CHAPTER TWO

CROWN IN CONSTRUCTION SHIVAJ.I' S SWARAJYA

1. Shivaji Amidst Saints and Poets 2. Maharashtra Dharma and Swarajya 3. Monarch in Political Chronicels 4. Coronation Ceremony and Sovereign's Status s. Maratha as A Category

Conclusion

CROWN IN CONSTRUCTION: SHIVAJI's SWARAJYA

The beginning of 17th century marks a very significant

phase in the history of Maharashtra. Many components of

region's emergence as an 'identity' seemed to be well laid

out in the previous centuries. A strong culturo-religious

ferment was on the way to put Naharashtra on the track of

becoming a distinctive region. Although it looked indeed

difficult for the Marathas to steer their way through in the

midst of constant warfare between the Mughals and the

Deccani Muslim kingdoms in the Deccan. The entire Deccan

Plateau was coaxed into Aurangzeb's plan of aggressive

imperial expansion as the territorial expansion had already

reached a breaking point in the north, forcing the emperor

now to move to South in expanding the horizon of the Mughal

sovereignty. It is during this period that many Maratha

families were busy in consolidating their position and

acquiring various land rights to emerge as a big landed

gentry in the Western Deccan. In fact, the growing factional

conflict gave enough leverage to many gentry groups around

the subcontinent to carve out their power, authority and

identity. The Marathas equally benefited a lot out of this

Mughal's expansionist policy. Within this political as well

as economic context of the Mughal expansion that we witness

the Marathas putting in everything to bring about their own

politico-cultural dominion in acquiring an autonomous

regional status. Furthermore, this drive got a real filip

and flair with the arrival of Shivaji on the scene. Out of

his sheer skill and intelligence, Shivaji managed to wield

things together and went into the construction of Maratha's

regional as well as community identity; firstly, in the form

of Maratha Swarajya, and later also in the form of Maratha

Samrajya under the Peshwas.

The earlier historical literature has given enough of

stress on religious renaissance as well as the Hindu

reaction against the Muslims in the emergence of Marathas as

a political powerl. Many of the assumptions of earlier

writings were found untenable in the light of later research

• • 2 along Marxist persuasion of history wrltlng . The new genre

of historical writing went deep down into the socio-economic

context to prove the zamindari background of the Marathas

and the economic base upon which they emerged as a regional

. power. This new group of historians, in their attempt to

2

This issue had been discussed in most of the early writings, but prominent among them are : M.G. Ranade, Rise of the Maratha Power (1900, Bombay), pp.7-10; G.S. Sardesai, Main Currents of Maratha History (2nd edn, Bombay, 1949), pp.57 - 83; J.N. Sarkar, Shivaji and his times (Calcutta, 1948), p.372.

The Marxist historical literature was initiated by Prof. Irfan Habib, Agrarian System of Mughal India (Bombay, 1963), p. 347. Satish Chandra, Medieval India: Society, the Jagirdari Crisis and the. village (McMillan, Delhi, 1982), pp. 129-137; while revisionist writings were by Andre Wink, Land and Sovereignty in India (Orient Longman, Cambridge, 1986), pp.5-8; S. Gordon, The Marathas (Cambridge, 1993), pp.25-30; F. Perlin, 'State Formation Reconsidered', in MAS, 1985.

76

find economic base and class struggle, greatly marginalised

the religio-cultural base of the region, and thus crudely

dubbed the earlier writings as 'communalist' and

'nationalists'. There is no denying that the literature,

from the Marxist persuasion to the revisionist persuasion,

until recently, is of great importance in understanding the

17th and

equally

18th century Indian as well Maratha history. I

find that the economic base is one of the most

important factors in the rise of the Marathas. But I also

find the religio-cultural base equally telling with the same

intensity in getting into the process of state formation in

17th and 18th century. Considering the religious moorings of

Maharashtra having such a deep founded base in its antiquity

and immediately preceding past, it will be truly difficult

to dissect the religiosity of the region which seemed to

have provided a strong base in nurturing the sense of

'region' a~swellas 'community'.

"As it has been discussed in the preceding chapter that

there were various families of Maharashtra serving under the

rules of Ahmadnagar and Bij apur kingdoms. They were too

dispersed and disjointed to bring about any unified sense

of Maratha as a politico-cultural power. Shivaji, in such a

situation, proved to be the man of endurance, who can

harness various forces into a short of political movement.

Within the Western Ghats and the littoral districts of the

Konkan, Shivaji Bhonsle managed to carve out an independent

77

state. This new Bhonsle regime provided the base for the

Maratha warrior caste as well as literate brahmins to get

into the act of politico-military state building. Strongly

backed up by strong and sturdy men from the Maval region,

Shivaji articulated the fervour fostered through· Hindu

devotional religion, alongwith its emphasis to abide by the

dictates of Dharma, and the growing growth of Marathi as a

regional language, in bringing about the Maratha state.

Although to conceive Maratha as a 'Hindu state' is quite

problematic, but it remains a fact that the Marathas greatly

represented various forms of Hindu Dharma in its universal

as well as regional orientation. Shi vaj i' sown swarajya or

his political sovereignty was greatly constructed along the

various ancilliaries of Hindu Dharma. This drive in various

manifestations clearly reflects certain similarities of

Maratha sovereignty with the Indian classical texts of

Dharmashastra and Arthashastra, wherein the legitimate

sovereignty resulted from the conjoint authority of king and

brahmin. In fact, the Maratha kingdom was founded upon the

protection of Brahmins, holy cattle 'and holy places,3. Many

of Shivaj i' s acts and his personal religious inclinations

discussed subsequently will clearly show the assertion of

militant Hindu monarchy, which strongly flaunted the claim

There have been substantial evidence that this appellation of 'Gobrahmanpratipajak' was used by Shi vaj i, SCS, letter no. 534, '.101.5; Shivakalin Patrasar Sangrah, III, p.49; also see MIS, Vol. VI, No. 436.

78

of its royal authority with any reference to Timurid form of

monarchy represented by the Mughlas in India. The brahmins

were once again seen as a pervasive force in the society.

According to the classical concept, it is not the king but

the brahmin who holds the key to ultimat~ value, and

therefore to legitimacy and authority. Theoretically,

kingship dwells between sacrality and secularity, divinity

and mortal humanity, legitimate authority and arbitrary

4 power, Dharma and ADharma. In the Maratha context, it will

be clearly seen that how Shivaj i' s own claim of authority

was greatly suspended between the traditional order and the

emerging reality. Here, we find that how tradition is being

used and reinterpreted in accommodating the well enshrined

values and the existing social conditions in creating the

political sovereignty, which simultaneously has to get

alongwith the existing Perso-Timurid tradition to bring a

balance with the reality of the time and its logical

antecedent in validating the power into authority. "Power,

in order to be legitimate must be sanctioned by authority,

and authority in its turn must be validated by priesthood,

which provides the channel to the divine or' transcendent

source of authority".5

5

J.C. Heesterman, The Condundrum of the King's Authority, in the Inner Conflict of Tradition (Oxford, Delhi, 1985), p. 111.

Idim, 'Power, Priesthood and Authority', in Inner Conflict, 141.

79

p.

Much before we go into the various aspects of Shivaji's

drive to bring about a politico-cultural identity of the

Marathas, it would be pertinent to have a brief look at the

forms of kingship in traditional setting as well as king and

brahmin's relationship with each other in looking at an

authority based on Dharma. This particular aspect remains

one of the fundamental points of my thesis to understand the

religio-cultural base of the political sovereignty in

Maharashtra.

In both Arthashastra and Dharmashastra, there is no

clear separation of politics from religion. In Arthashastra,

politics has its own autonomous logic and is not directly

linked to any ethics or religious doctrine. The ultimate aim

of the political power, however, remains the establishment

of a king's universal dominion and the universal Dharma6• In

Hindu political theory, the king was supposed to represent

Artha, while the brahman represented the universal Dharma.

This separation of function of these two remained quite

ambiguous throughout the ancient and medieval Indian

context. Infact, the very interdependence of these two seem

to have characterised the earlier Indian politics and later

as well. The ultimate aim of the King's function, his own

Dharma and legitimation, was the elimination of conflict and

the establishment of varna order, which the Dharma divided

A.Wink, Land and Sovereignty, pp. 12-15.

80

into exclusive castes with their well defined functions. The

Dharmashastra clearly states that it is the transcendent

Dharma of brahmins which legitimizes the king's authority.?

In Varna order the brahmin remains the supreme. Despite

being divested of temporal authority, the brahmin remains

superior even to the king. His prominence is supposed to be

residing in his knowledge of Vedas, and his priestly

capacity. He is endowed with the prerogative of performing

Vedic rituals. This very right of the brahmins brings them

close to the institution of kingship in India. The brahman,

however, should have been away from politics as it will

jeopardise his transcendent position. But from the

beginning, we witness that both king and brahmin needed each

other for one's legitimation and other's subsistence. This

very contradictory position has characterized the kingship

along Hindu tradition and Dharma since ancient times. The

king desperately needs the brahmin to sanction his power by

linking it to the brahmin's authority. It is in this

backdrop that the later discussion will follow to understand

the forms of Maratha sovereignty and its various other

manifestations as well.

Born in February, 1630, Shivaji was the second son of

Shahaji Bhonsle and Jija Bai, daughter of one of the great

Maratha noblemen in Ahmadnagar kingdom. Shahaji was working

Heesterman talks about brahmin's position at lenght in, "Brahmin, Ritual and Renouncer", in Inner Conflict of Tradition, pp. 26-43.

