chapter - v culture and change - shodhganga...
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CHAPTER - V
CULTURE AND CHANGE
The previous chapters indicated certain changes in some aspects of caste relations,
power structure and economic conditions of the people in the study villages. These have
been conditioned, in some way by the socio-economic'development in these villages.
One of the consequences of such changes is that the culture, cultural institutions and the
over all way of life of people also experience some degree of change. This chapter
therefore seeks to examine whether the cultliral patterns have undergone a change in rural
Shimla. In case, this so then which aspects of culture have changed over the years.
Culture, of any given society like social structure, to is a complex whole
consisting of knowledge, belief, art, morals, laws, customs and other capabilities and
habits acquired by a man as a member of society (Taylor 1968 : 527). Most of these
elements are subject to modifications over time. These are causal by dynamic forces with
in the society on the one hand and the continuous process of social evolution the changes
also become inevitable as culture-itself is not a static entity but a process by which a
given social group or social class le'axns ways of thinking, feeling and acting on the other
(Brown 1968: 536). While the transmission of cultural elements from one generation to
the next provides it a continuity, tke processual aspects keep on adding as well as
eliminating the essentials and non essentials components respectively. It is also observed
that there are certain standardised patterns, implicit or explicit of and for behaviour
acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievement of human
groups (Kroeber and Kluckohn 1952:81 quoted in Singer 1968: 528). These however are
not permanent as some aspects of these undergo change due to changing conditions.
Cultural change is a concept that denotes some internal and external factors
leading to modifications in the cultural patterns of societies. It can be material as well as
non-material in nature. Cultural change may come from-many sources but most often it
comes through the contact with other cultures, invention and internal adjustment of
culture. Cultural change although a world wide process and a historical reality yet, the
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rate and type of change is specific, localised and in a given context. It may also be slow
and gradual.
Himchal Pradesh has been undergoing socio-economic, political and even cultural
transformation during the Sast three decades. A large nurnber of factors such as education,
occupational diversification mainly in the service sector,'modernization of economy with
incorporation of tourism, industry, telecommunications, new technologies in the
agricultural production and adoption of commercial crops, development of horticulture
etc. have contributed to this change.
It is observed that peoples' coming into contact with outside people through
tourism or spatial mobility has acted in two ways. First, they are exposed to other culture.
Second, they also incorporate some of the cultural elements of other cultures in their own
behaviour. In this way changes are taking place in peoples" way of life. It is in the back
drop of this observation that an attempt has been made in the present chapter to know
various changes that are taking place in the way of life of people. It is based on the
assumption that more the shift from traditional to modern way of life more changes are
likely to be observed in almost all spheres of life thereby forming new culture.
The variables analysed in this chapter include, beliefs in . super-natural f̂ ouue
patterns of worshipping, belief in local and other deities, superstition among people,
changes in marriage institution, widow remarriage, performance of traditional rites at the
death of a person and changes in rites performed, changes in ceremonies performed at the
time of birth of a child, celebration of certain festival and changes taking place in the
ceremonies performed.
Table 5.1 Belief in Supernatural Power
Response Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total
Response Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
Yes
No
150
0
100.00
0.00
150 .
0
100.00
0.00
300
0
100.00
0.00
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
177
The people of upper Himachal, have generally been religious with their belief in
supernatural powers. It has also been found that all of them from both sets of villages
continue to have their faith in the supernatural powers (Table 5.1).
Table 5.2 Reasons for Belief in the Supernatural Power
Reasons Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total
Reasons Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage No Response 31 20.67 56 37.33 87 29.00
Sheer belief 67 44.67 57 38.00 124 41.33
Creator of universe 30 20.00 19 12.67 49 16.33
For mental peace 4 2.67 3 2.00 7 2.33
Given in religious books & teachings
4' 2.66 2 1.33 6 2.00
Influence of parents 7 4.67 8 5.33 15 5.00
Wishes are fulfilled 2 1.33 0 0.00 2 0.67
Old sanskar and teachings
5 3.33 5 3.33 10 3.33
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
There are varieties of reasons advanced by them for their faith in supernatural
power. The data reveal more than one third of the respondents (41.00 per cent) have sheer
belief The other reason cited by 16.33 per cent of the -respondents is that everything
which exists is the creation of these powers. Some other reasons put forward are parents'
influence (5.00 per cent), Sanskars (socialzation) (3.33 per cent), fulfulment of desires,
(0.67 per cent) etc. Remaining 29 per cent didn't responded in this regard.
A comparative analysis discerns that a relatively higher number of respondents
(44.67 per cent) of developed villages have sheer belief in supernatural power as against
38 per cent in under-developed villages. While 20 per cent respondents belonging to
developed villages believe because God is the creator of everything where as, only 12.67
per cent in under-developed villages think so.
As said earlier, almost everywhere in Himachal the people have a local deity. The
practice has been continuing since generations as almost all the interviewees, except for a
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few, in both the set of village have their respective local deities in whom they have
varying level of faith.
Tabic 5.3
Name of Local Deity
Name of Developed Villages Under-Dev . Villages Total local Deity Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
N.A 4 2.67 2 1.00 6 2.00
No Response 1 1.33 1 0.67 3 1.00
Doom Devta 56 37.33 0 0.00 56 18.67
Chaturmukh 54 36.00 0 0.00 54 18.00
Basara 27 18.00 0 0.00 27 96.00
Bhagvati Devi of Kepu
3 2.00 0 0.00 3 1.00
Sehdev 0 0.00 74 49.33 74 24.67
Taga Devi 0 0.00 55 36.67 55 18.33
Mahasu Devta
0 0.00 2 1.33 2 0.67
Zaga and Bandra Devta
0 0.00 3 2.00 3 1.00
Others* 4 2.67 13 8.67 17 5.66
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
* Others include Najeru, Nar Singh (Household Gods**) ** Household Gods are worshiped by certain household and not by others.
The nomenclatures suggest that the deities include both Gods and goddess (Table
5.3). Majority of the respondents name male Gods in both the sets of villages. This type
of distribution indicates strong hold of patriarchy in both the sets of villages. The
perpetration of worshipping practices are also indicative of hold of patriarchy and
domination of male Gods.
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Table 5.4
Belief in Deity Response Developed Villages Under-Dev . Villages Total
Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
Yes 134 89.33 132 88.00 266 88.67
No 4 2.67 10 6.67 14 4.67
Partial belief 8 5.33 2 • 1.33 10 3.33
Socially not religiously No Response
• 2
2
L33
1.33
5
1
3.33
0.67
7
3
2.33
1.00
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
However, the data from the field also suggest some changes as far as belief in the
existing deities are concerned (Table 5.4). It is quite evident that of all the respondent
only 88.67 per cent have complete faith in local deities whereas 3.3 per cent suggest
partial belief The comparative analysis hardly evinces any difference in the patterns of
belief among the respondents of two sets of villages.
