationforwhomrecognitionoftheDalaiLamaasheadoftheTibetan
people(ratifiedbyglobalTibetsympathizers)continuestodefineitsnationalismand
politicalactioninthepresent(Cooke2005:127).
InChinatoday,asminzuminoritymembersofmodernChina,Tibetansareforcedto
findtheirwaywhere“religionisframedinpatriotictermsfromthefirstinstance”
(Cooke2005:124).ReligioniscodifiedbytheChineseconstitutionandCCPpolicies
asasocialforceforsupportingthestate.Suchadministrativecontrolofreligious
90
activityisnot,however,merelyanoutcomeofChina’smodernstateformation,but
partofamuchlongerprojectofChinesegovernmentalauthorityoverreligious
culture(Oakes&Sutton2010:14).Areligiousworldviewframedcivilandpolitical
lifeinChinaaswellpriortothe20thcentury.Byaffiliatingwithandco-optinga
religiousworldview,China’semperorsasSonsofHeavenandtheirofficialassistants
positionedtheirauthorityoverallthatexisted“underHeaven”(Ch.tianxia)–
includingreligion.State-approvedreligioustraditionsandinstitutionswereallowed
aslongastheydidnotdisturbsocialharmonyorchallengestateauthority(Oakes&
Sutton2010:14).FromtheYuandynastyinthe13thcenturytothe20thcentury
Republicanera,theimperialmetaphorplayedoutinthepatron-preceptor
relationshipbetweenChineseemperorsandTibetanincarnatelamas.This
relationshipfunctionedtosanctifyandextendtheChineseempire’spolitical
presenceoverTibetanandMongolianfrontierpopulationsandtobridgetheseareas
withinlandChina89(Gaerrang2013:112).
Inthe20thcenturytheRepublicanandsubsequentCommunistgovernmentsbrought
astarkdiscontinuitywithitspastreligiousaffiliations,andsetastringentseparation
betweenreligionandstatepoliticalaffairs.ButforChina,thiswasnotsomucha
secularizationofthestateandpublicasitwasareplacementofreligionbystate
ideology(Yü2010:95).TheCCPhascreatedanadministrativespaceforreligion
whereinthefreedomofindividualbeliefisgranted,butintheheartsandmindsof
thepeoplenationalismisproselytizedbythestateasitslegitimizingforce.Inplace
ofgodsanddivinerightthatsanctifiedstateruleinthepast,nationalismandstate
ideologyarethegovernment’snewcreedforChina(Oakes&Sutton2010:15)90.
Furthermore,asGaerrangremarks,theCCPrulesprohibitingmixin(‘superstition’)
89Thisrelationshipalsoamountedtothelamas’successfulassertionofTibetanBuddhistpoliticalpowerinChina’sdirection.Huber,Makley,YüandothershavepointedouttheroleofreincarnatelamasinthesuccessfulspreadofTibetanBuddhismacrossInnerAsia,reachingevenChina’simperialcourts(Huber1999;Makley2010;Yü2013a).AsdescribedbyMakley,theDalaiLama’sdGelugsschoolbestexemplifiesthefull-scalepolitiesthatwerebuiltupthroughthefigureofthesprulsku,whosetantricpoweroverlegionsofprotectordeitiesandcloseallianceswithlayleaderssoughtto“mandalize”Tibetasaregion(Makley2010:130).90Oakes&Suttondescribetourismasamainarenaforthisproselytizing:temples,godsandculturalpresentationsbyethnicgroupsarenotincelebrationofdifference,butoftheall-encompassingnatureofthePRC(Oakes&Sutton2010:15).
91
andxiejiao(‘evilcult’)stagnateexistingreligionsandhinderthedevelopmentof
mysticalformsofexpressionandpractice(Gaerrang2013:113-114).
SamuelinhisCivilizedShamansemploystheconceptsofshamanicBuddhismand
clericalBuddhismtobetterunderstandTibetansocietyandreligiousculture.Samuel
contraststhedifferentorientationsofthetwo,wheretheshamanicinvolvesdirect
contactwithdeitiesandtranscendentmodesofconsciousnessthroughVajrayāna
practice91(typicalfigure:thetantriclama);andtheclericaltakesagradualapproach
totheinnersourceofenlightenedauthoritythroughscholarshipandethical
discipline(typicalfigure:themonk-scholar)(Samuel1993:5-10).Thoughthetwoare
interwoveninculturalpractice,oneortheotherisfoundtobepredominantin
differentsocietiesandassociatedwithacertainpoliticalcontext.Typically,the
clericalisathomeunderastronglycentralizedstategovernmentasinTheravādin
countries(forexamplesThailandandSriLanka),whiletheshamaniciscommonin
small-scalepre-literatesocieties,andforthatreason,unusuallyinTibetwherethere
hasbeenasophisticatedliterateculture(Samuel1993:7-10).Thedominant
monasticschoolsofCentralTibetthatheldestatesandpoliticalpowerover
generations,likethedGelugssincethe17thcenturyorSaskyaofthe13thand14th
centuries,indeedhadstrongerleaningstotheclericalwithmonasterieslikeSera
and’Brasspungsfullofthousandsofmonk-scholars.Buteventhesedeferredtothe
shamanicintheirhereditarytantriclamaswhoheldtemporalpower,liketheDalai
LamasandChosrgyal’Phagspa.Tibetwasalsounusualinthatitslargenomadic
populationeludeddomesticationbyahierarchicalstatepower,andformedafree-
flowingsocialstructurethatinsomewaysallowedforTibet’sVajrayānaculture
(Samuel1993:572).
LookingbeyondLhasaandmorebroadlyattheBuddhistcultureoftheTibetan
Plateau,SamuelseesthestrongandautonomousroleoftheshamanicinTibetan
91Samueluses‘shamanic’asageneraltermforacategoryofpracticesthatmaybedescribedas“theregulationandtransformationofhumanlifeandhumansocietythroughtheuse(orpurporteduse)ofalternatestatesofconsciousnessbymeansofwhichspecialistpractitionersareheldtocommunicatewithamodeofrealityalternativeto,andmorefundamentalthan,theworldofeverydayexperience”(Samuel1993:8).Thesamedefinitionwouldlooselyapplytotheterm‘yogic’inthisdissertation.
