civil society perception survey_egypt_august 2011

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Six Months Later: Civil Society

Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary EgyptA Survey of Civil Society Perception on the Transition, the Constitution and the

New Democratic Institutions


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Six Months Later: Civil Society Perceptions of Post-Revolutionary Egypt August 2011

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The Foundation for the Future is an independent, multi-lateral and not for profit organization,

created in 2005 and fully committed to promoting democracy, Human Rights, the Rule of Law and

reforms through supporting Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) relevant initiatives in the Middle East

and North Africa (MENA) region at large. The Foundation has its regional headquarters in Amman,

JORDAN.

August 2011


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Contents

Executive Summary ......................................................................................................................... 4

Rationale and background for the study ..................................................................................... 4

Survey Method and Description of Sample ................................................................................. 5

Summary of key findings ............................................................................................................. 6

I. Civil Society and the New Egypt: a Cautious Optimism.............................................................. 8

II. Civil Society and the Freedom to Act: Areas for Improvement ............................................ 10

III. Civil Society and the New Political Order: A Progressive Agenda.......................................... 12

Constitution before elections .................................................................................................... 12

A strong support towards secularism........................................................................................ 13

Priorities for the new constitution ............................................................................................ 15

IV. The Next Egyptian President as Portrayed by Civil Society.................................................... 17

Annexure ....................................................................................................................................... 19

Questionnaire ............................................................................................................................ 19


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Executive Summary

The health and viability of democratic systems is often linked, inter alia, to the robustness of

local or national civil society. Where government is genuinely representative, civil society is

given the space to flourish and transform with the demands of the people, thus serving as an

intermediary in the channeling of grievances, demands and expressions of local needs.

The Foundation for the Future understands the unique role of civil society, and since 2007 has

been working to empower civil society organizations (CSOs) across the Broader Middle East and

North Africa (BMENA) region by providing them with financial assistance (through grants) as

well as expertise through capacity- and knowledge-building initiatives.

Rationale and background for the study

2011 is a year like no other, with profound movements for freedom and reform spreading

throughout the Arab world. In these moments, the Foundation has closely followed the

unfolding of events of historical magnitude; several of its local partners have participated on thefront lines of the Arab Spring demonstrations across the region, particularly in Tunisia, Egypt and

Yemen. These events have been marked by powerful images, such as the announcement of

Hosni Mubaraks resignation on February 11.

The situation in Egypt is particularly challenging. The energy and passion of the Egyptian people

that culminated in the Revolution has not yet waned. What is unclear is whether or not that

power will be able to be effectively directed to result in a viable democratic state,

representative of the various parties and aspirations, currently vying for attention on the

national stage. Understanding that civil society organizations are often closely connected to the

populations they target, and on the front lines of transitions, the Foundation wanted to give thefloor to civil society organizations and activists, to hear their take on recent events and

controversies surrounding the formation of the new government. Six months into the

transition, it was time to pause and reflect with them on the future of Egypt.

The Foundation for the Future envisions a BMENA region where a vibrant civil society, reform-

inclined governments, accountable institutions and reliable private sector are engaged towards

the full observance of citizens rights; the enjoyment of freedom and Human Rights as endorsed

by respective international conventions; and the prevalence of values of democratic

inclusiveness and good governance. Operating in a region undergoing powerful political

transformations, the Foundation is intended to accompany worthy initiatives and processes

aiming at democratic reforms and transitions, and is therefore particularly committed to

observe and understand the issues at stake and the possible roles for civil society in a redefined

context. This was an important motive of conducting the Civil Society Perception Survey in

Egypt.


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Survey Method and Description of Sample

In nearly five years of working with civil society in Egypt, the Foundation has got to know over

300 CSOs NGOs, local community groups, research centres, advocacy and human rights

groups, etc. In July, 369 organizations have been contacted and invited to take part in an online

perception survey whose structure had been designed by the Foundation. The Foundation was

entirely responsible for the management, design and control of this survey.

Questions ranged from their operations since the revolution, their confidence in political

transition, and their hopes for the future of their country. The survey specifically focused on

issues of internal governance that will shape the future nature of the Egyptian State; it

deliberately chose not to discuss matters of diplomacy and geopolitics which have been raised in

recent months.

