chinese energy expansion in the western hemipshere - for china's reform (bottelier)
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Introduction - The dragon breathes fuel
China is endowed with many things: a rich history, a strong tradition of governance, and a
vast population and large territorial footprint at the center of the worlds largest continent.
its economic growth over the past decade has proven that it can mobilize these resources
to grow its productive capacity and move on from a long period of underdevelopment. One
endowment it lacks, however, is hydrocarbon energy and specifically the amount requisite
to continue its resource-intense development trajectory. As its demand for resources has
grown, its need to look outward to secure them has grown as well. The Chinese national
oil companies (NOCs) have been key actors in this going out process, but as resource
needs grow and Chinas demand constrains world markets, it is uncertain how the NOCs
will work to secure the supply that Chinas growth is demanding.
China has not always found itself in this import-dependent situation. Less than thirty years
ago China was a net exporter of oil and other commodities as its underdeveloped local
market used its commodities to service Japanese growth. Now, China is the worlds
second largest consumer and importers of oil and annual demand growth is higher than all
the rest of the world combined. This demand from China has been an important contributor
.1
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1 International Energy Agency, 11
Chinas Contribution to Global Demand Growth
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.2
to unstable and constantly increasing global oil prices.3 Now, demand is outpacing supply
and the modest drop in demand from developed economies has not offset Chinas
extraordinary consumption growth. In fact, Chinese demand growth has been the most
important driver of global demand growth for some time, a trend that will not soon abate.
Chinas NOCs audacious investors
The resource agenda of Chinas NOCs is closely connected to the governments broader
goal of energy security. In pursuit of this goal, the Chinese government has broadened its
strategy from pure equity and joint-venture investments to shoring up better trade
relationships, offering foreign aid and installing transportation and telecom infrastructure to
support their investment goals. This strategy is one that emanates from the government as
a whole and not just the NOCs, with the National Development and Reform Commission
requiring Chinese NOCs to invest in upstream energy suppliers overseas.4
Traditionally, Chinese companies have plied traditional supply routes in Russia, the Middle
East and Southeast Asia for oil supply, but they are increasingly looking further afield to
Africa, North and South America for diverse supply sources.5 This voracious demand for
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2 ChinaOilWeb data report, 2010
3 Blas (Financial Times), full text
4 United States USCC Report, 4
5 Chart and information from Moran, 10
Saudi Arabia
Angola
IranRussia
Sudan
Oman
Others
Middle East
AfricaAsia
Russia
South America
Chinas Largest Oil Suppliers2009
Chinas Largest Oil Suppliers byregion 2009
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oil has led it to some of the worlds
m o s t h o s t i l e p r o d u c t i o n
environments, both technologically
and politically. From purchasing
exploration rights in Iran to
competing with domest ic oi l
companies for concessions in
Russia, Chinese companies appear
to have a risk appetite that exceeds
t h a t o f o t h e r N O C s a n d
supermajors like ExxonMobil and
Shell. Although a large part of this
risky business comes from the
sheer growth in demand that the
companies have ! experienced ina very short period of time, part of this
appetite may derive from the lack of Chinese NOC experience in hostile environments.
In the Western Hemisphere the approach has been more guarded and, despite headline
successes and failures, the risk profile has been more measured. The focus of this essay
is to explore three brief case studies in the Western Hemisphere of Chinese NOC
involvement in the energy sector and understand Chinese motivation for finding oil
supplies in unconventional places. Also, given the sometimes hostile regulatory
environment throughout the region, not just in Latin America but also in the United States
and Canada, the essay also explores the question of how China reacts to political risk and
sovereign challenges to its energy interests.
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Chinas Largest Natural Resource ProcurementCases -
Chart credit: Moran, page 10
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Chart credit: Center for American Progress (2010)
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resource companies have failed in the past several years. The most notable was
Australian-based BHP Billitons attempted takeover of the Potash Corporation of
Saskatchewan, which was blocked ultimately over reasons of national interest. According
to Canadas respected Financial Post, the federal government twice delayed approval of
the PetroChina/Encana transaction and, in order to avoid another BHPBilliton debacle,
may have quietly set transaction conditions that neither PetroChina nor Encana could
accept.7
Still, the Chinese have successfully invested (and received government approval) in part of
ConocoPhillips oil sands interests, but did so at a premium of nearly 100% of the assessed
value.8 The government, with terms like this, would have a difficult time demonstrating the
deal did not bring economic benefit to Canada. But given failures elsewhere it appears
they may be demanding some premium from Chinese companies that want to operate in-
country. Whether this is to compensate for the political ramifications or the uncertainty of
how to deal with Chinese NOCs in one of Canadas most precious energy assets is
unclear. Regardless of the reason why substantial alignment could not be attained, the
Canadian government has been firm on its attitude towards national interest in large
foreign resource acquisitions, and Chinese NOC investments have not been given on par
treatment with those from elsewhere.
