chapter-vii bias against girl child...
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Bias against Girl Child in India – Regional Pattern and Perspective
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CHAPTER-VII
BIAS AGAINST GIRL CHILD – SOME CASE
STUDIES
This chapter provides an account of the socio-cultural practices that
promote bias against girl child in two different socio-demographic and
economic set up. The discussion is based on data of two select villages from
Haryana on the basis of data collected through primary survey. For this, the
present chapter first introduces the basic characteristics of the sites drawing
from the primary data that was gathered by the researcher with the help of
survey questionnaires. Since the socio-cultural practices underlying bias
against girl child is the main focus of the study, two villages were to be
selected from two different regions with different socio-economic and
demographic characteristics. While one is expected to represent a developed
regime, the other should come from less developed regime but both
characterised by strong bias against girl child. In order to meet this
requirement, maps showing areas of pre and postnatal elimination of girl child
and adverse differentials in access to education for girl child were
superimposed in the previous chapter. This helped us identify areas
characterised by all three forms of bias against girl child. On the basis of that
one district namely Kaithal located in the northern part of Haryana was
identified which reported very high degree of bias against girl child reflected in
SRB and to a reasonable extent sex differential in child mortality also.
Differential access to education also forms an important component of bias
against girl child. Based on data for the period 2009-10 from District Report
Card, another district viz. Mewat with an extremely adverse differential access
to education for girl child was identified. This district is the newly created
district of Haryana. While Kaithal ranks very high in terms of the levels of
social and economic development, Mewat is one of the least developed regions
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not only in Haryana but perhaps the entire country. Having selected these two
districts with different socio-economic and demographic conditions having
different forms of bias against girl child, one most representative village from
each was identified for an in-depth micro level study based on household data
collected from primary survey by the researcher.
Although belonging to two different socio-cultural milieus, bias against
girl child exists in different form in these two districts - one which has strong
evidence of elimination of girl child and other one having extreme form of
inequality in access to education between boys and girls. The nature and
magnitude of bias against girl child in these two districts make them ‘hot-spots’
for the academics, planners and policy makers alike. First of all we take a
glance of these two districts in the form of salient contrasts in socio-economic
and demographic characteristics. Table 7.1 presents a comparative account of
socio-economic and demographic indicators of the two districts.
Table7.1
Salient socio-economic and demographic contrasts between
Kaithal and Mewat districts
Sr.
No.
Indicators Kaithal Mewat
1 Total Population, 2011 1072861 1089406
2 Male, 2011 570595 571480
3 Female, 2011 502266 517926
4 Share of rural population, 2011 78.03 88.62
5 Share of urban population, 2011 21.97 11.38
6 Overall Sex Ratio, 2011 880 906
7 Child Sex Ratio, 2011 821 903
8 Sex differentials in Child Mortality Rate, 2001*
1.17 1.08
9 Decadal Growth Rate, 2001-11 13.39 37.94
10 Total Literacy Rate, 2011 70.60 56.1
11 Male Literacy Rate, 2011 79.30 73
12 Female Literacy Rate, 2011 60.70 37.60
13 Percentage Enrolment Ratio of Girls, 2008-09@
41.4 36.2
14 Work Participation Rate among Female, 2001 25.79 27.72 Sources: census of India various years.
* Eestimates of Population foundation of India (PFI). @ District Report Card (DIRC).
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Kaithal district
Kaithal district is located in the north-western part of Haryana. Kaithal
was previously formed a part of Karnal district and later, Kurukshetra district
until 1 November 1989, when it came into existence as an independent district.
Kaithal shares common boundary with Patiala, Kurukshetra, Jind and Karnal
district. Its north-west boundaries which include Guhla-Cheeka are attached to
Punjab state. Kaithal is located at 29.80N 76.38
0E. It has an average elevation
of 220 metres (http://kaithal.nic.in/).
Historically, the area was known as kapisthal, meaning ‘Abode of Kapi’
another name of Lord Hanuman, and it is said to have been founded by the
Pandav Emperor, Yudhisthira of Mahabharata. It is traditionally connected
with Hanuman, and has a temple dedicated to Anjani, the mother of Hanuman.
