child labor: shades of gray - institute of current …words of anti-child-labor activist neera...

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Child Labor: Shades of Gray VARANASl, U.P. India March 1996 By Pramila Jayapal In India, gray is ever-present. Sometimes it intrudes into life like a firecracker that has just exploded in front of you, and other times like a quiet thief who has stolen into your house. Issues that once seemed so black-and-white suddenly take on hues of gray. Child labor is just such an issue. Everywhere in India, one sees children working: looking after tea shops and provision stalls, rowing boats down the Ganges, cleaning houses and serving food, working in the fields with their parents. What one doesn’t see is equally striking: children working in glass-making factories, weaving carpets, and rolling beedis (cigarettes). The staggering fact is that 50 percent of Indian children be- tween the ages of 6 and 14 work.1 Since being in India, I have seen Western standards often incorrectly imposed on an Indian context; how, while the human tendency is to try to fit all issues into our pre-existing notions of right and wrong, there is little recognition of the fact that our definitions of these terms are shaped by culture and society. In this con- text, I began to reconsider my original adamant views that child labor was wrong, that it was an issue that had no "other side." This exercise was mostly on an intellectual level until the issue of child labor burst into my own life like a fire- cracker. I realized then that we start the process of truly understanding issues only when they enter our own reality. Meera and Ritu We recently moved into a house in a middle-class neighborhood. Our next- door neighbor, Dr. Garg, is a retired professor from the Benaras Hindu Univer- sity who has spent time teaching in America and has several children currently living in the States. We asked him if he knew of anyone who could help us clean the house and wash clothes. "Yes, I will bring them," he said. True to his word, he knocked on our door a few days later. Behind him, stand- ing shyly, were Meera and Kitu. They came in and sat next to the wall, perched on their haunches. Meera is taller--about 5 feet--with dark skin and almond- shaped eyes. Ritu is a few inches shorter, her face rounder and fairer. Both girls wear a sindhool; the vermilion streak on the center part of the hair that indicates a married woman. "I have brought the girls for you to see," Dr. Garg said. "Meera used to work for us, and she. is very sweet." Meera and Ritu smiled, averting their eyes from me. My husband and I sat silently for several moments. "How old are you?" I 1. Myron Weiner, The Child and the State in India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 1, 10-11. Based on a study done by Operations Research Group in 1985, which estimated that 44 million children in the 5-15 age group are in the labor force. This study looked at children who were working full-time, either paid or unpaid. The study was undertaken in an effort to get more accurate data than that reported in a 1983 government study, which showed only 17.4 million children under 15 in the labor force.

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Page 1: Child Labor: Shades of Gray - Institute of Current …words of anti-child-labor activist Neera Burra) "so-cially minded people who salve their conscience by employingchildren ostensiblyto

Child Labor: Shades of GrayVARANASl, U.P. India March 1996

By Pramila Jayapal

In India, gray is ever-present. Sometimes it intrudes into life like a firecrackerthat has just exploded in front of you, and other times like a quiet thief who hasstolen into your house. Issues that once seemed so black-and-white suddenlytake on hues of gray. Child labor is just such an issue.

Everywhere in India, one sees children working: looking after tea shops andprovision stalls, rowing boats down the Ganges, cleaning houses and servingfood, working in the fields with their parents. What one doesn’t see is equallystriking: children working in glass-making factories, weaving carpets, and rollingbeedis (cigarettes). The staggering fact is that 50 percent of Indian children be-tween the ages of 6 and 14 work.1

Since being in India, I have seen Western standards often incorrectly imposedon an Indian context; how, while the human tendency is to try to fit all issues intoour pre-existing notions of right and wrong, there is little recognition of the factthat our definitions of these terms are shaped by culture and society. In this con-text, I began to reconsider my original adamant views that child labor waswrong, that it was an issue that had no "other side." This exercise was mostly onan intellectual level until the issue of child labor burst into my own life like a fire-cracker. I realized then that we start the process of truly understanding issuesonly when they enter our own reality.

Meera and Ritu

We recently moved into a house in a middle-class neighborhood. Our next-door neighbor, Dr. Garg, is a retired professor from the Benaras Hindu Univer-sity who has spent time teaching in America and has several children currentlyliving in the States. We asked him if he knew of anyone who could help us cleanthe house and wash clothes. "Yes, I will bring them," he said.

True to his word, he knocked on our door a few days later. Behind him, stand-ing shyly, were Meera and Kitu. They came in and sat next to the wall, perchedon their haunches. Meera is taller--about 5 feet--with dark skin and almond-shaped eyes. Ritu is a few inches shorter, her face rounder and fairer. Both girlswear a sindhool; the vermilion streak on the center part of the hair that indicates amarried woman.

"I have brought the girls for you to see," Dr. Garg said. "Meera used to workfor us, and she. is very sweet." Meera and Ritu smiled, averting their eyes fromme. My husband and I sat silently for several moments. "How old are you?" I

1. Myron Weiner, The Child and the State in India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp.1, 10-11. Based on a study done by Operations Research Group in 1985, which estimatedthat 44 million children in the 5-15 age group are in the labor force. This study looked atchildren who were working full-time, either paid or unpaid. The study was undertaken inan effort to get more accurate data than that reported in a 1983 government study, whichshowed only 17.4 million children under 15 in the labor force.

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Ritu and Meera

asked the girls. They looked at each other in surprise."Bhabi-ji, we don’t know!" Although still surprising tome, it is not uncommon for people here not to knowtheir ages. I guessed that Ritu was about 12 and Meeraabout 14, although Ritu is Meera’s aunt and therefore"senior" to her.

