coast line expansion and social dynamics. the comal estuary

Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies Vol.1 (Nov. 2013) 45-60

ⓒ2013 Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies 45

Coast Line Expansion and Social Dynamics.

The Comal Estuary 1850s - 2010s(1)

PUJO SEMEDI

Dept. of Anthropology, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Gadjah Mada University

Abstract: Examination of topographical maps and satellite imagery of Comal River estuary, from 1853 until present reveals that

the area has undergone continuous land expansion as a result of heavy siltation from upstream. We hypothesize that the top soil

lost in the hill range due to erosion has increased the land area in the estuary. This study places the increase in land area in the

Comal River estuary in the context of socio-economic dynamics in the surrounding area; with the growth of sugarcane industry

in the lowlands and expansion of coffee fields and human habitation to the hill range of Central Java during the second half of the

19th century, the establishment of irrigation networks in the first half of the 20th century, and efforts at forest rehabilitation from

the 1930s to the present. Questions about the appropriation of the new lands in the Comal estuary need to be raised, too. Does the

emergence of new land areas provide an opportunity for landless farmers to escape from their proletarian status? If so, how does

this process evolve?

Keywords: land expansion, social distribution, Java

1. Introduction

The use of GIS in ethnography is still in its infancy. Anthro-

pologists are quite familiar with maps, topographical or else, but

so far maps have been utilized mainly as auxiliaries to give

more realistic descriptions of the geospatial context of their

research subject, rather than as data subjected to analysis itself.

While by nature anthropologists are sensitive to social structure

and cultural variation, they are less sensitive to geospatial dis-

tribution and dynamics, since these matters are thought to be the

domain of geographers. An argument I would like to put forward

here is that geospatial information can be—and should

be—subjected to ethnographic analysis since it contains a lot of

socio-cultural and political-economic data, or to put it in other

words, a great amount of ethnographic data are kept in maps.

Landscapes as represented in maps are related to or result from

certain social constructs; different features in maps of similar

place from different times most likely indicate different social

constructs.

In our research on Comal sub-district, Central Java, Indonesia

we have used a set of topographical and cadastral maps from

1850s to the present. Visual information collected during a rapid

ground check observation clearly shows that in the last hundred

and fifty years, the estuary of the Comal River has been ex-

panding significantly as a result of erosion in the head water

area and along the river basin, which in turn related to expan-

sion and intensification of land use, mainly for agriculture. Who

cultivates the new lands around the Comal estuary? How is the

new land distributed among cultivators? Has the presence of

new lands provided a way for landless farmers in the area to

escape from their landlessness? Or is the newly emergent land

appropriated immediately by the land holding class? If that is

the case, what are the mechanisms of appropriation? In this

paper, the increase in land around the Comal estuary the Comal

estuary will be placed in the context of agro-ecosystem dynam-

ics in the surrounding area to find out which elements lead to

the growth, as well as to identify the consequences that the in-

crease in land brings to socio-economic life of farmers in the

area. This paper argue that access to land among farmers is not

merely matter of land availability and pro small-holding farmers

governmental policies (Eshleman and Hunt, 1991: 25). Escaping

landlessness requires a certain level of socio-economic

capability (Shresta, 1989: 373). Land may be available,

goverment policies may be pro small-holding farmers, but the

farmers need to have capability to retain the ownership, against

their own drive to earn short term revenue, and against land

accummulation by richer kin and neighbours.