The questionnaire consisted of 12 questions with answering options aimed at gathering opinions

or perceptions (agreement/disagreement, support/opposition, order of priorities, etc)1. The

questionnaire was administered through an online survey software, where respondents had toprovide answers to each question (no blank answers). Respondents had the choice of

answering either in Arabic or in English2; the online platform was accessible between25 July and

7 August. A global statistical check was performed regarding the consistency of responses.

The respondent sample can be described as follows:

71 valid submissions were considered in the sample3; select respondents were

contacted to gain further insight into certain answers

61.1 % of the respondents are based in Cairo or greater Cairo, while 38.9 % are based or

operating mainly outside of the capital city

On average, each respondent reported working in 3 areas of expertise, including human

rights/justice (62.5%), youth empowerment (55.6%), democracy/governance (54.2%),

gender/womens rights (51.4%), community empowerment/social development (50%),

or other (19.4%).

What is interesting to notice is that, even though the option no opinion or I dont know

where given for almost all questions, very few respondents opted for those, and directly

expressed their opinion. This gives a stronger value to the results and findings for each question.

1See questionnaire in Annexure.

2The basis for translation was the questionnaire in English. The translation into Arabic was done by staff

fluent in both languages, and later reviewed and tested by native Arabic speakers not involved in the

project, to recommend refinements and corrections to the Arabic version of the questionnaire.3

80 responses (i.e. 22% response ratio) have been collected online by the deadline of 7 August. However,

when several responses were registered with the same respondent identity (same name, same computer

used), the response was not considered as valid.


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The methodology of this survey was by no means comprehensive or expressive of Egyptians, or

even Egyptian civil society, as a whole. As the first such project directly undertaken by the

Foundation, it was instead a random sample survey designed to gain further insight into civil

society perceptions. Methodology was created accordingly.

As you read through the findings of the survey, let it provide you not with an authoritative pointof view of Egyptian society as a whole, but instead with valuable insight into Egyptian civil

society as it works for the betterment of its country during this historical period of transition.

Summary of key findings

Civil Society in Egypt is cautiously positive about the transition that has been happening in Egypt

since the January Revolution. After taking part in the demonstrations that eventually led to the

first free vote taking place in Egypt for decades, positivity seems to be the only correct response.

However, the signs of uncertainty are undeniable: demonstrators are still occupying Tahrir

Square on a regular basis, the country is still under military law, and a reliable date for elections

has yet to be agreed on. These signs have not gone unnoticed by CSOs, who seem to have notyet fully claimed victory. They are slow to state an end to government oppression, and even

slower still to say that a viable democratic state has been created.

Beyond the very public signs of uncertainty, many members of civil society have their own

personal reasons to display caution. For some, the situation has not improved markedly. They

are still experiencing censorship, and fear public defamation and harassment at the hands of

authorities. Nearly 10% of the respondents have declared to have been unlawfully arrested or

imprisoned since January. While the situation has improved, it is still not the point it must get to

in order for civil society to take its rightful place in an open, stable democracy.

Most clear among civil societys concerns is the need for a new government to be secular in

nature. Survey results showed overwhelming support in favor of steps to be taken to mitigate

the influence of political parties based on faith and religion on the drafting of the constitution

and the formation of the new government. Civil society is in favor of a secular state in which

religion has no direct influence on law and governance. The majority believes that every religion

should have equal rights, and citizens from all religious backgrounds should have the right to run

for president. However, CSOs seem more willing to claim the need for religious freedom than

they are to make a strong statement against the involvement of Islam in governance.

Given the civil society stance on democracy and religion, and the remarkable turnout of

Egyptians for the national referendum vote, one can assume that civil society as a whole is more

liberal and progressive-leaning than the Egyptian population at large. 77% of voters in the

referendum chose in favor of holding parliamentary elections before the drafting of the new

constitution, while CSOs are overwhelmingly against this timeline. They also responded

consistently with a liberal leaning, showing openness the idea of a female president and political

parties of mixed-religions.