"They are only children," I said to Dr. Garg, whowas watching us curiously.

"Yes, but they are already married. They will dogood work," he said, nodding his head for emphasis.

"That is not the point. They are too young to work.Isn’t this child labor?" I asked, turning to Dr. Garg.

His puzzled look changed to a smile. "Forget Amer-ica! This is India. These girls have to eat. They arepoor; they must work, and they will do good work foryou."

Meera and Ritu nodded eagerly. "Yes, Bhabi-ji, wewill do good work. We are married already. We mustwork now."

Here is their reality. Meera is the oldest of seven’children. Her father brings in Rs. 900/month (US$25),

which must feed all nine of his family plus Ritu andher mother. Meera has been working for six or sevenyears, and brings in almost as much as her father,working as part-time maid in three different house-holds. Meera and Ritu are typical of many girl childrenin Uttar Pradesh State (U.P.), whb are promised inmarriage by the age of 10, sometimes earlier. They goto their husband-to-be for one night and their firstwedding, denoted by the sindhoor. After this they re-tum to their families until they reach puberty, 3-4years later. During this interim period, they will alter-nate spending three months with the husband’s fam-ily, and three months at their own house. Marriageconfers an ironic status to a girl: she has grown up, andnow must take on more responsibilities, whether at herhouse or at her mother-in-law’s. Work is just one ofthese responsibilities.

The idea of hiring children threw us into tumultuousdiscussions about ethics, morality and reality. Al-though not against the law, hiring them seemed in-compatible with our notions of right and wrong. Wedid not want to belong to the category of (in the bitingwords of anti-child-labor activist Neera Burra) "so-cially minded people who salve their conscience byemploying children ostensibly to save them from star-vation and look upon it as a social service!’2 On the

2. Neera Burra, "Pay Less, Get More Work," Hindustan Times Sunday Magazine, January 19, 1986.

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other hand, not hiring Meera and Ritu, in spite of theundeniable harsh realities of their lives, came danger-ously close to inappropriately applying external stan-dards to local issues. We also knew that if we did nothire Meera and Ritu, they would find work elsewhere,possibly with someone who paid them less andworked them more.

We agonized over our decision, trying to fit it intosomething that would be acceptable to our sense ofethics. One of our first attempts was our decision tohire Meera and Ritu if we could pay for them to attendschool for a few hours a day. Dr. Garg laughed whenwe told him our idea. "They won’t go, but you can askthem," he said.

He was right; they refused. "I want to go, but howcan I now?" Meera said. "I would be so much olderthan the other children. And I don’t have time. I mustwork. I have six younger brothers and sisters at home.My mother has to stay with them. I have to bring homemoney or we won’t eat." She was resolute, and I real-ized how naive I had been.

We changed our minds several times, each time see-ing a gap between an "intellectually informed" deci-

sion we had made over dinner not to compromise ourethics, and the realities of the consequences that ourdecision would have on these two girls’ lives. Whenwe had made what we thought was our final decisionnot to hire them, not to perpetuate this system of childlabor, I called Meera out to the front step the next dayto explain why.

We sat next to each other, and yet were as distant asthe earth from the moon in our understanding of thewords being uttered. I could see that my sentenceswere wisps of air that floated in front of her, butterfliesthat fluttered away before they could be caught. Shewas puzzled. "How can we eat if I do not work? Wemust earn." I tried to explain to Meera about why chil-dren should be going to school not working; I eventold her that there are laws in other countries thatmake it illegal for children to work in any occupation.She listened, but couldn’t comprehend. As she talkedabout her family and her life, I found myself againquestioning whether it was right to send them awayhungry, while we ate good food and patted ourselveson the back for not perpetuating child labor.

I went home after that conversation and cried. Mytears were for Ritu and Meera and their situation, for

Tara (left) and her youngest baby; Ritu and Meera in the back; andfour ofMeera’s brothers and sisters

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my inability to have "the answer," for all the shades ofgray that were clouding my previously clear picture ofright and wrong. They are too young to work, but toopoor not to. If Meera and Ritu did not work, what rightswould they gain? They are too poor to go to schooleven to buy books or uniforms. More importantly, theirfamily cannot spare them from earning a salary.

In a recent visit to their house, I spoke with Tara,Meera’s mother and Ritu’s older sister. Herself only 30or so, Tara has seven children, the youngest still ababy. Tara knows little about family planning (shewants to get an "operation" but doesn’t know where togo), so can hardly teach the girls about it. She told methat she had sent both Meera and Rajiv, two yearsyounger, to school for some years. Both had to leave af-ter a few years, Meera because they needed her towork and help with the children, and Rajiv becausethey did not have enough money to pay the school fees(about Rs. 30).

As breadwinners in the family, Meera and Ritu prob-ably have more chance of seeing a doctor now, becauseif they are sick, they cannot work; and if they cannotwork, they cannot earn money for the family. In someironic way, there is more incentive for the family tokeep them in good health. Finally, there is their right tobe treated with dignity and respect. I have learned,t.hrough my time here, that a woman’s biggest liabilityis that that she is "unproductive." Sons, they say here,will earn and look after the family in old age. Whatwill the daughters do? Arguably, Meera and Ritu willgain more respect from their families by contributingtheir earnings and assuming the vital role of income-generators.

