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Bias against Girl Child in India – Regional Pattern and Perspective SUBMITTED BY: SAVITA DAHIYA Page 135 CHAPTER-VII BIAS AGAINST GIRL CHILD SOME CASE STUDIES This chapter provides an account of the socio-cultural practices that promote bias against girl child in two different socio-demographic and economic set up. The discussion is based on data of two select villages from Haryana on the basis of data collected through primary survey. For this, the present chapter first introduces the basic characteristics of the sites drawing from the primary data that was gathered by the researcher with the help of survey questionnaires. Since the socio-cultural practices underlying bias against girl child is the main focus of the study, two villages were to be selected from two different regions with different socio-economic and demographic characteristics. While one is expected to represent a developed regime, the other should come from less developed regime but both characterised by strong bias against girl child. In order to meet this requirement, maps showing areas of pre and postnatal elimination of girl child and adverse differentials in access to education for girl child were superimposed in the previous chapter. This helped us identify areas characterised by all three forms of bias against girl child. On the basis of that one district namely Kaithal located in the northern part of Haryana was identified which reported very high degree of bias against girl child reflected in SRB and to a reasonable extent sex differential in child mortality also. Differential access to education also forms an important component of bias against girl child. Based on data for the period 2009-10 from District Report Card, another district viz. Mewat with an extremely adverse differential access to education for girl child was identified. This district is the newly created district of Haryana. While Kaithal ranks very high in terms of the levels of social and economic development, Mewat is one of the least developed regions

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Page 1: CHAPTER-VII BIAS AGAINST GIRL CHILD STUDIESshodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/44779/14/14_chapter 7.pdf · CHAPTER-VII BIAS AGAINST GIRL CHILD ... inequality in access to

Bias against Girl Child in India – Regional Pattern and Perspective

SUBMITTED BY: SAVITA DAHIYA Page 135

CHAPTER-VII

BIAS AGAINST GIRL CHILD – SOME CASE

STUDIES

This chapter provides an account of the socio-cultural practices that

promote bias against girl child in two different socio-demographic and

economic set up. The discussion is based on data of two select villages from

Haryana on the basis of data collected through primary survey. For this, the

present chapter first introduces the basic characteristics of the sites drawing

from the primary data that was gathered by the researcher with the help of

survey questionnaires. Since the socio-cultural practices underlying bias

against girl child is the main focus of the study, two villages were to be

selected from two different regions with different socio-economic and

demographic characteristics. While one is expected to represent a developed

regime, the other should come from less developed regime but both

characterised by strong bias against girl child. In order to meet this

requirement, maps showing areas of pre and postnatal elimination of girl child

and adverse differentials in access to education for girl child were

superimposed in the previous chapter. This helped us identify areas

characterised by all three forms of bias against girl child. On the basis of that

one district namely Kaithal located in the northern part of Haryana was

identified which reported very high degree of bias against girl child reflected in

SRB and to a reasonable extent sex differential in child mortality also.

Differential access to education also forms an important component of bias

against girl child. Based on data for the period 2009-10 from District Report

Card, another district viz. Mewat with an extremely adverse differential access

to education for girl child was identified. This district is the newly created

district of Haryana. While Kaithal ranks very high in terms of the levels of

social and economic development, Mewat is one of the least developed regions

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not only in Haryana but perhaps the entire country. Having selected these two

districts with different socio-economic and demographic conditions having

different forms of bias against girl child, one most representative village from

each was identified for an in-depth micro level study based on household data

collected from primary survey by the researcher.

Although belonging to two different socio-cultural milieus, bias against

girl child exists in different form in these two districts - one which has strong

evidence of elimination of girl child and other one having extreme form of

inequality in access to education between boys and girls. The nature and

magnitude of bias against girl child in these two districts make them ‘hot-spots’

for the academics, planners and policy makers alike. First of all we take a

glance of these two districts in the form of salient contrasts in socio-economic

and demographic characteristics. Table 7.1 presents a comparative account of

socio-economic and demographic indicators of the two districts.

Table7.1

Salient socio-economic and demographic contrasts between

Kaithal and Mewat districts

Sr.

No.