Table 5.5
Reasons for Believing in Devi/Devta (Deity) Developed Under-Dev.
X r v Reasons Villages Villages 1 Oltll
Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
Sheer belief 29 19.33 12 8.00 41 13.67
Because of belief of elders/ forefather in the family
79 52.67 45 30.00 124 41.33
Family protection by deity 17 11.33 36. 24.00 53 17.67
Wishes are fulfilled by the deity, protecfion and old belief of their 10 6.67 26 17.33 36 12.00 elders
For mental satisfaction, wishes are fulfilled by deity, cow will stop giving milk if we do not
4 2.66 9 6.00 13 4.33
believe
N.A. 4 2.67 10 6.67 14 4.67
No Response 7 4.67 12 8.00 19 6.33
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
ISO
There are several reasons for believing in local deities including carrying along
the beliefs of forefathers, deity as the protector of the family fulfilment of wishes etc. In
the case of developed villages, 52.67 per cent respondents have belief in deity due to their
forefathers strong belief In the case of under developed villages, number of those who
stated this reason is 30 per cent, lesser then those in developed villages. Another sizeable
number of interviewees (11.33 per cent 24 per cent) from developed and under developed
villages respectively mention that their families are protected by their deities. Besides,
other category comprising of 6.67 per cent in developed and 17.33 per cent in under
developed villages argue that they believe as its is through their Devta that their wishes
are fulfilled. During the period of illness they depend on him. Along with these, other
reasons as enumerated are same as above.
Besides, the remaining categories refer to other reasons for believing in deity
which include mental satisfaction, cow will stop giving milk if deities are not consulted
by them etc.
Table 5.6
Mode of Worshipping of Devi/Devta
Developed Under-Dev. Total Response Villages Villages Total
Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
NA 4 2 67 10 6 67 14 4 67 No Response 8 5 33 21 14 00 29 9 66 Offer ghee/dhoop/money on Sangrand 8 53 42 28 00 50 16 67 First milk of cow after delivery is offered
10 6 67 20 13 33 30 10 00 to deity Firs! milk of cow after delivery is offered to deity and visit to dunng navraters/other good occasion, monthly
25 16 67 7 4 67 32 10 67 turn for worshipping .offer dhoop.Ggee.gur, money etc on snagrand Dunng sangrand, offer ghee. dhoop/money/gur etc to deity and first
90 60.00 44 29 33 134 44 66 milk of cow after delivery is offered to deity No worshipping 5 3 33 6 4 00 11 3 67 Total 150 100 00 150 100 00 300 100 00
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The data (Table 5.6) with regard to worshipping of devi/devta discerns that
maximum respondents offer gur/ghee/money etc. to their local deities during sangrand,
(first day of the beginning of the month according to Indian celender) and visit temples
during Navratrar or other auspicious occassions. People also offer first milk/ghee of cow
after delivery to the deity. In the case of developed and under-developed villages,
maximum people offer ghee/dhoop/gur/money etc. to their deities and also offer first
milk/ghee after delivery of cow. Besides, people also visit their deities temple during
navratras and other auspicious occasions. Besides, sample also constitute 5.33 per cent
and 14.00 per cent from developed and under-developed villages respectively who did
not respond in this regard.
Table 5.7
Reasons for Not Believing in Devi/Devta
Developed Villages Under-Dev. Total Reasons Villages
Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
No. Response 2 1.33 1 0.67 3 1.00
Influence of Anandmargi& 2 8.00 0 0.00 12 4.00 Radhaswami
Because of , unscientific base, only God is « 000 '^ 8.00 12 4.00 supreme.
N.A.* 136 90.67 137 91.33 273 91.00
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
* Include those interviewees who have faith in deity.
Although most of the respondents have faith in their local deities yet there are a
few interviewees who either do not have faith or their faith in local deities is partial. The
reasons (Table 5.7) enumerated by the respondents reveal that in developed villages,
people do not believe in local deities because of influence of Anadmargi and Radhaswami
as stated by 8 per cent respondents. Same number of respondent from under-develped
villages are of the opinion that only God is supreme and concept of devi/devta has no
scientific base. Besides, it is also menfioned by the lower caste respondent (who are
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educated) that they do not have faith in local deities because they are not accepted by
devi/devta.
Table 5.8
Believing in Other Gods/Goddesses/Sects etc.
Response Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total
Response Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage N.A./No Response 77 45.57 88 54.66 165 50.00 Gods 8 4.73 6 3.72 14 4.24 Goddesses 20 11.83 28 17.39 48 14.54 Gods** 21 12.42 34 21.11 55 16.67 Sects 43 25.44 5 3.10 48 14.54
Total* 169 100.00 161 100.00 330 100.00
* Number exceeds due to multiple responses. ** Gods mean local gods.
After this data has also been collected to know whether respondents believe in
other Gods/goddess in addition to belief in their local deities. In this context, data (Table
5.8) as enumerated by the respondents discern that besides believing in their local deities,
respondents of both set of villages have faith in other Gods/goddesses and sects. Gods
mainly include Chaturmukh devta, Mau Nag, Nag Devta, Sere Nag, Dwal Devta, Mahasu
Devta, Bandra Devta etc. Goddesses mainly include Kalimata, Hateshawari Mata, Kangra
Mata. Whereaas sects constitute Radhaswami, Anadmargi, Arya Smaj etc. Most of the
people of under-developed villages have faith in Gods and goddesses. On the other side
in developed villages one fourth of the respondents have faith in different sects whereas
those who have faith in Gods and goddesses constitute 12.42 per cent and 11.83 per cent
respectively.
Table 5.9
Belief in Evil Eye
Response Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total
Response Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
Yes
No
52
98
34.67
65.33
64
86
42.67 ^
57.33
116
184
38.67
61.33
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
183
Thereaenumber of local beliefs prevalent among people in the study area. The
howls a jackal during the day time or crawls a cow during night raise suspicions. The
people feel that something bad and unprecedented is going to happen. The sitting of an
owl on the house is considered inauspicious. The howls of a dog during night time is
considered a bad omen. Sneezing at the outset of a journey is another bad omen. If one
sneezes twice at the same time it is not considered a bad omen. Probably the principle of
negation operates at some level of consciousness of the respondents. While on Journey, if
a cat or snake cuts the way, it is considered as a sign of unsuccessful mission. While
shearling a goat, water is sprinkled on it in the name of devi or devta, if goat shivers it
implies that devta accepts the offer. Apart from these, there is a concept of evil eye and
people believe in that.