2. The Comal River system in the 1850s

The central part of the North Serayu Range that stretches west

to east like the spine of Java Island is the headwater of the Co-

mal River. Fed by several tributaries in the hill range, the river

snakes down to the lowlands and enter Java Sea, at a length of

50 kilometers. Nowadays almost the entire area along the river,

on the right and left-hand side, is heavily cultivated. There are

fishponds in the estuary, wet paddy fields in the lowlands, and

dry farmlands for cassava and maize with miniscule strips of

pine forest in the hills. Some secondary rain forest can still be

found around the sources of the river in the highest part of the

hill range, 500 - 1000 meters above sea level, but the forest is

not healthy due to small-scale, ceaseless tree stealing. Together

with other river systems all over Java, in the 1910s this river

system was subjected to thorough engineering in order to in-

crease the river’s role in irrigation and to control annual flood-

ing. Two large dams, the Mejagong dam in the uphill area of

Moga sub-district (25 kilometers upstream) and the Sukawati

dam (15 kilometers upstream) in the foothill area of Bodeh

sub-district were installed to provide technical irrigation for

28.974 hectares of rice / sugar cane fields (Ditjen Sumberdaya

Air, 2010). The lower part of the river, from Comal Town to the

estuary was straightened to maintain fast water flow and protect

the area from flooding.

The earliest reliable geospatial information on the Comal

estuary the Comal estuary is a topographical map from 1857

(Versteeg, 1857), which was drawn based on a survey conducted

in the 1840s, immediately after the Java War. As a means of

orientation, the map is quite accurate, but the coordinate is

poorly set. The map tell us that by the mid-1850s, the estuary of

Article



the Comal River had formed a vast cape as a result of sedimen-

tation—that the coast line on the left and right side of the estu-

ary had grown seaward. Toponime indicates that in the past, the

coast line in the Comal area formed a more or less straight line

roughly between Asemdojong and Kalipraoe (lit. Boat River)

villages, which sometime in the past must have been located on

the shore as there was no river nearby. By the time the mapping

survey was carried out, the villages were already located 4 kil-

ometers inland (red line in Fig. 1 the Comal estuary 1870s). By

the 1900s, on the right-hand side of the estuary, a 2.000 x 700

meters wide lagoon had formed north of Limbangan hamlet, as a

result of the difference in the speed of sedimentation between

the Comal River and the smaller Ketapang River (US Army,

1943).

I do not have yet the opportunity to check archive of Pema-

lang, but comparison with other area might help. The Pekalon-

gan River, of equal length with Comal River and with its origins

in same hill range, some 30 kilometer east of Comal, experi-

enced rapid expansion be-tween the 1750s and 1850s too. At the

time it was established in 1753, Fort Berschemer (Fort Defend-

er) of Pekalongan town was located right on the estuary of Pek-

alongan river. A century later, it was located some three kilome-

ters inland (van Schaik, 1986: 55). It appears safe to assume that

the Pekalongan and the Comal River underwent the same pro-

cess.

The expansion of the estuary took place mainly because of

erosion in the head water and river basin areas. Between the

1750s and 1850s, the ecosystem of Pekalongan—Pemalang

underwent severe exploitation. The cultivation of coffee, which

commenced in 1710s, expanded to many areas at the cost of

natural forest (Nagtegaal, 1996: 155; Palte, 1989: 47). In an

effort to earn more revenue, the Dutch East India Company, the

real power holder along the north coast of Java, leased Simbang,

Ulujami, Sragi and Kalang districts to a Chinese captain from

Semarang (Wilsen and Havenga, 1870). These particuliere

gronden, private lands were mostly converted into farmlands to

produce rice, sugar-cane and other cash crops. Meanwhile, out-

side the private lands, farmers worked hard to fulfill their sub-

sistence needs and to produce annual deliveries from the Pek-

alongan regency to the Dutch East-Indian Company, VOC. Prior

to the 1780s, these consisted of 350 koyang rice, 6 pikul (360

kg) indigo cake and 8 pikul (420 kg) cotton thread. By that pe-

riod, the teak forest beyond the farmlands was subjected to in-

tense logging. The regent of Pekalongan, for example, demand-

ed an annual in natura tax in form of 480 teak logs—aside of

500 rix dollar—from Kalang farmers who lived in the forest

area.(2) So heavy was the exploitation that by 1805, Governor

General Herman Daendels ordered a logging ban to avoid fur-

ther deforestation and to replant the destroyed forest with new

teak wood seedlings (Kumar, 1997: 323).