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Buddhismandattributesthislargelytothelimitednatureofpoliticalcontrolin
Tibetansocieties92priortothe1950s(Samuel1993:10,33).AsTibet’spolitical
structureswere,theyweredominatedandconstitutedbyreligiousorders.Thisisas
truefortheclericaldGelugsschoolwithitsincarnateDalaiLamasasitwasforthe
formerNangchenkings,someofwhomwerebKa’brgyudpayogins93(Turek2003:
19).TheoppositeisthecaseinacountrylikeThailand,wheresincethe
establishmentofitscentralizedBangkokadministrationthesaṅghahasbeen
domesticatedandkeptfirmlysubordinatetostatepower,whiletheforest
meditatorshavebecomemarginalized94(Samuel1993:7;Tiyanavich1997).The
siddhi(Tib.dngosgrub)attainedthroughtantricpracticemakesanindividual
independentandcharismatic,apowerthatcaneasilyextendtothepoliticalsphere
–asindeedsooftenhappenedinTibet(Samuel1993:28).Looking,asSamueldoes,
attheconstantthemeinBuddhistcountrieswherestrongstatecontroloverthe
saṅghapurifiesitofshamanicelementstoformastate-supportingclericalBuddhist
majority,itiseasytoimagineasimilarpathwayforTibetanBuddhism(withits
nomadsdomesticated)asanextensionoftheauthoritarianChinesestate(Samuel
1993:28).
Countercultureofthefuture?TheritualandsocialpoweroftheNangchenyogin
Yetsuchaconformistpathwaywouldbegforacounterculture,anditishardto
imagineTibetansnotturninginthefuturetotheinspirationoftheirpast,filledasit
iswithcelebratedsgrubthob(Skt.siddha)recalledinnumerousrnamthar
hagiographies.Turek’s2013dissertationonLaphyihermitageatsKyobrag
92SamuelalsomakesclearthatTibetuntilthe1950swasnot,contrarytomuchofearlierWesternscholarship,acentralizedstateunderatheocraticgovernmentatLhasa,butratheracomplexofsocietiesacrossregionswithdisparateculturalcharacteristicsandpoliticalallegiances(Samuel1993:139-154).93ThatthestatewasanextensionofreligioninTibetisepitomizedandrepeatedlyinvokedinthelegendaryaccountofthefirstmeetingofKingKhrisronglDebtsanandGuruPadmasambhava(whotogetherestablishedTibet’sfirstBuddhistmonasteryinthe8thcentury).ItwastheKingwhoprostratedtotheGuruandnotviceversa(Samuel1993:35).94Attheendofthe19thcenturyMongkut’sThammayutnikaiwasthemodelchosenbyThailand’snewlycentralizedgovernmentforitsorthodoxBuddhism.Mongkut’sThammayutnikaisawmeditationasunnecessarymysticismforthesaṅghaandespousedstudyofthePālicanonwithanemphasisontheVinaya(Tiyanavich1997:6-8).
93
monasteryinNangchen–ahermitageofnunssurroundingacentralyogicmaster,
TshulkhrimsmTharphyin,–highlightsthesocialpowerandresolutionofparadox
achievedbyTibetanswhoinvestinyogicpracticeatthistimeofcollectiveidentity
crisis.AccordingtoTurek,thelifeofacontemporaryTibetanyogin,despiteits
apparentsocialinertia,performsadecidedlyactiverolethatembodiesuniquelocal
identitywhiletranscendingthenewsocialorderbeingimposed(Turek2013:259).
TurekremarksthattherobesofaTibetanyogin,whilebeingtoleratedbythe
Chineseauthorities,areaclearmarkerofrefusal,andshearguesthatmonastic
renunciationisoneofthemosteffectivewaysthatTibetansareconveying
resentmentandrejectionoftheCommunistoccupation95(2013:252).Tureklooks
specificallyatthefoundingyoginofNangchen’sLaphyihermitage,Tshulkhrims
mTharphyin.Sheseesinhispsychophysicaltransformationthroughyogic
techniqueslikegtummothereconciliationoftwocontradictions:thatofhuman
sufferingingeneral,andthespecificdilemmaofTibetansinthecurrentsocio-
politicalcrisis(Turek2013:II).
TurekcitesGavinFloodinarguingthatthepublicperformanceofasceticism
characterizesitasritual,andthusmotivatedbyayearningforpower.Floodwrites:
Asceticactsperformedwithintheprivacyofacellorforestareneverthelessstillpublicinthesensethattheyparticipateinandaregivensanctionbythewidercommunityandtradition.[…]Throughperformingasceticismtheasceticisperformingtradition,andtheperformanceoftraditionisapublicaffair(Flood2004inTurek2013:258).
AtLaphyiTurekobservedthatthelifeofayogindependson“ritualandsocial
empowerment”.Ritualempowermentcomesfromthemonasteryandlineage
memberswhobestowtheempowerments,transmissionsandinstructions(dbang,
lung,khridka)necessaryforpractice.Socialempowermentcomesfromthewider
laycommunitywhooffernecessarymaterialandmoralprovisionsassponsors,
disciplesandpilgrims(Turek2013:259-260).Theyogininturnempowersa
95TurekseeapopularrevoltinthelargenumbersofmonksandnunsordainingintherevivingmonasticcentresofEasternTibet.SherecallsthatduringthecrackdownofbLarungsGarin2001theChineseauthoritiesreferredtoitsresidentsas“thered-robedarmy”(Turek2013:252-253).
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connectiontotraditionandethnicidentitybyembodyingyogicpractice,whichin
interdependencewiththewidercommunityleadstotherestorationoftheir
traditionalculturalvaluesystem(Turek2013:260).Thus,inspiteofthedetachment
andisolationthatdefinesthelifeofayogin,hisorherrenunciationisapublic
performancethatcansuccessfullycounteracttheTibetanidentitycrisissuffered
bothindividuallyandcollectively(Turek2013:230).
TurekacknowledgesthatLaphyihermitagehasasignificantsettinginthesocio-
politicalhistoryofNangchen,whichgivesitanexceptionalbasisforsuchayogic
revivaltotakeplace(Turek2013:98,104-106).Laphyi’sparent’Ba’rombKa’brgyud
monasteryofsKyobragisoneoffoursemi-independentadministrativedistricts(be
hu)96presidedoverbyaNangchenkinguntilthe1950s.Itisthusconnectedto
earlierrevivalsofthe’Ba’rombKa’brgyud(thefoundingschooloftheNangchen
kingdom)andthepoliticalhistoryofNangchen(Turek2013:118).Today,whileLa
phyihermitageonChabstimountainremainsfilledwithnunsfollowingTshulkhrims
mTharphyininmeditationtraining,sKyobragmonasteryhasestablishedabshad
grwa(thefirstinitshistory)andnumbersaredwindlinginthemonastery’stwomain
retreatcentresasmonksturntheirattentioninsteadtostudies(sKyobragmonk
Ampel,personalcommunication,July2015)97.Nevertheless,theritualandsocial
empowermentoftheyogicpathwayashighlightedbyTurekisundoubtedlypotent,
andsuggestscompellingreasonsforpracticecommunitieslikeGadchagsandLaphyi
tocontinueinthefuture.Forthattohappenahermitageneedstoexistoutsideof
statecontrol,asLaphyidoesonthemostparttoday(Turek2013:258),andit
remainstobeseenwhetherornotthegovernmentwillimplementapost-2008
policytostationaCCPofficialmonitorineachmonasterythroughoutTibetan
areas98.
