citizenship and transnationalism in randolph bourne's america
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Citizenship and Transnationalism in RandolphBourne's AmericaChristopher McKnight NicholsPublished online: 09 Sep 2008.
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Citizenship and Transnationalismin Randolph Bourne’s AmericaCHRISTOPHER MCKNIGHT NICHOLS
One of the most influential intellectuals of the early twentieth century,
Randolph Bourne (1886–1918) was a daring thinker, a brilliant essayist,
and an intrepid idealist. He reconceived citizenship for what he called a
“trans-national America,” deepening and explicating his classically pro-
gressive belief that the equitable distribution of political, economic, and
social resources, as well as a more complete respect for human dignity,
should form the essence of a revitalized democracy in the United States.
Bourne’s aim was for America, by dint of its fluid sense of identity and
numerous social and ethnic groups, to become the first nation in which the
multiple cultures of ethnic and personal identifications, understood as over-
lapping types of “citizenships,” would be interconnected within a political
framework that sought peace abroad and embraced pluralism and social
justice at home.
Recent scholarship has explored the extent to which institutions and
practices of citizenship operate as a “quest for inclusion,” an issue
with which Bourne was deeply engaged. This work tends to focus on civil
rights and the most vulnerable groups of citizens. Central to such studies
are three principal expressions of citizenship: voting, labor, and consump-
tion. Political theorists and scholars such as Judith Shklar have argued that
the most significant development in the United States during the course of
the twentieth century has been the extension of egalitarianism across the
three categories. She and others have observed the critically important demo-
cratic role conveyed by the right to vote (rather than the act of voting) and the
pressing need for equal pay (for equal work, regardless of race, class, gender)
and the ability to purchase goods without restraint (that is, the freedom of
consumption).
Others, such as sociologist Bryan Turner and political scientists Cliff
Zukin and James Fishkin, have emphasized the changing shape of citizenship
in modern democracies. These scholars tend to explore questions of political
and civic engagement, deliberation, and democratic as well as human values
Peace Review: A Journal of Social Justice, 20:348–357
Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN 1040-2659 print; 1469-9982 online
DOI: 10.1080/10402650802330212
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factoring into the rights, obligations, and practices of citizens. The central
point of convergence in many of these studies is an emphasis on what
engages citizens and the ways that deliberative or discursive democratic citi-
zenship can be theorized and improved. An insight of this scholarship lies
with separating political from civic engagement in two critical respects—
first, as a means of distinguishing what types and by what measures engage-
ment is increasing and decreasing, and second, to discern the major social
justice and other concerns that animate particular groups and communities
and guide ideas about nationalism.
This essay draws on the contributions of this recent scholarship to take a
comprehensive look at Bourne’s ambitious political philosophy as it was
forged during the tumultuous environment of WWI. Bourne’s was very
much a quest for inclusion. In seeking it, he did not relegate the cultural and
political issues of the day—a wide-ranging struggle over patriotism and
rival forms of nationalism, identity, dissent, and citizenship in wartime—to
abstractions of political theory. Instead, he asserted that those issues were
the very throbbing heart of American democracy, connecting the local to the
global, perhaps promoting peace, and broaching broad issues of free speech
and the equal application of justice across social groups and citizenship status.
Bourne’s ideas illuminate how contested understandings of citizenship
and alternative visions of how to harmonize overlapping types of citizenships
have been the keys to understanding rights and responsibilities of membership
in a political community. Disputes often appear in sharpest relief during times
of social stress, such as war or economic depression. Bourne demonstrated
remarkable prescience by identifying the stressors and their effects,
given when external threats and internal pressuring subject citizenship
institutions and practices to their greatest coercion and restriction. Striking
parallels emerge between the political debates of 1914–1918 and those of
2001–2008. The Espionage and Sedition acts of 1917 and 1918 cannot but
remind us of the Patriot Act of 2001.
A prolific cultural critic, Randolph Bourne was both admired and pitied.
Disfigured and hunch-backed from birth, he had worked hard and at
many jobs to support and educate himself. In 1913, he earned a Gilder
Fellowship from Columbia University that enabled him to travel for much
of the next year. Thus, in the frigid early months of 1914, he and a
colleague from the University experienced firsthand the rumblings of war
and expressions of nationalistic fervor in Austria and Germany. What
happened on that trip had a profound impact on Bourne and led him to
become a bristling opponent of American entry into WWI.
