charles hale "cultural politics of identity"
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Cultural Politics of Identity in Latin America
Author(s): Charles R. HaleReviewed work(s):Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 26 (1997), pp. 567-590Published by: Annual ReviewsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2952535 .
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Annu.Rev.
Anthropol.
1997. 26:567-90
Copyright?O 997
by
AnnualReviews
Inc.
All
rights
reserved
CULTURALPOLITICSOFIDENTITY
IN
LATIN
AMERICA
CharlesR. Hale
Department
of
Anthropology,The
University
of
Texas at
Austin, Austin,
Texas 78712
KEY
WORDS:
dentity olitics,
ocial
movements,ntellectuals
ABSTRACT
The phrase
"identitypolitics"
has come to
encapsulate
a wide
diversity
of
op-
positional
movements
in
contemporary
Latin
America,
marking
a
transition
away
from
the
previous
moment
of
unified, "national-popular"
rojects.
This
review
takes a dual approach o
the
literature
merging
from that
transition, o-
cusing on changes in both the objects of study and the analysts' lens. Four
questions
drive this
inquiry: When did
the moment
of
identity politics
arise?
What accounts for
the
shift? How to characterize ts
contents?
What
conse-
quences
follow
for the
people
involved? Past answers to such
questions
often
have tended to fall into
polarized
materialistand discursive
theoretical
camps.
In
contrast,
this review
emphasizes
emergent scholarship
that takes
insights
from both while
refusing
the
dichotomy,
and
assigning
renewed
importance
o
empirically grounded
and
politically engaged
research.
INTRODUCTION
A
prospective
graduate
tudent
recently
visited me and
provided
an
account of
her past
academic odyssey, which led her
finally
to
opt for anthropologyat
Texas.
All
her
prior
work had
culminated, she
explained,
in
a
plan
to return
home
(a
Latin
American
country)
to
study
the
politics
of identity. She is far
from
alone. The
phrase "identitypolitics" now figures
prominently
n
anthro-
pology
graduate
school
applications
and
graduate
seminars
everywhere,
as
well as in manyjournalsrelatedto anthropology hathave been founded n the
past
decade
(Identities,Social
Identities,
Cultural
Studies
of
Latin
America,
Journal
of
Latin American
Anthropology,
Cultural Studies
Birmingham).
567
0084-6570/97/101
5-0567$08.00
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568
HALE
Even more telling is
the shift that has occurred n some long-running
ournals,
whose focus previously
fit
neatly
within
the antecedent moment of
Marxist
analysis, class politics,
andnational-popular isions of social change
(e.g.
So-
cialist Review,NACLA,NuevaSociedad).Farfrom limited to academia, heis-
sues at stake also animatespiriteddebate
in
the mass media, and
in
politics
and
policy, throughout he Americas.1
This review offers
a framework o organizeand think through he
outpour-
ing of work on identity
politics, with a specific emphasis on Latin
America.
The phrase "identity
politics" will refer to collective
sensibilities and actions
that come from
a
particular
ocation within
society, in directdefiance of uni-
versal categories that tend to subsume, erase, or suppress this
particularity.
"Location,"
n
this sense, implies a distinctive
social memory,consciousness,
and
practice,
as well
as
place within
the social structure.2To illustrate,consid-
er
a
group
of
Nicaraguan
women
labor
organizers
who worked
during
the
1980s within the Sandinista
WorkersUnion (CST).
By the decade's end,these
organizers
had
become
fed
up
with CST's universal
category
"class,"
which
allowed little room for specific attention
o women's
experiences
as
workers,
and even less for critique
of
patriarchy.
When
they
left the CST to
form a
sepa-
rateorganizationdevoted
to the particular
xperiences, interests,
and
struggles
of women
workers,
they
entered the realm of
identity politics (Criquillon
1995).
The review proceeds
in
four parts.
I
begin
by asking when identity
politics
achieved
prominence
in
Latin America
and
in
Latin Americanist
anthropol-
ogy. Is it possible to
specify a momentof "rupture"fterwhich identity
politics
came to the fore? Next
I
ask how
analysts
account for
this shift.
Given
the het-
erogeneity
of
the
subject,
is it more
appropriate
o
pursue
a
series
of
wholly
distinct
explanations,
rather
han a
single
one?
I
then examine the
characterof
identitypolitics: Does
the phrasereferto a collection
of practicesand
sensibili-
ties that have key features n common?This will lead, finally, to a considera-
tion of
outcomes and consequences:What have people
achieved
through
the
1This opic s entirely
oo extensive ven to begin o cite. Fora cogentrecent ommentaryhat
relates ublicdebate
ntheUnitedStates pecificallyo anthropology,
ee di Leonardo
1996). n
thisessay,she
makes he interestingoint hat n the mainstream
ublic ye,
"identity olitics"s
imbuedwithboth
a "constructivist"i.e.
all histories re ituated,
elativeruths) nd"essentialist"
(i.e. ourhistory s therightone) contents,
without ddressing
he substantialisparitiesetween
these wo discourses.takeup
this ssue
n
what ollows.