96TheotherthreewereLabdgon,rTarnaandZurmang.Asbehuthesemonasticestateshadtheirownterritories,serfsandprivileges(Gruschke2004:31).97ThoughasIwritethisthesisthereisdiscussionamongsKyodrag’ssaṅghathattheirfocusshouldreturntoyogicpractice,whichwasthemonastery’sfocusinpre-modernTibet(sKyobragmonkKarmaOrgyen,personalcommunication,December2015).rNyingmapamonksinNangchentoldmethatsKyobragisnowoneofthestrongestmonk-communitiesinNangchenforpreservingitsyogictraditions,whichmusthavesomethingtodowithitssocio-politicalbackgroundmentionedhere.98Thepolicy,whichwasaresultofwidespreadunrestinTibetanareasin2008,istitled“CompleteLong-termManagementMechanismforTibetanBuddhistMonasteries”.Officialdocumentsdescribe
95
Ithasbeenmyobservationthatinthecurrentcrisisperiodfamiliesarestrugglingto
surviveandadapttotheforcefulnewtrajectoryofmodernisation,andthis
overwhelmsthelaity’sabilitytofocusmoralandfinancialattentiononremote
communities.Butastimegoesbyandthedustsettles,partsofTibetansocietymay
wellturntotheculturalheroesoftheirpast–thetantricyogins,gterstonand
lineagepatriarchs–asawayofconnectingtoandassertingtheirethnoreligious
identity.Insomecasesthiscouldrestorethemoralandmaterialsustenanceneeded
bytantricpractitionersandtheircommunitiestosurviveascounterculturalcentres
ofinterestandaspossiblebasesforTibetanculturalrevival.
TibetanBuddhismonthePlateauasatouchstoneforglobalizingTibetanBuddhism
AnotherdimensionworthconsideringforitspotentialtoencourageTibetan
contemplativecultureistheroleofTibetanyoginsandtantriclamasinthe
internationalschemeofTibetanBuddhism,whichhasbeenexpandingasaglobal
religionsincetheTibetanexileperiodbeganinthe1960s.Thecharacterofthe
tantricyogin–likethefamousMilaraspa,whoselife-storywastranslatedinto
EnglishattheveryoutsetofTibetanlamasarrivinginexile–embodiesthepromise
oftranscendingsufferingandtherealizationofhumanpotential.Yoginsareasource
ofinspirationtoagrowingnumberofpeopleinternationallywhoaresearchingfor
meaninginsecular,money-drivensocieties(Turek2013:333).
Todaytherearedozensofretreatcentresaroundtheworldwherenon-Himalayan
participantsengageintraditionalTibetanVajrayānaritual,meditationandyogic
practiceforthree-yearperiods,andthereareTibetanBuddhistcentresonmost
continentsandinmanycitiesthroughouttheworld.InthewiderSydney/Blue
MountainsareathereareupwardsoffifteenTibetanBuddhistgroups,mostofthem
guidedbyaTibetanlamaatsomestageintheirestablishment.TantricBuddhismis
itsaimsas“enhancingsocialmanagement”andto“adaptTibetanBuddhismtosocialism”.Accordingtothepolicygovernmentofficesaretoprovidecooperativemonasterieswithpracticalserviceslikerunningwater,electricity,roadsandmoney(HumanRightsWatch2012).
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basedonlineage,andthegrowingnumberofTibetanVajrayānafollowersaround
theworldarelookingtotheTibetanPlateauasahistoricaltouchstoneandforthe
inspirationofitslineagemastersandpracticeculture.Thisisbringingmoreand
moreinternationalBuddhistvisitorstoEasternTibet,whichisnowadaysgenerally
accessibleonaChinesetouristvisa.
VincanneAdams’‘KaraokeasModernLhasa’,ThomasKauffmann’sTheAgendasof
TibetanRefugeesandDonaldLopez’sPrisonersofShangri-lahaveeachshownways
inwhichTibetanscarryouttheculturalstereotypesandexpectationsprojectedon
thembyforeignersasastrategyforgarneringmoralandfinancialsupport.Salient
examplesgivenbytheseresearchersareTibetans’enactingofWesternexpectations
intheTibetanindependencemovement99,andexiledTibetanlamas’invokingofthe
Shangri-lamyth100(Adams1996;Kauffmann2015;Lopez1999).Adamsshowsthat
withinthepolemicofChineseandWesterndiscoursesonauthenticTibetannessat
playinTibet’smodernisation,Tibetans’desiretobewhatWesternerswantthemto
be–politicalandreligiousclients–isastrategyforobtainingtheforeignsupport
neededtofulfilltheirpersonalandpoliticalgoals(Adams1996).Thesamehappens
withTibetansactingouttheChinesescriptforauthenticTibetanness.Byperforming
theiruniquecultureinthetourismarenaasethnicTibetan‘other’,andreformulating
TibetanBuddhismaccordingtothegovernment’sdirectivetorepackagereligion,
TibetansearnthepatronageofChinesefollowersandtheabilitytoflourishasa
religioninmodernChina101.
Thesamestrategycouldwork(maybeworking)forTibetancontemplativeculture,
too.TurekexplainsthateachyeargroupsofWesternersandAsiansvisitLaphyi
hermitage,manyofthembKa’brgyudpaBuddhistsinspiredbyLaphyi’slineageand
followingitspracticetradition.TshulkhrimsmTharphyinisanobjectofdevotionfor
99i.e.thatauthenticTibetansarereligiouslydevout,andtheirresistancetoChinesecolonialismisarticulatedintermsofreligiousdevotion(Adams1996:515).100i.e.thatTibetwasanunchanging,peacefullandruledbyabenevolentDalaiLama,whosepeopleweredevotedtotheDharma,totheenvironmentandegalitarianvalues.101SeeWoeser’s7June2015blogFromDemonizationof“Serfs”toShangri-laofthe“ThirdPole”fortheironyintheCCP’scurrentfull-fledgedactsoforientalisminarecentCCTVdocumentarycalled“TheThirdPole”(Woeser2015).