It is also said that it is the birthplace of Lord Hanumana and there is a temple
constructed at that place known an ‘Anjani Tila’ Kaithal city
(http://kaithal.nic.in/). Timur is said to have stopped here in 1398, before
attacking Delhi. Later, the city became a Muslim cultural centre, under the rule
of Delhi Sultanate. Tombs of several Sufi saints dating from the 13th
century
can be found in the city today. Most important among these tombs is that of
Sheikh Sala-ud-din of Bhalkh. The town was renovated and a fort was built
during the rule of the Mughal Emperor, Akbar, and as per Ain-i-Akbari, it was
a pargana, under the sarkar of Sirhind, and had developed into an agricultural
centre (http://kaithal.nic.in/). Razia Sultana, the first women ruler of India,
reigned as the Sultana of Delhi Sultanate from 1236 to 1240. She fled Delhi
with Malik Altiniya after they were defeated on the 24th
of Raiu-l-awwal A.H.
638 (Oct. 1240), and reached Kaithal the next day, where their remaining
forces abandoned them, and they both fell into the hands of the Hindus and
were killed on Nov. 13, 1240. Tomb of Rajia Begam is still found here. This
aspect is still not well known outside Kaithal, but residents know about the
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mazaar of Razia Begum even generations later. The Kaithal has many gates
made by British rulers and used to control the entry of trade goods and other
items (http://kaithal.nic.in/).
In 1767, the region it fell into the hands of the Sikh chieftain, Bhai Desu
Singh, who led a large Sikh force from his native village of Bhucho. In the
Punjab, whose descendants, the bhais of Kaithal, ranked among the most
powerful Cis-Sutlej states. The Sikh Chieftains of Khaithal, ruled from 1767
until its fall, in 1843. By 1808, it came under British Influence. The state was
ruled by the Scindhia dynasty of the Maratha Empire and paid tributes to the
Marathas, until the Second Anglo-Maratha War of 1803-1805, after which the
Marathas lost this territory to the British. Bhai Udey Singh ruled over Kaithal
and proved as the last King. Bhai Udey Singh died on 14 March 1843. The area
of present day Kaithal city becomes a municipality in 1867. In 1901, the town
had a population of 14,408 and was the tehsil in the district of Karnal. The fort
of the Bhais is still existing, and their title Bhai became common with the
primary Sikh rulers. Peoples of Kaithal took active part in freedom struggle in
1857 (http://kaithal.nic.in/).
As of the 2011 India census, total population of Kaithal district is 9,
45,631. The overall sex ratio in the district is only 887 females for every 1000
males. A part of the deficit of females in the population perhaps can be
attributed to spatial redistribution of population. Being a developed districts
migrants form a significant portion of the population, and there is a
preponderance of males among the migrants. However, much of the deficit has
to be seen in terms of demographic manifestation of gender inequality
prevailing in the region. With the process of development during the recent
past the mortality conditions of women have recorded a significant
improvement but sex differentials in mortality of children continue to persist.
This has already been noted in the previous chapters. Child sex ratio in the
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districts which has undergone significant improvement between 2001 and 2011
still remains below 850. This great deficit can mainly be attributed to the
widespread practices of ‘female foeticide’ although differential mortality also
explains a part of this deficit. Children under age group 0-6 years form 11.5
percent of the population. The effective literacy rate in the district is 80.76
percent; male literacy is 87.65 percent as against female literacy of 73.07
percent. Punjabi and Hindi are major languages spoken in this district. There
are 277 villages and 253 Panchayats in Kaithal districts. Kaithal district
consists of two sub-divisions and two tehsils namely Kaithal and Guhla and
five sub tehsils namely Pundri, Rajaund, Dhand, Kalayat and Siwan. The name
of Kaithal, Pundri, Pharal, Siwan and Kalayat shows the rich cultural heritage
and its religious significance (http://kaithal.nic.in/).