In that moment when my tears were spent hnd mymind was clear, my husband and I decided that wewould hire them. They have been coming to us nowfor six weeks. We still do not know if we are doing the"right" thing. What we do know is that not hiringMeera and Ritu will not change their lives for the bet-ter. Contrary to Burra’s words, it seemed that it wouldbe not hiring them which would serve as the "salve toour conscience," allowing us to feel that we had up-held our principles in not contributing to child labor.With no alternative for Meera and Ritu, it seemed un-fair to punish them with our morals.

What choices do Meera and .Ritu have? What aboutTara and her husband? How are they to survive? Mostimportantly, how can they be told not to send theirchildren to work, when no other alternatives are pro-vided? Society has placed limits around them andother poor people, condemning the parents for sendingchildren out to workand children for working, but it

offers no alternative to change their realities. It oc-curred to me once again that the gulf that separates ne-cessity from choice yawns wide.

On an individual micro level stand by our deci-sion to hire the girls. However, on a macro level I seemore clearly than ever the vicious circle that will con-tinue with the next generation if Meera and Ritu arenot provided opportunities and incentives to learn, toimprove their lives, and to want something better fortheir children. Being faced with Meera and Ritu’s lackof choices has given me an invaluable context withinwhich to appreciate the complexity of the broader de-bate over child labor in India.

The Child Labor Debate in India

Approximately 44 million Indian children betweenthe ages of six and 14 work.3 In certain industries, likecarpet weaving, up to 75 percent of the labor force isestimated to be children.4 These children, workingsometimes for 10 percent of the wages paid to adultsfor similar work, are often subjected to long hours andoppressive working conditions, in addition to beingdenied access to education. In the last decade, expo-sure has been given to these realities largely by interna-tional human rights organizations, advocates likeSwami Agnivesh and Kailash Satyarti, and writers likeNeera Burra and Myron Weiner. Against a mainstreamposition that vacillates between denial and rationaliza-tion, these advocates are trying to expose the cruelhardships of an unjust social and economic system thathas become thoroughly institutionalized.

The Indian government’s efforts to address the ques-tion of child labor have amounted to little more thantokenism. It took three years for the Indian govern-ment to ratify the Rights of the Child Convention, mak-ing it one of the last countries to do so. According toAgnivesh, "This shows clearly that we were reluctantto accede to it and it was international pressure whichforced us to do so."5 Agnivesh believes that the ratifica-tion of the Convention was merely "window dress-ing." It can certainly seem this way. A recent collo-quium on child labor opened with a statement by theUnion Minister for Information and Broadcasting call-ing for "genuine efforts to prevent exploitation of chil-dren and to promote their well-being," and for moreimportance to be given to "family values,"6 but con-spicuously staying away from calls for specific actionon child labor.

Why are the government and large numbers of thegeneral public "soft" on child labor? Why has child la-bor emerged as a human rights issue, as opposed to asocial or economic one? Is compulsory education an

3. Weiner, p. ’10.4. Neera Burra, Born to Work: Child Labour in India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. xxii.5. Ratification of Convention Mere Window-Dressing"; An interview with Swami Agnivesh as reported in Mainstream, Oct. 2,1993.6. Highlight Child Rights, Media Told," The Hindu, Feb. 15, 1996.

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A little gh’l sells vegetables

appropriate alternative to child labor in the Indian con- posed against those of "responsibilities."text, and if not, what is?

The position of activists advocating a complete child-On the surface, the ethical dimensions of child labor labor ban is that employers should be prohibited from

and their associated answers are obvious. Given employing child labor, and parents, no matter howUtopian conditions, children would not be working, poor, should be required to keep their children inThey would be enjoying their childhoods, playing, go- school until a specified age. (The legislation that existsing to school eating nourishing food, preparing their now is largely regulatory rather than prohibitory.) Onbodies and minds for a fulfilling career. But this is not one level, advocates for an immediate unconditionalUtopia for children far from it. As is the norm with ban on child labor have not made the transition fromsocial issues in India, the dimensions of the issue are far the Utopian ideal to the practical realities of life for In-more complex than they seem. Ethics and morality dian children and families. Nor do they differentiatebecome clouded with the sediment of poverty and between labor that is exploitative or labor that is ac-unemployment, while concepts of "rights" are juxta- ceptable. On another level unless these advocates

A small boy looks after a provision shop

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Young boys are often seen rowing boats. This one is just getting paidfor his work by the customers.

scream long, loud and for the most extreme stands, it iscertain that this issue would receive even less attentionthan it does now.

However, the majority of Indian policy makers, aswell as a large number of social activists, feel that suchwide-sweeping bans on child labor are not appropriatefor India. Some of these people have a self-interest (ei-ther economic or social) in keeping child labor alive;others genuinely believe that a ban on child labor willonly worsen the situation of these children and theirfamilies.

The first category of people argues that children arebeing taught skills that they would not get from tradi-tional education. Carpet weavers, for example, say thatcarpet weaving is a skill that is passed from father tochild (even though recent studies show that this is lessand less the case), and that children’s hands are the,only ones that can make the small knots required forfine carpets. This group also often argues, though notas openly, that we should not tinker with the existingsocial order too much or we may invite chaos.