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manyofthesevisitors,thoughathisdiscretionsomearerefusedameetingiftheir
attitudeisjudgedtobeinsincere(Turek2013:228).GadchagsdGonpaalsohas
individualsandgroupsofChineseandWesternvisitorseachsummer,mostofwhom
makethedifficultjourneytotheremotenunnery(withitsgrass-stuffedpillowsand
unappetizingdiet)becausetheywanttomeettheyoginīnunsandseefirst-hand
theirwayoflife102.AsmentionedinChapterTwo,theGadchagsnuns’dailymeals
aresponsoredbyoneofnunnery’slamaswhofundraisesamongstaninternational
baseofChineseandWesternBuddhistssympathetictotheGadchagstradition.In
addition,constructionofanewmainshrine-hallwasrecentlycompletedatGad
chags–aUSDmillion-plusprojectalsomadepossiblebyinternationaldonors
wishingtocontributetothepreservationofGadchags’scontemplativeculture.This
kindofsponsorshipandenthusiasmextendedbyinternationalTibetanBuddhists
maybuoytheprideoftheGadchagsnunsandotheryogicpractitioners,andprovide
incentiveforthemtofulfiltheprojectedexpectationsoftheirsupporters.Ofcourse
repeatedvisitsofforeignersmayalsoposehazardstothenuns’commitmentto
renunciationbyexposingthemtoarichermateriallife,thelureoftechnologyand
broaderlifeexperience.
ThegrowingnumberofHanTibetanBuddhistsinChinaisamoreregularpresencein
thelivesofEasternTibetans,andmaybeplayingamoreimmediatehandinvaluing
Tibetantantricpractice.ManyHanChineseaccessTibetanBuddhismthrough
tourismandthemarketplaceandtraveltothePlateauinsummerforfreshairand
inspirationofgenuinespiritualculture,returningtotheirsmoggy,materialisticcities
feelingconnectedtoaBuddhistheritageandameaningfullife.WhileitisChinese
moneybuildingupmanypost-MaoTibetanmonasteriesandshrines,theChinese
tendencyforfaithandreadybeliefinmagicalpowersofaspiritualmasteris
underwritingTibetantantriclamas.ModernChina’srelationshipwithreligionis
couchedinitsrapideconomicexpansion,andoftentimesloveofmoneyand
religiousfaithgohand-in-hand,withHanbusinesspeoplepayinglamastoperform
102Gadchags’sretreatbuildingsareoff-limitstoallforeignandTibetanvisitors,includingthenuns’relatives,accordingtoarulelaiddownbythenunnerycommitteeintheearly2000swhenthenumberofvisitorsbeganincreasing.
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ritualsinordertomakethegoodkarmanecessaryformoremoney.AwealthyHan
businessmannamedSunKejiagaveaninterviewtotheBBClastyearexplaininghis
relianceonTibetanlamasforhis$100mfortuneandasawaytosharegoodkarma
withhisfriends103(Sudworth2015).
IhaveobservedthatChineseinShanghaiandBeijingaremoreskepticaland
scientificthantheirSingaporeancounterpartsinaskingquestionsofnewBuddhist
teachers,yetoncetheyareconvincedofalama’spowergostraighttorequestinghis
magicalabilitiestoremoveobstaclestotheirbusiness,healthandfamilylives.John
Osburg’s2013bookAnxiousWealth,basedonhisethnographyofChengdu’snewly
rich,talksofcompetitionamongwealthymainlandChineseoverwhopatronizesthe
mostpowerfulTibetanmonks.OsburgfoundthatmanyHanperceiveTibetan
Buddhismasmoremysterious,powerfulandefficaciousthanChineseBuddhism104.
Thisperceptionharksbacktothe1920swhenTaixuandhisdisciplesincorporated
esotericJapaneseandTibetanBuddhismintothecurriculaoftheirnewBuddhist
schools,valuingtheemphasisinthesetwotraditionsonpracticeandpersonal
contactwitharealizedmaster(Tuttle2005:79-97).TheTibetantantriclamamaybe
attheforefrontoftheTibetanBuddhistexchangewithmanymodernHanBuddhists,
butbehindhimishistraininganddgonpaofmonks,nunsandsngagspa(laytantric
yogins)thatformhisculturalbackdrop,andthesemayreapsomeofthereturns.
103SunKejia’sfriend,aformerCCPofficialandadevoutTibetanBuddhist,wasalsopresentattheinterview.104OsburgseesthatTibetanBuddhism’sriseinChinaisclearlylinkedtoitsglobalriseinpopularity.ManyChineselayBuddhistsreadChinesetranslationsofpopularEnglish-languageTibetanBuddhistbooks,andturntoBuddhism–asWesternersdo–asacureformodernity’sills(Johnson2014).
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CONCLUSION
Asevidencedinthisthesis,TibetanBuddhisminChinaisnotatriskofannihilationas
hasbeentheclaimofsomeWesternersandTibetanrefugees(Kapstein2004:263,n.
1).Onthecontrary,sincethe1980sitisflourishinginEasternTibetwithhigh
numbersofordainedsaṅghastudyinginmonasticcentres,moreengagementwith
BuddhiststudiesamongthelaityandtheconsiderablesupportofHanChinese
studentsandpatrons.ThisisapparentinthedevelopmentofbLarungsGaroverthe
lasttwentyyears,andinnumerousdgonpathroughoutEasternTibetthathave
improvedbuildingsandexpandingstudyprogramsbasedonbLarungsGar’s
exampleand/orthecurrenttrendofmoderneducationanddevelopment.Such
flourishingisanachievementofmanyparticipants,butparticularlyofTibetan
BuddhistleaderslikebLarungsGar’smkhanpo.Theirmovementsforeducational
andethicalreformshavebeenastrategicresponsetochallengestotheirreligion
posedbytheCCPgovernmentandmodernizingsociety.
Yetaslivelihoodsshiftfromdependenceonnaturetowardsarationalizedmarket,
andmodesoflearningshiftfromanemphasisoncontemplativeexperiencetowards
programsoftextuallearning,themindsofTibetansarechanging,asarethewaysin
whichtheyengageandderivemeaningfromtheirBuddhistreligion.Apractice-with-
studyethiccontinuestobeadvocatedbymanyTibetanlamasandtheirfollowers,
butthedemandsofarapidlymodernizingeconomycallfortheattainmentof
academicdegreesandanexpoundingofBuddhismthatsatisfiesmoderncritical
approachestoknowledge.Theresulthasbeenacourseofpurescholarshipformany
monasticsthatlacksasignificantpracticecomponent.