Mewat district
Mewat district is one of the 21 districts of Haryana state in northern
India. The district came into existence as the 20th
district of Haryana on April 4,
2005. It was carved out as an independent district taking parts of Gurgaon
district and Hathin Block of Faridabad districts. The Hathin Sub Division was
later taken away and formed part of a new district called Palwal in the year
2008. The present day Mewat is bounded by Gurgaon district on the north,
Rewari district on the west and Faridabad and Palwal districts on the east. Nuh
is the administrative headquarter of the district. The district occupies an area of
1859.61 square kilometres, and accommodates a population of 10,89,406
persons as per the latest census figures of 2011. Mewat is largely populated by
Meos who are agriculturalist (Mewat district – Wikipedia, the free
encyclopedia.htm).
Geographically, Mewat district is situated between 260
and 300
N
latitudes and 760
and 780 E longitudes. Gurgaon district bounds it on its north;
Alwar district of Rajasthan and a thin sliver of Rewari district lie to its west;
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Palwal district lies to its east; and Alwar and Bharatpur districts of Rajasthan to
its south. Mewat district largely comprises plains with Aravali hills running in
north-south direction along its western border. Inconsistency in Mewat
topography is evident from its patches of land with hills of Aravali range, on
the one hand, and plains, on the other. Thus, physiographically the area is
divided into tracts – upland and low land. The soil is light in texture,
particularly sandy, sandy loam and clay loam. The upper hills are mostly barren
(Mewat district – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.htm).
Mewat - land of the Meos, has its gensis in its tribal inhabitants, the Meo
tribe who are agriculturalist. The area is a distinct ethnic and socio-cultural
tract. The Meos who trace their roots to the early Aryan immigration into
northern India, call themselves Kshatriyas and have preserved their social and
cultural traits to a surprisingly large extent, unlike the other tribes of nearby
areas. During the regime of the Tughlak dynasty in the 14th
century these
people embraced Islam but till today, they have maintained their age-old
distinctive ethno-cultural identity. Historically, the region has been subjected to
extreme turbulence and repeated invasions and resultant plundering throughout
the post-vedic period, largely due to the situational peculiarity of the area and
the non-subjugative attitude of the people. The destruction and devastation over
the centuries resulted in backwardness and underdevelopment of both the area
and its people (Mewat district – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.htm).
According to Census of India 2001, the total population of Mewat was
9,93,617 (including Hathin Block of district Palwal) of which 4.64 percent
lived in urban areas and the major chunk i.e. 95.36 percent of the population
lived in rural areas. Out of the total population of 9,93,617 there were 524872
males and 468745 females. The Scheduled Castes formed around 8 percent of
the total population. The total numbers of households in the district are
1,42,822 out of which 1,35,253 (i.e. 95 percent) are in rural areas and
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remaining 7569 (i.e. 5 percent) are in urban areas. The total number of BPL
households are 53,125 including Hathin Block (Mewat district – Wikipedia, the
free encyclopedia.htm). Thus as many as 39.27 percent of the households came
under the BPL category.
The main occupation of the people of Mewat is agriculture. Some
people, however, also get employment in various allied and agro-based
activities. Due to adverse physical conditions, agriculture in the district is very
backward and subsistent in nature. The Meos (Muslims) are the predominant
population group and are completely agriculturists. They perceive themselves
as such, with a sense of pride. The agriculture in Mewat is mostly rain fed
except in small pockets where canal irrigation is available. Agricultural
production measured in terms of crop yield per hectare in Mewat is much lower
as compared to most of the other districts of the state. Animal husbandry,
particularly dairy is the secondary source of income for people of Mewat and
those who live closer to the hilly ranges of Aravali also keep a few sheeps and
goats. Although Milk yields are not so low, due to heavy indebtedness and lack
of other sources for income in cash, most of the farmers are forced to sell the
milk to the lenders at lower than normal price, which drastically reduces their
income from this activity. The poultry population in Mewat is also much less in
comparison to other districts of Haryana state. All these have significant
bearings on the material conditions of the people of Mewat. Mewat has
remained a region of backwardness even after independence. The area lags
behind the rest of Haryana on almost every yardstick of development indices,
even though the farthest point of Mewat is within a distance of 150 kilometres
from the National Capital of India. Mewat falls under the sub-tropical, semi-
arid climate zone with extremely hot temperature in summer. Dryness of air is
standard feature in Mewat except during the monsoon season. The annual
rainfall varies considerably from year to year. The maximum rainfall is
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experienced during the monsoon season, which reaches its peak in the month of
July (Mewat district – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.htm).