Indicators Kaithal Mewat

1 Total Population, 2011 1072861 1089406

2 Male, 2011 570595 571480

3 Female, 2011 502266 517926

4 Share of rural population, 2011 78.03 88.62

5 Share of urban population, 2011 21.97 11.38

6 Overall Sex Ratio, 2011 880 906

7 Child Sex Ratio, 2011 821 903

8 Sex differentials in Child Mortality Rate, 2001*

1.17 1.08

9 Decadal Growth Rate, 2001-11 13.39 37.94

10 Total Literacy Rate, 2011 70.60 56.1

11 Male Literacy Rate, 2011 79.30 73

12 Female Literacy Rate, 2011 60.70 37.60

13 Percentage Enrolment Ratio of Girls, 2008-09@

41.4 36.2

14 Work Participation Rate among Female, 2001 25.79 27.72 Sources: census of India various years.

* Eestimates of Population foundation of India (PFI). @ District Report Card (DIRC).

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Kaithal district

Kaithal district is located in the north-western part of Haryana. Kaithal

was previously formed a part of Karnal district and later, Kurukshetra district

until 1 November 1989, when it came into existence as an independent district.

Kaithal shares common boundary with Patiala, Kurukshetra, Jind and Karnal

district. Its north-west boundaries which include Guhla-Cheeka are attached to

Punjab state. Kaithal is located at 29.80N 76.38

0E. It has an average elevation

of 220 metres (http://kaithal.nic.in/).

Historically, the area was known as kapisthal, meaning ‘Abode of Kapi’

another name of Lord Hanuman, and it is said to have been founded by the

Pandav Emperor, Yudhisthira of Mahabharata. It is traditionally connected

with Hanuman, and has a temple dedicated to Anjani, the mother of Hanuman.

It is also said that it is the birthplace of Lord Hanumana and there is a temple

constructed at that place known an ‘Anjani Tila’ Kaithal city

(http://kaithal.nic.in/). Timur is said to have stopped here in 1398, before

attacking Delhi. Later, the city became a Muslim cultural centre, under the rule

of Delhi Sultanate. Tombs of several Sufi saints dating from the 13th

century

can be found in the city today. Most important among these tombs is that of

Sheikh Sala-ud-din of Bhalkh. The town was renovated and a fort was built

during the rule of the Mughal Emperor, Akbar, and as per Ain-i-Akbari, it was

a pargana, under the sarkar of Sirhind, and had developed into an agricultural

centre (http://kaithal.nic.in/). Razia Sultana, the first women ruler of India,

reigned as the Sultana of Delhi Sultanate from 1236 to 1240. She fled Delhi

with Malik Altiniya after they were defeated on the 24th

of Raiu-l-awwal A.H.

638 (Oct. 1240), and reached Kaithal the next day, where their remaining

forces abandoned them, and they both fell into the hands of the Hindus and

were killed on Nov. 13, 1240. Tomb of Rajia Begam is still found here. This

aspect is still not well known outside Kaithal, but residents know about the

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mazaar of Razia Begum even generations later. The Kaithal has many gates

made by British rulers and used to control the entry of trade goods and other

items (http://kaithal.nic.in/).

In 1767, the region it fell into the hands of the Sikh chieftain, Bhai Desu

Singh, who led a large Sikh force from his native village of Bhucho. In the

Punjab, whose descendants, the bhais of Kaithal, ranked among the most

powerful Cis-Sutlej states. The Sikh Chieftains of Khaithal, ruled from 1767

until its fall, in 1843. By 1808, it came under British Influence. The state was

ruled by the Scindhia dynasty of the Maratha Empire and paid tributes to the

Marathas, until the Second Anglo-Maratha War of 1803-1805, after which the

Marathas lost this territory to the British. Bhai Udey Singh ruled over Kaithal

and proved as the last King. Bhai Udey Singh died on 14 March 1843. The area

of present day Kaithal city becomes a municipality in 1867. In 1901, the town

had a population of 14,408 and was the tehsil in the district of Karnal. The fort

of the Bhais is still existing, and their title Bhai became common with the

primary Sikh rulers. Peoples of Kaithal took active part in freedom struggle in

1857 (http://kaithal.nic.in/).