Thisneworientationhasledtoemptyingretreatcentresonthemountainsof
EasternTibetand,atthelevelofconsciousness,toaweakeningoftheattitudesof
faith(dadpa)andpureperceptionofBuddhanature(dagsnang)thataresaidtobe
essentialtotantricaccomplishment.Theweakeningoftheseattitudesthatusedto
becustomaryformanyTibetansisatthecruxofcurrenttransformationsof
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contemplativecultureinEasternTibet.dBangdragRinpoche,oneofGadchags’stwo
seniorlamas,voicedhisconcernin2015overtheissue:
ThereisadangerinthefutureofTibetandgonpabecominglikethedgonpainIndia where not a single Tibetan from the refugee settlements joins105; orChinese Buddhist monasteries wheremonks study and study, but there arefew yogic accomplishments; or like the fancy Buddhist temples for touristswithonly fiveor sixmonks inside.BecauseTibetans’ faith (dadpa)andpureperception (dag snang) are disappearing, so is our culture of yogicaccomplishments(dBangdragRinpoche,personalcommunication,July2015).
InastatementthatcomesfullcircletobLarungsGar’soriginsasachossgar,Khenpo
TsultrimLodröexpressedthefollowingwordsofwarningtoaconferenceofleading
TibetanBuddhistteachersinChengdulastOctober2015:
Buddhiststudy–liketheFiveMajorSubjects106–won’tdeclineinahundredyears.I’mnotconcernedaboutthat.WhatI’mconcernedaboutisourpracticetradition.Ifwecontinueaswearenow,intwentyyearsourpracticewillbelost.[…]AllschoolsofTibetanBuddhismarefacingtheproblemofdeclineintheirpractice.[…]Inthepast,ateacherintheirkindnesswouldtrainatulkuandputhimontherightpath.[...]Nowadaystulkusjustbuildtemples,stupas,statues–theyaremorelikesponsorsandsupervisors,notlikethegurusofthepast.[…]Inordertogiveempowerments[dbang]andinstructions[khridka]alamaneedspractice,havingreceivedthemfromanotherlama.Notanymore.Nowadaystulkus’activitiesaretooinvolvedwithmoney.[…]Today,duetothekindnessoftheoldlamaswhoholdthelivinglineagesofinstructionandempowerments,weareokay.ButwhenIthinkofthefutureI’mworriedthattheDharmawilldegenerate.[…]Nowadaysmanylamasarecapableofgivingteachings,theyhavethelungtransmissionsofthetexts.Butintwentyyears,wherewillthequalifiedlamasbewhocangiveempowermentsandpracticeinstructions?[…]IamnotworriedaboutthematerialwellbeingofTibetinthefuture.Butourpracticeisdeclining.[…]Thesedaysmanypeoplearestudyingtexts,ithelpsthemtohaveabetterlivelihood.[…]Butaftertwentyyearsifwecontinueonthis
105NowadaysveryfewTibetanrefugeeseducatedinIndiaarebecomingmonksandnuns.ThemajorityofmonksandnunsindgonpainIndiaarefromborderregionslikeNepal,Ladakh,Bhutan,SpitiandKinnaur.106TheFiveMajorSubjects(gZhungbKa’podlNga)studiedinamonasticcollege:Pramāṇa(logicandtheoryofperception);Pāramitā(theMahāyānasūtrateachingsingeneral),Madhyamaka(śūnyatāphilosophyaspropoundedbyNāgārjuna),Vinaya(theprinciplesofmonasticdiscipline)andAbhidharma(phenomenologyaccordingtothesūtras).
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course,practicewilldisappear.[…]Itisgoodtostayonamountaininpractice,butnowadaysonly2outofevery100peoplearedoingthis.Ourolderlamasaredying,andtheyoungermonksdon’tknowhowtopracticesomeoftheoldtraditions–theyarewrittenintextsbutthepracticalknowledgeislost.[…]Therearetwoextremes–thoselivingonthemountaindoingritualpracticecriticizethescholars,whilethescholarscriticizethepractitioners.[…]Ifweagreeaboutthis,weneedtoquicklydosomethingaboutit.[…]Allschoolsneedtomakeeffortstopreserveourpracticetraditions.[…]Forthefuture–whoeveryouare,monkorlayperson–whatisneededisdedicatedpractice(Lodrö2015b).
ThesewordsmayappearoutofstepwiththesameKhenpo’semphasison
scholarshipandscientificreasonthatIrelayedinChaptersTwoandThree.YetbLa
rungsGarfirstoriginatedasatraditionalEasternTibetanchossgar(‘Dharma
encampment’)foundedbyKhenpoJigmePhuntsok,whowasanaccomplished
tantricmasterandgterston.KhenpoTsultrimLodröhasbecomeoneofthemost
famousofKhenpoJigmePhuntsok’searlydisciples,andhisrNyingmaschool,asthe
oldestoftheTibetanBuddhistschools,hasprioritizedVajrayānapracticesinceit
originatedinthe8thcentury.
AlongwithotherbLarungsGarmkhanpo,KhenpoTsultrimLodröhaspresumably
beentryingtocarryforwardhisguru’svisionforbLarungsGarasanintegralcentre
forTibetanBuddhistlearning.ThemkhanpohavemanagedtonavigateBLarung
sGarthroughadangerouscomplexityofChinesemodernityoverthelasttwenty
years,includinga2001evictionbytheChineseauthoritiesofthousandsofbLarung
sGarmonastics.Perhapspromotingscholasticismandscientificreasonhasbeena
necessarytacticforthemtoworkeffectivelywiththestateandtoservetheneedsof
modernfollowers.Themkhanpohaveachievedworld-renownforbLarungsGarand
aformidablereligiouspresencethathaswithstoodtheturbulentpassageintopost-
MaoChina.Importantly,itappearsthatbLarungsGarhasskilfullysecuredthe
state’sapproval.Withthatsecured,perhapsitispossibleforthemkhanpoand
otherEasternTibetanBuddhistleaderstoreturntheirfocusonprolongedVajrayāna
practiceamongtheirordainedcommunities–astheKhenpo’sremarksabove
suggest.Ifthathappens,maybeitispossiblethatayogiccommunitylikeGadchags
dGonpawillagainbesupportedbyTibetansocietytosurviveinthefuture.Yetto
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whatextentwouldthestatepermitwidespreadcultivationoftantricpracticein
Tibet?Continuedfieldworkresearch,includingtheopportunitytointerviewTibet’s
leadingmkhanpo,isessentialtoobserveneweventsastheyunfoldandtoaddress
thesequestionsmorefully.