81

under Bijapur kingdom. He managed to get a grant in the Pune

region. Shahaji got the hereditary patil rights to the three

villages in the Pune district and the Deshmukhi rights of

Indapur, 8 some sixty five miles away from Pune . Apart from

this Shivaji's father also held the moksa of the Pune

9 region. Jija Bai and Dadaji Kondav, the tutor, were quite

instrumental in nurturing him as an ambitious, rustic and

valiant Maratha aristocrat. He also remained quite immune

from the Persianite high culture of Bijapur. Shivaji, at a

very early age, availed the opportunity and got into the act

of kingly acti vi ties. He managed to carve out his kingdom

out of a marginal frontier area of Bijapur and Ahmeadnagar.

He, infact, established his dominance over other old

deshmukhs in the region. In the process of conquest and

warfare, he also took control of many forts where his army

was garrisoned. He made Raigarh his capital, and Pratapgarh

became the place for his patron deity, the goddess Bhawani.

The kingdom was gradually expanding and moved into the

fringes and the coastal parts of' northern Konkan. He

attracted an impressive cadre of young Maratha warriors and

brahmin administrators who got into the act of running the

army and administration of his swarajya.

K. v. Purnadar, Shivchari tra Sahi tya, vol.1 nos. 21, (Poona, 1930), p. 35.

SCS, vol. I, N.21, P.35.

82

Along the way in building up his power, Shivaji had

been continuously struggling with the big landed elements of

Maharashtra. They were the source of constant tension for

Shi vaj i. They, infact, questioned Shi vaj i' s pedigree as a

ruler. In such a situation he decided to have better checks

over the bigger wa tandars and restricted their rights and

prerogatives. He broke the power of the larger landed •

families by destroying their forts. But he remained

unsuccessful as many of these landed elements kept enjoying

their rights and prerogatives. Shivaji, then, eventually got

into matrimonial alliances with the older deshmukhs, such as

Shirkes, the Mohi ts, the Nimbalkars etc. 10 • Shi vaj i also

tried other ways and strategies to deal with these bigger

landed elements who had got their rights from Ahmadnagar or

Bijapur kingdom and thus was quite old. Shivaji, in dealing

with the bigger deshrnukhs, had also to identify himself as

Sardesmukh, who claimed extensive rights over the entire

Deccanll. He imposed upon all the watandars a special cess

11 d · . 12 ca e M~ras-patt~. This tax was intended to serve the

coffers of Chhatrapati and also forced the landed magnets

to accept his claim as Chhatrapati.

10

11

12

See G.S. Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, vol.l, p.145.

S.N. Sen, Administrative System of the Marathas, (Calcutta, Third edition, 1971), pp. 18-21.

V.K. Rajwade, MIS, vol. XVI, p.12.

83

When Shi vaj i found things tough to his claim of a

sovereign king, he rallied the smaller watandars around him.

They benefitted greatly out of Shivaji's policy to restrict

and curtail the rights of bigger wa tandars. These smaller

and middle watandars formed the base of Shivaji's claim. His

direct relation with the peasants resulted in the upward

social mobility for Kunbis and others. He recruited a large

number of persons from the lower rungs into his 13 army.

Shivaji was quite conscious of Maval peoples mountaneering

qualities and he used both Hetkaris and Mavals in building

uP' his army. With their excellent swordsmanship and

effective handling of lances, these two proved to be a great

force to be reckoned with. They had hardly any parallel in

the mountain warfare. The other lower castes like Kolis,

Mahars and Ramosis equally played an important role in

Shivaji's military operation, particularly against the

English in 1679. He frequently mixed up with his soldiers

without having any ill-will. 14 Many of them went up in the

position of army, and also many became bigger landed

elements as well. These Kunbis, Kolis, etc. managed

gradually their way into the Maratha category. Infact it

seems clear that Shivaj i was able to use the message of

Warkaris in his attempt to derive legitimacy through the

13

14

Elliot and Dowson, The History of India as told by its own Historians, 8 volums (Delhi 1973), Vol. VII, pp. 262-63.

See S.N. Sen, Foreign Biographies,p.306.

84

conscious use of socio-cultural consciousness when he turned

to the common folk for his support. His constant endeavour

to garner support from the Kolis, Kunbis, Raosmis etc. was

directed to hammer the Maratha-brahmin dominance, and

greatly diffused the exclusiveness of Marathas in bringing

together all the sections of society.

Shivaji Amidst Saints and Poets

It seems quite imperative now to asses and examine

Shivaji's relationship with the contemproary poets and

poetess of his time, namely Tukaram, Bahinabai and Ramdas.

Since he was able to articulate and use the socio-cultural

impact brought by the Warkari movement, so to what extent he

was able to articulate his spirtual relationship into his

political movement? Was there any direct political

connection with any of these saints and poets of his time?

How far his own religious leaning, either articulated

through his own association with the siants and poets, or he

being a Hindu and a religious minded person, had any impact

upon his constructed kingdom. These are some of the

important questions to be looked up in the wider context of

pOlitico-cultural identity of the Marathas.

Tukaram born in 1608 , one of the very prominent saints

of the Warkari tradition, and a contemporary of young

Shivaji was a petty grocer in a village called Dehu (near

85

about Pune). He was a very kind hearted man, who helped the

sick, carried the burdens of weary, gave water to thirsty

and food to the hungry. Mahipat i' s biography of Tukaram

clearly speaks that he totally failed in his horne business

and was carried away by his grand obsession with Krishna and

took to spiritual life of a mystic. Although presumably

unlettered, he was so full of love for God in a variety of

ways that he occasionally used to burst into unexpected

inspired poetry called abhangas. Tukaram was overt in

attacking brahmins, as is evident in his statement, when he

says that "brahmins engaged themselves in many trades and

indulged in robbing others, they have discarded their white

garments, and adopted blue ones, meaning thereby that they

had given up all pure duties of their caste and indulged in

all baser activities" 1s. Yet in Tukaram's poetry, one also

comes across stanzas which tells submission to the

indignation of brahimins. Tuka's movement was certainly to

uplift the lower orders . One particular incident associated

with Tu ~lS life is' a testimony to the fact which Mahipati,

the biographer, has dealt in detail. He recounts how once a

brahmin called Rameshwar Bhat ordered Tuka to throw all his

manuscripts into the Indryani river as he was getting

jealous and angry at Tuks's rising fame . Tuka, instead of

resisting, obeyed the order and sat on an indefinite fasting

at the bank of the river unless God restored his manuscripts

15 See P.M. Lad (ed.), Tukaramchi Catha, Abhanqas 3035, p. 20.

86

h. 16

to 1m. This incident is indicative of two things: one is

that brahmins were indeed strong. enough to perpetuate what

they wanted and a man like Tukaram remains submerged within

their hegemonic influence. It also points to the fact that

to take recourse through God could be an extreme form of

protest, where God himself appears to save Tukaram.

That the brahmins had a hegemonic influence to which

Tukaram even as a saint -poet of the Warkari tradition had

to respond also perhaps comes out in Tuka's humble admission

to them, "Tuka says, you brahimins are worthy of reverence .

I come from a low and reviled caste. 17 He further says,

"the brahmin may stay from his duty and yet in all the three

worlds he is still great indeed".18

The glorification of the brahmins and brahmanism

becomes much more intense in the writing of a poetess called

Bahinabai, a contemporary. of Tukaram. She glorifies brahmins

in such a fashion as among ~ll the castes "the brahmin is

indeed the highest, so said the great ones, in the past.

Therefore, brahmin should be worshipped with reverence.

They are the door to final deliverance for all mankind. He

16

17

19

J.E. Abbott, The Poet-Saints of Maharashtra, No.7, Tukaram, translation from Mahipati's Bhaktalimarita (Poona, 1930), p. 11.

Tukarambavachya Abhangachi Gatha, 2 parts (Inder Prakash Co) ,no. 2884

Ibid, no. 3049

87

who succeeds in acquiring the water in which a brahman's

feets are washed, he acquires the opportunity of visiting

the sacred bathing place on the earth". 19 Bahina further

says that, "the command of a Brahman, God honours with bowed

head, for salvation is an obedient slave at his home, among

all the four castes the Brahman stands superior".20 Bahinbai

although not a prominent poetess of her time but yet being

the member of the Warkari sampradaya, her discription of

brahmans and brahmanism further tells us of the way Warkari

tradition was responding to the hegemonic influence of

brahmins.

Important although is a shift from the Warkari

tradition, visible

unlike the other

established his own

with the arrival

saint-poets of

of Ramdas. Ramdas,

Warkari tradition,

Samartha Sampradaya and founded many

mathas and temples to propagate his faith within and outside

of Maharashtra. He had set up eleven temples of Hanuman to

begin with, and several temples of Lord Rama, he visited

Pandharpur too, and spent all the remaining years of his

life in personally propgating the philosophy of his sect.

He, unlike Warkaris, believed in action. While the Warkari

practice of worshiping lord vi tthal at Pandharpur did not

evoke much appreciation from him. To submerge one's self

19

20

J.E. Abbott, The Saint-Poetess, Bahinabai, A. 405, p. 123.

Ibid, p. 124.

88

infront of a statue confined in four walls did not make any

sense to him. He possesed practical wisdom and was endowed

with an intellectual pragamtism which he brought to bear

upon his spiritual life . He endeavored to provide a sound

organizational foundation for the religious life of the

people.