Unfortunately, in the first half of the 19th century, the refor-

estation program in Comal area went side by side with further

expansion and intensification of farming, and most dangerously,

with an increasing demand for fuel wood for sugar processing.

The 1870 map clearly shows the pattern of agricultural activities

along Comal River from the headwater down to the lowlands.

The lowlands between Comal Town at the foot of hill range up

to Karang Brai hamlet some 15 kilometers south were fully

converted into rice fields—in intercrop mode with sugarcane. In

the hill slopes, new hamlets emerged on the right and left hand

side of the Comal River. The production of sugar demanded

large, continuous supplies of fuel wood, and reports from

neighboring sub-districts tell how forest coverage between Tegal

and Pekalongan shrunk at a frightening speed. The expansion of

coffee cultivation in the hill area since the 1810s, the establish-

ment of the Comal sugar factory in the 1820s and the introduc-

tion of the Cultivation System in the 1830s all put heavy pres-

sure on the ecosystem, which manifested in a high rate of silta-

tion (van Schaik, 1986: 55).

Rough calculation on the 1857 map suggests that Pesantren

hamlet was 4,6 km away from the estuary tip. Less than two

decades later, as indicated by the 1870 map, the distance had

grown to 6 km (Wilsen and Havenga, 1870). By 1870s, too, the

2 km wide Ketapang Lagoon had almost totally disappeared and

turned into land. An inaccuracy of coordinates in both maps

makes this estimation somewhat risky, but from the above, we

can nevertheless conclude that between 1840s and 1860s, the

coast line around the Comal estuary had roughly expanded be-

tween 1.5 to 2 kilometers seaward.

Figure 1 The Comal estuary 1870s.

Source: Kaart van der Residentie Tagal 1870.

The introduction of the 1870 Agrarian Law, which was followed

by the lease of large tracts of secondary forest and “waste lands”

to private companies for plantations increased the ecological

burden in the Comal area. In 1875, the coffee plantations of Kali

Lanang, Semugih and Moga were opened in the hills. In the

meantime, the lowlands between Comal and the foothills were

already cultivated by the Comal sugar factory. Along the coast-

line, at least three coconut plantations were opened, Pesantren

(160 hectares), Kedung Pedati (80 hectares) and McKenzie (40

hectares). Pesantren Plantation was owned by the Dutch com-

pany Moluksche Handelsvennootscap, Kedung Pedati was

owned by the Chinese enterpreneur Ong Liang Swie and

McKenzie was owned by a Scott-Dutch planter named Willem

Otto McKenzie (De Bussy, 1927). The direct ecological effect of



this development was an increase in the size of the deforested

area and more intensive topsoil hoeing, which both led to a

worsening rate of erosion.

Figure 2 Willem Otto McKenzie ca.1960.

3. Comal estuary in the 1900s

The heavy ecological cost of agricultural intensification in

Comal came in the form of unstable water flows. By late 1890s,

floods and drought became a fact of everyday life among the

inhabitants of Comal. Every rainy season, the lowlands were

inundated, while during the dry season, farmers faced difficul-

ties to irrigate fields. To protect Comal Town and its surround-

ing area from flooding in the 1910s, the Comal River was

straightened from a point north of the town to the estuary. As a

result, the estuary was moved some thousand meters to the east.

An accurate topographical map of the Comal estuary published

in 1913 clearly shows that Pesantren Plantation was opened on

new lands on the eastern side of the Comal estuary, between the

river and the coastline. Upon the project's completion, Pesantren

Plantation was located on the west side of the river, and the

process of siltation continued. As time passed by, mud trans-

ported by the river accumulated in the estuary and expanded the

coastline to the north and east. In a way, this pattern is reflected

in the gradual expansion of the Pesantren Plantation area. The

plantation acquired its first parcel of leased lands in 1886. As

lands expanded the plantation applied for second parcel, which

was granted in 1908 and once again, when the land expanded

further, the third parcel in 1921 (De Bussy, 1927: 365).