As of the 2011 India census, total population of Kaithal district is 9,

45,631. The overall sex ratio in the district is only 887 females for every 1000

males. A part of the deficit of females in the population perhaps can be

attributed to spatial redistribution of population. Being a developed districts

migrants form a significant portion of the population, and there is a

preponderance of males among the migrants. However, much of the deficit has

to be seen in terms of demographic manifestation of gender inequality

prevailing in the region. With the process of development during the recent

past the mortality conditions of women have recorded a significant

improvement but sex differentials in mortality of children continue to persist.

This has already been noted in the previous chapters. Child sex ratio in the

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districts which has undergone significant improvement between 2001 and 2011

still remains below 850. This great deficit can mainly be attributed to the

widespread practices of ‘female foeticide’ although differential mortality also

explains a part of this deficit. Children under age group 0-6 years form 11.5

percent of the population. The effective literacy rate in the district is 80.76

percent; male literacy is 87.65 percent as against female literacy of 73.07

percent. Punjabi and Hindi are major languages spoken in this district. There

are 277 villages and 253 Panchayats in Kaithal districts. Kaithal district

consists of two sub-divisions and two tehsils namely Kaithal and Guhla and

five sub tehsils namely Pundri, Rajaund, Dhand, Kalayat and Siwan. The name

of Kaithal, Pundri, Pharal, Siwan and Kalayat shows the rich cultural heritage

and its religious significance (http://kaithal.nic.in/).

Mewat district

Mewat district is one of the 21 districts of Haryana state in northern

India. The district came into existence as the 20th

district of Haryana on April 4,

2005. It was carved out as an independent district taking parts of Gurgaon

district and Hathin Block of Faridabad districts. The Hathin Sub Division was

later taken away and formed part of a new district called Palwal in the year

2008. The present day Mewat is bounded by Gurgaon district on the north,

Rewari district on the west and Faridabad and Palwal districts on the east. Nuh

is the administrative headquarter of the district. The district occupies an area of

1859.61 square kilometres, and accommodates a population of 10,89,406

persons as per the latest census figures of 2011. Mewat is largely populated by

Meos who are agriculturalist (Mewat district – Wikipedia, the free

encyclopedia.htm).

Geographically, Mewat district is situated between 260

and 300

N

latitudes and 760

and 780 E longitudes. Gurgaon district bounds it on its north;

Alwar district of Rajasthan and a thin sliver of Rewari district lie to its west;

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Palwal district lies to its east; and Alwar and Bharatpur districts of Rajasthan to

its south. Mewat district largely comprises plains with Aravali hills running in

north-south direction along its western border. Inconsistency in Mewat

topography is evident from its patches of land with hills of Aravali range, on

the one hand, and plains, on the other. Thus, physiographically the area is

divided into tracts – upland and low land. The soil is light in texture,

particularly sandy, sandy loam and clay loam. The upper hills are mostly barren

(Mewat district – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.htm).

Mewat - land of the Meos, has its gensis in its tribal inhabitants, the Meo

tribe who are agriculturalist. The area is a distinct ethnic and socio-cultural

tract. The Meos who trace their roots to the early Aryan immigration into

northern India, call themselves Kshatriyas and have preserved their social and

cultural traits to a surprisingly large extent, unlike the other tribes of nearby

areas. During the regime of the Tughlak dynasty in the 14th

century these

people embraced Islam but till today, they have maintained their age-old

distinctive ethno-cultural identity. Historically, the region has been subjected to

extreme turbulence and repeated invasions and resultant plundering throughout

the post-vedic period, largely due to the situational peculiarity of the area and

the non-subjugative attitude of the people. The destruction and devastation over

the centuries resulted in backwardness and underdevelopment of both the area

and its people (Mewat district – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.htm).

According to Census of India 2001, the total population of Mewat was

9,93,617 (including Hathin Block of district Palwal) of which 4.64 percent

lived in urban areas and the major chunk i.e. 95.36 percent of the population

lived in rural areas. Out of the total population of 9,93,617 there were 524872

males and 468745 females. The Scheduled Castes formed around 8 percent of

the total population. The total numbers of households in the district are

1,42,822 out of which 1,35,253 (i.e. 95 percent) are in rural areas and

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remaining 7569 (i.e. 5 percent) are in urban areas. The total number of BPL

households are 53,125 including Hathin Block (Mewat district – Wikipedia, the

free encyclopedia.htm). Thus as many as 39.27 percent of the households came

under the BPL category.