2This ormulation
s influenced y readingsn thenewcultural
eography,he
mpetusorwhich
camefromDonaldMoore.The literature
hatrelates pace
and dentity olitics
n
this way
is
extensive; orks
hat found specially
seful ncludeMoore1997),Massey 1994),
Pile& Thrift
(1995),
and
Gupta
&
Ferguson1992).
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LATIN AMERICANIDENTITYPOLITICS
569
practice of identity politics, with what
impact
on their lives?
Rather
han
pro-
vide definitive
answers to
these
questions,
I
frame the discussions
they have
generated, specify key
divergences
and
areas of
consensus,
and
chart
the
promisingdirections
n
which new research s headed.
Throughout, tack
back
and
forth
between
the
topic
itself
and the assumptions
underlying
anthropo-
logical
analysis, drawing
inspirationfrom otherswho have engaged in
such
critique(Coronil 1996,
Kearney 1996, Taussig
1993,
Williams
1989, Yuidice
1996,
CA Smith 1997). By making intellectuals
the objects of study as
well,
we
keep
the
politics
of
anthropological heory
on center
stage
and
take fuller
advantage
of the "dualor
multiple
consciousness" hat
results
(Harrison1991).
Justifiable and
enlightening
for
nearly any
body
of
literature,emphasis on
the
entanglement
of the
analyst's
lens and
topic
of
study
is
especially
crucial
n
this case. Onthe one hand,the massive and widespreadevidence for a shift in
the
characterof
oppositionalpolitics
in Latin
America-the
"explosion"
of
grassroots organizations
(Castanieda1993), the rise of "new social
move-
ments"
(Escobar
& Alvarez
1992)-is impossible
to miss.
Emblematicof
this
shift is
the
surge
of
political
activity by indigenous peoples throughout
he
hemisphere
on the occasion of the Columbus
quincentenary Gabriel
1994,
Hale
1994a, SAIIC 1992):
their
newly acquirednational-level
political
influ-
ence,
and their leaders'
adamancy
o
speak
for themselves. On the other
hand,
much writing on the topic invites skepticism. For example, Arturo Escobar
(1992a,
p. 82) recently wrote
with
annunciatory
enthusiasm of
new social
movements, asserting
that:
up
to the
1960s,
identities
were,
in a
sense, clearly
defined and
unproblem-
atic. One knew who was
who,
so to
speak,
and how he or she was
defined as a
memberof a
group.
One also knew what to do and how to do it
(Development
or
Revolution, depending
on one's
perspective).
But
this
is no
longer
true.
Assertions like
this
one cry out for hard-nosedhistorical and
theoretical cri-
tique(e.g. Edelman 1996,Knight 1990). Sucha neatbefore-afterdichotomy, f
relevant
at all, could only
reasonablyapply to intellectualswell versed in
para-
digm
hopping.
When
applied
across the
board,
t
leaves the distinct
mpression
that
the two realms how
people enact politics
and
how analysts understand
these enactments-have been
seriously
conflated.Even more to the
point
are
ef-
forts to read
complex
social
and
political processes
through
a few
purportedly
emblematic
iterary exts,
which
yield predictable
portrayals
f Latin
American
societies saturatedwith
hybridity,multiplicity,
and
other so-called keywords
of the shift to identitypolitics (e.g. de la Campa1995). Such claims culminate
in
the idea thatLatin
America has always been hybrid
(e.g. Chanady1994), an
assertion
that,
in
its
very
incontestability,reinforces
the
suspicion
that
chang-
ing theoreticalfashions
play
a
majorrole
in
constituting heirown
subject.
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572 HALE
when
a
people (un Pueblo) learns (acepta)
its
history
and affirms
(asume) its
identity,does it have the right o define its future."This statement ncapsulatesa
notion of identityas uniqueand
differentiated possessing its own historicalon-
tology) and inherentlyendowed with fundamental ights (beginning with self-
determination).We might want to
think
about the era of
"identitypolitics"
as
beginning when this particularuse of
the term identity became the standard,
generalized
idiom throughwhich groups
engage
in
politics with one another,
the
state,
and
otherpowerfuladversariesHandler1994, Rouse
1
995a).3Ernesto
Laclau's
(1977) now classic essay on
populism helps
to evoke
and
describe
the
previous state of affairs, when the forging of a "national-popular" loc could
theoretically reconcile
the
great heterogeneity of
Latin
American societies
with the need for
political unity.
A
national-popular
loc could
encompass
the
whole gamutof "popular" ectors, while drawingpoliticaldirectionandcoher-
ence
from a
strong
class-conscious
leadership.
Even
socialism,
Laclau
argued,
could
only
succeed
if
grounded
n
a
convincing
discourse of lo
popular.
This
vision of
national-popular olitical
transformation
as
been
prominent
in the sensibilities and strategyof twentieth-century olitics in LatinAmerica,
especially
in
oppositionalpolitics,
through(to
choose the latest
possible
end-
point)
the Sandinista
electoral defeat of
1990
(Castaiieda 1993,
Rowe &
Schelling 1991).