Table (5.9) contains information with regard to belief in evil eye (to look
covetously) Evil eye consist of covetous greedy, admiring or envious look cast by certain
person at any person, animal or object. The result is that a harmed-child or adult due to
evil eye becomes weak or sick, the milking cow goes dry etc. The person casting an evil
eye is usually unaware of the effect he/she produces. Not all people have evil eye those
who do cannot control it. Table depicts that most of the people (61.33 per cent) of both
set of villages do not believe in evil eye. Besides them, there are 38.67 per cent
interviewees who mention their belief in evil eye. Comparative view of both set of
villages evince that maximum respondents of developed villages do not believe in evil
eye as compared to under-developed villages.
Table (5.10) regarding reasons for not believing in evil-eye shows that most of the
respondents (32.67 per cent) do not believe in evil-eye because they have not experienced
it followed by 17.33 per cent who opined that it has no scientific base. There are 2.67 per
cent respondents who do not believe in evil eye as they think that it is only a mental
construct and does not have scientific base. In developed villages, most respondent,,
(38.67 per cent) have not experienced evil eye as compared to 26.67 per cent in under
developed villages. Another group of respondents who consider evil eye as baseless on
account of no scientific base constitute 14.67 per cent in developed villages as compared
to 20 per cent in under-developed villages.
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Table 5.10
Reasons for not Believing in Evil Eye
Reason(s) Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total
Reason(s) Frequency 1 Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
N.A. 52 34.67 64 42.67 116 38.67
No Response 8 5.33 7 4.67 15 5.00
No scientific base 22 14.67 30 20.00 52 17.33
Not experienced 58 38.67 40 26.67 98 32.67
Mentally developed people do not believe, not experienced and no scientific base
6 4.00 2 1.33 8 2.67
Only God is supreme 4 2.66 7 4.67 11 3.67
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
Table 5.11
Belief in Ghosts
„ Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total Kesponse _
Frequency Percentage Frequency Petcentage Frequency Percentage
Yes 52 34.67 60 40.00 112 37.33
No 98 65.33 90 60.00 188 62.67
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
It is generally believed that ghosts are the wandering spirits of deceased people
who attack''«living people especially at night and in dark places. Strange or unaccountable
sounds, rock slides, whistling, dislodged stones are attributed to them. The worst of the
ghosts come to people and enter their bodies because they are miserable disembodied
souls seeking a body in which to dwell. However, possession by a ghost differs from that
by a god ancestor. Once ghost has caught hold it will usually not leave unless forced out
by exorcism. During the time it is in possession, it causes illness, unusual behaviour and
even death. Insensitivity to pain is the usual diagnostic symptom of possession by a ghost.
Other affliction are : eyes rolled back, fever, inability to talk coherently. Sometimes these
afflictions may prove incurable because the ghost can not be exorcised. Once possession
has occurred, they are driven out with the help of a professional exorcist who knows what
185
will send them away. A few require sacrifice as ransom before departing. In appearance
and effect as well as susceptibility to various types of exorcise, ghosts vary. All or warily
all have backward turned feet and long fangs if they have human form. Some take the
form of snakes or other animals. Cremation grounds are populated by many ghosts those
of recently dead, those which torment the souls of the dead, and those which feed on
corpses.
Further, information regarding belief in ghost reveals that most of respondents in
both set of villages do not have belief in ghosts. However one third from the developed
and more than and third from the under-developed villages do believe in the existence of
ghosts. The data suggest that people in the developed villages are less superstitious than
the people in the under-developed villages.
Table 5.12
Reasons for Not Believing in Ghosts
Reason(s) Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total
Reason(s) Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
N.A. 52 34.67 60 40.00 112 37.33
No Response 7 4.67 11 7.33 18 6.00
Not experienced 59 39.33 39 26.00 98 32.67
No scientific base 22 14.67 31 20.67 53 17.67
Mentally developed people do not believe, No scientific base, Not experienced
6 4.00 2 1.33 8 2.67
Only God is supreme 4 2.67 7 4.67 11 3.67
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
Further, analysis of data has been made with regard to reasons for not believing in
ghosts which discern that 32.67 per cent interviewees have no personal experience of
ghosts and 17.67 per cent consider it baseless for believing in ghosts. Same trend is also
observable in villages-wise data where maximum respondents (39.33 per cent) of
developed villages have no personal experience as compared to 26 per cent in under-
develope villages. Besides, 20.67 per cent respondents of Under-developed villages allege
that believing in ghosts has no scientific base as against 14.67 per cent in developed
villages (Table 5.12). ,
186
Table 5.13
Traditional Ceremonies Performed at the Birth of a Child
T, Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total Kesponse „ „
^ Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
No Response / N.A 11 7.33 10 6.67 21 7.00
Yes 23 15.34 74 49.33 97 32.33
No 116 • 77.33 66 44.00 182 60.67
Total 150 100.00 • 150 100.00 300 100.00
Expectant mother is not celebrated in any way. The woman attends to her work
normally for five or six months. After that she does not exert more nor does she climb a
tree as a precaution against miscarriage or abortion. In the case of developed villages,
most of the deHveries take place in hospitals whereas in under-developed villages,
maximum deliveries take place at homes. Delivery takes place in the ground floor and is
helped by a elderly woman who is a well versed in handling such cases. Immediately after
delivery, mother is given hot ghee and milk for nourishment.
Birth of a son is an occasion for rejoicing and is followed by many ceremonies but
when a girl child is born, no special caremony is held. In the case of birth of a son,
parents of the mother are informed by special messenger who carry 'joDb''(turf leaves)
with him. In under-developed villages, on the birth of a first male child in the family,
relatives and friends congratulate the father or grand father of the boy and offer him turf
leaves with money. The father or grand father keep turf leaves and return the money with
double the amount. Apart from this ceremony, in the case of birth of first male child in
the family, fires are shot in the air in under-develped villages. This practice is not there in
developed villages. Sutak or unclean days are observed for seven or nine days. During
this period, no rituals are held in the family. The mother is not allowed to enter/touch the
kitchen utensils. After Sutak days (customary periods of mother's pollution) cleansing
ceremony takes place. A mixture of cows' urine, milk and gangajal is sprinkled over the
clothes in the house and is tasted by all. A spoon of same is sipped by mother. This act
signifies her purification. Havan is also performed by few people. Another ceremony
which is observed in developed villages by very few people is that after five or six
187
months when child is brought to the ground for the first time then 'gur' and 'moori'
prepared fi-om parched rice or wheat is distributed and name is also given to the child.
Table 5.13 contains information regarding performing of traditional ceremonies at
the birth of a child in the family which evinces that maximum number of respondents
(60.67 per cent) do not perform traditional ceremonies, whereas 32.33 per cent perform
traditional ceremonies at the birth of a child in the family. Villages-wise picture discern
that more than one third of the respondents of developed villages do not perform
traditional ceremonies in contrast to 44 per cent in under-developed villages. Whereas
number of respondents who still continue with traditional ceremonies has been noticed
more in under-developed villages as compared to developed villages. Data therefore,
indicates that in developed villages, degree of change is more as compared to under
developed villages. This is indicated by the fact that most of developed villages people do
not perform traditional ceremonies.