Ramdas is supposed to have composed his famous work

Dashbodha around 1665. In it there is a clear instruction of

Ramdasa to have great respect for brahmins. It seems that he

wanted to revive the orthodox Vedic tradition through

Maharashtra Dharma. He was hellbent on glorifying brahmins

as he states in one place in the Dasbodha that, 'the Vedic

tradition is guarded when Brahminhood is preserved'. The

whole structure of Varnashram is based on it. 21

Instead of talking along the line of Bhagwat Dharma in

terms of equality in the sphere of religion, he reiterated

the superiority of the brahmins, He insisted that "the

Brahmin was everybody's preceptor, and even if he neglected

the duty he had to be revered without any reservations. It

is the vedic command that the brahmin should be

respected" . 22 Ramdas belived that, since brahmins were the

preceptors of the whole of society, it was wrong to bestow

21 Ramdas Swamiche Samagra Grantha, Dasbodha Section, nos-4.2.20(Madgaokar) .

22 Ibid, opp.cit, nos. 5-1-6, pl0, 12,.13

89

upon even the most studious of untouchables, honour and

23 respect that was due to the Brahmin' Ramdas, unlike the

Warkaris, clearly asserts that the Guru should belong to

one's own caste as to accept a preceptor from a lower caste,

one had to rule him which implies a certain denigration of

Brahmins. Mahipati, later in his biography of Ramdas, too

shows that, "Brahman for Ramdas is the ultimate reality and

that they are formless". 24 In the last samsa of the

Dasbodha there is an excellent description of Brahmin by

Ramdas, "if we try to catch hold of Brahmin we cannot catch

it, if we wish to throw it away, we cannot throw it away.

Brahman is anywhere and everywhere. The Brahman is always

before all beings. In all heavens in the celestial worlds,

from Kansi to Rameswara, 25 it fills every nook and cranny".

So we can see how Ramdas strongly preserves and advocates

the role of brahmins as they are to him the harbingers of a

progressive society. This assertion of brahmin dominance has

great implications in the evolution of Maratha kingdom.

The hagiographies of the saints and poets cry out to

save Hindu Dharma from Muslim onslaught. This is implicitly

stated in Ramdasa's own writing. As G.B. Sardar points out

23

24

2"

Ramdas Swamiche Samagra Grantha, Dasbodha Section,no.4.2.20 (Madgaokar) .

J.E. Abbott, Ramdas: translation of Mahipati's Santvijya p. 16.

Dasbodha (trans) by R.D. Ranade, in Mysticism in Maharashtra (Motilal Banarsi Das,Delhi, 1933), p. 375.

90

that, \\ his (Ramdas) litrature reflects the stand point of

these upper classes who had risen to overthrow the yoke of

Muslim rule. 26 It is also cl~arly stated in Dasbodha that

Ramdas encouraged", "the rul ing classes to break the power

of the Melechaas". 27 All these seem to have greatly

impelled Ramdas to propgate militant Hinduism. But such a

picturisation of attitude towards Muslims in the

hagiographies is not at all in conformity with the other

sources available. It cannot be sustained as various old

families such as Shirkes, the Morays , the Nimbalkars, the

Ghatges, the Ghorpads etc. were subservient to the Deecani

Muslim kingdom. Even Shahaji rose to prominence on account

of the favour of the Ahmadnagar chief Malik Ambar. The

Maratha rulers had employed a number of musl im persons in

their state services28• Shivaji himself employed Muslim men

such as Siddi Hillal, Ibrahim Khan, Madari Mehtar, and a

large number of pathans. 29 Shivaji also visited the Muslim

saint Baba Yakuti of Kailashi, where he had made the grant

to the tomb of Muslim saints. Shivaj i also continued the

inam lands to the Muslim pirs, of Sayeed Hazarat and Gazi

26

27

28

G.B. Sardar, Saint and Poets of Maharashtra (Orient Longman, 1969), p. 122.

Dasbodha, No.6, 18-6-12, opp.cit.

J.N. Sarkar, Shivaji and His Times (4th edi, Calcutta, 1946), p. 250

S.N. Joshi, (ed), Sabhasad Bakhar (1960), p. 54

Ql

Qasim Pirazada in 30 Pune pargana We have a large evidence

of the cordial relations existing between Hindu and Muslims

even for the later period as well. So the writings of saints

and poets exaggerate the Hindu -Muslim conflict to save

Hindu Dharma . This is not to deny the fact that there did

exist Hindu-Muslims conflict, but as Gokhle has clearly

shown that this relationship underwent through various

phases, namely reconciliation, avoidance, cordiality,

conflict etc. 31 Kulkarni also has shown that prior to the

period of Shivaji and during his period also the Muslims

genrally adopted a policy of tolerance, which was the

political necessity of the time. He clearly shows that

Adilshah was referred to as Jagatguru. Hindus enjoyed

learning Persian and the impact of Persian on Marathi was

32 tremendous . This discussion was intended to show how

tradition is caught up in the complementary as well as

contradictory social practices, where cordiality, and

reconciliation on the one hand and tension and conflict on

the other became integral part of tradition. Identity, in

this way, then, not merely gets constructed in relation to

only

)G

positive developments but also involves various

Vad, Mawji and Parsanis (ed.), Sanadletters (Bombay, 1913), p. 121

B. G. Gokhle, 'Hindu Response to Mus 1 ilft1 Presence in Maharashtra', in Yonhan Friedman (ed.), Islam in Asia, (Jerusalem, 1984), p. 167

A.R. Kulkarni, 'Social re_ation in Maratha Country in the Medieval Period', PLHC (32nd session), (Jabalpur, 1nO), pp.231-23S.

92

ambiguous, amorphous and negative processes which unfold

itself in creating a complex social and political relation.

The meeting of Shivaji's with Tukaram and Ramdas is no

less' important in this regard. This issue has generated a

lot of debate among Maharashtrian scholars and others. It

remains a point of strong contention that whether Shiva] i

met Ramdas befor the establishmenet of his kingdom in the

Singhanvadi garden in 1649 or did he meet him after the

establishment of his Swarajya in 1672 AD33. But I would

refrain from going into this dispute as to me it is

irrelevant as the paper seeks to explore certain broader

questions in gauging the ruler's religiosity and its outer

or external manifestations in bringing about a kingdom.

In the midst of his prolonged tussle with the Deccani

Muslim kingdoms, Mughals as well as the old Maratha

families, Shivaji's continuous endeavour to build an

effective civil administration finally got shape in the form

of Swarajya. The very founding of Swarjya also resulted in

giving a difinite geographical form to his , 34 terltory. The

royal seal of Swarajya shows Shi vaj i' s concern for the

33 R.D. Ranade,Mysticism in Maharashtra, (Motilal Banarsidas,Delhi, 1933) ,p.363. It is interesting here to note that N .. Dirks has also talked about the acquisition of a brahmin spiritual perceptor as a stage in state formation, see The Hollow crown: Ethnohistory of a Little Indian Kingdom (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 167-68.

Maharashtra State Gazetters, Bombay, p.203.

93

people of his land. Now the important question remains that,

was Shivaji creating a "Hindu Staten? This question

requires a good amount of discussion relating to various

aspects of kingship, administration, patronage etc. It

equally involves a' proper look of socio-cultural as well as

religious aspects which have had lot of bearings on the

formation of the fvlaratha state. Shi vaj i developed the main

structure and form of his government in the course of his

assumption of sovereign status during 1646 to 1674. He

brought about a caring and benevolent monarchy out of his

personal experience with the Deccani Muslim kingdoms and

Mughals. He got the legal sanctity to his sovereign self not

before 1674 when his coronation took place.

An understanding of the role of the prominent saints of

the time namely Tukaram and Ramdas

consideration of the hagiographies then

would

seen

involve a

in certain

relation with the ruler's policies, titles, administrative

structure etc., to see to what extent all thes,e manifest in

the very attempt of Shivaji to build a political movement. A

clue to some of these elements can also be gleaned through

the contemporary chronicles. There can be no denying the

fact that Shivaji had the influence of Warkari movement's

broader objective possibly through Tukaram. He had certainly

visualised his government as a benevolent monarchy

35 responsible for the welfare of the people . The success of

the Pandharpu!:" saints from Janeshwar down till Tukaram in

overcoming the prejudices of caste might be practical and

temporary, but inwardly they played an important role in

Shivaj i' s rise to power. With Prabhus acting as his civil

and military official, with Marathas and Bhandaris forming

the bulk of his land and naval forces with Kolis and Rasomis

acting as his comrades in hazardous enterprises, and with

Mahars and Mangs holding his hillfortsi the general mass of

the people certainly obtained "a common ground of common

. d . ,36 1 entlty' .

It is generally understood that Tukaram composed a lot

of abhangas, but Tukaram did not have a single complete

manuscript of his own writings. The various available

versions are transcriptions made from the oral traditions of

Warkaris 37• R. D. Ranade points out that there are certain

abhangas which are supposed to have been composed by Tukaram

for Shivaji. Tukaram performed his Kirtans at Dehu as well

as at Lohagaon. Since Poona is situated between these two

places, so Tukaram's increasing popularity must have brought

Shivaji to Tukaram. Unable to induce Ramdas permanently to

live with him, he looked towards Tuka and even expressed his

N. Banhatti, Ajnapatra (Poona, 1974) p. 5.

M. G. Ranade, opp. cit., pp. 7-15.

Dilip Chitre, Introduction to Tllkarc.m says Tuka, Penguin Classic (New Delhi, 1991), p. 8.

95

desire to be initiated by him. Shiva even invited Tukaram

but the saint declined the invitation in a metrical

let ter . 38

Having seen the great spiritual impact upon his son by

his mother Jij abai, she burst out crying before everyone

that "Tuka has now destroyed our kingdom", and this is not a

good news" 39. She quickly went over to Tuka' s place and

expressed her apprehension about Shivaji. Tukaram,

the gravity of the situation, expiated upon the

realising

theme of

heroism. Tukaram, in one of his kirtans tells that, "a hero

is a hero both in worldly as well as in spiritual matters,

wi thout heroism, misery cannot disappear, a soldier must

become reckless in their lives and then God takes up their

burden. He who bravely faces volleys of arrows and shots and

defends his master, can alone reap external happiness. The

true soldier alone stands the test of critical occasions. 40

It seems that Tuka's meeting with Shivaji lS not

unhistorical, as he sent a verse to Shivaji, in which, it is

stated that the ants and the kings were to him alike. Tuka

says, "My delusion and desires are at an end. They are the

very bait which death sets for us. God and clay are to me of

equal consequence. The whole heavens has descended into my

3A

4\:

R.D. Ranade, opp.cit, p. 266.