The
national-popular
ision
also
played
a
key
role
in
keeping
oppositionalpolitics within the flow of historywith a "bigh":a narrative hat
connected Latin America
with
Western liberal
notions of economic develop-
ment, membership
n
the
community
of
sovereign nations,
and
societal mod-
ernization
(albeit
on a
path
critical of
capitalist exploitation
and
imperialism).
Equally important, t empowered
intellectuals to perform the
crucial
role of
mediator:
o
articulate he
heterogeneity
of
lo
popular
with the
homogeneous
discourse of the
national-popular.
The fit with Sandinista ntellectuals'
por-
trayals
of their
revolution,
for
example,
could
hardly
be better
(Burbach&
Nu-
iiez
1987,
Nuiiez Soto
1986).
3Theres a related tory f intellectualenealogyo be toldontheemergencef "ethnicity"nd ts
displacement
f
anthropology'srevious
ermof
preference,tribe." glance
at the
literature
n
the early1960srevealsa striking bsence f the term"ethnicity." ver he next wo
decades,
t
becameubiquitous.
n
the 1990s,"ethnicity"s clearly n decline, eplaced n the one
handby
varioususes of the term"identity" nd on the otherby a renaissance f interest
n
racism,
racialization, nd racial identities.For a critical analysis of the "erasure" f
race from
anthropology'sexicon,see Harrison1995).Examples f the renaissancenclude he
workof
MartaCasauis rzui1991) andMarisol e la Cadena 1996),and he essaysby Carol
A
Smith
(1997) and DemetrioCojti (1997), forthcomingn Identidades Racismo n
Guatemala,
volume am
co-editingwithClaraArenas ndGustavo alma f AVANCSO.
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574
HALE
politics
has
been
consummated. So complete
is
the erosion
of the national-
popular
that it
can now
stage a modest return,
no
longer as
all-encompassing
political project
but
as
anotherdecentered,rejuvenating though
perhaps
de-
bilitated?)voice from the margins.
WHAT ACCOUNTS
FOR
THE
SHIFT?
Any readerwho has dipped
even superficially
nto the literatureon the politics
of identityin Latin America
will have its
descriptive
featureswell
enough
in
mind
(e.g.
Mato 1994).
The move from
descriptive listing
to
explanatory
analysis of the transition
s
much less commonly
found. Collier et
al
(1995)
provide one piece of the puzzle,
in
an argument
hat focuses on the contradic-
tions of liberal ideology more generally (e.g. Kristeva 1993, Rouse 1995a).
They point
to an inherent
contradictionbetween the universal
principle
of
equality
and the persistingmarginalization
of those who do
not fit within the
universal categories through
which
equality
is achieved (e.g.
"citizen"or
"ab-
stract individual"). This contradictionengenders
political
change, however,
because
it
creates
the
opportunity
or marginalizedgroups
to make claims
in
the name of bourgeois law, albeit
at the risk of
reproducing
he
very cultural
logic that once
oppressed them.
A
gradually
broadeningprocess
of inclusion
results, which Collieret al point to as the cultural-juridical nderpinnings or
the rise of
"identitypolitics" in contemporary
imes. Yet
they do not explain
why
this
process
would have such intensity
today. Similarly,
Nina Glick Schil-
ler et al (1992),
leading analysts
of"transnationalism" nd
its implications
for
identity politics
(also the focus of the journal
Identities that
Glick Schillered-
its) conclude
in a recent
essay
that, "The socially
constructednatureof our
en-
tire
repository
of
terms
to define and bound identity-"nationality,"
"race,"
and
"ethnicity"-has just recently
begun to
be scrutinizedadequatelyby
social
scientists.
And the
implications
of transnationalism
or
hegemonic
construc-
tions
of
identity
have
yet
to be
analyzed."
Arjun
Appadurai (1990, 1995), though
cogent
in his critique of both
"world-systems"
and
"comparative-historical"
pproaches
(the
former ne-
glects "disjuncture"nd the
latter"interconnectedness"),
nd
creativein coin-
ing terms
that evoke present conditions (ethnoscapes,
memoryscapes,
etc),
also finds rigorous explanation
lacking.
He notes that
"a
strong theory
of
globalization,
from
a
socioculturalpoint
of view, is likely to
requiresomething
that we
certainly
do
not now
have: a
theory
of intercontextual
elations which
incorporatesour existing sense of intertexts" 1995, p. 212). How then to ex-
plain the shift, to avoid telling
the story
from the Eurocentriccenter (Waller-
stein
1995),
while achieving
a
reasonably
comprehensive
account?
How
to
proceed
if
existing analytical
ools have beenrendered
nadequate or thejob?
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LATINAMERICAN
DENTITY OLITICS577
ments
in
Brazil (Burdick 1993),
on the politics
of Africandiasporic dentities
in Latin
America(Gordon1998b, Scott 1991),
on the
many
manifestations
of
the women's
movements
(Radcliff
&
Westwood
1993, Stephen
1995).
This
workis also distinguished-though invaryingways-by thegoal of achieving
a relationship
of dialogue, exchange, and mutual
critique with
the subjects of
research.Neither
antitheoreticalnor averse to generalization,
hese authorsare
mindful
of the need to tell
a story
in which the
protagonistsmight
recognize
themselves
as such, rather
hanas
pawns
in
someone else's theory
wars. While
it is too early
to know whether a "new cognitive
mapping"of the shift
will
emerge
from such research,
n the meantimewe are learning
a lot more about
what identitypolitics mean
in a series of
specific
times
and
places.