Table 5.14
Reasons for Not Observing Traditional Ceremonies at the Birth of a Child
Developed Under-Dev. _ . Reason(s) Villages Villages
Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Due to change in perception of people 9 7 75 15 22 72 24 1318
Delivery in hospitals 50 4310 9 13 64 59 32 42
Due to education, exposure, nnedia exposure, change in time, better financial position, delivery in hospitals
32 27 58 22 33 33 54 29 67
Lesser quantity of gram is produced now a day, people do not want to do work as moon which is made up of food grains IS tinne consuming 14 1207 20 3030 34 1868 process, change in society's perception and change in traditions.
Due to the impact of f Anandwargi and Radhaswami
11 9 48 0 0 00 11 6 04
Total 116 100 00 66 100 00 182 100 00
Further, an attempt has been made to know why traditional ceremonies are not
performed by people. Data (Table 5.14) in this regard indicate that maximum respondents
do not observe traditional ceremojiies because now a days child is delivered in hospital
and financial position of people has improved. In addition, due to education and media-
188
exposure, and with the passages of time people have discontinued with some of the
traditional ceremonies.
Most of respondents of developed villages as compared to under-developed
villages mention that since most of children are delivered in hospitals that is why they do
not perform traditional ceremonies. In the case of under-developed villages, number of
those who stated it is only 13.64 per cent lesser than those in developed villages. It is
pertinent to mention that in earlier days, at the time of birth of a child, mother was
confined to a cattle manor (Khudd) situated in lower story of the house According to
Hindu texts impurities were attached with women at the time of child birth. To protect the
house from impurities, the women were confined to secluded places. There used to be no
professional midwives but any of several experienced village women of any caste assisted
at the time of birth of a child. The other elderly women of the household used to be
present on this occasion. The first 7 (for girls) and 9 (for boys) days are called 'sootak'
and during this period, family observers abstentions from all religious rituals. After
sootak period is over cleansing ceremony use to take place. A mixture of water, cow's
urine and milk is sprinkled in house. A spoon of same is sipped by the mother. This
signify woman's purification.
Other interviewees (27.58 per cent 33.33 per cent) from developed and under
developed villages respectively mention that change has occurred because of more
exposure and awareness among people, spread of education etc. Now a days, people are
financially well off as compared to early days that is why they now do not perform
traditional ceremonies. Besides, 12.07 per cent 30.30 per cent from developed and under
developed villages respectively opined that now a days, moori, grains are not produced.
Therefore people do not prepare 'moori' made up of grains. It is also inferred from data
that respondent of developed villages have stopped performing traditional ceremonies at
the time of birth of a child because of influence of Radhaswami and Aandmargi.
Anadmargi , perform different kind of ceremonies at the time of birth of a child. Child
takes bath and chanting of mantras goes on and after taking bath name is given to the
child by their guru.
189
In nutshell, it can be interpreted from the data that more transformation has taken
place in developed villages as compared to under-nieveloped villages. It is indicated by
the fact that most of children delivered in hospitals reflect higher awareness level in
developed villages as compared to under-develpoed villages. Further, people of
developed villages are also under the influence of Anandmargi who are not in favour of
performing such kind of ceremonies.
Marriage practices represent institutionalisation cultural patterns of a group,
community or society. Therefore data has been collected regarding marriage practices
which shows that traditionally two type of marriages i.e. 'Badani' and 'Reet' were
prevalent in both set of villages as stated by almost all the respondents. In'Badani'
type of marriage rituals were not observed in great details as in the case of regular
marriage being practised now a days. The bridegroom was not allowed to go to the
bride's house. 'Dragan' as a substitute of bridegroom was carried by any one of the
persons in a barat consisting not more, than 5 or 7 persons. They used to bring jewellery,
clothes etc. to the bride. On a subsequent day these men return and take away bride
with them. Family Purohit used to perform a brief ceremony.
In the contemporary times, this system of marriage is prevalent among the lower
castes and others who cannot afford to arrange elaborate marriages in developed
villages. Whereas in the case of under-developed villages, majority of the people practice
this kind of marriage now a day except a few who are financially well off and take barat.
Besides 'Badani' type of marriage, another type of marriage which was prevalent earlier
is 'Reet' marriage. 'Reet' is a form of marriage in which woman used to seek a
second husband. The groom had to pay the price of the bride to the former husband.
Amount of Reet varies. Marriage by'Reet'was not common among higher castes.
In the contemporary times, the information gathered evince that majority of
people 52.67 per cent have completely shifted from the traditional type of marriages
and now perform either at the temple or in court. Others (44.33 per cent) continue with
traditional type of marriages in the case of developed villages. 81.33 per cent
respondents' families do not continue with traditional system of marriages i.e.'Badani'
and 'Reet'. Now a days, 'marriages by negotiation' is the most accepted type of
190
marriage. Firstly, marriage proposals are initiated by the boys' parents. A middle-man
who is usually the relative of the girl carries the proposal to the parents of the girl. He
makes an informal agreement with girls father. After an informal agreement between
both the parties simple engagement ceremony is held at girls parents house. This is done
in presence of relatives. The ceremony is held according to the time worked out by the
family priest. The boys parents send ring and clothes to the girl betrothed and then it
becomes an obligation for both the parties to stick to their words.
Marriage preparation starts and firstly 'Tel Batna' ceremony is held on both the
sides. This is done by sisters and other members of the family. Oil is put on the head of
the bridegroom with 'Druba', 'Batna' is applied on the body of groom before he takes
bath. After this, shanti is performed. Havan and 'Navgranthi Pujan' is done. Marriage
party consists of 50 to 100 people who are brethren, relatives and friends of the grooms'
side. The bridegroom is taken in a palanquin which is carried by four persons belonging
to scheduled castes. Some prefer to go in car/jeep. As marriage party approaches near
the bride's place it is accorded warm welcome.-
At the appointed hour, the bridegroom is takep to the mandap-accompanied by
his father, priest and members of marriage party. The 'vedi' decorated with banana
leaves and a wooden 'torn' is erected. Other ceremonies are held in vedi. After it,
time comes for pheras-irrevocable seven steps. The bride and groom are required to go
round the scared fire seven times. After performing all rituals, bride is prepared for
departure and 'bidai' takes place. Return of the bride to her parents is called
'Daronja'. It is done on the third day of'Vadhu Pravesh'. The bride accompanied by her
husband visit her parents house. She takes cooked food with her. It is customary that
the bride presents 'Najrana' to elderly members in the house. The 'Najrana' amount is
usually Rs. 5 or Rs. 10 which is returned to her. On the other hand in under-developed
villages, maximum interviewees mention that traditional system of marriage is
prevalent in their families. Besides, there are only 24 per cent respondents in under
developed villages who jiave adopted other system of marriages.