The second group of individuals believes, from aslightly different vantage point, that a ban on child la-

bor would hurt only the very children in question.What will be the alternatives for the child and his/herfamily? For the most part, this group subscribes to thesame view as Father George, director of the MadrasSchool of Social Work, who believes that until thechronic poverty of families who are forced to sendtheir children to work is relieved, and parents haveenough income to support their family, child labor willbe "a necessary evil.’7 Furthermore; these individualsargue that banning child labor will have to be backedup with enforcement, a seeming impossibility cur-rently. They question whether the recommendation ofmaking primary education compulsory (often lookedon as the policy tool by which child labor can be eradi-cated), in the form that education exists today, is evenan asset to children. With high unemployment rates foreven college graduates, this group is increasingly con-vinced that education is no panacea for poverty.

Both groups seem to agree although one groupwith more self-interest than the other that a ban onchild labor may be fine for developed countries, butcannot be applied in an Indian context. This view, aswell as some of the complex underlying resistance toprohibiting child labor, was evident in an interview Ihad with a Master Weaver.

7. Weiner, p. 47.

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Owners of Looms, Contractors of Work

M.A. Ansari is a modern-day "Master Weaver" in thesari weaving industry. He comes from the MuslimAnsari community, which accounts for 90 percent ofweavers in the carpet and sari industries. The MasterWeavers are generally the owners of looms and thecontractors of work. They take orders and then eithercontract the orders out to various individual weavers,or produce them on their own looms. Mr. Ansari is a 26-year old Ph.D. candidate at a leading university in Bena-ras, actively involved in the Congress Party, anddreams one day to be part of the Prime Minister’s Cen-tral Planning Committee. He is an 11th-generationowner of sari looms, owning three power looms andone hand loom, that are operated both by children andadults. He is quick to differentiate between the kinds ofworkers who work in the sari industry ("the children ofMaster Weavers who are being passed on a skill and arebeing treated well") and those in the carpet industry("poor migrants from Bihar and other neighboringplaces who are exploited"), but most of his views are atoned-down version of many of the carpet-businessowners.

"International human rights people from developedcountries say that we must have child labor laws," An-sari said. "This is fine for developed countries, wherepeople are educated and they have family planning pro-grams. Here in India, we don’t have such things. Peoplehere think of children just in terms of economics andearnings. More children means more people to work."

Ansari and many of his colleagues believe that theban on Indian carpets by certain countries, and the callfor "child-labor-free" certified carpets is all part of an in-ternational conspiracy. "Developed countries have ahold on us [developing countries] through their loansand subsidy programs. Because I can read and knowabout economics, I can understand these things. This isall part of them trying to bring us down."

However, Ansari (unlike many others) was flankabout the motivation for hiring children. He openly ad-mitted that the incentive for hiring children is purely ec-onomic. "It is not true that adults cannot do the samework. It is just that children are cheaper." According tohim, children are paid about Rs. 100-150/month versusan adult weaver, who is paid per-sari and can earnabout Rs. 2,000/month.

"Practically," Ansari continued, "we must look firstat whether we can eat and drink. What will families dowho cannot eat? They must send their children towork."

What about education? I asked him. Does he thinkeducation should be made compulsory? He immedi-ately gave me the "politically correct" answer: "Ofcourse, education is a must." Then he paused and cau-tiously qualified his answer: "But what will we do wRhall the educated people? We have only a fraction of the

population literate, and already crores [tens of mil-lions[ of people are unemployed. What will we do if allthese other people get educated?"

If child labor is eliminated, then perhaps more adultswill get more jobs and unemployment will go down, Isuggested. He laughed. "No, it is not possible. We willnot be able to hire adults, because then the prices ofour saris and carpets will go up and we will not becompetitive. If we are going to stop child labor here inIndia, it must stop in Pakistan, Burma, Bhutan and allother carpet manufacturing countries also. Otherwise,we will not be competitive."

He leaned forward to put forth his ultimate argu-ment: "We must accept God’s gift that is given to us."

I was confused. "What is God’s gift?" I asked him.

"God has made it so that some must work and somemust be educated. It is God’s gift if you are born into afamily that has too many children and must send youto work. We must accept it. Education is for some, andlabor is for others. You can’t force education on the la-bor people. It is a natural thing." He leaned back,warming to his theme and told me a story about a mes-senger of God who asks God to make everyone equal.God complies, and chaos ensues. The roof of one man’shouse breaks, and he goes to the former roof-repairer,who has now been made an equal. The roof-repairersnubs him, and says, "My roof too has collapsed. Whydon’t you fix mine?"

Ansari launched into another rapid-fire speech aboutequality not being possible. "That is why socialism hascollapsed in all these countries," he said. "The socialstructure must remain."

India’s Compulsory-Education Nonpolicy

In many other countries, compulsory primary educa-tion has been used as a policy tool to implement anti-child labor legislation. Why has India not done so? Theexisting National Constitution has "enabling legis-lation" in other words, it says that a state may, if itwishes, make education compulsory but not "re-quiring legislation." Although a majority of states havecompulsory-education legislation, the legislation isquite recent for several and is yet to be enforced (e.g. inUttar Pradesh). The central government has not madeeducation compulsory or states’ enforcement of it a pri-ority. Is there an underlying reason for India’s "politicsof doing nothing," as Weiner terms it?

Ansari was willing to voice the underlying beliefthat many have but feel it is not "proper" to say: thatpeople are born into a class with a specific karma, andtampering with it is beyond the role of society or state.This attitude could explain the reluctance of those inpower to change a system that provides them withbenefits, that preserves the incentives for keeping edu-cation away from the masses.