HOW CAN IDENTITYPOLITICSBE CHARACTERIZED?
The
first dimension of
Latin American
identitypolitics-extrapolating
from
Stuart
Hall's
(1988)
influential
essay-has
as
its
key
feature
a
challenge
to
the
premise
that
a
unified
subject
could
"represent"
both "depict"
and
"speak
for")-heterogeneous
identities
and social
processes.
In
the
case of
Latin
American
indigenous politics,
for example,
the landmark document
is the
"Declaration
of
Barbados,"
he result
of
a
meeting
in
1971
in which anthro-
pologists (mainly
Latin American
Mestizos) acknowledged
the rise of
indige-
nous cultural-political
militancy
and called
for
an
activist
anthropology
n
the
service of
"Indian iberation"
Wright1988).
The full
impact
of
this
challenge
came into
play
with "Barbados
I,"
a
less
publicized
and
more
tension-ridden
meeting
in
1979,
where
Indian eadersthanked
anthropologists
or
their
"soli-
darity"
but roundly
criticized them
for
appropriating
ndian
voices,
for
pre-
suming
to know
what "Indian iberation"
meant.4
The second dimension
in-
volves critiqueof the internalrelationsof difference
within any given form
of
political
initiative,
the effort to
unsettle
all
forms
of
essentialism,
emphasizing
the invention of tradition,the hybridityof cultures, and the multiplicity of
identities. These lattersensibilities
are captured n
the phrase"culturalpolitics
of
difference" (Alarcon 1990, Anzalduia1987,
de Lauretis
1990,
Sandoval
1990, West 1990);
the most comprehensive
andinfluential application
of this
argument
to Latin America
is
Nestor Garcia
Canclini's Culturas
Hibridas
(1995;
see also
Escobar
1992b,
Quijano 1995).
The tension
betweenthese two dimensions
of
identitypolitics
in
LatinAmer-
ica has not received sufficient attention.
If Garcia
Canclini's assertionthat all
cultures
n
LatinAmerica arenow
"hybrid"
s meantto characterize
he diverse
4This information
comes from personal
communicationwith Stefano Varese, who attendedboth
meetings. See Varese
(1994).
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578 HALE
political sensibilities of
the
contemporarymoment,
then it
surely is overstated.
Many
initiatives
consistent
with
the
first dimensionof identitypoliticsmakere-
course to unreflexive premises about"tradition"
nd "cultural ontinuityfrom
time immemorial,"not to mentionassertionsof bounded dentitiesthatobscure
internal ines of differentiationand inequity.
When assertions about the pre-
dominanceof the culturalpolitics of differenceare made across the board-es-
pecially
in relation
to indigenous movements,
(e.g. Shapiro 1994)-they
take
on the flavor
of
theoretically
drivenwishful thinking.As
Dirlik
(1996b)
has ar-
gued recently,
the
widespread
heoreticalhomage paid
to the "cultural
politics
of
difference"
and the
equally widespreadpersistence
of essentialism are not
an
awkward ncongruence o be avoided or
wished away, but rathera problem
to be confrontedand explained.
A
similar
argument
has been made in regard o
the widespreadresonance of Afrocentrismamong African American commu-
nities and the ascendancyof "culturalpolitics"theoreticalsensibilities
in
most
African American academic circles (Gordon
& Anderson1997).
Oneresponseto
this
problem nvolves the notion of "strategicessentialism"
(Spivak 1985),
which advances
he
claim that
people deploy
essentialist
political
rhetoricas conscious strategies rather han eternaltruths.Yet one wonders to
what extent this
accuratelyportrays
how
participants
n
manyforms
of
identity
politics actually
think
about
what
they
are
doing.
An
alternative
approach
might be to challengethevery dichotomybetweenessentialismand "construc-
tivism," to posit thatessentialism is inherent
n all
speech
and
action,
and
to
fo-
cus instead
on
"who
is
utilizing [essentialism],
how it is deployed,and where its
effects
are concentrated"
Fuss 1989, p. 20;
see
also,
Scott
1991,
Shohat
1992).
This
call
for greaterattention
o what
essentialism
means and does
in
spe-
cific
contexts is
nicely
illustrated
n
JoanneRappaport'swork
on the
politics
of
memory
in a
highland indigenous community
of
southern
Colombia.
Rappa-
port shows,
for
example,
how
the
term
recuperacion (repossession),
around
which
the movement of
indigenous
militancy
has
crystallized,
at times encom-
passes historical claims thatcould be considered essentialist,butattimes also
becomes
"a
gloss
for
economic
innovation...
regardless
of
whether
hese meth-
ods
actually
find theirroots
in
the
past" 1994,
p. 11).