191
Various reasons have been cited by the respondents for not performing traditional
ritual at marriage ceremonies. It mainly include to avoid lengthy traditional method, to
avoid show off in marriages, to minimise the consumption of liquor etc.
Table 5.15
Major Changes in Marriage Ceremonies
Changes Developed Villages Under-Dev . Villages Total N A./No. Response 4 1.83 5 3.25 9 2 42
No 'Badani' type of marriage 19 8.71 1 0.65 20 5.38
More expensive marriages, more show off and more use of wine etc.
92 42.20 110 71.43 202 54.30
Improvement in quality of eatables and sitting system in marriages
13 5.97 8 5.19 21 5 65
Shift from traditional to modern form of marriages ceremonies
29 13 30 3 195 32 8 60
Less number of people are invited in marriages, Invitation through cards or 28 12 84 7 4 54 35 9.40 phones now a days.
Others* 33 15.13 20 12.98 53 14.24
Total" 218** 100 00 154** 100.00 372** 100.00
* Others include less goat sacrifice, no wine, more conflicts, more gold given at the time of marriage, Sehra also used by Scheduled castes of Dalan village of developed villages. Use of vehicles instead of palki now a days.
** Number exceeds due to multiple responses.
The data (Table 5.15) with regard to major changes in marriage ceremonies as
enumerated by the respondents evince that various changes have taken place in marriage
ceremonies which mainly include, more expenditure and show off in the present day
marriages, more consumption of liquor by the people, improvement in dinning system
and improved quality of food during community dinner, invitation to selected people
through cards, less goat sacrifice in marriages, sehra used by shudras of Dalan village of
developed villages.
In the case of developed villages, most of people state that people spend more
money in marriages and there is much show off and consumption of wine now a days.
Number of those who stated these changes in under-developed villages account for
71.43 per cent respondents. Moreover people have also started shifting from traditional
192
to modern form of marriages i.e. temple/court/ Anandmarg marriages. This type of
change has been observed among very few people of under-developed villages. Further,
it has been pointed out by 8.71 per cent interviewees of developed villages that in
earlier days, Dragon ('Katara') a substitute of bridegroom was carried by any of the one
person in a barat consisting not more than five persons to the brides house but now this
practice is not there. Another 15.33 percent and 12.98 per cent respondents from the
developed villages and under-developed villages respectively mention other changes
which include less goat sacrifice. One important change taken place in developed
villages is that now a days, Kolis of Dalan Village who are financially well off put on
Sehra and make use of band in marriages. In earlier times they were not allowed to
do so.
Data therefore reveal that more transformation has taken place in developed
villages as compared to under-developed villages which is indicated by the fact that
most of people of developed villages has shifted from traditional system of marriages to
modern system of marriages i.e. temple/court/ Anandmargi marriages.* (*In this type of
marriage, ceremonies are performed by their guru. Bride and bridegroom exchange gar
lands. They do not believe in dowry system. Food served in marriage is simple and do
not make use of onion, garlic etc.). •
It is interesting to note that though a few changes in the marriage ceremonies of
under-developed villages have taken place yet in majority of the marriages bride goes to
the bridge groom's house with a barat which is not observable in developed villages.
Data in table 5.16 contain information regarding decision for arranging
marriages in the past shows that in case of most of the respondents' (72.33 per cent)
households, head of the family used to take decisions for arranging marriages. But at
present, either parents after consulting their children or children themselves take
decisions for arranging marriages. In the case of developed villages, maximum number
of respondents (48.67 per cent) express the strong hold of the head of the household in
arranging marriages followed by 35.33 per cent interviewees whose parents without
consulting their children used to take decisions of marriages. But in contemporary
times, most of the decisions regarding marriages are taken by parents after consulting
193
their children or children themselves. On the others hand in under-developed villages,
head of the family used to take decisions regarding marriages. But at present parents
after consulting their children take decisions.
Table 5.16
Decision for Arranging Marriages in the Past and at Present
Decision for Marriages (Past)
Arranging Decision for Arranging Marriages (At Present)
NA/No Response
Head of family
Parents without Parents with consulting the consent children of children
Children themselves
Total
Total
Head of family
Parents witfiout consulting children
Head of family and other elder male members of family
7 ( 2 33) 32(10 67) 14(4.67)
1(0 33) 03(100) 02 (0 67)
1(0 33) 01(0 33) 05(167)
130(43 33) 34(1133) 217(72 33)
33(1100) 15(5 00) 54(18 00)
18(6 00) 04(133) 29(9 67)
Total 9(3 00) 36(12 00) 21(7 00) 181(60 33) 53(17 66) 300(100 00)
Developed Villages
Head of family
Parents without consulting children
Head of family and other elder male members of family
2(133) 11(7 33) 9(6 00)
01(0 67) 3(2 00) 2(133)
01(0 67) 1(0 67) 4(2 67)
39(26 00) 12(8 00) 73(48 67)
32(2133) 15(10 00) 53(35 33)
15(10 00) 3(2 00) 24(16 00)
Total 04(2 67) 15(10 00) 15(10 00) 86(57 33) 30(20 00) 150(100 00)
Under Developed Villages
Head of family
Parents without consulting children
Head of family and other elder male members of family
05(3 33) 21(14 00) 5 (3 33)
01 (0 67)
91(60 67) 22(14 67) 144(96 00)
01 (0 67) - 01 (0 67)
3 (2 00) 01 (0 67) 5 (3 33)
Total 5(3 33) 21(14 00) 6(4 00) 95(63 33) 23(15 33) 150(100 00)
Table (5.17) elicits information with regard to criteria for marriages in the past
which depicts that maximum interviewees criteria for marriage was caste, family status
and hard-working for female and physical appearance.
In the case of developed villages, most of respondents give priorities to the caste,
family status, physical appearance and hard-working criteria for females because earlier
women used to do very hard work. On the other hand in under-developed villages,
maximum respondents' criteria for arranging marriages was caste, family status and
hard-working. Besides, other respondents mention other criteria like physical
appearance, horoscope, character, more land and animals. In nutshell, it can be
194
concluded by saying that most of people use to take two main criterias i.e. caste and
family status in both the set of villages.