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Outlays for education in India come both from theCentral Government and from State Governments. Asa result, the total amount spent on education varieswidely from state to state, and depends upon the indi-vidual state’s commitment to education. The CentralGovernment itself has hardly set a shining example forstates: the only developing country in the world thatspends a lower percentage of its central governmentexpenditures on education than India is Pakistan: Indiaspends 2.2 percent of its total central government ex-penditures on education versus Pakistan’s 1.1 percent.8

In addition, a disproportionate percentage of India’salready small education budget is spent on universityeducation for the elite. This proportion has actually in-creased from nine percent in 1951 to 16 percent in 1985,while spending for primary education has decreasedfrom 56 percent to 36 percent in the same years.9 Inter-estingly, the decline came in spite of calls made by theKothari Commission in the mid-1960s for a goal of uni-versal literacy by 1985. Although there was a small in-crease in spending on primary education in the late1960s and early 1970s, it never reached anything closeto the original 56 percent proportion it held in the firstfive years after Independence.

Most distressing of all is the seeming conclusion ofthe Indian government that literacy for the masses isno longer a realistic, or necessary, goal. Unable to reachthe goals set by the Kothari Commission in the 1960s,the 1986 National Policy on Education instead decidedto question that goal of universal education itself. Inspite of acknowledging that the number of illiterates inIndia would grow to 500 million by the year 2000 andwould hinder development in the 21st century, theNEP document recommended that the government"once and for all" after "careful consideration" decidewhether "removal of illiteracy is an essential precon-dition for the meaningful participation of the masses inthe process of political decision making and nationalreconstruction" in India.10

The 1995 World Development Report cites strongtraditions of caste and social structure in India as a rea-son for inequalities between ethnic and social groups.

"Every seventh person in India about two percent ofthe world’s population is a member of a scheduledcaste. These lowestcaste individuals are born into fam-ilies whose traditional occupations scavenging, tan-ning leather, working in agriculture yield little re-turn to education or skill acquisition. Tradition alsoused to dictate that these families could not changetheir occupations This extreme labor market inflexi-bility provided few incentives for members of thelower castes to educate themselves."11

Both the state and individuals seemingly feed intothis system of oppression, keeping certain groups fromgaining an education and progressing. The ideas of car-rying out one’s duty (dharma) and of having a certain"lot" in life that has been determined by actions in thepast life (karma), hold strong in Indian society. Peoplewill tell stories like Ansari’s, or quote from texts like theBhagavad Gita, where Lord Krishna tells Arjuna thatthere is nothing worse than not performing one’sdharma. Ansari’s comments about "accepting God’sgift" show how ideas of social hierarchy can lead to apa-thy or even resistance to changing that social structure.

Practical Implications

Even if the social and cultural barriers to mass edu-cation were removed, serious resource and enforce-ment considerations would remain, beyond question.First, education has to compete with every other socialissue in the bag for its share of available resources.Public schools (which are not accessible to all rural in-habitants) in India suffer from disrepair and lack of at-tention or commitment. For compulsory education tobe successful, schools would need to be overhauledand new ones built, teachers would need to be trainedand educational materials made available. All thiswould take money lots of it. According to some esti-mates, if compulsory education had been in existencein 1990, the budgetary requirements would have beenRs. 32 billion, an amount several times greater than the1990 education budget.12

Second, free primary public education is a myth.Several individuals have told us that it is cheap to gothrough university education; it is getting through pri-mary education that is difficult in terms of costs. Manyvillage women have said that they pay between Rs.1,000-Rs. 3,000 annually per child, at a minimum, foruniforms, books and other school supplies ma smallfortune for a family whose annual earnings may beanywhere between Rs. 6,000-12,000.

Third, even if education were to be made compul-.sory and "free," how would poor families replace theirchildren’s income? Unless there were accompanyingeconomic incentives, like subsidies to poor families,that made it economically viable for parents to sendtheir children to school parents would encourage chil-dren to leave school and children would feel a match-ing responsibility to do so. (As it is, 36 percent of chil-dren drop out of school by Class 5, while 50 percentdrop out by Class 8.13) There is little aid for poor fami-lies, and certainly nothing like the welfare system inthe U.S. or other countries. A 1985 book, Child Labour:The Twice Exploited, points out that "If the choice for the

8.1995 World Development Report (World Bank: Washington, D.C., 1995).9. Weiner, p. 95-96.10. Weiner, p. 100.11. WDR, p. 4512. Weiner, p. 96.13. Tilak, p. 280.

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child is between school attendance and starvation, as itis the case for most of the working children, ’get theminto the schools’ becomes an empty slogan."* 14

Fourth, there is the issue of enforcement. If educa-tion were compulsory, who would enforce it? Cur-rently, Government enforcement officials are the armsand legs of the state machinery, a machinery oiled tomake things difficult- not easy- for people. Thedearth of officers, combined with a sad but often truedisinterest in enforcing the law unless there is mone-tary gain in it for them, makes it unlikely that they willend up being the implementers of compulsory educa-tion policy. Even with existing child-labor legislation,enforcement is proving a problem. The fines that existfor employers who are caught do not helpthey aver-age a mere Rs. 200 ($7) per crime.

Finally, there is the critical question of education’sworth. A dialogue about how to address the culturalresource and implementation issues of compulsoryeducation as a tool to eliminating child labor is predi-cated on the assumption that primary education isworthwhile. This is not, by any means, an uncon-tested view. There is a pervasive feeling that the pri-mary education provided in the public school systemis flawed, that it is largely irrelevant for the masses ofurban children following a family trade or rural chil-dren who live in an agricultural society. Many par-ents feel that the traditional education system only al-ienates children from the land, and provides themwith no certain alternative. The disillusionment peo-ple feel with the education system becomes evengreater as unemployment rates of college graduatessoar. Examples like Kerala’s- where child labor hasbeen essentially eliminated, literacy is high, but so areunemployment rates and suicides only serve toadd fuel to the fire.