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Most heartening perhaps of the findings is that civil society still feels more capable than ever to

enact change for the betterment of Egypt. This is the most important point. The details of

transition may still be uncertain in Egypt, but as long as the people of Egypt continue to push for

their rights and freedoms, the process of democratic transition will continue. As this happens,

civil society will continue to step in its important role towards the establishment of a new

democratic state of Egypt.


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I. Civil Society and the New Egypt: a Cautious Optimism

When asked very general questions about their perceptions of the new Egypt, CSOs seemed

basically optimistic, yet cautiously so: their answers seemed to remain more or less split

between somewhat agreeing and somewhat disagreeing. However, considering the

frequently changing state of Egyptian politics and society currently, such cautiousness is prudent

and to be expected. Indeed, while 73.6% of respondents either strongly or somewhat agree to

say that they feel optimistic about the future of Egypt, 65.3% consider that progress has been

made for Egypt to be a true democracy. This compares with the general perception by public

opinion: according to various surveys, between 6 and 9 in 10 Egyptians are optimistic about the

future4.

The rather cautious optimism expressed by civil society probably takes roots in several setbacks

of the recent months. Indeed, when follow-up questions were asked to select respondents

concerning why or why not progress had been made for Egypt to become a true democracy, one

respondent cited the continued trying of civilians in military courts (up to 10,000 since the endof January according to local and international media sources), and the fact that elections have

yet to be held for the return of legitimately elected authority to civilian hands as to why he

4David D. Kirpatrick and Mona El-Naggar, Poll Finds Egyptians Full of Hope About the Future , The New York Times,

25 April 2011: The poll found Egyptians remarkably bullish on their revolution and, in its aftermath, their future.

Nearly two-thirds said they were satisfied with their country direction, and 6 in 10 were optimistic about the future.

Although open political elections would be a novelty in Egyptian history, most had some degree of faith that they had

won democracy. Forty-one percent said a free and fair choice in the next election was very likely *+; IRI Egypt Index

opinion survey, 5 June 2011, p.2: when asked about the general direction of their country, 89% said it was heading in

the right direction; El Hayat Television Network in collaboration with TNS Global Market Research, Egypt 100 days

without Mubarak how do Egyptians perceive the government, the revolution and the future?, 26 May 2011: the

survey found 76% of respondents to be optimistic about the future of Egypt, 85% believing that the situation of

democracy is positive since the revolution and 73% thinking that Egypt is moving in the right direction. Similarly, a

study conducted in March 2011 by Gallups Abu Dhabi Center (Egypt: The Arithmetic of Revolution) found that 88% of

Egyptians agreed with the statement democracy will help progress (the highest percentage among Muslim

societies).


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strongly disagreed with the statement. These setbacks seem to overshadow the initial

democratic gains achieved in the weeks following the fall of the Mubarak regime, such as the

dissolution of institutions such as the Assembly, the National Democratic Party and the local

councils, who have proved not to be representative.

The only statement to which CSOs reacted in an almost exclusively positive way in fact wasconcerning their own ability to be an actor of change in Egypt: an overwhelming 95.9% of

respondents declare to feel much more powerful to be a catalyst of change - a heartening

response given the dire need for a strong civil society at this point in Egypts history. This is

however to be balanced out against a persistent mistrust between civil society and governing

bodies:

41.7% of respondents still express a certain fear of government oppression 52.8% of respondents still consider that authorities are not yet open to interact with

civil society on issues affecting the transition to democracy

It is an unfortunate paradox that at the precise moment when civil society feels most capable

of effecting positive change, it feels as though authorities are continuing to block or be

unreceptive to their efforts.

It must also be noted that perhaps the most balanced split between positive and negative

responses occurred with the statement concerning fear of government oppression. This

statement perhaps more than any of the others speaks to the previous regimes legacy in the

government today, and the remnants of the iron-fist style of control. Until civil society feels free

to operate without fear of its government, democracy will be unable to truly flourish.