J.E. Abbott, Tukaram, opp.cit, pp. 232-233.

Ibid, p. 235-236.

96

house,,41. Tukaram with foresight probably sent Shivaj i to

Ramdas, telling him, "Fix your thought on the good teacher,

Ramdas; he truly is an ornament of the world; do not swerve

from him,,42. Thus Tuka's meeting indeed shows a desire in

Shi vaj i to make somebod:; a spiritual Guru. However, Tuka 's

meeting with Shivaji remains more in the realm of spiritual

force then political force and the root of Shivaji's

paradoxical attempt lies to a great extent in these two

saint-poets of his time.

The very shift from prostrating before Vithoba at

Pandharpur to idealise Ram with the arrival of Ramdas,

represents a significant departure from three centuries long

tradition initiated by the Warkari movement. In this new

tradition called as Ramdasi tradition, God, no more remains

standing before his disciples I rather, "is represented in

the most active form, the form in which God is supposed to

be encouraging, good and righteous living in the society and

destroying evil and • /I 43 sln . Ramdas bewailed of the bad

condition of Maharashtra due to Muslim oppressions,

onslaught~ etc. and falling character of brahmins from the

R.D. Ranade, opp.cic, P. 297.

Kinciad and Parsanis, The History of the Maratha People (Chand and Co. 1966) p. 188; see a detailed discussion of shivaji's meeting with Tukaram is given in Canto VIII, Pandit Kashma Row, Tukaramcharitam (Bombay, 1950) ,pp. 47-51.

T.O. Joshi, Social and Polltical TiJQught of Ramdas (Bombay, 1970), p. 16.

97

high pedestal of spiritual teachership. Some were following

the Mohammedan deities, while others voluntarily embraced

Mohammedenism. All this led Ramdas to propagate militant

Hinduism and Dharma which seemed to him geting submerged In

the growing influence of Mohammedenism. Thus he speaks "a

king should be a follower of Dharma i Ksatriya his own and

Brahmin his own. Ram, the king, never ignores the limits

imposed upon him and worships cause and Brahmins also,,44. He

further says, "i f a king fails to behave according to the

dictates of Dharma he is also liable to be punished by

45 god" . To spread the cause of God, to protect the Brahmins,

to help one's subjects, all of them are the gifts of God.

Those, in fact, "who re-establish the kingdom of God are all

the incarnation of God". 46

Maharashtra Dharma and Swarajya

The description of role, duties and the expectation

from a king above in Ramdas looks hardly different from the

traditional concept of kingship, as postulated in classical

4S

See Ramdas 20-8-7, 13, 19, 20, 21 Sri Ramdas and Ramdasi Granthamala : Sri Ramdasein Aitihasik Kagad Paper (Dhulia, 1930).

Ibid., nos. 3-8-11, 12, 8.9: w. S. Deming, Ramdas and the Ramdasis (Vintage books, 1990).

Ramdas no. 18.6.9.20, opp.cit; Also see canto XI, Ramdas speaks to Shivaji, "having accepted the duties of a king, you must guard swarajya knowye, 0 king, that it is the duty of a ksatriya to protect Brahmans and to worship God" ... , in Pandit Kshmarao, Sri Ramdascharitam (Bombay, 1953) ,pp.35-37,45.">********

98

Indian texts. Apart from adhering to the classical Indian

texts in terms of preserving the Dharma, the holy places,

the fixed set of expectations, the looseness of rules of

succession and the milieu of social mobility as argued by

Stewart Gordon, is laid down in the 18th century Maratha

political treatise Ajnapatra, is strikingly 'reminiscent of

Arthasastra and suggests a dynamic approach to legitimacy

47 and loyal ty' .

Infact, the very term Maharashtra Dharma became

significant with Ram?dasa's famous exhortion. Upon the above

discussion it now seems quite pertinent to have a close look

at these two concepts of: 'Maharashtra Dharma' and

'Swarajya' These two concepts are quite significant in

understanding the regional components of 'region' and

'community' Did Maharashtra Dharma represent the regional

flavour of its religion? Did it have anything to do with

the political praxis of the time? Apart from these

questions we need to explore also the corrnection between

Maharashtra Dharma and Swarajya. Do these concepts have

anything crucial in understanding the 'region' and

'community' concept in re lation to the Marathas.

47 S.N. Gordon, 'Legitimacy and Loyalty in some Successor Stat::s of the 18'1 century', in J. F. Richards (ed), Kingship and Allr .. ~rity in South Asia (Madison, Wisccnsin, 1978), pp. 297-2<;;9.

99

Ramdas, twice used the term Maharashtra Dharma; first

in a complementary letter to Shivaji and then in an advisory

letter to Sambhaji. In his letter to Shivaji, Ramdas

complements him for having defended the Maharashtra Dharma.

He says "God become enshrined in your heart, inspiring you

to protect the temples, of Dharma, of the cows. It is only

because of you that Maharashtra Dharma has been saved48. But

all these attributes nowhere make Maharashtra Dharma as

distinct from Hindu Dharma. However in the letter written to

Sambhaji the concept of Maharashtra Dharma takes a political

connotation and thus differs from the traditional Hindu

Dharma. He asks Sambhaji to unite all the Marathas together

for spreading Maharashtra Dharma49 and for enlarging the

Maratha state. Shambhaji is exhorted to give up the vices,

to follow in the footsteps of his illustrious father. In

fact, the term Maharashtra Dharma first occurs in a 15th

century Marathi work, the Guru Chari tra, where the author

tries to establish the prevalent form of classical Hinduism,

the acceptance of Vedas " the varnashram scheme and so on

rather than asserting any national or protonational feeling.

N.K. Bhere,_Background of the Maratha Renaissance (Nagpur, 1946) p. 165; Also look at Shivaji's relationship with Ramdas as well as Maharashtra Dharma, in A.G. Pawar (ed.), Maratha History Seminar (Kolhapur, 1971).

Bhat, Maharashtradhanna, pp. 23-35. There has also been a good discussion of Maharashtra Dhanna's va ious interpretations in this work.

100

It seems that the Gurucharitra represented the form of

spiritual and ethical rules and explicitly asserted the

authority of Vedas. It is quite difficult to infer from the

text that Maharashtra Dharma was applicable to Maharashtra

as a geographical region. Although we get a slightly

different description of Maharashtra Dharma in Kesavcharya's

Mahikavatichi Bakhar, composed slightly later than

Guruchari tra, sometime around 1448 A. D. While introducing

the Bakhar, V. K. Rajwade contends that Maharashtra Dharma

refers to the duties of different classes and castes (Jati)

of Maharashtra. 50 In one particular incident, Goddess

Bhawani appeared in a dream to Nayakrao Desai of Malad near

Bombay and directed him to reestablish the Dharma

Maharashtra i.e. duties of Maharashtra, with the guidance of

51 his Purohit Kesavcharya .

There are threefold duties of all the Maharashtrian

within this Dharma : regular bath, the advice of the family

Guru and the recitation of Mantras initiated into by the

personal Guru52• Kesavcharya had a discourse on the

Maharashtra Dharma before a gathering, mostly of the

Ksatriyas, and brahmins who were their priests, in a temple

at Malhajpur, modern Malad, near Bombay. The meeting was

50 Rajwade, V. K., Mahikavatichi Bakhar (Prapasakar 108.

Ibid., p. 53.

Ibi d., p. 60.

101

1846), pp . 1 07-

attended by 3,655 persons of royal families. He calls them

as Shastradharakas instead of Ksatriyas. Many brahmins also

participated in the assembly. These Shastradharkas had their

own ancient social military and religious traditions. They

were the descendants of the Rastrikas, Bhojas etc.. They

were divided into 96 families who claimed their descents

from the Sun, Moon and the S3 Cobra . Anyway, the duties

performed by the four Varnas, all from the brahmans to

Antyagas (Outcastes) , came to be known as Maharashtra

Dharma. It was the duty of the Shastradharka to fight for

the cause of the kingdom, rajya and protect the Dharma54•

These Shastradharkas lost their warrior qualities with the

coming of Muslim rule and started working under them as

jagirdars and watandars. In the process they lost their own

identity of rulers. Keshavcharya prescribed a special course

of conduct for the Shastradharkas and insisted upon

following their possession of arms and uniting together the

acquisition of the lost rajya, and thereby protecting the

Gods and brahmans. It was also needed to protect the

spiritual strength of the people of Maharashtra due to

spreading Islamic influence55.

5] Rajwade, p. 58.

54 P.V.Kane, History of Dharmashastra, Vol. 3, p. 97.

S5 Rajwade, opp. cit, p. 61.

102

Furthermore, it seems that the Maharashtra Dharma was

applied originally to indicate the Ksatriya Dharma of the

Maharashtrikas and with the formation of Maharashtra, it

56 became the Dharma of the people of Maharashtra as a whole.

Later, it was Eknath and Mukteshwar, the saint poets,

who contributed to the political thought of Maharashtra in

their own way. Talking about the duties of Ksatriya, Eknath

says, "Ksatriyas should sacrifice their life in the cause of

their Kingdom and protect Cows, Brahmans and the Dharma of

their subjectsl/, while Mukteshwar gives the idea of swarajya

i.e. independence of people from the foreign rUle 57.

It, however, underwent slight change after Sambahj i.