Table 5.17 Criteria for Marriage in the Past
Response Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total N.A./No. Response
Caste/horoscope/both
Caste, physical appearance, horosc: ope, family status, hardworking
Caste and family status
Caste, physical appearance, family status
Caste, family status and hardworking
Family status, hardworking, caste, character, more land and animals, horoscope, physical appearance
7 4.67 2 1.33 9 3 00
15 10.00 0 0.00 15 5.00
2t 14 00 17 5 67 38 12.67
77 5133 54 36.00 131 43.67
21 14.00 6 4.00 27 9.00
2 1.33 65 43.33 67 22 33
4.67 4.00 13 4.33
Total 150 100.00 150 100 00 300 100.00
Table 5.18 Criteria for Marriage at Present
Response Developed Villages Under-Pe\ 1. Villages Total Response Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
N.A./No. Response Education, family status, physical appearance, horoscope, caste, service
4
77
2 67
5133
5
27
3 33
18 00
9
104
3 00
34.67
Caste, family status, horoscope 8 5.33 50 33.33 58 19.33
Education, caste, family status. 39 26.00 54 36.00 93 31.00
horoscope, physical appearance
Character, caste, education, family status horoscope, physical appearance, service, rich, hard working
22 14.67 14 9.33 36 12 00
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
In continuation of data on criteria for marriages, further, information has been
gathered about the criterias for maiTiage in contemporary times. In this context data
(Table 5.18) show that maximum people take different criteria into consideration which
195
comprises education, family status, physical appearance, caste, horoscope and service.
Besides them, others refer to character, rich, hard working in addition to criterias referred
above.Villages-wise picture shows that in developed villages, most of respondents'
criteria for marriage is education, family status, physical-appearance, service,
horoscope, caste as reported by the vast majority of the respondents, whereas in the case
of under-developed villages, most of people's criteria are education, caste, family-status,
horoscope, physical appearance etc.
In continuation of the data on marriage institution, further effort has been made
regarding widow re-marriages. As far as Indian society is concerned, there were
restrictions on the re-marriages of widows during lO"̂ century A.D. But now a days,
there is no ban on it. Widow Re-marriage Act has been passed by which the re-marriage
of widow got legal validity.
In the case of study villages, widow re-marriage is permissible among all the
castes but it is generally not practised. Second marriage of a women whether she
belongs to a Scheduled caste or upper caste is not done according to the rituals and no
ceremonies are held again. By remanying, a widow forfeit all right to her first husband's
property, which belongs to his sons by her first husband. Although widow re-marriage
is recognised by all castes yet there are only 1 per cent respondents of both set of
villages who make mention of an instance where widows have been remarried.
Table 5.19 Reasons for No Widow Remarriage in the Family
Reason(s) Developed Villages Under-Dev . Villages Total Reason(s) Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
N.A. 1 0.67 2 1.33 3 1.00
Due to old age 13 8,67 8 5.33 21 7,00
Not considered good 21 14.00 28 18,67 49 16.33
No widow in the family 94 62.66 104 69.33 198 66.00
Because of children's! liability 17 11.33 8 5.33 25 8.33
Due to old age, not considered good, because of liability of 4 2.67 0 0.00 4 1.33 children
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
196
Further interviewees were posed with question, why there is no window re
marriage in their famiHes ? Data (Table 5.19) in this context evinces that there are no
widows in their families (66 per cent) while in other families widow remarriage has not
taken place because widow re-marriage is not considered good, due to the old age of
women, because of liability of children etc.
Village-wise statistics shows that there are no widows in most of families of
both the set of villages regions. 14 per cent respondents of developed villages and 18.67
per cent of under-developed villages are of the opinion that widow re-marriage is not
considered good in their villages that is why there is no widow re-marriaged in their
families. Other categories depict of women liability of children as main cause for no
widow re-marriage in the families and the number of those who stated of these reasons
are more in developed villages as compared to under-developed villages.
Table 5.20 Performance of Traditional Rites at the Death of a Person
Response Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total Response Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
No. Response 8 5.33 0 0.00 8 2.67
Yes 123 82.00 146 97.33 269 89.67
No 19 12 67 4 2 67 23 7.66
Total 150 100 00 150 100.00 300 100.00
The Hindus believe that the human body is made up of five elements namely, air,
fire, water, earth and ether. When death occur all four elements except earth disappear.
It is believed that "life" exists even after leaving its temporary abode i.e. body. This
belief in the life after death has been the origin of mortuary rites formed. These rites
aim at appearing the wrath of ancestors and obtaining their blessings and good wishes
for the well being of the survivors. Various rites^performed after death of a person m
the study villages.
As death approaches, the sick man body is lowered on the ground. His head must
point to the north as soon as death occurs, conch shell is blown and death news
immediately spreads in the neighbourhood. The women in the family put off their
ornaments. Distant relatives are informed by special messages. After death has
197
occurred, mustard oil lamp with a cotton wick is lit and placed in a corner of the room.
The lamp symbolises the dead man. The mourners come and sit in this room and ritual
mourning is done here. The dead body is bathed and then placed in a wooden coffin
covered with colourful sheet and taken to the cremation ground. The corpse is not
burnt after sun set. At least one person from each household accompanies the funeral
procession. So long as the dead body remains within the house, no food is cooked.
The chief mourner who is the eldest son has his head shaved as a mark of
mourning. In developed villages, at the end of the mourning period i.e. 7'*̂ or 9"̂ day,
'shudhi' (a religious rite for peace of departed soul) is performed on this day, 'Pooja' is
performed by Brahmin and after that taboo is lifted. Whereas in under-developed
villages,'Shudhi'is performed at no fixed time and it depends upon the will of the
deceased's relatives, but usually it is performed after three to eleven days. The
belonging of the dead person used to be given to a person known as 'Charge'. Priest
is invited to receive charity. A cow, clothes, full bedding is given in charity to
Purohit. After one year of the death, "Barkhi" is held on. the same date on which the
death occurred. On this day, charity is also given to the purohit (Priest). Food is served
to the relatives and a few Brahmins.
Data (Table 5.20) eliciting information with regard to performance of traditional
sites at the death of person evinces that most of the respondents (89.67 per cent) still
perform traditions at rites at the death of persons, whereas 7.66 per cent respondents
do not perform traditional rites. In the case of developed villages, the number of those
respondents who still perform traditional rites at the death of a person has been noticed
less as compared to the under-developed villages where 97.33 per cent people still
perform traditional rites.
In continuation of data on the rites performed at the death of a person, further
investigation has been done to know why traditional ceremonies are not performed by
the respondents. In this regard data (Table 5.21) evince that people do not perform same
rites performed by them earlier because of many "factors. As goat is not sacrificed now a
day because price of a goat has increased and that is why people can not afford to
sacrifice goat at the time of Sudhi. Further, due to influence of Aryasmaj/Anandmarg
198
teachings, traditional rites are not performed by people. It has also been pointed out by
a few respondents that shudras who earlier used to take belongings of dead person do
not accept it now because of improvement in their financial position.
In the case of developed villages, most (2.67 per cent) of interviewees do not
sacrifice goats. People also do not perform traditional rites at death of a person because of
non availability of a Charge now a days. Earlier Shudras/Charge used to take away the
belongings of a dead person. Unlike, as per the past practice, now a days, no drum
beating is done on the death of a person.