Interestingly enough, there seemed to be a slightly liberal leaning for CSOs that were based in

Cairo or Greater Cairo, versus those outside the capital. Those in the area of Cairo were 9% less

optimistic about the future of Egypt, and in 10% more instances they felt that authorities were

open to consult with CSOs about issues in transition. One CSO representative explained that

besides the National Council for Human Rights which is a semi- governmental institution- civil

society organizations did not receive any invitation to participate in contributing to the

formation of Egypts future on any level. Also, not one NGO was invited to the National Dialogue

that took place.


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This graph shows the percentages of CSOs who answered very regularly or occasionally when

asked how often their organization was affected by the mentioned governmental constraints and

restrictions, both before and after the Egyptian Revolution of February 2011.

II. Civil Society and the Freedom to Act: Areas for

Improvement

A true democratic transition in Egypt will require that civil society can take a more active role

than what has been previously possible. However, such a partnership between government andCSOs simply cannot exist if leadership still feels threatened by democratic growth. Thus, in

order to gauge the progress of transition, it is helpful to better understand how civil society

perceives its own freedom to act, and the treatment they have received from the government

since the revolution.

The general picture is one that clearly depicts major improvements in the possibility for CSOs

to act and think freely: on all 4 major types of restrictions that can affect civil society

(censorship, unlawful arrest and imprisonment, defamation and harassment, obstacles in

daily operations), significant improvements are perceived by respondents. However, the

persistence of certain restrictions is preoccupying and shed lights on numerous possible areas

for improvement.

The main perceived gain since February seems to be a significant improvement in the

possibility for civil society groups to freely express their views and opinions: while 90.3% of

respondents declare to have been affected by censorship and obstructions to freedom of

speech before February, this proportion is down to 34.7% in the new Egypt. Even though 34.7%

is not a negligible figure, the drop is significant, and illustrates an important development

towards the democratization of the regime.


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A second hurdle facing CSOs is the refusal of access to funding or refusal to register new

projects or conduct activities, still imposed by authorities in certain cases , and still permitted

by the current regulations and laws ruling the third sector, and in particular the law 84/20025.

Almost 1 in 3 respondents (29.1%) declared to still be facing such difficulties in their daily

operations.

Another 1 in 5 respondents (20.8%) still declare to be affected by public defamation and

harassment by authorities. When asked about the nature of censorship and harassment by the

government before and after the revolution, two different respondents said that it was usually

due to their acceptance of aid and funding from foreign institutions. 39 CSOs and political

groups have recently joined forced to denounce what they call a fierce and systematized

crackdown by the countrys military junta and submitted official complaints to several special

UN rapporteurs6

regarding frequent incidents of defamation against groups receiving funds from

foreign countries, which CSOs consider as an attempt to discredit civil society as a whole.

The fact that almost 1 in 10 respondents (9.7%) declare to face, even today, unlawful arrest

and imprisonment is a preoccupying finding.

5In this regard, refer to the various campaigns coordinated by the Arab Program for Human Rights

Activists (APHRA) to reform civil society laws,www.aphra.org.6

Amro Hassan and Jack Shenker, Egyptian Human Rights groups accuse junta of smear campaign , The

Guardian, 24 August 2011. See also Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies,www.cihrs.org.
http://www.aphra.org/http://www.aphra.org/http://www.aphra.org/http://www.cihrs.org/http://www.cihrs.org/http://www.cihrs.org/http://www.cihrs.org/http://www.aphra.org/


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III. Civil Society and the New Political Order: A

Progressive Agenda

Constitution before elections

Six months after the ouster of President Mubarak from power, elections have yet to be held,

and a constitution has yet to be written. While a popular referendum on March 19 gave

consensus to elections being held before the drafting of the new constitution7, a number of new

proposals have gained public support amongst secularists and liberals since then. The majority

of alternative timelines proposed seem to be geared towards mitigating the expected influence

of non-secular, extremist or non-progressive parties, whether by drafting a constitution before

elections, or better clarifying the secular nature of the state in a government issued document.