Ujana Village (Kaithal District)
Ujana village was established by two persons who had come to a nearby
village called Kyorak some 300-400 years ago. These two persons were named
as Dathi and Gadhila. They lived in huts in the starting which was made by
mud and wood. The starting occupation of these people was agriculture. At that
time agriculture was in extremely rudimentary form. Agriculture continues to
be the dominant form of employment for the people. But with passage of time
agriculture has undergone significant transformation particularly after the onset
of green revolution in the mid 1960s. Kaithal district is one of the most
developed districts of Haryana in the context of agriculture. The villagers get
employment in mostly livestock and other activities associated with agriculture.
The village has one large pond which caters to the need of the drinking water
for animals. As the underground water is fresh in quality, for irrigation
villagers depend mainly on tubwells. There is no canal facility in the village.
On an average each of the households own 5-6 acres land indicating a
relatively better economic conditions.
Ujana village is located at the approach road to main Kaithal-Ambala
road. The population is dominated by Hindus and Muslims constitute only a
small share of the population. Mostly peoples are belonging to Gujjar caste in
Ujana village. All the houses in the village are pucca. The village has one
Management college only one kilometer away from it. There is also a
Government College within a distance of four kilometers from the village.
There is a Primary school also in Ujana village. Agriculture and milk
production is the main occupation of this village. Kaithal town provides the
nearest market to peoples for selling agricultural products and for buying daily
requirements. With a close proximity of Kaithal town, life style of the people is
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very much urban in character. Value of girl child is in accordance with the
prescription of a patriarchal society. Ladies are mostly confined to the four
walls of the house looking after domestic works like cooking and
housekeeping. They are not allowed to go to the fields and join their men folks.
Males take care of the entire agricultural operations. This form of division of
labour translates into a very restricted access of women to property resources.
Eventually females have almost no say in family decision making processes.
House Type in Ujana Village
Management College near Ujana village
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Government College near Ujana
village
Ujana is one of the best representative villages of Kaithal district
particularly in the context of child sex ratio. The village reports child sex ratio
which is even lower that the district. As per the records of the Aaganwaadi
worker, there are only 768 girls for every 1000 boys in the age group 0-6 years.
The economy of the village is primarily based on agricultural. As the study is
mainly related to bias against girl child, in the primary survey the focus was
mainly on those households which reported the presence of children under
0-14 years age group. The data collection through primary survey was done at
two levels. At the first level, from the records of the Aanganwadi workers
detailed demographic and social profile of the village was prepared. This
helped in isolating the target households for collection of data at the second
level for an in-depth study of bias against girl child. In all a sample of 30
households were selected for micro level study in the village. The questionnaire
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was designed to assess the extent of pre and post natal discrimination of girl
child. Pre natal discrimination can be seen in the form of elimination of girl
child before birth while post-natal discrimination has two segments. The first
segment concerns itself with sex differentials in survival chances among
children and second segment related to inequality between boys and girls in
access the education.