It took him almost two years to fully absorb, integrate, and write about
his European experiences. Of greatest significance, he decided, had been the
competing parochialisms he observed in Europe. They undermined harmony
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at the expense of shared, if heterogeneous, social values of class and
ethnicity; they turned political differences toward bellicosity rather than
dialogue. Looking to America, Bourne was troubled by the nativist and
nationalist “Americanization” preparedness programs that appeared to him
to be European-style nationalist developments. Such programs, he said
restrict rights and reorient the citizen as an “Anglo-American” patriot.
The nationalist path toward war in Europe had been ominously similar to
what he witnessed in America with, for example, the calls for a patriotic
“new nationalism” made by the hyper-nationalistic and bellicose Theodore
Roosevelt first in 1912, and again under the rubric “Americanism”
after 1914.
With courage and audacity given the times, Bourne made a series of
proposals that represented one of the first major efforts of the twentieth
century to re-envision and re-invigorate American citizenship through
cultural pluralism and social justice. He called for an alternative to those
Americanization programs that sought to homogenize the population and for
the institution of a “trans-national America”—that is, for an America that
would transcend national revival and develop an expansive vision of
liberalism, renewal, and social reform. For the United States to fulfill its demo-
cratic promises, he said, the nation had to extend rights to all those who were
owed them and to make demands of citizens to build the nation up by
embracing a federation of cultures within its citizenry and across national
boundaries. This would move the country toward a type of cosmopolitanism,
Bourne believed, that held the potential to reconstruct American citizens into
transnational ones beyond the reach and bellicose appeal of the nationalisms
that tore Europe apart. “Whatever American nationalism turns out to be,”
Bourne wrote, “it is certain to be something utterly different from the
nationalism of twentieth-century Europe.”
Advocating that America “reject” the “melting pot” concept, which he
regarded as an illusion, Bourne argued it was wrong-headed and futile to
promote homogenization of identities, which he said inevitably would stifle
individuals and groups. “No reverberatory effect of the great war has caused
American public opinion more solicitude than the failure of the ‘melting
pot,’” he wrote in the Atlantic Monthly in 1916. “The discovery of diverse
nationalistic feelings among our great alien population has come to most
people as an intense shock.” The country needed a new structure for citizen-
ship and social relations to avoid violence. According to Bourne, Americans,
among whom he included the “migratory alien” resident who has “caught the
pioneer spirit and a sense of new social vistas,” were the only people who
could fully embrace a peaceful and pluralist trans-national vision. In soaring
rhetoric, he argued that in this initial stage, “only the American . . . has the
chance to become that citizen of the world.” Clearly Bourne saw the United
States as the best place for his experimental philosophy.
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Hearkening to philosopher-pragmatist Josiah Royce’s essay “Self-
Consciousness, Social Consciousness, and Nature,” Bourne argued that
the “pioneer spirit” of “self-consciousness,” if properly engaged, could facili-
tate peace through conciliation and an enhanced mutual understanding or
“social consciousness” in the global community. At the same time, he
asserted that this shared consciousness of self in relation to other citizens—
and countries—held the potential to build dynamic cultural connections
within and across nations through such efforts as progressive social justice
reform and the cultivation of a common cosmopolitan appreciation.
Lately, as international and global frames have been introduced and
embraced across most of the humanities and social sciences—and with the
popularity of the term “globalization” and ideas such as Thomas
Friedman’s “flat world”—the term “trans-national” has appeared frequently,
yet without sufficient attention to its origins. Often invoked by scholars today
but not always fully understood, the political philosophy of “transnational-
ism” originated in Bourne’s writings. Bourne’s phrase “trans-national
America,” which is one of the hallmarks in the history of American
pluralism and intellectual history, represented more than a blurring of
national boundaries, as has sometimes been implied.