AnotherstrongstatementbyaprominentTibetanlamaontheimportanceof
practiceinVajrayānaisbythe7thYongeyMingyurRinpoche.In2011helefthisrole
asthefamousheadofaglobalnetworkofBuddhistmeditationcentrestoliveasa
wanderingyogininnorthernIndiaandNepalforoverfouryears.Whilesuchan
extendedretreatwouldhavebeencommoninthelivesofmanyTibetanlamas
beforethe1950s,itisunusualformostcontemporaryTibetanlamaswhoare
preoccupiedwiththebusinessofsustainingtheirTibetan,Himālayanand
internationalgroupsofdisciplesandcharitableprojects.YongeyMingyurRinpoche’s
renunciationforretreathasmadeastrongimpressionontheinternationalTibetan
Buddhistcommunity,ringingasafamiliarreminderofhowitusedtobe107(JetsunmaTenzinPalmo,personalcommunication,January2016).
ThefactthatconcernabouttheurgencyofrecoveringTibetanpracticetraditionsis
beingpublicallyvoicedbylamasacrosslineageshintsthatitissurfacingasa
consciousconcernwithinTibetansociety.TibetanBuddhistsandtheirleadersin
Chinahaveexercisedremarkableprowessandself-determinationinfortifyingtheir
religiondespitethestate’sultra-modernsocialistdevelopmentagendaandthe
radicaloverhaultolifeontheTibetanPlateauithasentailed.Althoughthe
observationsofthisthesisregardingthesurvivalofyogictraditionsinTibetmay
seemdiscouraging,itwillbeinterestingtoseewheretheself-awarenessandself-
determinationoftheTibetanBuddhistcommunityinChinadirectsitselfinthe
future.ProminentTibetanBuddhistlamashavebynowestablishedguru-disciple
relationshipswithmanythousandsofChinesestudents,andwiththistheauthority
todirecttheorientationofTibetanBuddhismamongtheirfollowers.
107Seehttp://www.lionsroar.com/yongey-mingyur-rinpoche-returns-from-four-years-of-retreat/
103
bLarungsGarKhenpoSodargye(frontcentre)withhisstudentsinHongKong,January2016.Credit:FenyiLu.
Consideringthespateofunprecedentedchangesoccurringatalllevelsoflifein
EasternTibetsincethe1980s–changingevenintheyearthisthesisiswritten–one
isreluctanttodrawanyconclusionatallonthesituationofTibetanreligiousculture.
Alongwiththespeedofchangethatblursbeforethemindseekingtounderstandit,
theinaccessibilityofmanyEasternTibetanareastoforeignersuntilrecentlyhas
limitedtheamountofethnographicresearchconductedthere.Thefieldworkstudies
conductedoverthelastdecadeinEasternTibethaveprovidedcriticalinformationto
thefieldofcontemporaryTibetanstudiesandhavebeeninstrumentalinshaping
thisthesis.HowevertheoverallbodyofresearchonEasternTibetanBuddhismsince
the1980sisrelativelysmall,andresearchfromonlytenyearsagodoesnotalways
speaktothecurrentsituation108.Todaytheextensionofpavedhighwaystoall
cornersoftheTibetanPlateaucontinuesatasurprising(ifnotalarming)rate.With
increasedtourismandeasieraccessforforeignerswewilllikeyseeasurgeof
researchonEasternTibetanreligiouscultureintheyearsahead.
AnothermethodologicalchallengetomyMaster’sresearchhasbeenthetime
constraintthatmadeafieldworkcomponentimpracticable.Theinterviewsandfield
observationsusedinthisstudyweremostlygatheredbetween2006and2013
108LikeresearchbyGermano(1998),Terrone(2009)andTurek(2013)thatobservedarevivaloftantricBuddhistculturetakingplaceinEasternTibetinthe1990sandearly2000s.
104
beforehoningtheresearchquestionsofthisthesis.Althoughthedataprovides
illuminatinginsightsintorecentthoughtprocessesanddiscussionsinEastern
Tibetansociety,amorenuancedunderstandingmayhavebeenpossiblewiththe
opportunitytoresearchmoreofthedgonpaandcharactersparticipatinginthe
TibetanBuddhistrevival–beyondthebLarungsGarmkhanpoandGadchagsdGon
payoginīs.Itwouldhavebeeninteresting,forexample,tolookatthecurrentstate
ofnumerousrNyingma109dgonpainChabmdo–whichwasthesiteofthe1950
BattleofChabmdo110andhasbeenundertheBeijing-administeredTARsince1965–
andseeinwhatwaystighterpoliticalcontroloftheareahasinfluencedTibetans’
currentvaluingofyogicpractice.
Afurtherresearchquestionrelevanttothisthesis,perhapsobviousforitsabsencein
mydiscussionsofGadchagsdGonpa,isthatofgender.GadchagsdGonpaisoneof
ahandfulofcommunitiesinNangchenpreservingitsoriginalyogicpractice
curriculum,anditisafemalelineage.Isbeingafemalelineageafactorinthe
community’spropensityforevolving,andnowpreserving,adistinctivepractice
traditionthatspecializesingtummo?ItisnoteworthythatLaphyihermitage,the
siteofthepost1980shermiticrevivalofTurek’sresearch,isacommunityofnuns
(albeitsurroundingamaleguru,asisGadchags).Inaddition,thecommentbythe
KhangnedGonpanuninChapterTwonotesthatallmonasteriesinNangchennow
havebothbshadgrwaandpracticecomponents,whileafewnunneriesremainwith
onlyapracticecomponent.Whatarethesocial,psychologicaland/orotherreasons
thatsomecommunitiesofnunsinNangchenhavebeenlatetojointhemovement
towardsincreasedphilosophicalstudy?Arethesenunnerieschoosingtoadhereto
purelypracticecurriculainstead,asisGadchagsdGonpa,oraresocial
disadvantagestheprevailingreason?Thescopeofthepresentresearchdidnot
allowforanexplorationofthesegender-relatedquestionsastheyarebroadand
significantenoughtomeritaresearchprojectoftheirown.Overthelasttwenty-five
yearsarichfieldofliteraturehasemergedonwomen’sexperiencesin
Tibetan/HimālayanBuddhistculturewiththeresearchofGutschow(2004),Gyatso109BeingrNyingmadgonpatheyhavetraditionallyfollowedpracticelineages.110a.k.a.InvasionofTibet
105
andHavnevik(2005),vanEde(2000),Makley(2007)andothers.Gleaningfromthis
fieldofresearch,intandemwithfurtherfieldworkinvestigationsofGadchagsdGon
paanditsfemalepracticetraditions,wouldhelptoaddressmanyofthesequestions.