This
does not
require
one
to
abdicate
critical
analysisbutproposessimply
to
acknowledge
that the
very
category
"essentialist"-and
its
supposedopposite "constructivist"-may
be
useful
to track heoretical
allegiances
within
the
academy,
but that it is
insuffi-
ciently
attentive
to the
range
of
ways
that
"essentialist"
precepts
are woven
into
political
consciousness and
practice,
and the highly variable
materialcon-
sequencesthatresult(see also Campbell1994, Warren1997).
Beyond noting
these
two
dimensions
in
the
contents
of
identitypolitics,
we
can also
draw
distinctions
according
o how
specific political
initiatives came
into
being.
A
first distinction
is
between
subjects
or identities
that were once
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LATIN AMERICANIDENTITYPOLITICS 579
nominally included
in
national-popular olitical
visions in
name, even
if
sup-
pressed in practice, versus those that have arisen anew,
from
outrightneglect
or suppression
n
the traditionalpolitical
arena.
Initiatives
thatfit
the first cate-
gory most clearly are those associated with the rightsof women and racial or
ethnic "minorities."National-popular political initiatives
in
contemporary
Latin America invariablyhave made some provision for the "participation" f
women
in
its ranks,developing some notion of the specific rights of women
in
the context of
that initiative's
overallpolitical goals
and
vision. The
same is
true-if
perhaps
to
a
somewhat lesser extent-for the
relationship
with
peo-
ples of indigenousand African descent. These antecedentsare crucialbecause
they constitute
a
past involvement
that
shapes
the
subsequentcontents of the
initiative:
an
acknowledged
debt
to
the
Left for
its
role
in
propelling such
ac-
tivism, a growingfrustrationwith the lack of responsivenessto specific politi-
cal demands
grounded
n
cultural
difference,
and
an
eventual breakmotivated
by
the
perceived
need for
autonomy.
In
this
sense,
the
longstanding
debate on
the problem of "doublemilitancy"
within Latin Americanwomen's
organiza-
tions
(Sternbach
et al
1992)
runs
roughly parallel
to
the
tension-ridden
history
of indigenous organizing
within a broader
Left
coalition
(Barre 1983,
Bonfil
Batalla 1981). Growing criticism of this marginalization
has
spawned efforts
to bring to light
the
autonomy
and
agency
of
the groups
in
question
at
previous
moments of history (e.g. Campbell 1994, Franco 1989). Although generally
importantand salutarycorrective steps, these rereadings
risk
projecting
uni-
form
goals, consciousness,
and
identity
onto
people engaged
in
prior
moments
of
struggle,
rather han
viewing
each
moment
in
historical context.
Such a
history
of
entanglement
and ambivalence
does not encumber
the
second category:
dentitiesthat
received
little or no
recognition
with
priorrep-
resentationsof the national-popular.
A
prime example here
is
the emergenceof
gay
and
lesbian identity politics (Lancaster1997). Otherexamples
of
the sec-
ond
category
include
emergent
identities
and
politics revolving
aroundenvi-
ronmental degradation (Martinez-Alier 1991, Sanderson 1993) and human
rights activism (Schirmer 1997, Wilson 1997). While these arguablydo have
histories of recognitionandvalidation within national-popular rojects, they
often
are
propelledby sharply
discontinuous
deologies
and
political
sensibili-
ties. Humanrightsmovementsfocusedon the "disappeared,"orexample,of-
ten have
emerged
from
discursive
spaces
createdand validated
by
the dictator-
ships they oppose;
such
movements
often
put
"conservative"
premises-that
women are
inherentlyapolitical,
that motherhood
s
inviolable-to the service
of effortsto accountfor the missing, and to bringthose responsibletojustice
(e.g.
Perelli
1994).
A
final
categoryencompassespolitics
in
the name of people who were once
privileged signifiers
of
national-popularprojects
that
have lost their allure.
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HALE
One
of the most ubiquitous
slogans
of the Sandinistarevolution-"only
the
peasants
and workers
will reach
the end (llegaran
hasta
elfinal)"-helps
to
makethis point,
if unintentionally.
Peasants
and
workersare still
around,
still
politically active, in some places dramaticallyso. But one would be hard
pressed
today
to find a political
initiativeof national
scope
thatmakes peasants
and workers
the
privileged
signifier,
as
the Sandinistas
did.
These identities
must
now
share the stage
with a host of
others,
at best forming
tenuous
alli-
ances,
at
worst
competing
for
scarce international
unds
in an
ideological
cli-
mate
where"Indian"
auses
are
much moreexciting
and
importanthan
"peas-
ant"ones,
where funders
avish attentionon any
initiativewith "gender"
n the
title
yet
consider workers' rights
passe or even
antisocial.
Another
prominent
facet
of
this
"decentering"
s for studies of peasant
or workerpolitics
to ad-
dresscross-cutting nequitiesof genderand race/ethnicity Alonso 1995,Edel-
man
1994, Roseberry
1995, Stamn992,
Stolcke
1988).
It
is
striking
hen
that a
fine
illustrationof
this new analysis-Michael
Kearney's
Reconceptualizing
the
Peasantry-would
conclude
that "class differences
and
differentiation e-
main the
basic theoretical
and
political
issue"
(1996,
p.
173).