Bourne began to argue for transnationalism by explaining it as a positive
framework for a new American citizenship, operating at the halfway point
between strict forms of parochialism and assimilationism implicit in the
Americanization campaigns sweeping the nation. In his writings from 1916
to 1918, Bourne developed a political philosophy that sought to combine
ethnic and racial pluralism with a cosmopolitan isolation from entanglement
in international conflicts. Although his ability to publish political tracts was
constrained by patriotism and censorship, Bourne persevered. He aimed to
promote a global cultural community and the creation of a sociopolitical
philosophic base with the potential to stave off conflict by helping citizens
communicate within the nation across borders and identities.
Interestingly, Bourne argued that a truly “trans-national America” could
recognize shared values and identities across borders, and therefore would
necessarily leverage those characteristics to diffuse conflicts, seek compromise,
and create harmony. This intrinsic, positive foreign policy component in
Bourne’s hybrid of foreign and domestic policy is conspicuously absent
in most scholarly evaluations of his broader political thought. Christopher
Lasch, for instance, once commented that Bourne’s opposition to the war
was “a politically negative act (however appropriate or correct) signifying his
continuing preoccupation with the personal as opposed to the public.” This
view is incomplete. Transnationalism was radically “public” as a cultural prop-
osition and positive in its idealistic blending of anti-interventionist isolationist
thought with peaceful cultural engagement and an internationalist-pacifist view
of the myriad shared-citizenships that could unite peoples and nations.
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This new vision was characterized by a decentralized domestic pluralism
that explicitly opposed the conformity that had been promoted by
wartime Americanizers, such as the hyper-patriotic National Security
League and the former-progressive muckraking journalist George Creel’s
Committee on Public Information. Bourne perceived that political and civic
engagement were intricately intertwined, for citizens were laced together in
a vast, complicated matrix of identifiers such as gender, class, ethnicity,
religion, nationalism, and politics. Bourne wanted to extend and protect
voting rights for all citizens, regulate industry to advance the interests of the
common laborer, and deploy progressive schemes to reform education. The
last point, Bourne argued, would encourage flexible-thinking and an appreci-
ation of culture—a genuine “cosmopolitanism.” But he saw thoroughgoing
progressive reform slipping away given the exigencies of wartime.
While John Dewey and other pragmatic pro-war progressives made the
case that there would be a “plastic juncture” after the war to achieve signifi-
cant reforms, Bourne considered the war a crucible for American values of
citizenship and social progress. He argued that joining the war was a
mistake. Instead, Bourne reasoned that the nation should first transform for
the better at home, then—or even simultaneously—lead mediation abroad.
By releasing the energies of the nation’s ethnic and racial subcultures
through his “trans-national higher ideal”—rather than being bound by
treaties, enraptured by nationalism, or embroiled in wars abroad—Bourne
thought the United States could achieve its transnational democratic
potential.
Toward the end of his seminal essay “Trans-National America,”
published in the Atlantic Monthly in July 1916, Bourne observed, “the war
has shown America unable, though isolated geographically and politically
from a European world-situation, to remain aloof and irresponsible. She is
a wandering star in the sky dominated by two colossal constellations of
states.” He asked: “Can she not work out some position of her own, some
life of being in, yet not quite of, this seething and embroiled European
world? This is her only hope and purpose.” Bourne drove the reader then
to reach two conclusions about the meaning of American society and the
nation’s proper role in the world: the United States should encourage trans-
national citizenship at home and remain out of direct involvement in foreign
wars and politics.
With this political position Bourne set himself apart from most of his
peers on the progressive left, such as Walter Lippmann, Herbert Croly,
John Dewey, and Walter Weyl, four of the most prominent figures at the
New Republic who were gradually coming out in support of Wilson and
what would become entry into the war in 1917. A pacifist and a progressive,
Bourne collaborated with Jane Addams and others in several American-led
mediation efforts in 1915 and 1916, while he called for immediate
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progressive reforms in education, politics, and economics. So, too, Bourne
was an exceptionalist. He consistently maintained that the United States
offered a unique place, with a recent democratic founding (Bourne contrasted
America and France), without the entrenched elites or bellicose values of the
Old World, and with a dynamic immigrant population, which together
formed the foundation for an American transformation into the first transna-
tional state.