The term Maharashtra Dharma in this sense was used twice;

one in a warning letter to Sawant of Phond by Shahu in 1735,

where he says that "it is not in the spirit of Maharashtra

Dharma to keep in confinement the wife of a Brahmanl/ 58•

Another reference to it comes in a letter written by the

residents of Bassien to Bajirao in 1740, stating, "That the

Portuguese destroyed their temples, the holy places and also

the Maharashtra Dharmal/ 59. We find the pol i tical undertone

5b

57

58

D.V. Chauhan, 'Maharashtra Danna' - its origin, in Maratha History Seminar, (ed.), A.G. Panear (Kolhapur, 1971).

S.D. Pandre, Cultural History of Maharashtra (Poona, 1933), p. 169.

SRPD I, p. 217.

Ibid., III, p. 5.

103

in Shahu's exhortion of his cousion Sambhaji who had joined

hands with the Nizam against his own brother. After stating

that Shivaji, with the blessings of God, rescued his kingdom

from the Muhammdans. But, you In seeking the help of Nizam,

60 an enemy of the Marathas, gave up Maharashtra Dharma .

What emerges out of the above discussion is that the

Maharashtra Dharma may have mostly the attributes of Hindu

Dharma in general, but it became bit distinct with its

continuous emphasis on 'duty' and its object to achieve

'Rajya' or in Shi< vaj i' s context \ .swaraj ya'. It's regional

form or undertone is very much implicit in its attack at

spreading Islam and appealing the people to get united. In

the beginning, Maharashtra Dharma was meant for the Maratha

Ksatriyas, but gradually it was applied to all the Marathi

speaking people of Maharashtra. Moreover, we witness that

Maharashtra Dharma nowhere binds the people to elaborate

temple rituals and ceremonials.

militant social and political

sense of Maharashtrians. There

well from the Hindu Dharma,

Rather, it seems more as a

ideology to revi talise the

is a slight difference as

particularly being more

aggressive and militant than tolerant and reconciling Hindu

Dharma.

Bhat, opp.cit., pp.310-15.

104

The aim of promoting Maharashtra Dharma seems to have

been reiterated by his successors and later rulers also. 61

From the time of Shi vaj i, the very notion of Maharashtra

Dharma started acquiring a political undertone where the

exertion of Dharma generally meant to support, and preserve

the sanctity of the state. It was an activist and aggressive

Hinduism stressing the importance of worldly activities and

the indispensability of work and action for achieving one's

individual goals as well as any broader political objective.

Moreover, the ideology of Maharashtra Dharma was directed

outward against the Muslim rulers and in that respect it

provided a basis on which all Maharashtrians could be

united62 . However, Wink says that Maharashtra Dharma never

became anything else than a 'parochial blend of elements of

Hindu Dharma that prevailed everywhere in India,63.

Further, we have the evidence of Maharashtra Dharma in

Shivadigvijaya Bakhar, the guerrilla system of warfare known

as the Virkayu~~a (fox warfare) and Chitta (Panther-warfare)

were accepted in Maharashtra Dharma as Dharmayudha. The oath

of Maharashtra Dharma was considered most sacred after the

',2

G.S. Sardesai, (ed.), Aitbasik Patravyavahara, Nos. 387, 416, Bhat, oppcit, p. 117.

J.G. Turner, Region and Regionalism in the Study of Indian Politics in N.K. Wagle, (ed.), Images of Maharashtra (Curzon Pess, 1980), p. 95.

Andre Wink, Land and Sovereignty in India (Cambridge, 1986), p. 47.

105

oath of the Daneshwari in the judicial proceedings in the

h 64 h . 18t century. T us It is quite apparent that Maharashtra

Dharma was greatly instrumental in providing a social and

political base to achieve the foundation of swarajya along

Hindu tradition and faith, evident further in Shivaji's

coronation ceremony, and the civil and administrative

structure which followed after coronation ceremony.

The concept of swarajya has been generally identified

wi th Shi vaj i, seems to be ambiguous, as the contemporary

chronicler Sabhasad makes an analogous distinction between

the Maratha homeland and the foreign land65. The very term

swarajya occurs often in most of the literature and implies,

'self rule' and 'old dominion'. Swarajya is a term applied

to those territories of Central Maharashtra which originally

formed an independent kingdom of Shivaji out of the

possessions of the Adilshah of Bijapur and the Mughal empire

of Delhi. It extended from the river Tapti in the north to

the Krishna in the south with a few glaring exceptions

around Aurangabad and Burhanpur. On the west Shivaji's

swarajya was bounded by the sea and on the east its boundary

was not quite definite, as it often shifted according to

circumstances. Shivaji's kingdom though small it may be, was

symbolic of self rule and was called swarajya, which

See B.V. Bhat, Maharashtra Dharma (Dhulia 1847), pp. 311-12; V.T. Gune, Judicial system, p. 98.

Sabhasad Bakhar, in S.N. Joshi, opp.cit, p. 27.

106

simultaneously meant the land of the Marathas ruled by one

of the Marathas 66• This concept also distinguished Shivaji's

. d h 67 kingdom from the Mughal or provlnces un er ot er rulers .

However, it underwent a tremendous change in 18th century

and swarajya thus implied Maratha sovereignty anywhere in

India. Now, it no more remained a term associated only with

the Maratha homeland, rather referred to Maratha claims both

in political and physical aspect. However, a territorial

reference to a Maratha homeland is present in the form of

Maharashtra Rajya. Govind Chitnis, in 1765, made a query

about its meaning, "the swarajya is the country west of

Bhima and all else which you call Swarajya, beyond that is

Zabrdasti" . 68 There was always a territorial link with the

Maharashtrian homeland but it seems more an emotional bond

of union which became weaker with the further extension of

Marathas .69

Thus, the term till the period of Shivaji might have

been identified· with the Maratha homeland, but later it

cannot be defined as an abstract territorially circumscribed

dominion complete in itself. Shivaji certainly used the term

67

Sabhasad in S.N. Sen's Siva Chatrapati, p. 27.

S.N. Sen, Administrati'V6. System of the Marathas (Third edition, Calcutta,1976) , p. 55.

Grant Duff, History of the Marathas (New Delhi 1971), Vol. 1, p. 548.

.1'l-< Thompson, Indian Pr~ces, pp. 1, 19, 46.

107

Hindavi Swarajya in one of his letters to Dadaj i Naras

Prabhu in 1654. Hence, apart from striving for Maratha

Swarajya, Shivaji was equally striving for Hindavi swarajya 70 and for the Hindu religious autonomy of the whole country .

A letter by Savanoor people to Shivaji, states that the

people of Savanoor are groaning under tyrannical sway of the

aliens and our Dharma trampled under foot. Come 0,

champion of Hindu Dharma and save us from the Mohammedan

general Yusuf71. This further confirms how Shivaji was being

viewed by the people at large. Thus it seems that both

these concepts were internally linked with each other and

simultaneously changed its form and course with the passage

of time. The discussion further reiterates that Hindu form

and faith equally worked itself out in giving shape to the

'political sovereign' and 'the state'.

The relationship between these two concepts is further

substantiated in the writings of two minor poets of

Shivaji's times. The poet, Bhusan, in his work Shiva Bhusan,

has given the description of the terrible state of Hindus,

and to him, it was only Shivaj i who could withstand such

vicisstitudes. He presents Shivaji in the tradition of Rama

and Krishna where he says that Shivaj i gave protection to

Vedas and the Koran al ike; and worshipped both God and

70 G.S. Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, Vol. 1, p. 277.

71 V.D. Savarkar, Hindupad-Padsahi 'New Delhi, 1925}, p. 32.

108

brahmins 72• Bhusan, at one point, also says that "if there

is any enemy of the Yavnas I shall stay with him,,73. Another

poet Lalkavi wrote that Shivaj i assumed the title of Go

Brahman Pratipalak, as the protection of the cow and the

priestly class was considered the paramount duty of the

Hindus. When Chastrasal, the Bundela chief, waited on

Shivaji, the Maratha king urged him in an inspiring speech,

to return to his own principality and fight the Mughals

there. Lal Kavi, who seems to have heard an account of this

meeting from Chattrasal himself, says that Shivaji addressed

the Bundela prince thus - 'does not the Chatri faith consist

in protecting the cow and the Brahmins, in guarding the

veda, in showing skill and valour in the battle,74. Kavindra

Parmananda was yet another important poet of Shivaji's time

who was honoured with the title of Kavindra Kavisvara or

Prince of poets by Shivaji. He was commissioned to write an

epic on the grand coronation ceremony of Shi vaj i. But he

could not complete it 75. Thus, one can argue that these

duties which frequently surfaced in these writing are

72

73

74

7S

O.S. Shastri, 'Shivaji and Bhusan' - An interpretation in, N.H. Kulkarni (ed.), An anthology: Chattrapati Shivaji Architect of Freedom (Delhi. 1975).

S.N. Sen, opp.cit, p. 198.

W.R. Pogson, History of Boondelas, pp. 52-53.

See G.S. Sardesai's, Parmanand Kavya of Kavindra Parmananda (Baroda, 1952), p. 1-2. It further shows Shivaji'.:; strong a~chment with the saints and poets of his time.

109

strongly embodied not merely in the classical Indian texts

but also in the attitudes of the peoples and their

perception of the image of sovereign.

Considering certain similarities of kingship attributes

with the Indian classical texts, it will be indeed very

significant to have a look at the sovereign's image in the

contemporary Maratha political treatise. It will also unfold

some of the issues in relation to the religio-cultural

moorings of Maratha political sovereign. These political

treatises will greatly supplement the traditiods resistance

and its invented form in the changed 17th century Maratha

context, particularly in relation to power and authority.