An overlay of the 1920s map with a Google earth satellite

image from the 1990s indicates that in the course of the 20th

century, the expansion had created 2.000 hectares of new land

on the left and right hand side of Comal River, and the expan-

sion is still going on. Rough calculation suggests an expansion

rate of 20 hectares /annum. The absence of equivalent data from

the 19th century makes it difficult to estimate the difference in

the rate of expansion in the 19th and 20th century, respectively.

However, considering pressure on ecosystems along the Comal

River as indicated by population figures and land use changes, a

faster rate of expansion of the coastline in the 20th century,

compared to the 19th century, can be expected. This pattern is

quite common among big river estuaries whose main headwaters

are located deep in the uphill area of Java.

Figure 3 The Comal estuary 1910s.

Members of the older generation in Pesantren village still

remember how, in the 1950s, just after the Independence War, a

spot north of Pesantren Plantation that from 1970s on, became

Sidomulyo hamlet, was still part of the sea. Slowly but obvi-

ously, the coastline expanded north-east and formed a swampy

area covered by mangroves. To the villagers’ awe, the fastest

rate of expansion occurred in 1984 immediately after the big

flood that broke Sukowati dam and swept Comal town bridge.

Accurate data on the size of the new land area created by the

flood is not available, but to the villagers’ observation, it was

around 200 hectares.

Figure 4 The Comal estuary 1900s-2000s.



The area within blue coast line was the Comal estuary until

1900s, based on the US Army map from 1943 (from a Dutch

Army map dated to 1922, data for which was probably collected

in the 1890s). The area blocked in yellow shows the new lands

that emerged in the course of the 20th century (based on a

Google Earth image).

4. The issue of—new—landownership

In a heavily populated area such as Comal, it never takes long

for new lands to become an object of human claim. For two

centuries, social and population pressure on farmlands have

constantly been heavy. As decades pass by, the number of land-

less farmers tends to grow steadily. Again, data from Comal

sub-district and Pemalang regency have not been consulted, but

from nearby sub-district of Ulujami we know that by 1870s

around 15 % of the population were landless. The emergence of

a landless class is of course not only related to population den-

sity, but also to the political-economic structure, since farmlands

as the crucial means of production in agrarian societies are al-

ways subjected to competition—and normally the ownership is

concentrated in the hands of the powerful (Knight, 1993: 4).

In the 1870s, the newly emerged lands east of the old bed of

the Comal River were soon appropriated by a plantation com-

pany that enjoyed the support of the colonial government (de

Bussy, 1927). Had the colonial government remained in power,

very likely the new land that emerged after the 1910s river re-

habilitation project would have fallen into the hands of large

plantation company, too. But this was not the case. In the 1930s,

the world economy went into depression, and plantation compa-

nies in Java were hit by heavy blows. Many plantations and

sugar factories went bankrupt or reduced their production level

(van Schaik, 1996: 66; Semedi, 2001: 101). After the depression,

Asia entered the Pacific War and the colonial regime and their

plantation business kept going downhill. In spite of costly ef-

forts that the Dutch and their business lobby had launched in

1945-1950, the colonial regime fell into oblivion.

After 1950, the post-colonial regime was not in favor of large

plantation companies, and the plantation lands fell to local,

lower level land accumulator—the famous Javanese landholding

farmers, sikep (Hüsken, 1996: 235). By the late 1950s, the new

land around the Comal River estuary was already encroached

upon by farmers, the landless and the land-holding alike. Each

started with a different motivation and ended up with different

results. The landless were motivated by the wish to escape their

landlessness and saw the new land as an easy opportunity to

make the wish come true. The landholders were motivated by

the wish to protect their family wealth from erosion due to in-

heritance, and they did so by laying their hands over wider

farmlands.