Table 5.21 Reasons for Not Observing Traditional Rites
Reason(s) Developed Villages Under-Dev . Villages Total Reason(s) Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
N.A./No. Response 131 87.33 146 97.33 277 92.33 No Charge* now a days 2 1.33 3 2.00 5 1.67 Shudras do not accept clothes because of improvement in their 4 2.67 0 0.00 4 1.33 financial condition No goat is sacrificed, No Charge 4 2.67 1 0.67 5 1.67 No drum beating Influence of 9 6 00 0 0 00 9 3 00 Anand margi and Aryasmaj Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
Charge is a person who takes the belonging of a dead person.
Table 5.22 Major Changes in Rites Performed at the Death of a Person
Changes Developed Villages Under-Dev . Villages Total Changes Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
No Changes/No Response 35 17.5 68 40.97 103 28.14 No goat Sacrifice on shudhiday 24 12.0 15 09.04 39 10.66 Common cremation ground 17 8.5 0 0.00 17 04.64 Non availability of a 'Charge' (A person who used to collect the 63 31.5 22 13,25 85 23.23 belongings of the dead person). Immersing of ashes of dead person in a near by nver instead 09 04.5 - - 09 02.46 of Haridwar No Daan (Charity) Paiki and drum
11 05.5 41 24.70 52 14.20 beating Others* 41 20.5 20 12.04 61 16.67 Total** 200 100.00 166 100.00 366 100.00
* Others include all coloured sheets of corpus not burnt, mud pots not used, presence of Priest to perform rites not mandatory, clothes of dead person are given to Shudras registration after death, Relatives are not waited for long.
** Number exceeds due to multiple responses.
Further, data has been analysed with regard to major changes in rites performed
at the death of a person. It evinces that various changes have taken place. Clothes,
utenciis, bedsheets of a dead person used to be given to Charge earlier but now a days,
'Charge' is not available and 'Shudras' also do not accept things of dead person
because now a days their financial position or occupational change is much better than
older days. In addition, no pig/goat slaughtering takes place on 'Shudhi' . People also do
not use palki,drum for beating and immerse ashes in local river instead of Haridwar.
Presence of Brahmin was essential in earlier days. It has also been pointed out by a few
interviewees that now a days, people do not use clay pot containing fire on the entrance
of cattle manor (Khud). Besides, another change which has taken place is existence of
common cremation ground.
Most of the interviewees (31.5 per cent) from developed villages mention that
because of non-availability of Charge (person who accepts the belongings of dead
person) now a days belongings of the dead person are not given to him. Further,
because of improvement in the status of Shudras, belongings of the dead person are not
generally accepted by them. Number of those who stated this change constitute 13.25
per cent in under-developed villages. It has beeh pointed out by 24.70 per cent and 5.5
per cent respondents from under-developed and developed villages respectively that now
a days people do not make use of drum beating, Palki and give very less charity.
Another set of respondents (12 per cent and 9.04 per cent) from developed and
under-developed villages respectively mention that Shudras used to distribute meat on
shudhi but now a days they do not do so. One major change that has taken place in
developed villages is that the dead persons of all castes are cremated at a common
place but in earlier times, there were separate cremation grounds for different castes.
This kind of practice is not there in under-developed villages. It has been stated by 8.5
per cent interviewees.
Apart from these, 20.58 per cent people from developed villages and 12.04 per
cent from under-developed villages point out that now a days, registration is essential
after death which was not there in early days. A few interviewees argue that now a
days, after death of a person, people do not wait for a longer time for relatives to come for
200
the cremation ceremony but earlier people use to kept waiting for longer time. In
addition, in developed villages, sheets of dead person is kept in to co-operative society
and which ultimately is provided to the poor people. But earlier, all coloured sheets used
to be burnt with the dead body.
In nutshell it can be inferred from the data that more transformation has taken
place in developed villages as compared to under-developed villages. It is indicated by
the fact that in developed villages, dead persons of all castes are burnt in common place
whereas in the case of under-developed villages it is not so. Another change has been
observed regarding sheets of dead persons. Now a days, sheets of dead persons are
given to co-operative society by the people. Members of co-operative society further
give them to those poor people who can't afford. But in earlier times people use to
burn all sheets of dead person. This kind of practice is not there in under-developed
villages.
Table 5.23 Response with Regard to Celebration of Shivratri
Response Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total Response Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
Yes No
143 95.33 7 4.67
149 99.33 1 0.67
292 97.33 8 2.67
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100,00
Fairs and festivals add recreation, merry-making and enjoyment to the life of
villages. Important festivals celebrated in the study villages include Lohri Sankranti,
Holi, Dushera, Diwali and Shivratri.
Among them, Shivratri Festival is of great significance. Data (Total 5.35) in this
regard depicts that almost all (97.33 per cent) except for a few celebrate Shivratri
festival. There are only 2.67 per cent respondents, most belonging to developed villages,
do not celebrate Shivratri festival for one reason or the other.
Further, data has been gathered to know whether people celebrate Shivratri
festival in the same traditional way or not. Data is this context reveal that an
overwhelming majority i.e. 88.67 per cent respondents follow traditional ceremonies
performed at Shivratri festival. A fast is observed in the name of Shiva. A thing is made
by tying sticks together on the form of the spokes of a wheel without rim and this is
201
hung with leaves of Paja (cherry tree) or BarmeH tree and suspended from the roof by
a rope.
Table 5.24
Response with regard to F-oIIowing Traditional Ceremonies
Response Developed Villages Under-De\ 1. Villages Total Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
NA 7 4.67 1 0.67 8 2.67
Yes 118 78.67 148 98.66 266 88.67
No 25 16.67 1 0.67 26 8.66
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00 300 100.00
'Roat' and 'goats' (prepared with wheat flour) are put in chauk i.e. coloured
square prepared. A large quantity of cakes (prepared with different flours) fried in oil is
cooked. They are called Pakwan. In evening image of Shiva (made up of cowdung) is
kept in chauk in developed villages. Whereas in under-developed villages, Shiv and
Parvati made up of clay are also kept in chauk. At night people worship the images and
feast on Pakwan. About 4 or 5 a.m. images made up of cowdung are taken away and
thrown into water in developed villages. Whereas in under-developed villages, Shivji
made of cowdung is kept in the field under the soil. There are a few respondents (11.33
per cent) who either do not celebrate Shivratri festival or do not observe traditional
ceremonies.
Comparative view of both set of villages points out that most of the respondents
(78.67 per cent) from developed villages follow traditional ceremonies at the time of
Shivratri festival as against 98.66 per cent in under-developed villages, greater than
those in developed villages.
Although most of the respondents follow traditional ceremonies performed at
Shivratri festival yet various changes have taken place which is highlighted in Table
5.25. It mainly include, no goat sacrifice, less decoration and celebration in Shivratri
fesfival, reduction in quantity and distribution of cakes prepared with different flour. In
addition, instead of cooked food called 'basi' or 'Kilti' people have started paying
money to the relatives.