The main occupation of the people of Mewat is agriculture. Some

people, however, also get employment in various allied and agro-based

activities. Due to adverse physical conditions, agriculture in the district is very

backward and subsistent in nature. The Meos (Muslims) are the predominant

population group and are completely agriculturists. They perceive themselves

as such, with a sense of pride. The agriculture in Mewat is mostly rain fed

except in small pockets where canal irrigation is available. Agricultural

production measured in terms of crop yield per hectare in Mewat is much lower

as compared to most of the other districts of the state. Animal husbandry,

particularly dairy is the secondary source of income for people of Mewat and

those who live closer to the hilly ranges of Aravali also keep a few sheeps and

goats. Although Milk yields are not so low, due to heavy indebtedness and lack

of other sources for income in cash, most of the farmers are forced to sell the

milk to the lenders at lower than normal price, which drastically reduces their

income from this activity. The poultry population in Mewat is also much less in

comparison to other districts of Haryana state. All these have significant

bearings on the material conditions of the people of Mewat. Mewat has

remained a region of backwardness even after independence. The area lags

behind the rest of Haryana on almost every yardstick of development indices,

even though the farthest point of Mewat is within a distance of 150 kilometres

from the National Capital of India. Mewat falls under the sub-tropical, semi-

arid climate zone with extremely hot temperature in summer. Dryness of air is

standard feature in Mewat except during the monsoon season. The annual

rainfall varies considerably from year to year. The maximum rainfall is

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experienced during the monsoon season, which reaches its peak in the month of

July (Mewat district – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.htm).

Ujana Village (Kaithal District)

Ujana village was established by two persons who had come to a nearby

village called Kyorak some 300-400 years ago. These two persons were named

as Dathi and Gadhila. They lived in huts in the starting which was made by

mud and wood. The starting occupation of these people was agriculture. At that

time agriculture was in extremely rudimentary form. Agriculture continues to

be the dominant form of employment for the people. But with passage of time

agriculture has undergone significant transformation particularly after the onset

of green revolution in the mid 1960s. Kaithal district is one of the most

developed districts of Haryana in the context of agriculture. The villagers get

employment in mostly livestock and other activities associated with agriculture.

The village has one large pond which caters to the need of the drinking water

for animals. As the underground water is fresh in quality, for irrigation

villagers depend mainly on tubwells. There is no canal facility in the village.

On an average each of the households own 5-6 acres land indicating a

relatively better economic conditions.

Ujana village is located at the approach road to main Kaithal-Ambala

road. The population is dominated by Hindus and Muslims constitute only a

small share of the population. Mostly peoples are belonging to Gujjar caste in

Ujana village. All the houses in the village are pucca. The village has one

Management college only one kilometer away from it. There is also a

Government College within a distance of four kilometers from the village.

There is a Primary school also in Ujana village. Agriculture and milk

production is the main occupation of this village. Kaithal town provides the

nearest market to peoples for selling agricultural products and for buying daily

requirements. With a close proximity of Kaithal town, life style of the people is

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very much urban in character. Value of girl child is in accordance with the

prescription of a patriarchal society. Ladies are mostly confined to the four

walls of the house looking after domestic works like cooking and

housekeeping. They are not allowed to go to the fields and join their men folks.

Males take care of the entire agricultural operations. This form of division of

labour translates into a very restricted access of women to property resources.

Eventually females have almost no say in family decision making processes.

House Type in Ujana Village

Management College near Ujana village

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Government College near Ujana

village

Ujana is one of the best representative villages of Kaithal district

particularly in the context of child sex ratio. The village reports child sex ratio

which is even lower that the district. As per the records of the Aaganwaadi

worker, there are only 768 girls for every 1000 boys in the age group 0-6 years.