According to the records of Aanganwadi worker of the village, total
population of Ujana village is 1215. Out of the total population of 1215 there
are 634 males and 581 females. Overall sex ratio in the village is 916 females
per 1000 males in this village. Thus, at the aggregate level there is not much of
the deficit of females in the population. In fact, the situation appears to be
better than that at the aggregate level in Kaithal district as well as Haryana. As
already noted the village is located in one of the developed regions of the state,
a relatively better sex ratio in the village can mainly be attributed to better
mortality conditions of women vis-à-vis men. However, persisting son
preference in the wake of strong patriarchal structure is reflected in a very
adverse sex ratio among children. In the age groups 0-6 years there are only
768 female children as compared to male children. Such a huge deficit of
female children can only be explained in terms of the magnitude of female
foeticide although a part of the deficit can be attributed to differential morality
also. In either case, the existing situation indicates towards a strong bias against
girl child.
On the basis of above, it can be argued that overall sex ratio is in better
position due to a very high level of development. Availability of medical
facilities and a generally better nutrition level has resulted in a better survival
condition for women. That’s why sex differentials mortality is low. Even the
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incidence of maternal mortality is very low. Proximity to Kaithal city where all
medical facilities are available in any emergency further adds to the improved
mortality conditions in the village. Road connectivity is also very good and
people have their personal vehicles. But the real picture is revealed in child sex
ratio which is one of the lowest in the country. Demographically, the CSR
would mean that as many as 232 girls are missing every 1000 boys.
Family size and composition in Ujana village
Small family size is a norm in the village, and is a product of
development. Desire for small family size along with persisting son preference
results in the elimination of many girls before birth’. From among the surveyed
households there were as many as 15 families with only two children. Not only
were this, in two families, there only one child who was a son. Most of the
‘two-children families’ had daughter as the first child. When the researcher
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talked to the ladies of this village in the context of the composition of family,
they told that without son family will never be complete. Without son mother
have no respect in society. Son also provides security to the parents in their old
age. On the other hand daughters stay with her natal family only till her
marriage. After marriage she moves to her in-laws family. Boys contribute to
the family income, when they are join workforce. Not only this, at the time of
his marriage he brings in wealth in the form of dowry. On the other hand, girls
deplete family’s resources in the form of dowry at the time of marriage.
The total literacy rate in the village is 71.93 percent according to records
of the Aanganwadi worker. Males are 78.23 percent literate and females are
65.06 percent literate. In the context of access to education for male and female
children, one comes across a very low disparity. But the status of women and
value of girl child has to be seen in child sex ratio. Daughters are given almost
equal opportunity as to that for sons for education. But what matters the most is
the question of equal right to girls for birth? No, the available statistics indicate
that it is not. Had there been an equal right for girls to come in this world,
child sex ratio would not have been so low. A near equal access to nutritional
intake, healthcare and education to girls on the basis of data collected from the
sample households might suggest that bias against girl child has waned from
this section of the society. This, however, is not true. Bias against girl child still
persists and has rather taken a more vulgar form. People have become more
civilized or modern, and provide equal rights to girls after birth. Many of the
daughters get eliminated in the process and this remains a mystery for the
larger society. In other words, due to patriarchal structure of society, people do
not give the right to unwanted girls for birth. They eliminate them before birth.
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Table 7.2
Salient socio-economic and demographic contrasts between
Ujana and Mahon villages
Sr.
No.
Variables Ujana
(Kaithal
District)
Mahon
(Mewat
District)
1 Total Population 1215 801
2 Male 634 438
3 Female 581 363
4 Overall Sex Ratio 916 828
5 Child Sex Ratio (0-6 years) 768 990
6 Literacy Rate (Total) 71.93 35.45
7 Literacy Rate (Male) 78.23 53.96
8 Literacy Rate (Female) 65.06 30
9 Work Participation Rate among Female 80 71.05
Source: Compiled by the researcher from the records of the Aanganwadi
workers of the respective villages during field visit during March-April, 2013.
Mahon Village (Mewat District)
Mahon village is located at the approach road to the main Sohana-Nuh
highway. In this village Muslims form the larger chunk of the population.
Mahon village is a very backward in the context of economic development.