Not
long ago
such
an assertion would
have
triggered
accusations
of
complicity
with
ho-
mogenizing
Marxist
suppression
of difference,yet
in this context the
phrase
reads
as a fresh insight,
a touchstone
n
an effort
that receives high praise
even
from"archpostmodernists"ike GeorgeMarcus.Hereis anothersign of theo-
reticalclearing,
an
opening
for research
on
peasant
politics
finally
freed
from
the
twin orthodoxies
that forced us
to choose between
class
as the last-instance
answer
to
all
analytical questions,
and class
as the
analytical
question
that
never
even
gets
asked.
OUTCOMES
AND
CONSEQUENCES
The
prospects
for
a
theoretical clearing
seem least
encouraging
in
regard
to
the questionof consequences.It is one thingto approacharoughconsensuson
the emergence
of
a
shift,
its
explanation,
and
characterization,
nd
quite
an-
other
to do so on assessments
of
the
consequences:
what
people
engaged
in
various forms
of
identitypolitics
have
achieved,
and
can
hope
to
achieve,
with
what
impact
on their
daily
lives.
Here,
major
divergences
on
key
concepts
of
power,
resistance,
hegemony,
and structural
ransformation
end
to
surface,
producing
a chasm thatwould
seem difficult
to
bridge.
The
strongestargument
for the "creative
renewal"
potential
of
identity
politics
resides
in
the
intrin-
sic value of decentralizedandmultifacetedpolitical activity,a rejuvenationof
the
political engendered
by
transformations
n
the
very
meaning
of
"doing
politics."
This involves not
only
expanding
and
diversifying
what counts as
political-calling
into
question
the
dichotomy
between
public
and
(allegedly
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LATIN AMERICAN
IDENTITYPOLITICS 581
nonpolitical)private spheres,forexample-but also innovation
n
the
realm of
strategy
and tactics. The term
"subversion"
heds its
former
meaning
of "con-
spiringagainst
the
system"
and
refers instead to the
art
of
working
at the inter-
stices, findingthe inevitable cracksandcontradictionsn the oppressor's den-
tity,
discourse,
or
institutionalpractice,
and
using them to the
subaltern's
ad-
vantage.
Even the "fragmentation f identity"and the
"alienationof the self'
thatoftencome with living on
the margins
can
be
reinterpreted
n
this light:No
longersymptoms of oppression,
they can become key
resources n moving to-
ward a "third
space" of "multidimensionalpolitical
subjectivity"beyond the
Manichean
contra
position
of
oppressor
and
oppressed(Bhabha 1990,
de Lau-
retis 1990).
Yet it is not
necessary to go to the extreme of
celebrating ragmentation
nd
alienationto make the case. In his critiqueof development,for example,Esco-
bar
(1995)
offers an
intriguing
hypothesis
that
fits
nicely
with the "interstices"
argument.
Groups
with
greater
nsertion
n
the
market,
Escobar
suggests,
have
better
chances of "affirming heir
ways of life" (presumablyby exploiting
op-
portunities
from
within)
than those
"clinging"
to
conventional
identities and
strategies
predicated
on resistancefrom outside
the
political
economic
system.
Anotherexample is the
much-neededrevisionist
work
on the
politics
of
con-
version from Catholicism
to
evangelical
Protestantism Brusco 1995,
Burdick
1993, Stoll 1990). Dispelling simplisticrecourse to the ideological thralldom
of
these
new
religions,
these
analyses point
to
the
spaces opened-for
women s assertionagainst
abusive men,
for
more
participatory eligious prac-
tice-to
explain
the
shift.
Similarly,
Diane Nelson's
(1996) phrase "Maya
hacker"refers
(among
other
things)
to how
Maya
culturalactivists
in
Guate-
mala
have found
ways
to hack out
a
space
within
the national
political arena,
subverting
the traditional-modern
dichotomy
that has
always
been used
against
them,
and
at the same time
helping
to
dispel
the
impression
that
they
are
engaged
in
radical, frontaloppositionto "thesystem."
Fromone standpoint, he "material onsequences"of such political initia-
tives are
self-evident and extensive.
Merely
to
name forms of inequality that
previously
had no
place
in
the realm
of
politics
is in
itself
highly significant.
The
vibrancy,
and in
some cases substantial
gains,
of
indigenous
and women's
movements
throughout
Latin America
speak
volumes on the benefits
that ac-
crue when
particular dentities
become
politicized
and
break out from under
the
tutelage
of
the
national-popular.
It is
especially
clear that the Pan-
American
indigenous movement
is
"gaining ground"as
the title
to a
recent
special issue of NACLAannounces(see also, for example, Van Cott 1994).
Even
references
o
the "revitalization f civil
society,"
though
often
vague
and
difficult
to assess in a rigorousmanner,point to
processes that must be
taken
seriously.
Yet it
is
striking
that
analyses
in
this
vein are so
circumspect
on the
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582
HALE
question of consequences, especially in the
relation
to
enduring
political and
economic
inequities.