It is eminently clear that the answer to child labor isfar more complex than just legislating compulsory edu-cation. Traditional ideas of social hierarchy and conse-quent implications for acceptance of education for themasses by those in power, economic disincentives thatkeep parents from sending their children to school re-source constraints to make education high quality andaccessible, enforcement limitations, and even doubt asto what type of education would be valuablemall these

factors create an obstacle path to successful prohibitionof child labor through compulsory education.

The Role of the State in the Child Labor Debate

In India, child labor is being raised as a human-rights issue rather" than as an economic or social issue,largely by foreign advocates rather than domestic pol-icy makers. While in the beginning, domestic advo-cates felt that foreign governments and human-rightsorganizations were helping the cause, many now feelthat foreign intervention has come dangerously closeto a protectionist attitude. The bitterness toward for-eign intervention, which is accused of being only in theform of immediate economic sanctions without corre-sponding assistance to work toward long-term change,is strongly expressed in the "Ten-Point Plan to CombatChild Labour," developed by Agnivesh’s BandhuaMukti Morcha (see box, page 10). BMM recognizes thatthe ultimate motivation for elimination of child labormust come from within, and must be accompanied bymeasures that address the roots of the problem.

Other countries that have successfully implementedsome combination of anti-child-labor and compulsory-education legislation have rarely done it on the basis ofhuman rights alone. For some countries, considerationsof national power and religious control pushed govern-ments to take action. Germany, for example, wanted toprotect children from excessive hard labor that would"make them unfit to defend their country in an hour ofdanger" and to ensure a sufficient number of workerswho were not "chained" to factories would be availablefor work in other sectors. In England and America,churches, which saw education and religion as closelyintertwined, pushed for compulsory education for chil-dren, which led to ah elimination of child labor. InAmerica, anti-child-labor legislation was also helped bythe major trade-union federation of America, whichwas concerned that child workers were displacingadults in the labor force. In Japan, education (whichlater led to child-labor prohibition) was used as a tool to"make the masses more moral and obedient" and even-tually viewed as a necessity to achieve the overridinggoal of competing with the West.15

The fact that, in India, child labor is being discussedonly as a human-rights issue (pushed by outside

*NOTE: There is still much debate over whether families who send their children out to work are driven primarily by eco-nomic reasons. A 1979 International Labour Organization study found that 64% of families had working children because ofeconomic reasons because parents need assistance in household economic activity (33%), because of poverty (23%), or be-cause they needed to earn their own living (8%). However, a recent (and much smaller) study of child labor in the Benarassari industry revealed that although "the stock reply of the parents was that they could not afford to give education to theirchildren due to financial difficulties," this was not the whole truth. The study found that only 45% of children interviewedwere working because of poverty or economic reasons, while 43% of children worked because their parents wanted them towork. This study concludes that a primary reason for children working is the mindset of the parents that formal educationwill do no good, and that learning a trade is better than going to school. [Prof. R.K. Misra, "Preliminary Report on the ChildLabour in the Saree Industry of Varanasi," BHU, Varanasi, 1995.]14. B.N. Joyal, Sudarshan Kumari, L.M. Chandola, Child Labour: The Twice Exploited (Gandhian Institute of Studies, Varanasi),p. 161.15. Weiner, pp. 129-149.

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The cover ofa pamphlet to raise awareness about child labor.

players and lonely domestic advocates who do notwield political power) weakens the prospects for suc-cess for significant action on the issue. Trade unionsare not key movers in pushing for change; some saybecause the trade-union members have children work-ing themselves, and others because trade-union mem-bership in India is weak, with less than 10 percent of

the labor force participating in unions.le There is alsono cause for worry on the government’s part that therewill be insufficient numbers of recruits for the military.Finally, mass control through education has never beenan aim of an Indian political party or religious group(though perhaps the Bharatiya Janata Party theextremist Hindu party would be interested in such

16. World Development Report, p. 84.

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an idea). In fact, as previously mentioned, compulsoryeducation for all could be against the interests of keyofficials in positions of power who believe in maintain-ing long-standing divisions of class, caste and socialorder that promote inequality between rich and poor.In India, the goal appears to be control of the massesin an antithetical approach to that of the Church inEngland or the Communist Party in China- throughthe absence, rather than provision, of education.

The gap in the state’s commitment, combined withforeign funds available through international humanrights organizations that want to raise awareness of thechild labor issue, have created a recent flood of newly-formed NGOs in the last decade. Their results?

According to Priyankar Upadhyaya, a Professor ofPolitical Science at Benaras Hindu University and amember of the University’s Human Rights Cell, whichorganized a forum on child labor last year, "If the pur-pose of NGOs is to generate awareness, then they havenot been entirely unsuccessful. But NGOs usually takeon this isue in the form of emotional melodrama; thereal question is how will that spread further?"

Anju Sharan, another BHU Professor, adds thatmany NGOs are just "shams" that have been formed totake advantage of the availability of foreign funds.Some, she says, are genuinely committed, but eventhen they have been able to accomplish only a little.Swami Agnivesh, whose NGO is one of the most suc-cessful, himself concurred in an interview with Main-stream magazine that the role of NGOs is limited.