This village is situated in the foothills of the Aravali hills. That is why there is
lack fertile land for cultivation. The villagers find employment in mainly
cutting stones in the Aravali hills. Some patches of land are, however, available
for agricultural practices where the villagers grow mainly vegetables. Most of
the houses of village are made of mud and wood. Although this village has a
primary school, but people in the village have little knowledge about the
importance of literacy and education in life. There is no other educational
institution except this primary school. The average family size in the village is
very large. Despite being so close to the national capital city, even at this time
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in the 21st century, villagers in Mahon have literally no knowledge about the
family planning methods.
House type in Mahon village
Aravali hills in Mahon village
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According to the Aaganwadi worker who actually belongs to a nearby
village, the total population of this village is 801 persons. Out of this, there are
438 males and 363 females. This results in an overall sex ratio of 828 females
per thousand males. A very adverse sex ratio in Mahon can be attributed to a
very adverse mortality condition for women. Maternal mortality rate continues
to be alarmingly high in the village. High maternal mortality is in the village is
directly related to a high birth rate. Frequent births make the women very week
and fragile resulting a generally higher mortality rate. Due to extreme poverty,
lack of healthcare facilities and backwardness, mortality rate among women
vis-à-vis me is very high. The nature of gender relations in this village if seen
in terms of child sex ratio which is as high as 990 reveals a different picture
altogether. A CSR of 990 would indicate that there is no elimination of girl
child in the form female foeticide. Also after birth also there is hardly any
discrimination against them, because the sex differentials in mortality of
children is not that adverse. With the normal sex ratio at birth and with no
discrimination against girl child in the early age brackets, CSR should be
anything around 950 females per 1000 male. The existing CSR in the village is
even much higher than that warranted by a situation where there is no
elimination at both pre and post natal stages. Evidences from the records of the
Aanganwadi workers reveal that mortality rate among boys are high than the
girl’s mortality rate. It can thus be argued that in the event of lack of
development, biological advantages of girls become a dominant force
underlying sex differentials in mortality. In a developed society, on the other
hand, man made social customs and traditions prevail over the natural
advantage and distort the patterns in sex differentials in mortality. Lack of
development also means that boys and girls have equal rights for birth in the
village.
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Family size of Mahon village
In the context of access to education for girls, however, there appears be
a clear-cut discrimination against daughters in Mahon village. This is reflected
in sex differentials in literacy rate in the village also. The total literacy rate in
this village is only 35.45 percent. In other words, even after six decades of
planned development out of every 100 persons as many as 65 persons cannot
read and write in the village. Male literacy rate is 53.96 percent, while females
are only 30 percent literate. Inadequate representation of girls in the schools
and such a wide sex differentials in literacy mean an extreme form of unequal
gender relations, in general, and bias against girl child, in particular. Daughters
are accorded a very low status in the village that is why they are not provided
equal access to education. The villagers are poor, that is why in the condition of
low resources boys get first preference for education. As it became clear from
discussion with the villagers, the average marriage age for girls is only 12
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years. The corresponding figure for boys is 15 years. In both the cases
marriages occur below legal age which indicates the backwardness of the
society on social fronts also. Soon after the process of childbearing starts, and
by the time reproductive age span comes to an end 10 to 12 children are
already born to a lady. Average number of children in each family is anything
above 6 to 8 children. Mahon village has high birth rate and high death rate.
According to demographic transition model this village is still in the early stage
of transformation.
Even after more than four decades, the benefit of green revolution is yet
to reach the village. Agriculture continues to be subsistence in nature and
productivity levels are very low. Basic facilities for education and health care
are yet to reach this part of Haryana. In the wake of high birth rate females
remain busy in child-bearing and caring process throughout much of their life
span. They have no time for themselves. Girls are married in even before they
reach their teens. They begin child bearing in very young age. If there is any
miss-happening with the husband then there remarriage for girls becomes a
very difficult proposition in the wake of dowry system. Dowry system is very
strong in this village and is paid both in cash and in the form of durables. They
give all necessary durable items which are required for starting a married life
along with cash. The amount of cash depends on the status of boy’s family. If
the parents of a girl do not have sufficient money to give dowry to the grooms
family, then nobody would be ready to marry this girl.