ThisthesishasbroughtintoreliefarecenttrendinTibetanBuddhismthatwillhavea
criticaleffectonthefutureofTibetanreligiousculture.Thecentralquestionofthis
research–whatisbecomingofTibetancontemplativeculture–remainsanopen
question.Wehaveseenhowquicklyvalues,orientationsandthesocialcontextof
TibetanBuddhismhavechangedinashortperiodoftimeinpost-MaoChina,and
alsohowquicklyleadingTibetanlamashavewokenuptothepotential
disappearanceofTibetanpracticetraditionsonthecurrenttrajectory.The
enforcementofstateregulationsonreligioninChinaisthegovernment’s
prerogative,anditremainstobeseenwhetherincreasedfreedomofreligious
thoughtandactionisintheCCP’sinterestforthenation’sfuture.Thebottomlineof
amoderneconomyandthestate’sreligiouspoliciesmaydeterminehowfarthe
organizationalformsofTibetanBuddhismcanflourishinChina.ButTibetan
Buddhism,asithasbeenpractisedformanycenturiesuntiltoday,has
transformationatitscore.Itwillbeinterestingtoseetheinnerpaththatits
followersdetermineforthemselvesinthefuture.
106
GlossaryofTibetanandChineseterms
Tibetanterms’Ba’rombKa'brgyud:sub-schoolofthebKa’brgyudschoolbcudlen:‘extractingtheessence’,anasceticpracticeoftakingnourishmentsolelyfromherbalandmineralpillsblama’irnal’byor:‘guruyoga’,integralpracticeinTibetanBuddhismforunitingtheBuddhamindofapractitionerwiththatofthegurubLarungsGar(bLarungsgarlNgarigNangbstansLobgling):bLarungsGarFiveSciencesBuddhistAcademyingSerrtaCountyofdKarmdzesPrefecture,Sichuan’BrugpabKa’brgyud:sub-schoolofthebKa’brgyudschoolbshadgrwa:monasticcollegeforadvancedscripturalstudieschossgar:‘Dharmaencampment’,meditationcommunitybasedaroundaguruChuras:‘Wetsheet’,apublicceremonyinwhichpractitionersdemonstratetheiraccomplishmentingtummobydryingoffwetsheetswiththeirraisedbodytemperaturedadpa:faith,orconfidence,correspondingtoSkt.śraddhādagsnang:pureperceptiondbang:tantricempowermentdgonpa:monastery,nunnery,hermitageorcommunityshrinehallGadchagsdGonpa:largenunneryofyoginīsinNangchen;casestudyofthisresearchGrubdbangTshogsgnyis(b.circa1828):renownedmasterofthe’BrugpabKa’brgyudandrNyingmatraditions;rootgurutothefounderofGadchagsdGonpagSarbsgyur:‘NewTranslation’;traditionsbasedonthevariouscyclesoftantras,commentariesandpracticetextsthatweretranslatedintoTibetanfromthelate10thto12thcenturies.Amongmany‘NewTranslation’traditionsthatdevelopedareSaskya,bKa’brgyudanddGelugsschools.gterma:concealedsacredtreasuregterston:revealerofsacredtreasuresgtummo:yogaofpsychicheat’JammgonKongsprulbLogrosmTha’yas(1813-1899),prominentBuddhistmasterfromKhamsandakeyfigureintheRismedmovement’JamdbyangsmKhyenbrtse’idBangpo(1820-1892):prominentBuddhistmasterfromKhamsandakeyfigureintheRismedmovement’JuMipham(1846-1912):animportantrNyingmamaster-scholarandleaderintheRismedmovementKhenpoJigmePhuntsok(mKhanpo’JigsmedPhuntshogs,1933-2004):importantcontemporaryVajrayānamasterandgterston,andfounderofbLarungsGar
107
KhenpoSodargye(mKhanpobSodDarrgyas,b.1962):prominentbLarungsGarmkhanpoandinternationalteacher,especiallyamongChineseBuddhistsKhenpoTsultrimLodrö(mKhanpoThsulkhrimsbLogros,b.1962):prominentbLarungsGarmkhanpoandinternationalteacher,especiallyamongChineseBuddhistskhridka:oralmeditationalinstructionsgivenbyaqualifiedlama’khrul’khor:haṭhayogapractisedintandemwithrtsalungLaphyi:ahermitageofnunssurroundingtheyogicmaster,TshulkhrimsmTharphyin,nearsKyobragmonasteryinNangchen;namedafteraretreatplaceofthe11thcenturyyogin,Milaraspalung:oraltransmissionofBuddhisttexts,importantinmaintainingalineagemanngag:pithoralpracticeinstructionsimpartedbyaqualifiedlama,correspondingtoSkt.upadeśamChoggyurgLingpa(1829-1870):atreasure-revealerborninNangchenandanimportantfigureintheRismedmovementMilaraspa(1040-1123):famousTibetanyoginandpoetwhosepracticeteachingsarecentraltothebKa’brgyudschoolmkhanmo:‘femalescholar’,titleofanaccomplishednun-scholarinrNyingma,bKa’brgyudandSaskyaschoolsmkhanpo:‘malescholar’,titleofanaccomplishedmonk-scholarinrNyingma,bKa’brgyudandSaskyaschoolsmunmtshams:darknessretreatNangchen(Ch.Nangqian):formerkingdominEasternTibet,locationofthisstudyrab’jams:titleofanundergraduateBuddhistscholarincontemporaryTibetanbshadgrwaPodsdebcudrug:thesixteenvolumesofTsangsdbyangsrGyamtso’scommentaryonRatnagLingpa’sgterma;thescripturalbasisforGadchags’spracticetraditionRaspa:‘Cotton-clad’epithetforpractitionersofgtummoRatnagLingpa(1403-1478):aprolificgterstonwhofirstcompiledtherNyingmarGyud’bumcollectionofrNyingmatantrasrDorje’jigsbyed:oneofthe16deitiespracticedinGadchags’sretreatdivisions,correspondingtoSkt.VajrabhairavaRismed:‘unbiased’,thenamegiventoanon-sectarianreligiousmovementthatbeganinEasternTibetinthe19thcenturyrnamthar:hagiographyofaTibetanBuddhistmasterrTamgrin:oneofthe16deitiespracticedinGadchags’sretreatdivisions,correspondingtoSkt.Hayagrīvartogsldan:realizedperson,oryoginrtsarlung:nāḍīandprāṇayoga;thegeneralpracticecategorythatincludesgtummosGrolma:greenTārā