How strongly the notion of kingship is permeated within

the religious consciousness, in terms of protecting Dharma

and adhering to the dictates and rules of Dharma, is not

merely reflected in saint-poets teaching and their

glorification of certain traditional institutions, but also

in the political chronicles of the period. They tell us how

such duties were performed and how far the king himself was

concerned about the duties, which could appease people at

large and how the king equally was permeated with strong

religious consciousness similar to the general masses.

110

Monarch in Political Chronicles

When Afzal Khan (Bijapuri noble) was killed by Shivaji

then Sabhasad goes on to say that Shivaji was an incarnation

of Mahadeva. "This deed was nct of a human being but an

incarnat ion of Mahadeva" 76. After this incident , Sri Bhawani

of Tulzapur, a family goddesses of Shivaji came to the Raja

in a dream and said, "1 have got Afzal killed with thy

hands, and those who came afterwards I caused to be

defeated, in future too are great deeds to be performed, I

shall live in thy kingdom", establish me and maintained my

h . 77 wors lp . Sabhasad further says that the king quickly

obeyed the order. He loaded a cart with money, sent it to

the Gandaki, brought a stone of that river, made an image of

Sri Bhawani with it and established the goddesses at

Pratapgad. Many deeds of charity were performed, jewelled

ornaments of many different styles were made for the

goddesses. Moksa villages were granted and separate

officials were appointed for goddess's property and a great.

festivity was inaugurated78. This particular detail in the

chronicle shows how some time king's action was also guided

through the 'divine miralces' , thus further giving

legitimacy to the king in the eyes of the people.

76

77

78

S.N. Sen, Extracts and Documents relating to Maratha History vol. I, Siva Chatrapti (Calcutta, 1920), p. 25.

Ibid., p. 27.

Ibid., p. 27.

111

Despite the fact that Shivaji's political movement was

built through the support of lower social groups like Kolis,

Kunbis, Ramosis; the attitude of the state towards brahmins

and upper classes remained that of a conciliation and one of

appeasement, in conforming the spirit of Dharma. This once

again is clearly evident in Sabhasad' s description of the

religious policy of the state. 'Brahmans reciting vedas

should be placed in comfortable maintenance and learned

brahmins, Vedic scholars, astrologers, ritualist, ascetics

and pious men should be selected from every village, and a

grant of money and grain should be assigned to each in his

own village in the Mahal, according to the size of their

(respective) families, and the expense of feeding and

clothing them; and it should be arranged that the Karkuns

should convey their allowance to them 79 every year' .

Ramchandra Pant Amatya, the writer of Ajnapatra states that,

~the king should do religious works, he should protect

Brahmins and sacred places, perform various yaj nas which

would regulate the Varnashrama Dharma II 80 • The same chronicle

further says that, to make a grant of land for the purpose

of Dharma, is an act of eternal merit. Among the functions

of the king what counts is the inquiry into the prevalence

of Dharma, and a dharma , timely grants (dan), the gaining of

80

Ibi d., p. 29.

s. Puntambekar, The Ajnapatra or Royal Edict, JIH, Vol. VIII, Part II, August (Madras, 1929), p. 95.

112

the favour of gods and good Brahmins devoted to gods and the

destruction of irreligious tendencies, the propagation of

the duties of religion, become the main merits for the

eternal worldB1. Thus, these two important chronicles of the

period not merely echo the prevalent ancient notion of

kingship but made the 'ruler a symbol of power and Dharma' .

Another chronicle of this period by Malhar Rao Chitnis,

mentions that it was the duty of Pandit Rao to honour all

scholars and learned brahmins; and he should get all

religious ceremonies, sacrifices etc. performed in due time.

He should put his sign of consent on all papers concerning

religious penalties and 82 penances The Pandi t Rao was

entrusted to the task of reviving the lost vedic studies by

rewarding the brahmins for the attainments83. The Ajnapatra

allegorically asserts that the minister (pradhan or purohit)

is like the God of 84 an elephant . Vasistha says that 'a

realm where Brahman ministries appointed purohita

flourishes. This purohita or brahman acted as the real brain

of the Raja'. In theory thus, the functions of king and

8 :

82

2]

Ibid., p. 207; see also a particular passage of Brahmin's dispute wi th a particular caste where Shi vaj i says I "The Brahmans are revered Men" I in V. S. Vakaskar I (ed.) I Shi vachha trapa ti 91 Kalmi Bakhar (Baroda, 1930), p. 147.

S.N. Sen. I

245. Administrative System of the Marathas, opp.cit, p.

J.N. Sarkar, opp.cit, p. 368.

S. Puntambekar I The Ajnapatra I Part II I August I JIH (Madras I

1929), p. 208.

113

councillor were strictly juxtaposed and the king holded the

plenitude of power. In practice, however, the brahman

purohi ta or pradhan similar to the Mughal Vazir, had to

share in the king's power to be effective. Tripathi clearly

says that, "there is a recurrent pattern in Indian history

of an intelligent and politicallY adroit Brahman minister or

a Vazir replacing the king all but nominally"85. This well

happened with the Maratha king of Satara when brahmans

replaced the centre of power from Satara to Poona in 18th

century. What is significant and striking is that the image

and duties of a king reflected in most of the political

chronicles found substantial manifastation in his various

policies as well. The karad Brahmins were granted rent

freeland to perform daily rituals and rites, and they in

turn wished the well being of king and his kingdom. 86

Shivaji also made an annual grant of 100 hons to his priests

of Chakan, as Shivaji felt that he gained the political

power out of the performed ritual by his priest. 87 He also

gave grants to , . 88

varlOUS Ma thas I and sometimes an entire

village, called Agrahara, was granted to the brahmins. 89

BS

Bli

87

R. P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration (Allahabad, 1966), p. 161.

S.c.S. 2:243, 244.

Sanad Patre, p. 133.

S.C.S.4: 733-741.

BISMQ, 1838, pp. 139-156.

114

There also seems to be an organised group of priesthood

existing around Shi vaj is time. It seems well reflected in

Shivaji's necessity to go through second round of coronation

rituals necessiated by the organized priesthood of Tantrik . 90 .

worshlp. Thus the religious grants particularly to

brahmins proved to be the real maxim in giving legitimacy to

the sovereign power. In relation to secular and political

acts of the brahmin of the time, it seems that almost all

the branches of Maratha administration had considerable

number of brahmins. The Central cabinet i tsel f had many

brahmins, and the top level ministers enjoyed handsome

salary from Shi vaj i. 91 Most of the officers serving for

various departments were chosen from Prabhu and brahmin

caste. The administration at provincial and village level

equally consisted of reasonably good number of brahmins.

Deshmukhs and Deshpandes, two hereditary officals of the

Paragana, was Maratha or brahmins. It seems quite apparent

that the image of a sovereign reflected through in the

political chronecles, was in confromity with the traditional

settings of prevainling political praxis of the Marathas.

The internal dynamics of brahminical institutions was

further enhanced through such acts and activities of the

kingdom.

S.N. Sarkar, House of Shivaji, pp. 331-33.

Chitnis, p. 342-43

115

Coronation Ceremony and Sovereign's Status

The custom of coronation seemed to have been one of the

most indispensable acts of legitimizing the legality of

crown and king, not in India alone, but also in Christian

Europe and Greko-Roman world as well. In fact, the imperial

coronation of Charle Magne was the central event of the

middle ages. The coronation on 25th Dec., 800 A.D. is an

event of major importance in the history of Western

92 Europe. Many interpretations have been adduced to this

coronation. Charle's coronation was supposed to be the

fitting completion and legitimation of his authority93. The

coronation of Shivaji is equally significant and crucial in

a monarch's attempt to seek legitimacy to his authority, and

to abide by the constituents of kingship of a particular

religion, faith and belief. Shivaji's coronation seems to be

representing the blend of tradition in its temporal setting.

Shivaji undertook the most audacious act to crown himself as

Hindu Ksatriya king on the advise of Balaji Auji 94•

The coronation ceremony of Shivaji is thus a

significant event which further highlights how strongly the

92 See R.E. Sullivan, The coronation of Charle Magne, what did it signify? (Boston, 1995), pp.7-13

Ibid, p. 46.

P.P. Patwardhan and H.G. Rawlinson, Source book of Maratha History (Calcutt?, 1973), p. 163.

116

sovereign had to adhere to the attributes of kingship as

embodied in the traditional setting of the classical Indian

texts, like the Arthashastra and the Dharmasashtra. The

various rituals, symbols and titles associated with the

coronation ceremony tells us the role played by tradition in

regulating power and authority. The borrowed rituals,

symbols and moral exhortions from the old tradition were in

this case grafted on to what emerged as the new tradition,

leading to the very changes coming in the concept of

sovereignty. Such use of ancient materials according to

Hobsbawm lead to the construction of invented traditions

where rituals become intrinsic to the set of practices

outlined for 'invented traditions' 95.

In fact Shivaji himself seems to be hardly having any

Kshatriya pretensions is clear from the fact, that in 1657

he married three women of three different Maratha

families 96• It is clearly stated in Shivadigvijaya that

Shivaj i was not at all willing to share the leadership of

the Marathas with others. However he had formerly been on

one level with many other Maratha Sardars as servant of

Bijapur, but he could justify his new claim to predominance

amongst them by pointing out that this dependence is no

See a very interesting and significant discussion on tradition in Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (ed.), The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge University Publications, 1983), pp. 1-4.

Sanadpapers, opp.cit, p. 120; Sarkar says that Shivaji ",fiY have thought of Rajput himself earlier, in House of Shivaji, p. 162.

117

longer

tells

to be taken

us that the

into account 97. Shi vadigvijaya

coronation was necessitated

further

by· the

attitude of some old Maratha Sardars like Shirkes, Mohits

and Mahadiks, who refused to sit below Shivaji even in his

kachehri, claiming an equality in rank and family honour

desired from old customs 98. Shivaji's endeavour to

consolidate Hindavi Swarajya was further compounded with the

problem of administration and punishment due to the

monopolistic tendencies fostered in Varnashram Dharma.