The poor farmers were soon to face disappointment. Socially

new, emerging land was recognized as a free land for anybody

to claim. However, claiming land and making it productive are

not the same. Claiming newly emerged land was almost costless.

After placing wooden stakes to set the borders, a farmer could

plant the land with anything he wished and then ask for land

ownership acknowledgement from the village head. However,

turning the land into productive farmland was so expensive that

poor farmers were brought down to their knees. In the meantime,

population growth in the area—from 84.000 in 1904 to 251.000

in 1988—had made competition over farmlands stiffer than ever

(Kano, 2001: 213). Gradually, the land claimed by the poor

dwindled in size as it was sold to rich land-holding farmers

piece by piece.

In the early 1960s the government utilized the new land east

and north of Pesantren Plantation as a settlement area for Inde-

pendence War veterans —Corp Tjadangan Nasional, CTN. The

family of each independence war veteran got housing land and a

piece of farmland, but they did not stay long. They were city

dwellers and not really ready to live as peasant. Besides, the

land they were provided with was not suitable for agriculture as

it was partly submerged in brackish water. One by one they left

the settlement, but not before they sold the house and “farm-

lands” to local farmers. Easy to guess, between two groups of

local farmers—the landless and the landholding—it was the land

holding who had the greater opportunity to buy the

ex-independence fighters' lands, and they were usually success

in doing so. A group of brackish water fishpond owners from

Brebes district came to the new lands in the early 1970s, not

long after the hamlet was officially named Sidomulyo. Using

money they brought from their village of origin they bought

land, piece by piece, from local farmers and converted it into

fishponds. Gradually the hamlet grew bigger and was filled

mainly by migrants from Brebes.

In the mid-1980s a newly formed private company from Pek-

alongan bought around 150 hectares of the new land from local

farmers for intensive shrimp aquaculture. It was the time of the

shrimp culture frenzy in Indonesia, when profit margin from

shrimp culture was so lavish that almost everybody with access

to capital invested in the business. Large sums of money were

injected to convert the dry land on the verge of the tide line into

shrimp ponds. Brackish river water was circulated into the

ponds with help of diesel-powered pumps, and in order to

maintain the shrimps’ appetite—so that they would grow

fast—powerful lamps were installed to keep the area bright at

night. Unfortunately for the company, and for other shrimp

farmers, within 4 years shrimp cultivation along the north coast

of Java was struck by continuous harvest failure, as the envi-

ronment could not carry the ecological burden of intensive

shrimp culture any more. When the businesses went bankrupt,

the fish ponds were abandoned and rented out to local farmers.

In the hands of small-holding farmers, the fishponds were uti-

lized to raise milkfish in extensive mode. The return was low,

but the investment was not high, either, and moreover the pro-

duction was stable, So the revenue was sufficiently high for the

business to be attractive.

Observations from a small block of new land, Block 003,

Sidomulyo hamlet, may illustrate the dynamics of ownership

among the farmers.



Figure 5 Land ownership Block 003.

Notes:

- The black-striped area are fishponds belonging to longtime

residents of Pesantren Village.

- The red-striped area are fishponds belonging to newly-arrived

inhabitants of Pesantren or farmers from other villages.

- The ownership of the blank areas is unclear.

The scale of the cadastral map of the new land of Block 003 of

Pesantren Village presented above is not fixed due to page

adjustment, and the map is not properly coordinated, either.

Ground checking shows that the site is located on the northern

side of Rabin river, 6048’07” S, 109030”57” E on the south

corner, 6047”52” S, 109030”27” E on the northwest corner and

6047”34”S, 109030”36”E on the northeast corner. This block of

approximately 36 hectares' width is officially divided into 18

parcels of lands. At the time of land registration in the early

1990s each parcel was registered under the name of one owner,

but trading and inheritance has led to fragmentation. Each parcel

was split into smaller pieces, which are now listed under the

names of 79 owners. Ten out of 18 original land parcels with a

total size of 15.9 hectares (the red-striped parcels) to people

with a short history of land ownership in Pesantren Village,

dating back to the 1960s; 8 parcels with a total area of 20

hectares belonged to people with a land ownership history

dating back to the early 1900s. Those with a short history of

land ownership were mostly fish pond farmers from Brebes or

farmers from other villages, while those with land ownership

history were from land holding family in Pesantren Village.