The CSOs who responded to this survey seemed split between various plans of action, but

were generally unified about the need to assert the secular and democratic nature of the new

Egypt. In fact, 79% disagreed with the idea of Islamic parties gaining a parliamentary majority

and impacting the constitution-drafting process, and 68.4% were opposed to elections being

held as soon as possible, as this could be too early to ensure that the political system (and

political parties in particular) effectively represents the full spectrum of opinions. More

specifically, 71.1% of respondents agreed that it would be unfair and unwise to hold elections

7The referendum was passed with 77.2% approval (despite calls for boycott) amidst a 41% voter turnout.


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before more political parties have an opportunity to become established- an idea originally

endorsed by Interim Prime Minister Essam Sharaf before he came under fire for his comments.

Respondents are generally inclined to support a timeline that contradicts the political schedule

already announced, which would see elections being held before a Constitution is drafted. In

this regard, the 73.7% of respondents who would prefer to see a constitutional councilestablished before elections are held seem to agree with the position of the so-called Million-

Strong protesters that endorsed the Constitution First Campaign. This campaign is led by a

coalition of liberal and leftist organizations to reverse the timeline proposed in the national

referendum and elect a constitutional council to write the constitution before elections are held.

More interestingly, there is an almost unanimous (92.1%) endorsement for the writing of a bill

of rights before elections a bill of rights that would frame the overall spirit of a new

constitution. This plan has been endorsed by presidential hopeful Mohamed El Baradei, and

corroborated by recent opinion polls and surveys8.

A strong support towards secularism

The secular nature of the State seems to be a strong aspiration for civil society representatives

and even a high priority for 66.1% of respondents (see below, Priorities for the new

constitution): 79% of respondents agreed that the new constitution should include provisions to

protect the secular nature of civil institutions, which is reminiscent of calls by various groups to

task the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces with this responsibility. This is also similar to the

calls by the National Consensus Conference led by the previous Deputy Prime Minister Yehia El

Gamal to include an article in the constitution ensuring the secular nature of the state.

This particular issue the relationship between Islam and democracy has been a point of

contention or even controversy in Egypt over the past few months, and was thus particularly

interested to include in the survey. The CSOs who took part in this survey seem to have strong

secular views on the matter, expressing a concern for pluralism and progressive statements.

Indeed, 62.9% of respondents disagree with the idea that any government must gain legitimacy

from Islam, which is consistent with the previous finding regarding the secular nature of the

State, and the opinion that, for 77.4% of respondents, clerics or religious leaders should not play

a formal role in politics and law-making9. A significant 62.9% of respondents strongly agreed

8Chelsea J. Carter, Survey Finds Egyptians favor advisory role for religious leaders , CNN, 6 June 2011 :

quoting a recent study published by Gallup Abu Dhabi Center, the journalist mentions that a large

majority of Egyptians would strongly favor the inscription of freedom of speech, freedom of religion and

freedom of assembly in the new constitution.99

This could be compared with recent public opinion polls such as Egypt from Tahrir to Transition:

Egyptians on their assets and challenges and what leaders should do about it , Abu Dhabi Gallup Center,

June 2011, p.6: *+ religion remains important to most Egyptians (96%), and 92% say they have

confidence in religious institutions. It is not surprising, then, that many Egyptians reject the idea that

government should carry on its business without considering religious doctrine . However, the majority

of residents in the Arab worlds most populous nation desire a democracy informed by religious values, not


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that there should be an article written in the constitution assuring the separation between

religion and government, in discordance with the article 2 of the existing constitution which

mandates that the principles of Islamic law are the prime source of legislation. This also places

civil society groups in discordance with the general public opinion: indeed, according to recently

published opinion polls, nearly two thirds of Egyptians said civil law should strictly follow the

Koran10.