Shivaji, then, by tradition was certainly an accepted king,

but in the changed circumstances Shivaji continued to

hesitate using his traditional power as he felt that he was

not legally vested with the Hindu Shastras. He refrained

from punishing a brahmin even though the brahmin was

treacherously involved in an attack on him by Afjal Khan and

on the death of his brother99. The Marathas showed seemingly

varied yet major forms of faith constituting the legitimacy

of a monarch. The coronation also provided them a plank to

build up their politico-cultural identity against an

imperial political culture. The prevalent state of chaos and

confusion made it necessary for Shivaji to coronate himself

to cleal with the rival powers and bigger families on the

basis of equality. It was Balaj i Auj i who had advised him

97

98

99

Shivadigvijaya, opp.cit, pp. 406-407.

Ibid., pp. 408-460.

V.S. Bendrey, coronation of Shivaji the Great (Poona 1960), p. 19.

118

for the ceremonial coronation. The ceremonial coronation

further necessitated a man of high repute who could dispel

the confusion of the people. So the prominent brahman of the

time, Gaga Bhatt of Banaras, who was also supposed to be the

'personification of Vedas and sacred scriptures', was

invited by Shivaji through Ramchandra Baba100. After a long

and deep deliberation and enough pursuation the brahmin

agreed to perform the coronation ceremony. Gaga Bhatt

believed that Shivaji's family belonged to the ancient

Rajput lineage of the Sisodia Vamsha and so had the

f . 1 101 tradition of Samskaras of a ruling Ksatriya aml y. He

was also convinced at the time of his last visit to the

Rajpur Konkan prant that Shivaj i was actually ruling his

kingdom as a Raja or King. But he, however, found that the

tradition then current about his powers was not in

accordance with Hindu Shastras and hence, a consecration

strictly adhering to the old Shastric tenets has to be gone

through to dispel the illusions102• The problems such as that

the Kshatriya can be only crowned meant that a thread

ceremony was strongly needed before the coronation could be

lOO

101

102

Sivadigvijaya, opp.cit, p. 242; this grand coronation cermony is described in detail, in J.N. Sarkar, Shivaji and his times, pp. 201-15; also V.S. Vakaskar, (ed.), Shivachatrapatichi 91 Kalmi Bakhar, pp. 105-06.

Shivadigvijaya, pp. 406-11.

V.S. Bendre, opp.cit, p. 28.; C.V. Vaidya has dealt in detail the question of Bhonsle's Ksatriya claim, see 'Are the Bhonsles Ksatriyas', in G.S. Sardesai, (ed.), Shivaji Souvenir (Poona, 1927), pp. 63-90.

119

performed. This meant Gaga Bhatt's acceptance of Shivaji's

unbroken Ksatriya pedigree from the Sisodia Rajput of

Udaipur. A Dutch account of his coronation mentions that he

shrewdly abandoned his present caste of Bhonsle to take the

caste of Kettry (Ksatriyas) 103 •

The coronation meant the performance of all the

prescribed ceremonies of twice born (Dwija), which in the

case of Shivaji had been neglected and which required grand

preparations. Water was brought in sacred jars from holy

rivers, horse and elephants of heal thy auspicious signs,

skins of deer and tigers etc. 104. After the completion of

preliminary rituals and various practices, the ceremony was

held at Raygarh on 5th or 6th June, 1674, and Shivaji

ascended the throne with the royal umbrella held over his

head. He was weighted against gold and other precious

articles later given away in charity. The ceremony was

attended by 50,000 brahmins, holy men of different

categories and others who received gifts, food and attention

in various forms 105• After accepting the gift from the

representative of East India Company, Henry Oxindon, he gave

103

104

lOS

s,/,$.. Sardesai, "significance of Shivaji's coronation", in N.H. Kulkarni, (ed.), Opp.Cit, p. 216.

G.S. Sardesai, Opp.cit, p. 219.

S.N. Sen, Sabhasad Bakhar, in : Sivachhatrapati, opp.Cit, p. 117; Nick Dirks also shows that these various acts were part of a much wider tradition of kingship, and points out various acts of kingly relations with the landed families in his ethnohistory of a little kingdom, Puddukotai, the Hollow Crown, pp. 101-4.

120

an interview to him. Shi vaj i, later, left on an elephant

procession to the temple at Jagdishpur and offered hls

prayers to the deity. After completing all these rituals,

Shivaji held his first darbar and gave his first appearance

h . 106 as Shiva Chhatrapti by ascending on the t rone once agaln.

But Shivaji's Simhasanarohana ceremony was objected to and

was told to be incomplete by Nischalpuri, a brahman tantrik

theorist, who was opposed to Gaga Bhatt's method of

coronation. In order to pacify the feeling created by this

section of brahmins, Nischalpuri was allowed to perform a

second Simhasanarohana Vidhi. However, this ceremony did not

carry any religious or political importance107 . Nevertheless

it is indicative of the fact that tradition was having a

great weight where Shi vaj i' s whole effort was geared to

appease brahmins in one or the other way. Speaking about the

significance of Shivaj i' s coronation, Sabhasad writes "in

this age of Mleccha Badshah ruler allover the world, only

this Maratha Badshah became Chhatrapati"108. According to the

same chronicle "the total amount is spent on the coronation

was one crore and 42 lakhs of hons" 109.

106

107

loa

See Ajnapatra, Part I, April, JIH (Madaras, 1929), p. 87. It is clearly stated that he rescued Dharma, established God and Brahmins in their due place and regulated the Varnashram Dharma.

V.S. Bendrey, opp.cit, pp. 54-55.

Sabhasad Bakhar, opp.cit., p. 118.

Ibid., p. 118.

121

The performance of coronation ceremony was significant

in various other ways apart from its ritualistic tinge. It

was only now that the astha-pradhan council (the council of

8 ministers), got a Shastric and as well as final shape. llo

As a Hindu Monarch, he became the judicial head of the

Maratha state, both for temporal and ecclesiastical matters.

To perform these duties, he included in his council two

special ministers, the Nyayadish or Chief Justice and the

d · .. fl" 111 Pan ~ trao or ml.nl.ster or re l.gl.on. Shivaji strongly

abided by the Hindu tradition and customs, continued the

local systems of trial by majlis and often referred to the

Gotas, the suits brought to him. He used to decide important

suits with the help of Dharmasabha, which was an evolved

form of the Majlis of a pargana, a Hindu proto-type as

described in Hindu law booksl12. This apart from reviving the

older institutions reminiscent of the ancient model, also

carried with it the pre-existing Muslim traditions. The

110

111

112

About astha Pradhan Council, see G.W. Forrest's, Selections from the Minutes and other official writings of the honourable Mountstuart Elphinstone (London, 1884), pp. 14, 80.

The post of Panditrao was established sometime after Shivaji's plunder of Surat, in order to provide an officer who could look after the grants made to Brahmans to preserve the virtue and justice in the kingdom, see Forbe's, Oriental Memoirs, vol.-I, p. 214.

There has been a detailed discussion of the form of Judicial system which earlier existed and its continuity in Shivaji's times as well, see Shivaji' s plan and the functions of his cabinet was settled in conformity with previous pract~ces and traditions, see Forrest's Bombay Selections, Vol. 1, p. 725; also see V.T. Gune, The JudiciaJ System of the Marathas (Poona 1953), pp. 33-34.

122

ministers after the coronation stood on each side of the

king and Chitnis, a contemporary chronicler, informs us that

it was then that the council came into being. However, all

. 113 these offices had existed long before the coronatlon . S.N.

Sen114 says that what Shivaji did was to retain the old post

with new sanskrit designation and thus it was converted into

a regulcJ.r rajmandal or astha-pradhan council of eight

ministers, modelled upon the ancient example. The Pradhans

were non-hereditary, salaried royal delegates, six of them

belonged to brahmin class. The Peshwa was an originally

Persian denomination and became Mukhia pradhan followed by

other officials, namely Majumdar, Surnis, Waqianavis,

Sarnobat, Darbis and Nyaydish. The office of Pandit Rao

who's function was that of Dandhyaksa \ superintendent of

religious gifts', can equally be compared with that of the

Sadar in Mughal empire. The difference being however, that

the latter was at times authorised to make a small grants as

Madad-i-mash (Vazifa) independently of the emperor, while

th f d · 115 e ormer was a vlsory . The concept of the rajmandal

seems to have been born of Rakhtkhana of the pre-Shivaj i

period. He took it from Bij apur and after the coronation,

with slight modification, seems to have copied it with such

113

114

11S

S.N. Sen, opp.cit., p. 197.

S.N. Sen, Opp.cit., p. 24.

J. Hasan, The Central Structure of the Mughal Empire (Lahore, 1967), pp. 254-288.

123

alterations as suited to his policy of establishing an

independent Maratha Raj. He raised his comrades who

previously sat with him in the Rakhtkhana to the

ministership and membership of . d 1 116 Ra]man a . Hence, Shivaji

tried to organise his administrative and judicial machinery

on the lines of Hindu law and polity. Apart from carrying

along the ancient traditions in the regulation of

administrative structure, he also incorporated the existing

Muslim administrative practices. The judicial institutions

of the Marathas were evolved from the proto types prevalent

under the suI tans of Ahmadnagar and Bij apur kingdom. The

coronation also necessitated Shivaji to assume formal titles

like Ksatriya Ku1avamsa, head of Ksatriya race,

Singhasanadhihkara, lord of throne; Maharaja Chhatrapati; Go

Brahman Pra tipa1ak (protector of cows and brahmins). The

title Chhatrapati was borrowed from the sanskrit

phraseology, and was highly symbolic. The word means 'Lord

of the Umbrella'. Hence, it became symbolic of the

'protective' umbrella of Shiva.ji's rule1l7• However, titles

like Maharaja and Chhatrapati had already been used by

Shivaji from 1647 onwards 118• But Shivaji thought of himself

116

117

118

V.T. Gune, Opp.cit., p. 26.