In considering the United States as a unique country to the world community,
Bourne extended his view of citizenship beyond individuals and set it in
terms of nation-states. That is, Bourne’s transnational philosophy permitted
an individual to identify with a vast array of interconnected citizenship types
(such as working class, Italian-American, farmer, Jewish, urban, female,
or Midwestern). When applied to nations, Bourne saw that these same
“integrating” principles could be scaled up and fulfilled through “a trans-
nationality of all the nations . . . [by which] it is spiritually impossible for
[America] to pass into the orbit of any one. It will be folly to hurry herself
into a premature and sentimental nationalism, or to emulate Europe and play
fast and loose with the forces that drag into war.” Bourne embraced
America’s traditional reluctance to join foreign wars and the recent neutrality
debates. As he put it, “Let us look at our reluctance rather as the first crude
beginnings of assertion on the part of certain strands in our nationality that
they have a right to a voice in the construction of the American ideal.”
Uniting these elements of his cosmopolitan internationalism and his sense of
exceptional geographic and historical isolation was his argument for the
uniquely “American” capacities and composition of its people.
As Bourne observed, native-born Americans—whom he called “Anglo-
American” patricians—declared themselves besieged, and as they did so natio-
nalistic bellicosity increased, immigration was reduced to a trickle, and nativist
sentiments continued to rise. Opposing these trends as Lippmanesque “drift,”
Bourne argued it was urgent for immigration to be enlarged and embraced.
Diversity of people and opinions formed the spirit of America, he said.
Immigrants of the “new” and “old” stock provided a unique possibility—not
for any facile assimilation of the melting pot, but for the integration, combi-
nation, and cross-fertilization of people, ideas, and cultures. He explained,
the “most effective integration will be one which coordinates the diverse
elements and turns them consciously toward working out together the place
of America in the world-situation, . . . which can only come when no national
colony within our America feels that it is being discriminated against
or that its cultural case is being prejudged.” Bourne aspired to lead
this large-scale progressive transformation of American national values
to move beyond “parochialism” and toward inclusion through a shared
“cosmopolitan spirit.”
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Bourne was also diametrically opposed to any closing of ranks to
join with belligerent powers abroad and defend “democracy.” He suggested
that the alternative was to blend peaceful mediation abroad and cultural
tolerance with dynamic pluralism at home. In “Trans-national America and
the Jew,” a speech to the Harvard Menorah Society also published in
December 1916, Bourne made new connections by linking pluralism,
religion, and politics. A Protestant from an old puritan family, Bourne
expanded the conception of “trans-nationality” to include the practical “inter-
national idealism” of Zionism into a “co-operative Americanism.” He proposed
a secular, American version of Zionism to unite people of various identities and
overlapping “citizenships” under a centralizing ideology, which could substi-
tute for the inflexible forms of contemporary nationalism. An “ardent
Zionism,” argued Bourne, would be one that “involves the responsibility for
an equally ardent effort for that progressive democratic reconstruction in
America, which is the ideal of all true Americans, no matter what their
heritage or trans-nationality.”
Although Bourne promoted intensive cross-fertilization of cultures, his
was not an entirely inclusive system. First, he stigmatized and rejected the
“narrow nationalism” of transient immigrants who simply came to America
to work and then returned to their home nations. Second, he had little
tolerance for his base fellow Americans, those whose moral and political
standards were merely “those of the mob.” He occasionally called this group
“half-breeds” and derided them as the “flotsam and jetsam of American life”
because of their shared love for “leering cheapness and falseness of taste and
spiritual outlook.” Critiques of mass culture aside, Bourne held hope that
even many “base” individuals could be redeemed by a transnational America.
Bourne saw his cultural project as an effort to generate an enhanced national
life by lifting the national discourse, embracing distinct ethnic groups, and
protecting them from the homogenizing influence of Anglo-Saxon-American
intolerance. In this effort Bourne blended philosopher Horace Kallen’s
concept of cultural pluralism with his own cosmopolitan ideal to propose that
immigrants and native Anglo-Americans work together as “integrating
forces” within U.S. society.