The economy of the village is primarily based on agricultural. As the study is

mainly related to bias against girl child, in the primary survey the focus was

mainly on those households which reported the presence of children under

0-14 years age group. The data collection through primary survey was done at

two levels. At the first level, from the records of the Aanganwadi workers

detailed demographic and social profile of the village was prepared. This

helped in isolating the target households for collection of data at the second

level for an in-depth study of bias against girl child. In all a sample of 30

households were selected for micro level study in the village. The questionnaire

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was designed to assess the extent of pre and post natal discrimination of girl

child. Pre natal discrimination can be seen in the form of elimination of girl

child before birth while post-natal discrimination has two segments. The first

segment concerns itself with sex differentials in survival chances among

children and second segment related to inequality between boys and girls in

access the education.

According to the records of Aanganwadi worker of the village, total

population of Ujana village is 1215. Out of the total population of 1215 there

are 634 males and 581 females. Overall sex ratio in the village is 916 females

per 1000 males in this village. Thus, at the aggregate level there is not much of

the deficit of females in the population. In fact, the situation appears to be

better than that at the aggregate level in Kaithal district as well as Haryana. As

already noted the village is located in one of the developed regions of the state,

a relatively better sex ratio in the village can mainly be attributed to better

mortality conditions of women vis-à-vis men. However, persisting son

preference in the wake of strong patriarchal structure is reflected in a very

adverse sex ratio among children. In the age groups 0-6 years there are only

768 female children as compared to male children. Such a huge deficit of

female children can only be explained in terms of the magnitude of female

foeticide although a part of the deficit can be attributed to differential morality

also. In either case, the existing situation indicates towards a strong bias against

girl child.

On the basis of above, it can be argued that overall sex ratio is in better

position due to a very high level of development. Availability of medical

facilities and a generally better nutrition level has resulted in a better survival

condition for women. That’s why sex differentials mortality is low. Even the

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incidence of maternal mortality is very low. Proximity to Kaithal city where all

medical facilities are available in any emergency further adds to the improved

mortality conditions in the village. Road connectivity is also very good and

people have their personal vehicles. But the real picture is revealed in child sex

ratio which is one of the lowest in the country. Demographically, the CSR

would mean that as many as 232 girls are missing every 1000 boys.

Family size and composition in Ujana village

Small family size is a norm in the village, and is a product of

development. Desire for small family size along with persisting son preference

results in the elimination of many girls before birth’. From among the surveyed

households there were as many as 15 families with only two children. Not only

were this, in two families, there only one child who was a son. Most of the

‘two-children families’ had daughter as the first child. When the researcher

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talked to the ladies of this village in the context of the composition of family,

they told that without son family will never be complete. Without son mother

have no respect in society. Son also provides security to the parents in their old

age. On the other hand daughters stay with her natal family only till her

marriage. After marriage she moves to her in-laws family. Boys contribute to

the family income, when they are join workforce. Not only this, at the time of

his marriage he brings in wealth in the form of dowry. On the other hand, girls

deplete family’s resources in the form of dowry at the time of marriage.

The total literacy rate in the village is 71.93 percent according to records

of the Aanganwadi worker. Males are 78.23 percent literate and females are

65.06 percent literate. In the context of access to education for male and female

children, one comes across a very low disparity. But the status of women and

value of girl child has to be seen in child sex ratio. Daughters are given almost

equal opportunity as to that for sons for education. But what matters the most is

the question of equal right to girls for birth? No, the available statistics indicate

that it is not. Had there been an equal right for girls to come in this world,

child sex ratio would not have been so low. A near equal access to nutritional

intake, healthcare and education to girls on the basis of data collected from the

sample households might suggest that bias against girl child has waned from

this section of the society. This, however, is not true. Bias against girl child still

persists and has rather taken a more vulgar form. People have become more

civilized or modern, and provide equal rights to girls after birth. Many of the

daughters get eliminated in the process and this remains a mystery for the

larger society. In other words, due to patriarchal structure of society, people do

not give the right to unwanted girls for birth. They eliminate them before birth.

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Table 7.2

Salient socio-economic and demographic contrasts between

Ujana and Mahon villages

Sr.

No.

Variables Ujana

(Kaithal

District)

Mahon

(Mewat

District)

1 Total Population 1215 801

2 Male 634 438

3 Female 581 363

4 Overall Sex Ratio 916 828

5 Child Sex Ratio (0-6 years) 768 990

6 Literacy Rate (Total) 71.93 35.45

7 Literacy Rate (Male) 78.23 53.96

8 Literacy Rate (Female) 65.06 30

9 Work Participation Rate among Female 80 71.05

Source: Compiled by the researcher from the records of the Aanganwadi

workers of the respective villages during field visit during March-April, 2013.