202
Table 5.25
Major Changes in Shivratri Festival
Major Charges Developed Villages Under-Dev. Villages Total Major Charges Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
N.A. 07 3.14 01 .48 08 1.86
No Response 05 2.24 07 3.38 12 2.79
No goat sacrifice 66 29.60 09 4.35 75 17.44
Less decoration, less quantity of cool<ed food, cool<ed food only distributed amongst closest
71 31.84 91 43.96 162 37.67
relatives
No cooked food is distributed among relatives
01 0.45 91 43.96 92 21.40
Others* 73 32.73 08 3.87 81 18.84
Total** 223 100.00 207 100.00 430 100.00
* Other changes include decline in the practice of fast and borrowing money, distribution of cooked food replaced by money, no jewellery and baked flour is placed before Shivji no goat sacrifice.
** Number exceeds due to multiple responses.
Most of the interviewees i.e. 31.84 per cent and 43.96 per cent from developed
and under-developed villages mentioned that now a days decoration during Shivratri
festival has reduced. Further, quantity of food (prepared from different flours and then
fried), 'Roat' and 'goat' (traditionally prepared with wheat flour for pooja) has also
reduced. Another change which has taken place is that distribution of cooked cakes
(made up of different flours) among relatives has reduced to a large extent. Earlier it
was essential to send cooked cakes etc. But now distribution of 'BasiV 'Kilti' is
restricted to only very close relatives in developed villages. Whereas in the case of
under-developed villages, distribution of 'Kilti' has reduced to a large extent. The
number of those who stated this change account only 0.45 per cent in developed
villages. Another category of respondents constituting 29.60 and 4.35 per cent
respectively from developed and under-developed villages refer that now a days no
goats are sacrificed during Shivratri festival. Apart from these major changes, other
changes have also taken place which has been pointed out by 32.73 per cent respondents
from developed villages and 3.87 per cent from under-developed villages. They refer
203
that in eayf(e*days, head of sacrificed goat and gold or silver jewellery used to be kept in
front of lord Shiva made from cowdung for worshipping. Practice of keeping fast has
also reduced. In addition, they also refer that instead of cooked food, money is given
to relatives. Lastly, it has been pointed out by them that now a days no goats are
sacrificed.
To sum up the foregoing analysis and discussion it may be argued that the
people of study villages continue to believe in supernatural power. Most of them have
absolute faith in their local deities who is seen as the protector of family, fulfils all
wishes, provides solace and solution to problems. Since this has been a tradition with
their forefathers, most people continue with it.
Most of deities are male. People worships their Gods in different ways but most
of the respondents offer ghee/gur/money etc. to their local deities during Sangrand i.e.
first day of the month as per Indian calendar and visit temples during Navratras or
other auspicious occasions. First milk/ghee of the cow after delivery is also offered to
the deity.
Besides believing in their local Gods deities, people of both set of villages
also have faith in other Gods, goddess and sects. The local Gods mainly include
Chaturmuck devta Mau Nag, Nag devta, Sere Nag, Dwal devta, Mahasu devta, Baudra
devta. Goddesses mainly include Kalimata, Hateshwari and sects include Radhaswami,
Anandmarg etc.
The concept of 'evil eye' which was associated with wandering souls and the
phenomenon of ghost had been prevalent among people in the past. But now most of
them do not believe in evil eye and ghosts. Comparative view of both set of villages
shows that majority of the respondents belonging to developed villages do not believe
in evil eye and ghosts mainly because it has no scientific base and they have not
experienced it.
As far as traditional ceremonies performed at the birth of a child are concerned
some degree of change has been observed more in developed villages as compared to
under-developed villages. It is indicated by the fact that most of the people in the
developed villages do not perform traditional ceremonies at the time of birth of a child.
204
It is because most of the babies are delivered in hospitals. Moreover, higher level of
awareness, more exposure among people of developed villages make such traditions
take a back seat. This is particularly so in comparison to the under-developed villages.
Further, in study villages traditionally there were two types of marriages namely
'Badani' and'Reef. In developed villages, majority of the people have shifted from
traditional system of marriage. Now a days 'marriage by negotiation' is the most
accepted type of marriage. Reverse is the case in under-developed villages where most
of the families continue with traditional system of marriage. There are fewer financially
well off who have shifted to other system of marriages. The changes that have taken
place in marriages are more expenditure and show off, increase in the consumption of
liquor, especially by the bridegroom's relations, selected invitees, changed but
improved system of dinning and quality of food at the time of community dinner, less
number of sacrifice of goats, more gold given to bride, replacement of traditional palki
by motor vehicle etc. Another important change which has taken place in developed
villages especially in Dalan Village is that now a days Shudra bride-groom also puts on
Sehra at the time of marriage which was not allowed to them earlier.
Further, decision for arranging marriages is concerned, in most of respondents'
households, it used to be the head of the family taking the decision in both set of
villages. But in the contemporary times, either parents after consulting their children or
children themselves take decisions with regard to their marriage and marriage partner.
Most of respondents' families of developed villages used to take different criterias for
marriage which chiefly include caste, family status, physical appearance and hard
working criteria for females. On the other hand, in under-developed villages, most of
respondents used to take caste, family status, hard-working criteria for females. But in
the contemporary times, maximum people in the developed villages as well as the
under-developed take family status, physical appearance, horoscope, castes, service etc.
into consideration.
Data with regard to performance of traditional rites at the death of a person
reveals that almost all except for a few of the respondents still perform traditional rites at
the death of a person. A few changes have taken place in these rites. They chiefly
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include, non-availability of Charge (a person who collects all belongings of dead
person) as pointed out by most of the respondents of developed villages. Whereas in
under-developed villages most of the interviewees refer that either less or no charity is
given. People do not make use of Palki and drum beating. Other changes include
mud-pot not used now a days, clothes given to Shudras, all sheets of corpus are not
burnt but kept in co-operative society for reuse and registration after death etc. Except
for the two to three, no widow remarriage has taken place in both set of villages. It is
mainly because of the fact that in general the widows do not remarry as it is not
considered good by the people.
Lastly, data with regard to celebration of Shivratri festival show that almost all
expect for a few celebrate Shivratri festival. Most of the interviewees of both set of
villages perform traditional ceremonies at the time of Shivratri. Whereas those who do
not observe traditional ceremonies at Shivratri festival has been noticed more in
developed villages in comparison to under-developed villages. Although most of the
people follow traditional ceremonies at the time of Shivratri festival yet various
changes have taken place. It mainly include, less decoration in Shivratri, reduction in
quantity and distribution of cooked food made up of different flour in both set of
villages. In under-developed villages most of the respondents instead of cooked food
give money to their relatives. Besides, people of developed villages also pointed out
some change which comprises, no jewellery, head of sacrificed goat before Shivji,
decline in practice of keeping fast and no goat is sacrificed.
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