108
sgrubchen:‘greataccomplishment’,agroupsādhanāceremonylastingabouttendayssgrubgrwa:retreatcentreforprolongedVajrayānapracticesgrubkhag:retreatdivisiondedicatedtolifelongpracticeofaparticularyidam;atGadchagsdGonpatherearesixteensgrubkhagsKyobrag:historicallyimportant’Ba’rombKa’brgyudmonasteryinNangchenslobdpon:titleofajuniorBuddhistscholarinrNyingma,bKa’brgyudandSaskyaschools,correspondingtoSkt.ācāryasmansgrub:sacredmedicinemadeofherbsandconsecratedduringasgrubchensmyunggnas:atwo-dayfastingpracticeofAvalokiteśvarasngon’gro:preliminarypracticesinVajrayānasprulsku:reincarnatelamathodrgal:‘leapover’,methodinDzogchenmeditationusingvisionandlightThugssgrubYangsnying’Duspa–animportantgtermainthecollectionofRatnagLingpa’s25gterma;themaingtermapractisedatGadchagsdGonpaTshangsdbyangsrGyamtsho(1848-1909):thefounderofGadchagsdGonpa;histhirdincarnationisthecurrentheadlamaofthenunnerytshethar(Ch.fang-sheng):savingthelivesofanimalsduetobekilledYachensGar:alargemonasticcommunityforDzogchentraininginEasternTibet,establishedinthe1980sbyAkhyugRinpocheyeshes:primordialwisdomawareness,correspondingtoSkt.jñānayidam:personalmeditationdeityZabgternyishurtsalnga:acollectionofRatnagLingpa’sgtermaChinesetermsfubao:merit;karmicrewardgongyang:religiousofferingmixin:superstition;deludedfaithshehuizhuyijingshenwenming:‘SocialistSpiritualCivilization’,since1980thepromotionalnamefortheCCP’sgoalofethicalandsocialdevelopmentinChinaxibudakaifa:theCCP’s‘DeveloptheWest’campaigntoeconomicallydevelopChina’swesternregions,includingmuchoftheTibetanPlateauxiejiao:evilcult
109
AppendixI
Article36ofthePeople’sRepublicofChinaConstitution(takenfromChapter2,
‘TheFundamentalRightsandDutiesofCitizens’)(adoptedon4December1982)
Article36.CitizensofthePeople'sRepublicofChinaenjoyfreedomofreligiousbelief.Nostateorgan,publicorganizationorindividualmaycompelcitizenstobelievein,ornottobelievein,anyreligion;normaytheydiscriminateagainstcitizenswhobelievein,ordonotbelievein,anyreligion.Thestateprotectsnormalreligiousactivities.Noonemaymakeuseofreligiontoengageinactivitiesthatdisruptpublicorder,impairthehealthofcitizensorinterferewiththeeducationalsystemofthestate.Religiousbodiesandreligiousaffairsarenotsubjecttoanyforeigndomination.
– (People’sDaily1982)
AppendixII
sGrubkhagbCudrugTheSixteenRetreatDivisionsatGadchagsdGonpa
rTamgrin:HayagrīvagSang’dus:GuhyasamājadGongs’dus:‘EmbodimentofRealization’(animportantAnuyogasādhanā)’Jigsbyed:Bhairava(aformofYamāntaka)Khroma:wrathfulblackḍākinīTshesgrub:AyuhSādhanā(longevitypracticeofAmitāyus)rDosems:VajrasattvasGrolma:GreenTārākLonggsal:TantraoftheBrilliantExpanse(oneofthe17DzogchenTantras)Gurudragpo:wrathfulSambhogakāyaformofGuruPadmasambhavaTsagsum:‘ThreeRoots’(Guru,Yidam,Ḍākinī[andDharmapāla])Phurpa:VajrakīlayasNgagsgso:ritualforexpiationandpurificationofdefectscorrespondingtoVajrayānaviewandconduct(arrangedbymChoggyurgLingpa[1829-1870])Thugssgrub:‘MindSādhanā’(guruyogapractice)rDorjegrolod:wrathfulemanationofGuruRinpochebKa'brgyad:eightsādhanāofchiefMahāyogayidamdeitiesZhikhro:PeacefulandWrathfulDeitiesofthebar do
110
AppendixIII
GadchagsdGonpa’sscheduleforthe19setsofextendedgroupsādhanā
ceremonies,calledsgrubchen
EachsgrubchentakestendaysandthedatesarebasedontheTibetanLunarcalendar.Theyearlycyclebeginsonthe7thdayofthe10thmonthinwinter.BeginEnd10-0710-13 Thugssgrubyangsnying’duspa(quintessentialaccomplishment
oftheGuru’smind)10-1510-21 GuruDragpo(wrathfulPadmasambhava)10-2210-28 mGonpo(Mahākala)10-3011-06 gSangba’Duspa(Guhayasamāja)11-0711-13 Zhikhro(peacefulandwrathfuldeities)11-1511-21 sNgagsgso(tantricmendingandpurification)11-2211-28 Phursgrub(Vajrakīlaya)11-3012-06 TshesgrubrDo’phreng(secretaccomplishmentofAmitāyus)01-0801-14 ThugssgrubBarchadKunsel(accomplishmentofBuddhamind,
removingallobstacles)01-1501-21 Zhikhro(peacefulandwrathfuldeities)01-2401-30 TshesgrubrDo’phreng(longevitypractice)02-0802-14 rTamgringSang’dus(HayagrīvaGuhayasamāja)02-1602-22 sGrolma(GreenTārā)02-2503-01 ’Jigbyed(Yamāntaka)03-0303-09 rDorje’Jigbyed(Vajrabhairava)03-1103-17 Khroma(wrathfulḍākinīgCodpractice)03-2003-26 SenggegDongma(Lion-facedḌākinī)05-0805-14 bKa’brgyad(theeightdeityclasses)05-2305-29 rDosems(VajrasattvafromthesMingrolglingtradition)
TheschedulefortheannualreligiousceremoniesBeginEnd12-1412-16 Churas:‘Wetsheet’ceremonyinwhichthenunspublically
demonstratetheiraccomplishmentingtummobydryingoffwetsheetswiththeirraisedbodytemperature
12-2312-29 dGuchen:TraditionalsādhanāceremonyofMahākala,performedinthelastweekoftheyeartoremoveobstaclesfortheyearahead
05-1905-21 Ribstod:Purifcationritualofmakingofferingstolocalmountaindeitieswithanextensivesmokepuja(bsang)
06-0106-30 Dungsgrub:AccumulationofonehundredmillionmantrasofPadmasambhavaandotherdeities
111
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