Mahon Village (Mewat District)

Mahon village is located at the approach road to the main Sohana-Nuh

highway. In this village Muslims form the larger chunk of the population.

Mahon village is a very backward in the context of economic development.

This village is situated in the foothills of the Aravali hills. That is why there is

lack fertile land for cultivation. The villagers find employment in mainly

cutting stones in the Aravali hills. Some patches of land are, however, available

for agricultural practices where the villagers grow mainly vegetables. Most of

the houses of village are made of mud and wood. Although this village has a

primary school, but people in the village have little knowledge about the

importance of literacy and education in life. There is no other educational

institution except this primary school. The average family size in the village is

very large. Despite being so close to the national capital city, even at this time

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in the 21st century, villagers in Mahon have literally no knowledge about the

family planning methods.

House type in Mahon village

Aravali hills in Mahon village

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According to the Aaganwadi worker who actually belongs to a nearby

village, the total population of this village is 801 persons. Out of this, there are

438 males and 363 females. This results in an overall sex ratio of 828 females

per thousand males. A very adverse sex ratio in Mahon can be attributed to a

very adverse mortality condition for women. Maternal mortality rate continues

to be alarmingly high in the village. High maternal mortality is in the village is

directly related to a high birth rate. Frequent births make the women very week

and fragile resulting a generally higher mortality rate. Due to extreme poverty,

lack of healthcare facilities and backwardness, mortality rate among women

vis-à-vis me is very high. The nature of gender relations in this village if seen

in terms of child sex ratio which is as high as 990 reveals a different picture

altogether. A CSR of 990 would indicate that there is no elimination of girl

child in the form female foeticide. Also after birth also there is hardly any

discrimination against them, because the sex differentials in mortality of

children is not that adverse. With the normal sex ratio at birth and with no

discrimination against girl child in the early age brackets, CSR should be

anything around 950 females per 1000 male. The existing CSR in the village is

even much higher than that warranted by a situation where there is no

elimination at both pre and post natal stages. Evidences from the records of the

Aanganwadi workers reveal that mortality rate among boys are high than the

girl’s mortality rate. It can thus be argued that in the event of lack of

development, biological advantages of girls become a dominant force

underlying sex differentials in mortality. In a developed society, on the other

hand, man made social customs and traditions prevail over the natural

advantage and distort the patterns in sex differentials in mortality. Lack of

development also means that boys and girls have equal rights for birth in the

village.

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Family size of Mahon village

In the context of access to education for girls, however, there appears be

a clear-cut discrimination against daughters in Mahon village. This is reflected

in sex differentials in literacy rate in the village also. The total literacy rate in

this village is only 35.45 percent. In other words, even after six decades of

planned development out of every 100 persons as many as 65 persons cannot

read and write in the village. Male literacy rate is 53.96 percent, while females

are only 30 percent literate. Inadequate representation of girls in the schools

and such a wide sex differentials in literacy mean an extreme form of unequal

gender relations, in general, and bias against girl child, in particular. Daughters

are accorded a very low status in the village that is why they are not provided

equal access to education. The villagers are poor, that is why in the condition of

low resources boys get first preference for education. As it became clear from

discussion with the villagers, the average marriage age for girls is only 12

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years. The corresponding figure for boys is 15 years. In both the cases

marriages occur below legal age which indicates the backwardness of the

society on social fronts also. Soon after the process of childbearing starts, and

by the time reproductive age span comes to an end 10 to 12 children are

already born to a lady. Average number of children in each family is anything

above 6 to 8 children. Mahon village has high birth rate and high death rate.

According to demographic transition model this village is still in the early stage

of transformation.