At the time of survey, the researcher meets many girls who were 18 to
20 years old and were still single. When I asked them as to what they were
doing. Most of them replied ‘nothing’. During a discussion the mother of one
such girl told me that they are so poor that they are not able get proposal for
marriage of their daughters at the suitable age for marriage. Suitable marriage
age for daughters is 10 to 12 years according to the villagers. On the basis of
the above, it can be argued that although at prenatal and postnatal stages there
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is no marked bias against girl child, the daughters are forced to lead a very
subservient position in the family. In other words, value of girl child is also
very low in Mahon village.
The case of Aisha who is only 26 year old depicts the true nature of
gender relations in the village. She became a widow some 10 years ago when
she was only 16 years of age. She has now two children, one is 12 years old
girl and the other is a 11 years old boy. When asked about the possibility of her
re-marriage, she laughed and told that at present her daughter was already in
the age of marriage. She is thinking about her girl’s marriage. Due to this
mindset and existing social values Aisha leads this life otherwise a girl of her
age in an urban setting still remains single.
Three girls from different generations in Mahon village
In another family, the researcher came across three beautiful girls aged
7years, 5years and 3 years. On an enquiry about the mothers of these girls, the
respondent a lady who was nearly forty years old, told ‘the 7 years old is the
daughter of my son, the 5 years old is the daughter of my daughter and the 3
years old is my daughter’. This is indicative of the fertility behavior the people
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in the village. On being asked about the ideal size of the family most of the
respondents remarked that ‘children are the gift of god. It depends on God’s
will and not our individual effort.
A comparative account of Ujana and Mahon villages:
Ujana and Mahon villages are sufficiently different from each other in
the context of socio-economic and demographic conditions. But one thing is
common in both villages that discrimination against girl child exists in both of
them. One has elimination of girl child before birth and other one has
inequality between boys and girls in terms of access to education. On the one
hand, Ujana village is highly developed in respect to socio-economic and
demographic characteristics. On the other hand, Mahon village is less
developed in the field of socio-economic and demographic conditions. Both
villages have low value of girl child although in different ways.
The socio-economic and demographic contrasts are also revealed in an
analysis of data collected from surveyed households. Table 7.3 presents a
summary of the contrasts between the two villages. The surveyed population of
Ujana and Mahon villages are 209 and 221 respectively. Total number of
household selected for the survey is 50 from Ujana and 30 from Mahon village.
The total population of 221 in Mahon from 30 household gives an average size
of 7.36 persons per household as against 4.18 persons per household in Ujana
village. While in the latter the average number of children per family works out
to be only 2 to 3 children, in the same is 6 to 8 children per family.
Demographically Ujana is developed but Mahon is very backward. It is the
result of differentials in the levels of development of the two villages.
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Table 7.3
Salient socio-economic and demographic contrasts of the surveyed
households of
Ujana and Mahon villages
Sr.
No.
Variables Ujana Mahon
1 Total household covered by
survey
50 30
2 Total Population 209 221
3 Males 111 105
4 Females 98 151
5 Sex Ratio 883 1438
6 Child Sex Ratio 657 1333
7 Literacy Rate 78.35 41.35
8 Male Literacy Rate 80.28 53.96
9 Female Literacy Rate 73.01 30
10 Total Workers 100 88
11 Male Workers 50 43
12 Female Workers 50 45
13 Average size of the
households
4.18 7.36
Source: Compiled by the Researcher from Household survey of the respective villages
conducted during field visit, March-April, 2013.
Ujana is economically developed that is why in this village both fertility
and mortality rates very low. As a result the rate of growth in population is very
low in Ujana. But in the case of Mahon village, the picture is strikingly
different. Mahon village is less developed both economically as well as
demographically. In Mahon village high fertility and high mortality rates are
found. According to the females respondents in Ujana village the ideal family
is the one which has two children one of whom must be a son presence. As
against this, for the respondents in Mahon village there is no concept of ideal
family size. For them children are the gifts of God, and family size depends on
God’s will and no human interference is possible to achieve an ideal size.