What is interesting to notice is the civil society representatives who responded to the survey

have a progressive and consistent view on the issue of religion and politics: it is not a matter of

being anti- or pro-Islam, it is precisely a matter of secularism, taking into consideration all

religious faiths that compose Egypt today. Respondents assert in a large consensus (91.9%) that

an Egyptian citizen of any religion should be allowed to run for President and strongly agree

that political parties themselves should not have a religious label (80.6% of respondents

consider that political parties should not have a specific religious focus and 90.3% consider that

political parties should not exclusively represent one specific religious segment), which

somehow contrasts with the general public opinion11

. When asked specifically why he felt thisaversion, one respondent replied simply that pluralism is a core principle of democracy. If

a theocracy. Indeed, according to the survey, 69% would favor an advisory role for religious leaders

when it comes to drafting legislation and only 14% said religious leaders should have full authority.10

David D. Kirpatrick and Mona El-Naggar, Poll Finds Egyptians Full of Hope About the Future , The

New York Times, 25 April 201111

David D. Kirpatrick and Mona El-Naggar, Poll Finds Egyptians Full of Hope About the Future , The

New York Times, 25 April 2011: 50% said it was very important for religiously based parties to be able to

participate in government;


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political parties discriminate based on religion, this is contradictory to the idea of a democratic

Egypt. He also felt that religious groups used religion to gain votes, but beyond that had very

few effective clear plans as to how they would implement government programs.

Also, a slight liberal leaning of CSOs based in Cairo was again apparent as 100% of them said that

a citizen of any religion could run for president, and 10% less of them said that the governmentshould gain its legitimacy from Islam.

Priorities for the new constitution

Respondents were also asked to rate various issues in terms of their level of priority to the new

constitution, and the following findings were made:

Top priorities are, equally, the democratic nature of the state and the independenceof the judiciary for 91.9% of the respondents

12, which compares with the concerns

expressed by Egyptian public opinion in recent months

Not surprisingly, press and media freedoms also rank high in terms of priority(85.5%),as they are usually strong safeguards of pluralism, transparency and freedom of

expression all core democratic principles; similarly, respondent are giving a high

priority to an adequate balance of power between the executive, legislative and

judicial branches of government (72.6%)

The control over armed forces seems to be a point of debate. The statement thecontrol of the military should be divided between the executive and legislative

branches of government aimed at introducing the idea of a parliamentary oversight of

the defense sector, and gauge civil society perception on the matter. Interestingly, only

48.4% of the respondents do consider this as a high priority for the new constitution.

This ambivalence probably reflects the dilemma facing the Egyptian people today: on

the one hand, the army still benefit from the respect of most Egyptians, for the

adjuvant role that it played in the Revolution and its prominent role in Egyptian politics

over the past century. As one observer put it, the January 25 revolution would not

have reached the threshold of democratic transition where it now stands were it not for

the role the army played in resolving the conflict between the old regime and

revolutionary forces13

. On the other hand, progress has been slow, and disappointing

12David D. Kirpatrick and Mona El-Naggar, Poll Finds Egyptians Full of Hope About the Future , The

New York Times, 25 April 2011: () asked about their most important concerns for the future, the

broadest majority82% - said improving economic conditions was very important; 79% said a fair judicial

system was; 63% said law and order; the same portion that said freedom of speech; and only 55% said

honest elections.13

Dr. Gamal Abd El Gawad, Director of Al Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, The Army in

the Post-Revolution Constitution , presentation given on 27 July 2011 during the conference Ways to

Strengthen the Democratic Transformation in Egypt , co-organized by the Cairo Institute for Human

Rights Studies, the United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF) and the Foundation for International

Relations and Foreign Dialogue (FRIDE).


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to many. Finding the adequate and stable constitutional formula for the army is a key

challenge of the coming years, for democracy to grow and sustain in Egypt.

The question of including formally in the constitution a quota for the representationand participation of women in political life seems to create a debate even within civil

society. It was the lowest of priorities for respondents to the survey (only 30.6%consider quotas for female representation to be a high priority, this proportion growing

up to a significant but not overwhelming 62% among organizations who described

themselves as specialized on gender and womens rights), and it was even not a

priority at all for 29% of respondents. This reflects within civil society similar lines of

divide that have appeared in Egypt in recent months, as the question of women

quotas in politics was growing into a controversy14

. Indeed, many voices have started

to criticize the idea of a quota, not only because it is seen as a policy introduced by the

former regime, but also because as a respondent put it quotas are a form a

positive discrimination that can cause a parliamentary candidate to be considered

based on gender, not on their capability to carry out the job, and this is simplyundemocratic.