Indeed many landless farmers were engaged in the opening of

the swampy new land on the estuary, but without proper support

of cash to run milkfish farming they soon lost their land either to

the landholding families or to fish farmers from Brebes. If they

are still around in the estuary now, for the most part they are

employed as hired farmhands rather than as pond owners. There

was also process of land transfer between fish farmers from

Brebes and local land holding families. Probably motivated by

their status as migrants, fish farmers from Brebes tended to be

more successful in running their fish cultivation, compared to

local fish pond owners. As time passed by they managed to

increase their pond size through buying, and as a result, new

land around the Comal estuary the Comal estuary no longer

belongs to small farmers.

5. Conclusion

I would like to draw two conclusions, firstly on the use of

GIS in historical ethnography such as this project and the sec-

ondly is on the new land around the Comal estuary the Comal

estuary. Even with limited knowledge of, and experience in the

use of GIS, its application has been very productive for our

research. Our research team have been collecting so-

cial-economic data that cover a long timespan, from 1906 to

2012, and I did a GPS ground check. Time constraints have

prevented me from including the data in this paper, which po-

tentially will lead us into a more detailed discussion. In spite of

the limitation, the use of GIS in this paper has opened a path for

me to become engaged in a more challenging academic exercise

sensitive to social and geospatial dynamics across time. For the

second, by subjecting data contained in maps of the Comal es-

tuary area to analysis, we can see how intensification of land use

in the headwater area has created vast areas of new land in the

estuary. Lack of accurate maps prevents us from specifying the

actual size of the new areas in the 18th-19th centuries, but better

topographical maps and satellite images in the 20th century

inform us that in the course of the century the land has expanded

by at least 2.000 hectares.

Although new land in the Comal estuary is open to anybody

and technically its emergence opens an opportunity for landless

farmers to escape from their landlesness, the political-economic

setting of the 19th century prevented farmers from owning it.

Large part of the land were appropriated by private plantation

companies, thanks to the political support of the colonial regime.

The post-colonial regime put the interest of smallholding farm-

ers before that of big companies and in effect provided access to

the farmers for possessing the land. Yet this policy is not enough

to provide an exit from landlessness for the lowest strata in Co-

mal farming communities. Escaping landlessness not only re-

quires access to land, but also economic ability to retain it and

keep it productive. New land in the estuary was opened by

landless farmers but they had no ability to keep it productive

and retain the ownership. They reported their new land to the

village administration to obtain official acknowledgment, but

soon they lost their land title to somebody else with better fi-

nancial capability through selling. Thus, the availability of land

does not automatically reduce the landless population in a

community. In the old colonial days it was government policy

that worked against landless farmers effort to own lands, while

currently it is market forces.



Notes

(1) This paper is a result of Comal II Research Project, 2012,

a collaboration between CSEAS, University of Kyoto,

Dept. of Anthropology, Gadjah Mada University and Dept.

of Anthropology, Amsterdam university led by Professor

Kosuke Mizuno, Professor Hiroyoshi Kano and Mr Yako

Kozano. I owe them a sincere thanks for the opportunity to

participate in the project.

(2) Kalang was a community of Javanese who specialized

themselves in carpentry, boat building and handicraft.

Although the spoke shared same language with other

Javanese they were looked down as a group with their

ancient religion, closed economic guild and mobile life

style (Wieringa, 1998). In the course of the 19th and 20th

centuries the community gradually mixed with their

neighbours, and the only living group can be found in the

sub-district of Kotagede, Yogyakarta.

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http://www.pu.go.id/

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