NGO successes have been further marred by reportsthat "rehabilitated" children put into underfundedschools left after a short period of time to return towork. Other reports say that the government-fundedcarpet-production centers that were created for dis-placed carpet-industry child labor are actually managedby Master Weavers (the ones who used to hire the childlabor) under the shell of a non-profit organization. Thetraining centers are not monitored by the government,.and thus end up being simply another exploitative situ-ation, this time subsidized by the government.

Professor Upadhyaya believes that for real change tooccur, child labor must find its way into the politicalagenda of a dominant party. However, Upadhyayasees little hope for this, primarily because children donot constitute a vote bank. He distinguishes the child-labor plank from that of women’s issues, which in thepast decade has made its way into the central platformof every political party. Since women constitute a sig-nifican political constituency, women’s activists wereable to use this as a lever to interest politicians and pol-icy makers. The child labor issue, in contrast, is con-spicuously missing from all party planks.

Even those laws that do exist to regulate child labor

are not being enforced. Upadhyaya believes this is dueto a fundamental problem of the relationship betweensociety and state. State mediation is essential to enactlaws, he argues, but "the Indian state has become in-creasingly weak in its influence over grass roots peo-ple, and therefore increasingly repressive." People’sdistrust of the state is largely due to the societal corro-sion of values that has led to the state being viewed ascorrupt, manipulative and intimidating. In banningchild labor, then, first the state would have to be madestrong in a positive, enforcement sense. If not, a bancould be easily manipulated to create more problemsfor those it is trying to serve.

Child Labour: The Twice Exploited concurs:

"Given the structural conditions for the persistent exis-tence- indeed rise of child labour, any legislativeaction to forcefully ban child labour is bound to fail. Atbest, it will be a sentimental sop to the occasionally out-raged liberal conscience but it does not matter much forthe travails of the ’unfortunate, future citizens.’ In realterms, it may only aggravate the problem of bureau-cratic corruption and harassment of the victims of thesystem through the enforcement."17

The Search for Alternatives

The debate about child labor ultimately is boileddown by most people to the fundamental question ofwhether child labor is a cause of poverty, or poverty acause of child labor. Those who believe the former useit to insist that there should be a complete ban on childlabor, and that education should be compulsory. Thosewho believe the latter argue that one must tackle theroot of the problem poverty before addressingthe "symptoms," of which child labor is one.

To me, it appears both questions omit the critical issueofwhether child labor continues because of a lack of com-mitment on the part of policy makers and other powerfulindividuals to change the practice. Equally important, onthe causes of child labor, both sides try to paint the issuein black and white without recognizing shades of gray.We cannot wait for poverty to end before addressingchild labor, but at the same time, it is repressive and puni-tive to ban child labor without providing alternatives tochildren and their families, without improving the qual-ity and accessibility of education.

A ban on child labor would probably cause somesmall groups of people to refrain from hiring childrenbecause it would be illegal. In other words, to some de-gree, legislation would remove some of the gray forpeople like me who are making a subjective decision (ei-ther in the best interests of the child, or in personal inter-est) about whether or not to hire a child. For those whocontinue to exploit children in spite of existing legisla-tion (which remains unenforced), the only thing a banmight do is show them that there is some commitmentfrom the government toward ending child labor. With-

17. Joyal, Kumari, Chandola, p. 160.

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out enforcement, however, this effect lasts for only ashort time before becoming a laughing matter.

At the same time, a complete ban on child labor issure to fail if there is no simultaneous provision of eco-nomic incentives for children not to work or no attemptsto change the mindset of parents towards the value ofeducation. A ban without these accompanying elementswould ultimately end up being a largely elitist, moralis-tic position that hurts those that it is trying to help.

International calls for a child-labor ban have cer-tainly served an important- but clearly limitedpurpose. As the 1995 World Development Reportstated, "The role of national legislation and interna-tional conventions banning child labor have symbolicvalue as an expression of societal desire to eradicatethis practice. But they cannot deliver results Unless ac-companied by measures to shift the balance of incen-tives away from child labor and toward education."18

To the extent that products have international mar-kets, international activists may succeed in creating aneconomic threat that pushes the Indian government toaction. However, their effect is limited to just thesemarkets, and it is doubtful that the economic impact ofsuch bans would be sufficient to create a sweepingoverhaul of existing policies towards child labor.

The government must be committed to eradicatingchild labor in a sustainable manner. To this end, it shouldrecommit itself to the goal of universal education, andthen back up this commitment with increased resourcesto improve the quality and accessibility of education. Ifthe state disowns the vision of a minimum education forall its people, who else can take it on? Because it is morelikely that uneducated parents (or those involved in a tra-ditional trade) may not see the value of education, it be-comes incumbent on the government to try to improveeducation, make it more suitable to the lives of the poor,and gain the confidence of people that education in theright form is ultimately an asset for their children. At thesame time, the poverty that forces parents to send chil-dren to workmust be addressed.

There are precedents that have worked for bringing

together a ban on child labor and compulsory edu-cation. Indonesia, for example, established a type ofwelfare system, where along with free compulsory ed-ucation, families were given subsidies from the govern-ment to lift their incomes to a basic standard of living.The idea of providing each displaced child with a "re-placement income," as has been done by BMM andother NGOs in India, is also viable although theamount of the income needs to be increased to providesufficient incentive for families and children to stay outof child labor. Strengthening trade unions that couldfight for minimum-wage increases and enforcementcould also help to ensure that adults who are workingearn more.