Even after more than four decades, the benefit of green revolution is yet

to reach the village. Agriculture continues to be subsistence in nature and

productivity levels are very low. Basic facilities for education and health care

are yet to reach this part of Haryana. In the wake of high birth rate females

remain busy in child-bearing and caring process throughout much of their life

span. They have no time for themselves. Girls are married in even before they

reach their teens. They begin child bearing in very young age. If there is any

miss-happening with the husband then there remarriage for girls becomes a

very difficult proposition in the wake of dowry system. Dowry system is very

strong in this village and is paid both in cash and in the form of durables. They

give all necessary durable items which are required for starting a married life

along with cash. The amount of cash depends on the status of boy’s family. If

the parents of a girl do not have sufficient money to give dowry to the grooms

family, then nobody would be ready to marry this girl.

At the time of survey, the researcher meets many girls who were 18 to

20 years old and were still single. When I asked them as to what they were

doing. Most of them replied ‘nothing’. During a discussion the mother of one

such girl told me that they are so poor that they are not able get proposal for

marriage of their daughters at the suitable age for marriage. Suitable marriage

age for daughters is 10 to 12 years according to the villagers. On the basis of

the above, it can be argued that although at prenatal and postnatal stages there

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is no marked bias against girl child, the daughters are forced to lead a very

subservient position in the family. In other words, value of girl child is also

very low in Mahon village.

The case of Aisha who is only 26 year old depicts the true nature of

gender relations in the village. She became a widow some 10 years ago when

she was only 16 years of age. She has now two children, one is 12 years old

girl and the other is a 11 years old boy. When asked about the possibility of her

re-marriage, she laughed and told that at present her daughter was already in

the age of marriage. She is thinking about her girl’s marriage. Due to this

mindset and existing social values Aisha leads this life otherwise a girl of her

age in an urban setting still remains single.

Three girls from different generations in Mahon village

In another family, the researcher came across three beautiful girls aged

7years, 5years and 3 years. On an enquiry about the mothers of these girls, the

respondent a lady who was nearly forty years old, told ‘the 7 years old is the

daughter of my son, the 5 years old is the daughter of my daughter and the 3

years old is my daughter’. This is indicative of the fertility behavior the people

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in the village. On being asked about the ideal size of the family most of the

respondents remarked that ‘children are the gift of god. It depends on God’s

will and not our individual effort.

A comparative account of Ujana and Mahon villages:

Ujana and Mahon villages are sufficiently different from each other in

the context of socio-economic and demographic conditions. But one thing is

common in both villages that discrimination against girl child exists in both of

them. One has elimination of girl child before birth and other one has

inequality between boys and girls in terms of access to education. On the one

hand, Ujana village is highly developed in respect to socio-economic and

demographic characteristics. On the other hand, Mahon village is less

developed in the field of socio-economic and demographic conditions. Both

villages have low value of girl child although in different ways.

The socio-economic and demographic contrasts are also revealed in an

analysis of data collected from surveyed households. Table 7.3 presents a

summary of the contrasts between the two villages. The surveyed population of

Ujana and Mahon villages are 209 and 221 respectively. Total number of

household selected for the survey is 50 from Ujana and 30 from Mahon village.

The total population of 221 in Mahon from 30 household gives an average size

of 7.36 persons per household as against 4.18 persons per household in Ujana

village. While in the latter the average number of children per family works out

to be only 2 to 3 children, in the same is 6 to 8 children per family.

Demographically Ujana is developed but Mahon is very backward. It is the

result of differentials in the levels of development of the two villages.

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Table 7.3

Salient socio-economic and demographic contrasts of the surveyed

households of

Ujana and Mahon villages

Sr.

No.

Variables Ujana Mahon

1 Total household covered by

survey

50 30

2 Total Population 209 221

3 Males 111 105

4 Females 98 151

5 Sex Ratio 883 1438

6 Child Sex Ratio 657 1333

7 Literacy Rate 78.35 41.35

8 Male Literacy Rate 80.28 53.96

9 Female Literacy Rate 73.01 30

10 Total Workers 100 88

11 Male Workers 50 43

12 Female Workers 50 45

13 Average size of the

households

4.18 7.36

Source: Compiled by the Researcher from Household survey of the respective villages

conducted during field visit, March-April, 2013.

Ujana is economically developed that is why in this village both fertility

and mortality rates very low. As a result the rate of growth in population is very

low in Ujana. But in the case of Mahon village, the picture is strikingly

different. Mahon village is less developed both economically as well as

demographically. In Mahon village high fertility and high mortality rates are

found. According to the females respondents in Ujana village the ideal family

is the one which has two children one of whom must be a son presence. As

against this, for the respondents in Mahon village there is no concept of ideal

family size. For them children are the gifts of God, and family size depends on

God’s will and no human interference is possible to achieve an ideal size.