CASE STUDY 2Sinopec and Petrobras 2009 - Cooperation but no equity
In early 2009, the China Development Bank agreed to lend Petroleos Brasileiros
(Petrobras) US$10bn to assist in its efforts to exploit the Santos pre-saloffshore basin off
the coast of Southern Brazil. The deal set off speculation that the Chinese state oil
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7 Simon (Financial Times), full text
8 Hatcher (Houston Chronicle), full text
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companies was planning to buy up a percentage of the production of Brazils newly-
discovered deep sea reserves, but in reality the deal just guaranteed 100,000 barrels per
day delivery of crude to Sinopec for 10 years at market prices.9
Given the estimated investment in developing the field will clock in close to US$200bn, a
loan guarantee equal to 5% like the one Sinopec is making certainly does not constitute
market-cornering practice. Also, unlike the attempted CNOOC acquisition of Unocal in the
U.S., the Petrobras deal did not involve any equity stake. Additionally, the promised crude
supply was not even planned to come from the new production, rather from existing
Brazilian fields. The loan-for-oil agreement, though, was not to be the end of the story and
Sinopec continued in negotiations with Petrobras to take a larger role in the exploration
and production of the fields. By mid-2011, Sinopec was already in advanced negotiations
to acquire two blocks of the Santos basin production. And ahead of the mid-year visit of
President Dilma Rousseff to China, Petrobras announced that Sinopec would join the
Brazilian company on-site to develop the offshore oil fields.
What this strategy reflects is a growing tendency for the Chinese oil companies to avoid
the high-profile equity investments or partial takeovers that they had attempted in the past
decade. Instead of taking major stakes, the Petrobras deal shows that they are using their
influence and capital to slowly build relationships in areas of political and economic interest
like Brazil. Also, given that these are deepwater exploration projects, Chinese oil
companies will be very interested in understanding Petrobras already-advanced
technology. With oil being discovered by supermajors and neighboring NOCs in the South
China Sea, the goodwill generated by the loan-for-oil agreement may result in a very
valuable engineering lesson for Sinopec.
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9 Ausick (24/7 Wall Street), full text
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CASE STUDY 3CNOOC and Chesapeake - Finally, an equity success story
In early 2011, CNOOC and Chesapeake Energy (the U.S.s largest shale gas exploration
company) announced that CNOOC would take a 33% stake in Chesapeakes assets in two
U.S. shale plays. The deal, worth in total more than US$2 billion, provided an outlay of US
$570 million for 800,000 acres of drilling leases in Colorado and Wyoming and an
additional commitment to fund two-thirds of Chesapeakes share of the costs that would be
repaid over a period of three years. The deal has a clear benefit for Chesapeake: a major
investment in a time of weak American capital markets and a view into the world of
conducting ajoint partnership with a Chinese NOC. CNOOC, however, has even more to
gain from a fruitful alliance, and that is experience and expertise to exploit similar
resources at home.10 China has an estimated 36 billion cubic meters of shale gas reserves
(twelve times the countrys conventional deposits) but heretofore has not possessed the
technology to effectively exploit their resource. This investment gives CNOOC a front row
seat to the most advanced techniques in hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, and how to
manipulate wellheads in order to extract the maximum amount wells without contaminating
its environs.11
After the disastrous experience of CNOOCs bid for Unocal, it is remarkable that the
company has been able to make such a substantive bid in one of the U.S.s leading
energy companies. Clearly, what makes this deal different is a much worsened U.S.
domestic investment climate in 2011 than in 2006 and a Congress that had more pressing
issues to address. But the nature of the stakeshale gas versus oilmight also be an
important distinction to make.
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10 CNOOC, full text
11 Nicholson (New York Times DealBook), full text
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Zha Daojiong, a professor of international political economy at Peking University in Beijing,
was less confident that they were just inexperienced investors. He believes that Chinese
outward investment in the energy sector is motivated by more practical reasons. His take
was that investments in countries with high political risk and a chance of expropriation
were just testing grounds for bigger things. The goal is not to make absolute profits or be
able to claim a foothold in an important market. Instead, Chinese NOCs that are struggling
from decades of technical inferiority are using these opportunities to learn from more
sophisticated exploration and drilling methods. Given the vast amount of excess liquidity
floating around the central governments budgets, it is easy to make investments and walk
away if they are not productive so long as some innovation or learning to Chinese
engineers comes from it.14
In the oil space, this may be expertise on the how to drill in offshore wells. In the gas
space, this may involve finding new ways to turn a drill head multiple times so as to extract
more gas from the same tight spaces. Either way, according to Professor Zha, Chinese
joint ventures are looking for more than just profits in their investments overseas. He also
believes minor and moderate losses will be written off as trial and error experiments in the
greater going out strategy. In certain cases, like in the case of CNOOCs investment in
Chesapeake, Chinese NOCs will extract as much expertise and innovation as possible in
order to modernize processes and exploration technique in more favorable surface
environments.