In
regard
to new social
movements,
the
unmediateden-
thusiasm
has
passed, replacedby more soberassessments of advances
and set-
backs, more carefully worded provisos that their political character"is not
given in
advance"but rather"restson the
articulations hey may establishwith
other social
struggles
and
discourses" Escobar1995, p. 221). Kay
Warren,
n
a
cogent
and
comprehensiveanalysis of
the
Maya movement and its challenge
to
the
"unified
social movement"
paradigm,similarly concludes that
"it
is too
early
to know what sort
of impact the
Pan-Mayan movement...will
have"
(Warren1997,
p. 45). While
in
many ways it surelyis too early, this
conclusion
also highlights a broaderdilemma:
discarding he "unified social movement"
paradigmalso means
discardingunified
criteria hroughwhich "impact"used
to be assessed. Developing new criteria,which neither suppress nor uncriti-
cally defer to the claims of the
movement
itself, is
a task that
researchon iden-
tity politics
is
just now
beginning
to confront.
In
the context of thistask,hardquestions
posed
from
the otherside of the di-
vide
remain
useful. Teresa Ebert (1993), for
example, obliges us
to think
through he
conditions
underwhich
a
privileging
of the
culturalpolitics of
dif-
ference might turn
"ludic,"
concerned
mostly
with the
aesthetic
pleasures
of
theoretical
elegance, unengaged
with what
Scheper-Hughes 1995)
has
aptly
called the "politicaleconomy of suffering."Echoing general theoreticalcon-
cerns
(Shohat 1992, Young 1995),
I
have
investigated
the
dilemmas and con-
tradictions hat result when the
ostensiblyprogressivetheories of
"hybridity"
and
"mestizaje"
travel to
Guatemala
and
are used by elites to delegitimate
Maya
cultural
activism
(Hale 1996).
Mindful
of
Foucault-influenced
ritiques
of
resistance
(e.g. Abu-Lughod 1990,
Brown
1996),
Edmund T Gordon
(1 998a) has
suggested that we work harder
o draw analyticaldistinctionsbe-
tween different
forms
of resistance rather han
jettisoning
the entire
concept.
Finally, manyscholars have arguedfor a
more fully dialectical analysis
of the
global contextof local resistancemovements. They acknowledgethecontesta-
tory potential of
movements that emerge from the interstices of
the capitalist
system,
while at
the
same time
pointing
to
the formidable imits set
by
that
sys-
tem,
not
so much
as
externalconstraints
but
as
forces
that
constitute
the very
preceptson
which
the
local
itself
has
been
predicated Dirlik 1996a, Friedman
1990, Miyoshi
1993).
Such
questionings
are
especially constructivewhenthey
have
been
influenced,
even
partly
constitutedby, theoretical nsights implicit
in
the phrase
"culturalpolitics of difference."Then their nsistence on
analysis
of materialconsequences ringstrue.In partreflections of theory-war atigue,
such
convergences
also
arise
from a
novel set of material
settings
that form the
underpinnings
of intellectual
production
itself.
It is
therefore
fitting
to con-
clude
by
once more
making
intellectuals themselves
the focus
of
analysis.
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LATIN
AMERICANIDENTITYPOLITICS 583
Following
Yuidice
1996), Franco
(1994),
and
others,
I
have
suggested
that
the erosionof the national-popular as also entailed
a
crisis
among
Latin
Ameri-
can intellectuals.
A
majortask
that this
points to,
but does not
complete,
is
the
systematiccomparativeanalysisof US
and Latin
America-based intellectuals'
responses to this crisis. I do argue
that past theoretical polarities-between
materialist nd discursiveanalysis,between emphasison social totalityandpar-
ticularity-have declining utility
as
organizing principles
of such
responses.
This would seem to be the
perspective
of
a third
"criticalmodernist"
position,
exemplified
in
the
work of
Argentineliterary
critic
Beatriz Sarlo
(1993).
The
age of postmodern dentity politics, for
Sarlo,
far
from
providing
the
basis for
celebratory enewal,mostaccuratelyreflects the combined effects of commer-
cialism and media-saturated
uperficiality,
a
politics that, having
lost
a
sense
of "scaleanddistance,"hasbeen reduced o "icon, image,orsimulacrum."Yet
her stance towardMarxistanalysis,
socialist politics, and the formerrole of the
national-popular ntellectual is equally
critical: Gone are
the days when these
intellectualscould present
themselves as a
vanguard
with
a
"special
role of ex-
plaining the big picture"(vocacion generalizadora)derived
from the combi-
nation of broader
vision and
organic
inks to the social.
In
Sarlo's
appraisal,
n-
tellectuals
with
political
ambitions have nowhere to turn:
They
either
resign
themselves
to
obscurity
and
irrelevance, oin
the
wave of
privatization
and be-
come "experts," rparlay heir skills in social analysisinto culturalcapitalthat
wins them
positions
in
neoliberal
governments(e.g.
Arturo
Warmanof
Mex-
ico,
FH
Cardosoof Brazil,
JJ
Brunnerof
Chile).
Sarlo finds a limited defense
againsthopelessness
in
cultural
criticism,
which rests on
the reassertion
of aes-
thetic and ethical values,
if
not political or theoreticalsolutions.