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Family Size in Ujana and Mahon Village

In Ujana village son preference exists in a more explicit manner quite in

accordance with the patriarchal structure of the society. But in Mahon village,

there is no preference for son or daughter. They are absolutely indifferent to

size and composition of the family.

House type in Ujana and Mahon villages

Although in terms of the economic and demographic indicators, Ujana

village ranks very high, on the front of gender issues, it remains extremely

backward. In comparison, Mahon village presets a somewhat better picture.

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One such difference between the two villages can be seen in their overall sex

ratio and child sex ratio. Overall sex ratio of the surveyed population in Ujana

and Mahon villages work out to be 883 and 1438 respectively. The general

tendency among the researcher is to explain any spatial variation is overall y

sex ratio in terms of migration of population that is extremely sex selective in

nature. But this framework of explanation does not hold good in the case of

these two villages. The data collected through primary survey does not indicate

any significant migration from or to the surveyed families. This leaves the

possibility of sex differentials in mortality in the past as the main reason

underlying adverse overall sex ratio. Further, elimination of unwanted girl child

during the recent decades have also contributed to the existing deficit of

females in the population. With the process of development fertility rate has

decreased in Ujana but mind set about son desire has not changed. Strong

desire for a small family size facilitates elimination of girl child.

At the time of the survey in Ujana village, when the researcher

interacted with females about the next child who have only one child who is a

son, the common reply in this regard was that ‘we don’t need another child.

One son is enough for the family’. But the females who had two girls were

ready for another child in the hope of a son. The underlying reason for this

fertility choice is undoubtedly strong desire for sons prevailing in the family.

During the survey many instances of families were encountered where a lady

had first baby as girl child and after long interval there was another child who

was boy. On being asked to explain the underlying reason for this long gap

between the two children, while some of them attributed this to mischarge of

pregnancy, others said that the gap was a deliberate choice as part of family

planning. Obviously, none of them ever talked about the possible instances of

female foeticide. In fact they would never reveal the truth as the same is

punishable. In such a situation any conclusion is to be based on indirect

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inference only. Evidences indirectly, however, do show the magnitude of

elimination of girl child in this village. A child sex ratio of only 657females for

every 1000 male is not possible in normal circumstances. The child sex ratio of

Ujana village evidently reflects the result of prevailing son preference.

Otherwise normal child sex ratio should remain in the range of 950/1000.

In this regard, Mahon village is much better than the Ujana village.

Child sex ratio in the surveyed population of Mahon village is 1333. The

preponderance of females among children of this magnitude is indicative of not

only a natural sex ratio at birth but also the role of biological advantage of

females. In other words, there is no elimination of girl child before birth and no

discrimination of girl child after birth in the form of higher survival

disadvantage to girl child. The villagers in Mahon have no knowledge about

the method of elimination of girl child before birth. Their economic conditions

also do not allow them to go for this technique. There is also no discrimination

of girl child after birth in terms of nutrition and care also. It means not that

value of girl child is high in Mahon village.

Education institute in Ujana and Mahon

In the context of inequality in access to education between boys and

girls Mahon does not fare well. Total literacy rate is very low in the surveyed

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population of Mahon village in comparison to that in Ujana village. Mahon

village has low literacy due to poverty. But there is an inequality between boys

and girls to access to education. The villagers in Mahon give more preference

to boys’ education in comparison to girls’. This is also part of patriarchal

structure of society where boys got more opportunity for career building than

the girls.

In this context, Ujana village is better with low sex differentials literacy

rate among boys and girls. Due to development, Ujana villagers have become

more civilized. They give almost equal rights to boys and girls for education

and other opportunity for career building. But in Ujana all girls are the ones

who were ‘wanted’ and were allowed to take birth. They don’t give rights for

birth to unwanted girls. With the medical development they eliminate the baby

in mother’s womb if it is a girl.

To conclude, we find that the two villages, which even though represent

different socio-economic and demographic characteristics are characterised by

one or the other from of bias against girl child.