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14 Personal Interview, Zha Daojiong
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Will Chinese NOCs have to become more like their peers or will peers become morelike them?
Given the number of headline investments abroad that have failed, one might conclude
that Chinese NOCs are committing vast amounts of political and economic capital to
projects before properly vetting them. Certainly in the cases like PetroChinas failed bid for
Encana assets are illustrative. On the surface, it may seem that resource investment
xenophobia is rearing its head in parts of the hemisphere. But another interpretation that
observers can make from these experiences is that, while Chinas resource investment
record in the developing world has been largely successful, it has struggled in countries
with more transparent governments and stronger institutionalization.
And in these countries, like in the aforementioned purchase of ConocoPhillips assets in
Canada, companies and governments have demanded China pay a healthy premium to
play. Perhaps this happens because resource nationalism in places like the U.S. and
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Estimated Chinese Share of Overseas Equity in Oil-Exporting Countries
Chart credit: International Energy Agency
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Canada has regulatory teeth, whereas in less-developed political systems large
companies can have a greater influence on the approval process. Perhaps also advanced
countries and oil companies understand that Chinese companies are not just paying for
the underlying asset but also the expertise and intellectual capital they can gain from these
partnerships.
On the whole, the most successful joint ventures and resource-based investments of
Chinese NOCs in the oil sector have, with few exceptions, taken place in non-OECD
jurisdictions and with companies that are not fully market-driven. Where they have failed
has been in those with fully transparent vetting processes in more advanced economies.
And although there could be a selection bias with Chinese companies unwilling to get
involved in areas where they know they will face challenges, the message state
companies are sending is clear. Even if it is not credible, investee governments like
Canada and the U.S. believe Chinese NOCs do not operate best where local standards of
governance, monitoring and accountability in joint ventures are superior to Chinas own. In
Canada, PetroChina could not convince the Canadian government that a lucrative deal
was in the national interest. Even in Brazil, Petrobras has not yet agreed to any equity
participation in its burgeoning oil production. Likewise, investors in these same
jurisdictions are demanding premiums for Chinese participation, possibly pricing in the loss
of intellectual capital and future revenue possibilities in China from proprietary knowledge.
The gas sector is different, though, and the deal with Chesapeake demonstrates that
Chinas NOCs are bullish about the potential to develop shale gas resources at home and
are willing to put up large sums of money to develop that expertise. Governments
understand that the gas will most likely be sold locally, and companies understand that
given the nature of shale, their expertise will likely be demanded even when the Chinese
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NOCs return home to drill. It also suggests that the localized nature of the gas industry
(that gas production is not as easily commodified and exported as oil) may not rouse the
same resource nationalism as oil. Finally, it demonstrates the types of compromises and
concessions Chinese NOCs are willing to make to work towards domestic production and
greater energy security at home.
The new phase of this going out strategy of the Chinese NOCs could simply be one of
diversification. Or perhaps the focus on the Western hemisphere may come from a
recognition that their traditional sources of supply in the Middle East are much more
vulnerable to political turmoil than they once thought. At the same time, recent moves into
the Brazilian energy sector may show a new strategy in the hemisphere, namely one of
cautious and long-term relationship building. This may be, in part, due to a maturing
Chinese view of the world and understanding of where their investments will fall under
more or less scrutiny. It also may come from the realization that companies Petrobras
does not work under fully market-scrutinized terms, and that the operating structure has
important commonalities with Chinese NOCs.
This is also why Latin America, more so than North America, stands at an important
crossroads between the two types of investment China has been making abroad. With few
exceptions, Latin American countries have much stronger institutions and more stable
governments than other recipients of Chinese inward investment. At the same time, there
is enough leeway in Latin American political and economic systems (including the
presence of large, state-owned resource companies) to broker deals with Chinese
companies without much external participation or democratic legitimacy.
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But clearly Chinas energy foray into the Western Hemisphere could dissipate as quick as
it materialized. Energy imports from the region account for only 5% of its total oil imports,
and this supply gap could easily be absorbed by production in the Middle East and
Southeast Asia. Still, as prices rise and supply is constrained by political instability and a
lack of investment in upstream exploration, China is likely to continue exploring
unconventional sources of supply.
Chinas interest and continued investment in risky projects will continue as long as it needs
to secure upstream oil supply at prices acceptable to the market. But it appears that
Chinese NOC interest in Western Hemisphere oil and gas production, then, is less a play
to gain short-term access to vast new sources of production to displace traditional
providers. Rather it looks more like a testing ground for developing new technology to use
at home and a platform for boosting ties for an uncertain energy future. For oil and gas
companies, and the governments that regulate them, Chinese capital has been an
important source of investment at broadly favorable terms. Given these complementaries,
and the contrast to the political and economic environments in traditional suppliers closer
to home, Chinese NOCs may well find the hemispheres storied resource nationalism less
risky than the systemic turmoil elsewhere.
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