Compelling
in
analytical acuity
and
in
the
ability
to
place
intellectual
pro-
duction (including
her
own)
in
historical
context,
Sarlo's
restingplace,
as Jean
Franco
(1994, p. 21) notes,
"cannot
be
disentangled
as
easily
as
she
would
wish
from the
exclusionary
and
elitist culture of modernism."What would
happen,though,if the implicationsof Sarlo's analysis were carried n a differ-
ent
direction, instead of withdrawal
nto
the
rarefied space
of
cultural criti-
cism,
toward direct
engagement
with
political
actors who confrontthe "crisis
of
modernity"
n all
its
mundane,contradictory,oppressive daily
manifesta-
tions? This
would entail
a
modest form of
political engagement,
as
skeptical
as
the actors themselves are
apt to be
of grand ideologies, political visions, or
theoretical statements
that
neatly
link local
struggles to "broader
realities."
Within Latin
America,
intellectual
production
positioned
in
this
way
is
espe-
cially apt to go unnoticedbeyond the local context, precisely because the fa-
cilitating
material conditions for communication of the
resulting
ideas are
largely
absent.
US-based
anthropologists enjoy advantages
on this
score,
though
economic
privilege
and
northern
provenance
make
engagement
more
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584
HALE
difficult
and
perhaps nherentlycontradictory.Despite such problems,
this lo-
cally engaged
"criticalmodernist"
approach
s
a
useful place
to start n build-
ing a broaderanalysis of identity politics, beyond the theoretical
polarization
of the previous moment.
One
way
to trackthis
emergent
trend s
to
look not
only
at
theoreticalalle-
giances but also at how the research tself is carriedout. This brings
into focus,
for example,
new forms of
experimentation
with
collaboration
and
dialogue
with the
subjects
of
research,
and
with
local
organic
ntellectuals
Escobar
et al
1997, Field 1997, Scheper-Hughes 1992), the
rise
in
critical human rights
scholarship,
which in
turn
is
grounded
n
human
rights
activism (Falla 1994,
Montejo 1993,
Turner
1995);
a
growing
nterest
of
ethnography
f
the
powerful,
with an intent to use
resultingknowledge
in
empoweringways (e.g.
Schirmer
1996); efforts to place Latin American studies in hemisphericperspective,
which
highlights
connections between
distant
and
nearby struggles,
challeng-
ing the divide betweenhomeworkand fieldwork(Hemispheric nitiativeof the
Americas 1993, Kearney 1990); and experimentation
with the medium of pres-
entationof
the
research
results
with
hopes
of
moving anthropology
owardef-
fective
communication
beyond
academia
proper(Stamn 994,
Turner
1992).
This
empirically driven, theoretically seasoned,
and
politically
engaged
work
on identity politics
in
Latin America offers
a potential
source
of
rejuve-
nationfor anthropologymore generally.The crisis of oppositionalintellectu-
als
in Latin America and
the
crisis of
"ethnographicauthority"among
US-
based
anthropologists
un
parallel
to each
other.
Among
both
groups,
the role
of intellectuals
as intermediarieswho
provide
data
on, interpret,
and
theorize
aboutthe subjects
of
identitypolitics,
is
confronting
an
ever
more serious
chal-
lenge. How intellectuals respond
to
this
challenge becomes
an
analytical
and
political question
in
its own
right. Deprived
of
easy
claims to
"organic
ties"
with
political actors
"on the
ground,"deprived
of
fieldwork sites
with docile,
cooperative subjects,
one common
recourse
in
both cases
is to withdraw.Yet
the challenge also createsa mandatefor reinvention:a call for intellectualsto
develop
methods
and
analytical categories
that
engender
more constructive
engagement
with
the
multiple inequalities
that
organize
the worlds we live
in
and
study.
This
may
at
least
help
to
prevent
scenarios
in
which theoreticalde-
bate, though presenting
itself
as a
few
steps
ahead of
political
practice,
de-
scends
into
self-referentiality.
t
will
at
leastkeep theory
and activism
engaged
with each
other,
and
in
the best of cases could even
produce
ethnography
hat
casts some
light
on the
problems
and
opportunities
hat
lie
ahead.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This review
has
grown
out of
a
long period
of collective work
and
discussion,
although
the
final
responsibility
for
its
contents
belongs
to
me
alone.
The
ini-
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LATIN AMERICANIDENTITY
POLITICS
585
tial impetus formany of the
ideas and the bibliography
came from the efforts
of the UC Davis
GroupStudy on
the Politics of Identity
n Latin
America.
That
experience
had a
great
formative nfluence
on
my
thinking
and
yielded
an
im-
portantunpublishedessay to which I refer continually.
I also benefited from
discussion
with
an
excellent
group
of
graduate
students
in
my seminar
on
"IdentityPolitics
in
Contemporary
LatinAmerica"at theUniversity of Texas.
Carol Smith,
OrinStamn, ed Gordon,
CharlesA
Hale,
and
Faye
Harrisonpro-
vided useful comments
on the
written text.
Finally,
Rodrigo
Herrera
worked
with me extensively
on the review
and
deserves
major
credit.
Visit
the Annual
Reviews
homepage
at
http://www.AnnualReviews.org.
LiteratureCited
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The romance of resist-
nace: tracing
transformations
of
power
through Bedouin
women. Am.
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