Those forces held the potential to reconstruct democracy as an expansive,
cumulative transnational culture, which Bourne later connected to
foreign policy in his shrewd articles on such topics as “The Collapse of
American Strategy” and “Doubts about Enforcing Peace.” In the latter, a
six-page essay intended for publication but never placed in print, Bourne
propounded a romantic yet surprisingly grounded politics. He remarked
that the advocates of the League of Nations were “more realistic than the pro-
fessional pacifists.” But he cautioned that without collective tolerance, their
ideas might bring “tremendous possibilities of peril to this country.” True,
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America should facilitate international mediation, he said. Yet the primary
focus abroad, Bourne argued, ought to be “international justice” rather
than picking favorite allies. The nation should under no circumstances
engage in “wars in which we perhaps have no concern whatever.” His
attitude in this piece evidenced strong pacifist and anti-interventionist
eanings, as well as surprising exceptionalist and non-entanglement principles
of isolationism.
Bourne held that public and private experience should be inseparable as
individuals cooperated within an “environment of the Beloved Community,” a
phrase he borrowed from Josiah Royce. He saw this community as the integral
intersection between domestic and foreign policy as an ideal means for civic
and political engagement by citizens. For Bourne, ever the pragmatist, the
transnational would be the conceptual locus where pragmatic evaluation of
means and ends helped to shape the role the nation ought to take in the
world and would redefine commitments to citizenship at home. It was on the
grounds of this pragmatic means-ends emphasis on domestic reform goals
that Bourne’s views contrasted most sharply with what he deemed the naı̈ve
“illogic” propounded by John Dewey and Walter Lippmann, whose end
goals were to make the war end rapidly and without harsh reparations, to
make the world safe for democracy, and achieve momentous progressive
reform after the war.
In light of the perceived failure of melting pot assimilation and the rival
ethnic and nationalist views appearing at home during WWI, transnational-
ism was Bourne’s attempt to enhance social justice and to promote progress-
ive educational and political reform, while opposing the negative effects
exposed by the conflict. It was a means to breathe “a larger air” as a
“citizen of a larger world.” Although he died in late 1918, a victim of the
influenza epidemic, and his publications were limited in the last two years
of his life due to the restrictions on free speech and self-imposed restraints
by liberal editors, Bourne’s opposition to the war as a means to achieving
progressive ends seems all the more prescient given the dimmed achieve-
ments of progressives in the 1920s. His transnationalism was more an ideal-
istic philosophy than a program. Its origins in wartime America, however,
help to explain why it did not achieve greater prominence or traction in its
day, especially because much of his writing was censored or suppressed.
These ideas were not eclipsed by Bourne’s death, by wartime repres-
sion, or even by the so-called return to normalcy after WWI. From John
Dos Passos to Christopher Lasch to Noam Chomsky, and recently Michael
Ignatieff, generations of later social activists, internationalists, and antiwar
thinkers have invoked Bourne’s transnationalism as a potent theoretical
basis for their own new programs of social justice, innovative ideas about
citizen engagement and identity, new forms of national and international citi-
zenship, and firm stances against interventions abroad.
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In today’s purportedly “flattened” and increasingly interconnected world,
competing nationalisms seem stubbornly persistent. They are just as
relevant and almost as inflammatory as they were nearly a century ago. So,
too, despite meaningful commitments to multiculturalism and deep common-
alities among citizens today, race, nationality, inequality, physical handicaps,
and other hyphenated-identifiers often appear to divide more than to unify.
In both world wars, during much of the Cold War, and even during the
recent “War on Terror,” noble pluralistic goals often have been trumped by
the visceral pull and push of parochial nationalism, homogenizing patriotism,
and unbridled self-interest. Nevertheless, the shared hope of many American
citizens appears to be one for greater egalitarianism and cooperation. If
recent polling is a guide, there may be a rising desire for retiring the “old”
politics and turning toward something new at home and abroad, an idealistic
sort of “transnational” political philosophy with its embrace of overlapping
citizenships as a means of uniting within and across nations.
In the last few years, a new trend has been laid bare. There has been an
increase in dissent. Unlike in Bourne’s WWI era, politicians and citizens
have called for little extension of obligations and made very few demands
for citizen sacrifice to the state due in part to enlarged egalitarian and indi-
vidualistic modern American understandings of rights. Although there has
been limited contemporary public curtailment of citizenship rights in the
United States as a response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 and the
ongoing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the quest for inclusion and social
justice has succeeded admirably and continues unabated. Still, it is
difficult to discern which directions these trends and these historical
examples indicate are most likely.