14 In this regard, refer to the campaign coordinated by the Egyptian Coalition for Civil Education and

Womens participation (such as The cancellation of Women's Quota without alternative legal methods

that guarantee women's political participation is pushing women back to the zero point in May 2011)

and the Egyptian Center for Womens Rights,www.ecwr.org.
http://www.ecwr.org/http://www.ecwr.org/http://www.ecwr.org/


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IV. The Next Egyptian President as Portrayed by Civil

Society

The CSOs were also asked to respond to statements about the next Egyptian president, and the

criteria that they believe he/she must fill. The largest majority (77.4%) believed that the nextpresident must have two Egyptian parents, and believed (67.7%) that he/she must have no

record of collaboration with the Mubarak regime.

Even though respondents were not in favor of female quota for political representation, they

also strongly disagree (54.8%) with the idea that the new Egyptian President would have to be a

man. A slight tendency for organizations to be more liberal if based in Cairo or Greater Cairo was

apparent as organizations based in the capital were 10% more likely to disagree that the

president must be Muslim or male.

The issue of religion is, there again, a point of contention: 46.5% agree that the next President

should be Muslim, and an almost equal proportion (46.8%) would disagree with the same

statement.

When asked to rank a list of pertinent issues in terms of what level of priority they should take

with the new president, respondents seemed to favor issues that would help Egypt regain

stability and develop into a stronger democratic state than those that would draw national

attention outside the country, or focus on the past. Job creation and economic recovery were

ranked the highest priority more often than any other issue and by far (priority number 1 or 2

for 74.2% of the respondents). This is the confirmation that the new regime is particularly

expected to create opportunities and social justice.

Security sector reforms (priority 1 or 2 for 51.6% of respondents) and the ratification as well as

implementation of key international human rights conventions (priority 1 or 2 for 35.5% of

respondents) are respectively the second and third priority by order of importance.


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On the other end of the spectrum, finding a resolution to the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict was the

lowest priority, indicating once more that the political revolution in Egypt are, first and

foremost, a matter of internal priorities according to respondents.

It was interesting to notice that transitional justice and the prosecution of prominent leaders of

the previous regimes is perceived as a high priority for only 1 in 6 respondents (16.1%) and as alow priority by a large majority of them (61.3%), precisely at the time when former President

Mubarak was called to court for a first hearing on 3 August.


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Annexure

Questionnaire

Egyptian Civil Society Perception Survey - Questionnaire

1. Organization detailsRespondent name

Organization Name

Date of establishment of the

organization

2. Main location (one choice)oCairo/Greater CairooCentral EgyptoUpper EgyptoDelta/Lower EgyptoOther

3. Main expertise (multiple choice)oHuman rights/JusticeoDemocracy/GovernanceoGender/Womens rightsoYouth empowermentoCommunity empowerment/Social developmentoOther

4. How often has your organization been affected by any of the following constraints orrestrictions from authorities in the past (before the Egyptian Revolution of February

2011)?

Very

regularly

Occasionally Never No

opinion

Censorship/lack of freedom of

speech o o o oUnlawful arrest and imprisonment

o o o o


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Public defamation and harassment

by government forces o o o oRefusal to access funding/ no

permission to register new project

or conduct activities

o o o o5. How often has your organization been affected by any of the following constraints or

restrictions from authorities since February 2011?

Very

regularly

Occasionally Never No

opinion

Censorship/lack of freedom of

speech o o o oUnlawful arrest and imprisonment

o o o oPublic defamation and harassment

by government forces o o o oRefusal to access funding/ no

permission to register new project

or conduct activities

o o o o6. How do you feel about the following statements regarding the transition since the

Egyptian Revolution of February 2011?

Strongly

agree

Somewhat

agree

Somewhat

disagree

Strongly

disagree

No

opinion

I feel very optimistic for the

future of Egypt o o o o oAs a civil societyrepresentative, I feel much

more powerful to be a catalyst

of change in Egypt

o o o o oI feel that authorities are open

to listen to civil society and

consult with them on key

issues of the transition

o o o o oMy fear of government

oppression has decreased

since the Revolution

o o o o oMajor progress has been made

for Egypt to become a true

democracy

o o o o o


21/25


Page 21 of25

7. How do you feel about the following statements regarding the new Constitution andthe electoral process (according to your personal opinion)?