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Family Size in Ujana and Mahon Village
In Ujana village son preference exists in a more explicit manner quite in
accordance with the patriarchal structure of the society. But in Mahon village,
there is no preference for son or daughter. They are absolutely indifferent to
size and composition of the family.
House type in Ujana and Mahon villages
Although in terms of the economic and demographic indicators, Ujana
village ranks very high, on the front of gender issues, it remains extremely
backward. In comparison, Mahon village presets a somewhat better picture.
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One such difference between the two villages can be seen in their overall sex
ratio and child sex ratio. Overall sex ratio of the surveyed population in Ujana
and Mahon villages work out to be 883 and 1438 respectively. The general
tendency among the researcher is to explain any spatial variation is overall y
sex ratio in terms of migration of population that is extremely sex selective in
nature. But this framework of explanation does not hold good in the case of
these two villages. The data collected through primary survey does not indicate
any significant migration from or to the surveyed families. This leaves the
possibility of sex differentials in mortality in the past as the main reason
underlying adverse overall sex ratio. Further, elimination of unwanted girl child
during the recent decades have also contributed to the existing deficit of
females in the population. With the process of development fertility rate has
decreased in Ujana but mind set about son desire has not changed. Strong
desire for a small family size facilitates elimination of girl child.
At the time of the survey in Ujana village, when the researcher
interacted with females about the next child who have only one child who is a
son, the common reply in this regard was that ‘we don’t need another child.
One son is enough for the family’. But the females who had two girls were
ready for another child in the hope of a son. The underlying reason for this
fertility choice is undoubtedly strong desire for sons prevailing in the family.
During the survey many instances of families were encountered where a lady
had first baby as girl child and after long interval there was another child who
was boy. On being asked to explain the underlying reason for this long gap
between the two children, while some of them attributed this to mischarge of
pregnancy, others said that the gap was a deliberate choice as part of family
planning. Obviously, none of them ever talked about the possible instances of
female foeticide. In fact they would never reveal the truth as the same is
punishable. In such a situation any conclusion is to be based on indirect
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inference only. Evidences indirectly, however, do show the magnitude of
elimination of girl child in this village. A child sex ratio of only 657females for
every 1000 male is not possible in normal circumstances. The child sex ratio of
Ujana village evidently reflects the result of prevailing son preference.
Otherwise normal child sex ratio should remain in the range of 950/1000.
In this regard, Mahon village is much better than the Ujana village.
Child sex ratio in the surveyed population of Mahon village is 1333. The
preponderance of females among children of this magnitude is indicative of not
only a natural sex ratio at birth but also the role of biological advantage of
females. In other words, there is no elimination of girl child before birth and no
discrimination of girl child after birth in the form of higher survival
disadvantage to girl child. The villagers in Mahon have no knowledge about
the method of elimination of girl child before birth. Their economic conditions
also do not allow them to go for this technique. There is also no discrimination
of girl child after birth in terms of nutrition and care also. It means not that
value of girl child is high in Mahon village.
Education institute in Ujana and Mahon
In the context of inequality in access to education between boys and
girls Mahon does not fare well. Total literacy rate is very low in the surveyed
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population of Mahon village in comparison to that in Ujana village. Mahon
village has low literacy due to poverty. But there is an inequality between boys
and girls to access to education. The villagers in Mahon give more preference
to boys’ education in comparison to girls’. This is also part of patriarchal
structure of society where boys got more opportunity for career building than
the girls.
In this context, Ujana village is better with low sex differentials literacy
rate among boys and girls. Due to development, Ujana villagers have become
more civilized. They give almost equal rights to boys and girls for education
and other opportunity for career building. But in Ujana all girls are the ones
who were ‘wanted’ and were allowed to take birth. They don’t give rights for
birth to unwanted girls. With the medical development they eliminate the baby
in mother’s womb if it is a girl.
To conclude, we find that the two villages, which even though represent
different socio-economic and demographic characteristics are characterised by
one or the other from of bias against girl child.