Scholars of citizenship in both its national and transnational contexts
are only now fully grappling with what Bourne recognized as the impli-
cations of institutional complexity and cultural diversity for modern demo-
cratic decision making. Many of the most pressing and hotly contested
social and political questions remain entangled with disputes over the
nature of national and personal identity, notions of engagement, rights and
duties of citizenship, as well as the proper application of social justice.
The waning influence of pro-war politics in 2008 and the increasing reach
and scope of the social, economic, and political connections loosely under-
stood as globalization make this an appropriate moment to return to
Randolph Bourne’s emphasis on community and pluralistic citizenship as
the “impelling, integrating forces” for a transnational vision of social justice.
RECOMMENDED READING
Abrahams, Edward. 1986. The Lyrical Left: Randolph Bourne, Alfred Stieglitz, and the Origins of
Cultural Radicalism in America. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press.
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Blake, Casey. 1990. Beloved Community: The Cultural Criticism of Randolph Bourne, VanWyck Brooks,
Waldo Frank, and Lewis Mumford. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
Bourke, Paul F. 1974. “The Status of Politics, 1909–1919: The New Republic, Randolph Bourne and Van
Wyck Brooks.” Journal of American Studies, 8 (August): 171–202.
Bourne, Randolph. 1916. “Trans-National America.” The Atlantic Monthly, CXVIII (July): 86–97.
Bourne, Randolph. 1956. History of a Literary Radical and Other Papers. New York: S.A. Russell.
Bourne, Randolph. 1964. War and the Intellectuals: Essays by Randolph S. Bourne, 1915–1919, Carl
Resek (ed.). New York: Harper and Row.
Clayton, Bruce. 1984. Forgotten Prophet: The Life of Randolph Bourne. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press.
Fishkin, James. 1993. Democracy and Deliberation: New Directions for Democratic Reform. New Haven:
Yale University Press.
Hansen, Olaf (Christopher Lasch, pref.). 1977. Randolph Bourne: The Radical Will, Selected Writings,
1911–1918. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Kallen, Horace. 1915. “Democracy Versus the Melting Pot, A Study of American Nationality.” Nation,
100 (February 18 & February 25): 190–194; 217–220.
Kennedy, David. 1980. Over Here: The First World War and American Society. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Lasch, Christopher. 1965. The New Radicalism in America, 1889–1963, the Intellectual as Social Type.
New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Livingston, James. 2003. “War and the Intellectuals: Bourne, Dewey, and the Fate of Pragmatism.” The
Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, 2 (4) (October): 431–450.
Nichols, Christopher McKnight. 2004. “What Would the Public Think? An Experiment in Deliberative
Democracy.” The Hedgehog Review: Critical Reflections on Contemporary Culture, 7(3) (Fall): 67–76.
Shklar, Judith N. 1998. American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion. Cambridge: Harvard University
Press.
Stone, Geoffrey. 2004. Perilous Times: Free Speech in Wartime, From the Sedition Act of 1798 to the War
on Terrorism. New York: W.W. Norton.
Turner, Bryan S. 1990. “Outline of a Theory of Citizenship.” Sociology, 24(2): 189–217.
Vaughan, Leslie J. 1997. Randolph Bourne and the Politics of Cultural Radicalism. Lawrence: University
of Kansas Press.
Westbrook, Robert. 1991. John Dewey and American Democracy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Zukin, Cliff, Scott Keeter, et al. 2006. A New Engagement?: Political Participation, Civic Life, and the
Changing American Citizen. New York: Oxford University Press.
Christopher McKnight Nichols is Postdoctoral Fellow in U.S. history at the Institute for Advanced Studies
in Culture at the University of Virginia. Nichols is co-editor and co-author of Prophesies of Godlessness:
Predictions of America’s Imminent Secularization from the Puritans to the Present Day (Oxford
University Press, 2008). Nichols is revising a book for publication on isolationism and internationalism
in American thought. E-mail: [email protected]
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