Ironically, it may be that finally technology andmechanization is one major factor in shifting the bal-ance of incentives away from child lab(r. Although Ihave argued in past articles that technology sometimeschanges societies in ways that are not for the better, if itbecomes cheaper and more efficient than current childworkers, it may eventually replace those workers.(Many believe that instituting anti-child-labor legisla-tion actually contributes to speeding up moderniza-tion, as businesses are forced to find ways to reduceproduction costs through mechanization.) This is hap-pening to some extent with power looms over hand-looms in the sari and carpet industry, but again, it is adouble-edged sword that may ultimately put greaternumbers of people out of work.

Change is dependent on those in power becomingcommitted to the abolition of child labor, and resolu-tion of the contradictions between the rights of a childto meaningful participation in society, and the respon-sibilities of the individual to his/her own well-beingand that of the family. Is this realistic? Given India’ssocial and structural traditions, its rampant povertyand its lack of political investment in the child-labor is-sue, the path to this commitment seems painfully long.In the meantime, people like Meera and Ritu are likelyto continue the cycle by keeping their own children un-educated and sending them to work.

I have no answers, only more questions that high-light all the shades of gray. l

18. World Development Report, p. 72-3.

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AFGHANI

CHINA

PAK

C Rajasthan ,JaipPKraan: Luckn’.N,

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Hisham Ahmed. Born blind in the Palestinian Dheisheh Refugee Camp near Bethlehem,Hisham finished his A-levels with the fifth highest score out of 13,000 students throughout Is-reel. He received a B.A. in political science on a scholarship from Illinois State University andhis M.A. and Ph.D. from the University of California in Santa Barbara. Back in East Jerusalemand still blind, Hisham plans to gather oral histories from a broad selection of Palestinians toproduce a "Portrait of Palestine" at this crucial point in Middle Eastern history. [MIDEAST/N.AFRICA]

Adam Albion. A former research associate at the Institute for EastWest Studies at Prague inthe Czech Republic, Adam is spending two years studying and writing about Turkey’s re-gional role and growing importance as an actor in the Balkans, the Middle East and the for-mer Soviet bloc. A Harvard graduate (1988; History), Adam has completed the first year of atwo-year M. Litt. degree in Russian/East European history and languages at Oxford Univer-sity. [EUROPE/RUSSIA]

Cynthia Caron. With a Masters degree in Forest Science from the Yale School of Forestryand Environment, Cynthia is spending two years in South Asia as ICWA’s first John MillerMusser Memorial Forest & Society Fellow. She is studying and writing about the impact of for-est-preservation projects on the lives (and land-tenure) of indigenous peoples and localfarmers who live on their fringes. Her fellowship includes stays in Bhutan, India and SriLanka. [SOUTH ASIA/Forest & Society]

William F. F.o.ote. Formerly a financial analyst with Lehman Brothers’ Emerging MarketsGroup, Willy Foote is examining the economic substructure of Mexico and the impact of free-market reforms on Mexico’s people, society and politics. Willy holds a Bachelor’s degreefrom Yale University (history), a Master’s from the London School of Economics (Develop-ment Economics; Latin America) and studied Basque history in San Sebastian, Spain. Hecarried out intensive Spanish-language studies in Guatemala in 1990 and then worked as acopy editor and Reporter for the Buenos Aires Herald from 1990 to 1992. [THE AMERICAS]

Sharon Griffin. A feature writer and contributing columnist on African affairs at the San DiegoUnion-Tribune, Sharon is spending two years in southern Africa studying Zulu and the Kwa-Zulu kingdom and writing about the role of nongovernmental organizations as fulfillment cen-ters for national needs in developing countries where governments are still feeling their waytoward effective administration. She plans to travel and live in Namibia and Zimbabwe aswell as South Africa. [sub-SAHARA]

J.ohn Harris. A would-be lawyer with an undergraduate degree in History from the Universityof Chicago, John reverted to international studies after a year of internship in the product-liability department of a Chicago law firm and took two years of postgraduate Russian at theUniversity of Washington in Seattle. Based in Moscow during his fellowship, John is studyingand writing about Russia’s nascent political parties as they begin the difficult transition fromidentities based on the personalities of their leaders to positions based on national and inter-national issues. [EUROPE/RUSSIA]

Prarnila Jayapal. Born in India, Pramila left when she was four and went through primaryand secondary education in Indonesia. She graduated from Georgetown University in 1986and won an M.B.A. from the Kellogg School of Management in Evanston, Illinois in 1990.She has worked as a corporate analyst for PaineWebber and an accounts manager for theworld’s leading producer of cardiac defibrillators, but most recently managed a $7 million de-veloping-country revolving-loan fund for the Program for Appropriate Technology in Health(PATH) in Seattle. Pramila is spending two years in India tracing her roots and studying so-cial issues involving religion, the status of women, population and AIDS. [SOUTH ASIA]

Teresa C. Yates. A former member of the American Civil Liberties Union’s national task forceon the workplace, Teresa is spending two years in South Africa observing and reporting onthe efforts of the Mandela government to reform the national land-tenure system. A Vassargraduate with a juris doctor from the University of Cincinnati College of Law, Teresa had aninternship at the Centre for Applied Legal Studies in Johannesburg in 1991 and 1992, study-ing the feasibility of including social and economic rights in the new South African constitu-tion. While with the ACLU, she also conducted a Seminar on Women in the Law at FordhamLaw School in New York. [sub-SAHARA]

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