Strongly

agree

Somewhat

agree

Somewhat

disagree

Strongly

disagree

No

opinion

Parliamentary elections shouldbe held as soon as possible,

before drafting a Constitution

o o o o oA Constitutional Council must

be set up to write a

Constitution before national

elections are held

o o o o oIt would be unfair and unwise

to hold elections before

political parties have more

time to become established

o o o o oThere is not problem with

Islamic parties gaining a

majority in Parliament and

having a great influence in the

electoral and constitution-

drafting process, therefore

elections should be held as

soon as possible

o o o o o

Before drafting a Constitution,

a Bill of Rights should be

approved that would

supersede the Constitution

o o o o oThe new Constitution should

provide certain provisions to

protect the secular nature of

civil institutions

o o o o o8. How do you feel about the following statements regarding the criteria for the next

President?

Strongly

agree

Somewhat

agree

Somewhat

disagree

Strongly

disagree

No

opinion

The next President must have

no record of collaboration

with the previous regime

o o o o oThe next President must have

no ties with the army o o o o oThe next President must be

Muslim o o o o o


22/25


Page 22 of25

The next President must be

male o o o o oThe next President must have

two Egyptian parents o o o o o9. How do you feel about the following statements regarding the role of Egyptian civil

society in the democratization process?

Strongly

agree

Somewhat

agree

Somewhat

disagree

Strongly

disagree

No

opinion

Leaders should be recruited to

take on new political and

governmental leadership roles

o o o o oCSOs should form a large

portion of a Constitutional

Council to draft a new

constitution before elections

are held

o o o o oCivil society must play a

significant role in security

sector oversight in the new

regime

o o o o oIt should play a major role in

educating the public about

their rights and responsibilities

as voters in a democracy


raising awareness of the public

on their basic human rights


election monitoring in the

upcoming elections

o o o o oIt should act as a watchdog to

hold the new government

accountable to the promises

they have made to Egyptian

citizens

o o o o o


23/25


Page 23 of25

10.Rank the following statements according to their level of priority in the newconstitution in your opinion

High

priority

Medium

priority

Low

priority

Not a

priority

at all

No

opinion

Quotas for female

representation in government o o o o oGuarantees for the

independence of the Judiciary o o o o oMedia and Press freedoms

o o o o oControl of the military clearly

divided between the executive

and the legislative branches

o o o o oAn even balance of powerbetween the judicial, executive

and legislative branches of

government

o o o o oThe constitution clearly stating

the democratic nature of the

State

o o o o oThe constitution clearly stating

that there is a separation

between religion and the State

o o o o o11.How do you feel about the following statements regarding the link between religion

and the State?

Strongly

agree

Somewhat

agree

Somewhat

disagree

Strongly

disagree

No

opinion

There must be a clear

separation between religion

and government in the new

Constitution

o o o o oPolitical parties should not

exclusively represent one

religious group

o o o o oThere is no issue with political

parties having a specific

religious focus

o o o o oAn Egyptian citizen of any

religion should be

constitutionally allowed to run

for President

o o o o o


24/25


Page 24 of25

Clerics should not play a

formal role in politics and

legislation

o o o o oAny government must gain its

legitimacy from Islam by

having a Shura council, aMuslim President and laws

based on Sharia

o o o o o12.What should be the priorities of the new President and government? Rank the

following statements from 1 (highest priority) to 5 (lowest priority) [one choice per

statement]

1 (highest

priority)

2 3 4 5 (lowest

priority)

Job creation, employment and

economic recovery o o o o oA solution to the Israeli-

Palestinian conflict o o o o oRatification and

implementation of key

international human rights

conventions

o o o o oSecurity sector reform

o o o o oTransitional justice and

prosecution of prominent

leaders of the previous regime

o o o o o


25/25


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civil society perception survey_egypt_august 2011

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