J.N. Sarkar, Significance of Shivaji's Coronation, opp.cit., pp. 219-20; Chattrapati signified both the fundamentals of royalty as well as awareness of the obligations inherent in that royalty, for it means both 'Lord of the Canopy' as well as 'the Protector' .

Sanadparren, opp.cit., p. 120.

124

as a king 'by virtue of his power to protect the Dharma and

his subjects'. On the day of his coronation, he initiated an

era called Rajyabiseka Shaka, and therefore he came to be

Shakakarta (maker of 119 an era) . Satara, now, becomes the

seat of sovereignty of the Chhatrapati, who could now deal

in terms of equality with the Deccani Muslim sovereigns and

other big families 120•

Shivaji thus became the legitimate master of his

dominion and his territorial expansion. Instead of being

purely imperialistic, he also carried an ethical and

idealistic tinge. The essence of his Swarajya was

toleration, religious liberality and freedom. Even Khafi

Khan also admitted that, "Sivaj i did protect women, the

121 Mosque and the holy Quran . He introduced Marathi as the

official language. Shivaji also employed learned pundits to

coin an official vocabulary by "translating technical terms

from the Persian into Sanskrit and prepared what is called

Rajya-Vyavhar-Kosh i.e. a dictionary of technical names for

the use of the court ,,122

119 Shivadigvijaya, opp.cit., p. 412.

120 J.N. Sarkar, opp.cit., p. 221.

G.S. Sadesai, Shivaji's Souvenir (Poona, 1927), p. 240.

122 J.N. Sarkar, opp.cit., p. 220.

125

Maratha as a Category

The most significant aspect of the above discussion

will be now to look into the very category of 'Marathas'. We

can clearly visualise that the very category remains quite

complex and problematic. The term certainly remains a very

old one, and has got many etymologies. Most of the earlier

evidences indicate that the term was used generally for the

residents of Maharashtra. But the crucial question is : why

this term started taking shape over a particular period of

time, particularly between the late 14th to 17th century. It

is during this period that the term Maratha seems to have

matured and represented its association with various castes

and social groups. Looking back at the Warkari movement, it

seems to suggest that the saint-poets relentless attack at

the prevailing social condition in Maharashtra, was greatly

instrumental in breaking down the caste exclusiveness. It

made the Maharashtrian society more heterogeneous and fluid.

Apart from Maharashtra's strategic geographical location in

the midst of ruling Muslim dynasties of the Deccan, the

society and the social constituents got into the act of

constituting its own independent self. It seems that the

association of Maharashtrian families with the Deccani

Muslim kingdoms contributed a lot to the development of

martial ideology out of their military prowess and bravery

evident in battles and warfronts.

126

Presumably, there seems to be considerable flexibility

in the very category 'Maratha' with the very rise of Shivaji

to political power, as the Maratha-Kunbi caste cluster123

started crystalising from early 17th century onwards. In the

simplest sense, the term has been taken to denote all

Marathi speakers by the European observers. To them, the

term was not in any from caste specific. This usage points

perhaps unconsciously, to the association of the term with

rulership, with mastery over the land and, most of all, with

military prowess and heroism. But this assumption ignored

the caste-specificity of the term. Grant Duff says that

though the term Maratha was extended to the Koonbis or

cultivators, but in strictness, it was confined to the

military families of the country, many of whom claimed a

doubtful but not improbable descent from the Rajputs124• They

also claimed that the Varna status of Ksatriya was

appropriated to a ruler or a king, whereas the ordinary

Kunbi families accepted the Varna status of Shudra. However,

the word Koonbi, like Rajput, denotes a status not a caste,

and may be compared in this respect with the later term

123 Henry Orenstein discusses various castes and groupings, in 'castes and concept Maratha' in Maharashtra, Eastern Anthropo logist, XVI, pp. 1- 9.

Also see Maratha claim for Ksatriya status, in C.V. Vaidya, 'Are the Bhonsles Ksatriyas' in Sarde:oal, (ed.), Shivaji's Souvenir (Poona 1927), pp. 64-90.

127

which has no necessary ethnic significance125. Thus the fact

that the Maratha Kunbis are to a great extent a homogeneous

group is primarily due to their being Marathas and not their

being Kunbis. 126 So, we have two types of people who were

considered as Marathas. The one is the small circle of elite

families and the other is the larger mass of kunbi

cultivators. However, there were quite distinct differences

between some of the ritual and social practices of these two

groups. The first represented the Maratha aspirations to a

Ksatriya status. The second was the amalgamation of some

Islamic domestic practices like seclusion of women. These

changes were due to their close historical association to

the Muslim courts. And these were integrated into the

broader collections of belief, aspirations and social

practices that were associated with Maratha Ksatriya.

Along with this the important elements borrowed were

the habit of eating from a single dish amongst caste

fellows. . The word Marathmola signified the ways and

practices peculiar to the genuine Maratha 127 It is quite

:'25

126

127

See R.E. Enthoven, Tribes and castes of Bombay, vol. II, p. 284; vol III, pp. 19-20 (Bombay, 1975) Enthoven explains that the clan names born by the Marathas are derived either from the Rajput clan or from the ruling houses of the Deccan. See T. D. Broughton as well for two sharp divisions of Marathas, in Letters written from a Maratha camp during the year( 1809), pp. 68-77.

See R.E. Enthoven, Tribes and Castes of Bombay, Vol. III, pp. 4-30.

See Molesworth, Marathi - English Dictionary, p. 634.

128

apparent that apart from Marathas traditional concern with

Ksatriya status, they expressed their gradually acquired

elite social status through distinctively Islamic flavour.

There also seems to be great similarity of the development

of the term Maratha with the term Rajput. The important two

elements kinship and marriage restrictions made Rajputs

distinct from other castes in the society. The hypergamous

marriage system made the Rajputs an open caste category; and

a family's success in services will invest them with the

Rajput status128• Thus, the changes coming in within the term

'Maratha' were solidified in a kinship network with their

development as a newly emerging service elite129.

The developments associated with Shivaji's rise to

power invested the term 'Maratha' with some of its

significance for popular culture and great military prowess.

SimUltaneously Sivaji's own quest for a recognition of

Rajput descent and Ksatriya Varna points to the association

of Maratha identity with Ksatriya status as well. However,

it also seems that the Maratha status was turning out

gradually as an object of social aspiration, but it remains

bit problematic to locate it within the expansion of the

128

12?

See Norman Ziegler, 'Some notes on Rajput loyalties during the Mughal period', in J.P. Richards (ed.), Kingship and authority in South Asia (Madison, 1978); further we SEe Nick Dirks identifying castes as integral part of power and a'jthority, see the Hollow Crown), pp. 55-75.

See Gordon, The Marathas, pp. 16-17.

129

Maratha power under Shivaji. The emergence of powerful

families such as Holkars of Indore and Scindias of Gwalior

suggests further complexities in the term. The exploits of

these two families certainly contributed to the association

of Maratha identity with military heroism. On the other

hand, none of these families tried or asserted Ksatriya

status or a geneological link with the Rajput lineages. Ie

seems clear, however, that the category 'Maratha' underwent

various phases, but there remained a clear association of

the term with the art and skills of the soldier, and in this

sense it seems to have been applied with no particular

regard for the caste. It seems very difficult to give any

precise meaning to the term as its development took various

trajectories and was closely associated with social,

political and cultural developments of the region. There is

no denying that the very flexibility within the Maratha-

Kunbi caste cluster represents the Warkari tradition's

impact to a considerable extant, whereby it managed to

diffuse the increasing exclusiveness of the category. Prof.

Satish Chandra130 also points out that Bhakti movement was

unable to make a dent in the caste system, but it provided a

justification for social mobility in the varna scale by

individuals and groups. Thus, the movement of Sivaji not

Satish Chandra, Medieval India: Society, the Jagirdari Crisis and the Village (Macmillan, 1986), p. 145.

l30

only wielded Marathas and the Kunbis together but various

other sections over the years as well.

Conclusion

Maratha identity, thus, was well under construction

since long. It went through various phases to eventually

shape itself as a political and cultural identity. The

construction of identity consistently invoked and used

tradition, whereby the bhakti movement reminded the

brahmanas of deviating from the high pedestals of spiritual

teachership, simultaneously countering the growing vices of

brahmanical institutions. The saint-poets echoed Dharma,

enshrined in sacred scriptures, and provided implicitly

various attributes of kingship, well reminiscent of the

ancient classical texts. Much before the arrival of the

Peshwas, the Maratha kingdom became known as \ the rajya

which is beneficent to God and Brahmins'. The revulsion

expressed through the bhakti movement according to Karve,

was not \ translated into action' but remained \ as a mere

platitude in the verses of the saints131. Nevertheless, it

provided certain forms and fulcrums upon which the Maratha

identity kept building itself. Moreover, what becomes

striking is the very internal logic and the operation of the

brahmanical institution. Instead of getting submerged within

131 I Karve, "On th~ Road-A Maharashtrian pilgrimage", J.A.S., vol. 22, No.1 (November 1962), p. 21.

131

the sweeping reformist movements, the brahmanical

institution bounced back into importance thereby constantly

reminding the emerging political forces and sovereign to

adhere to the rituals and the traditions, without which the

sovereign would loose his sanctity and the legitimacy of his

authorlty. It is here that once again we see how tradition

is caught up in contradictory as well as complementary

processes, where brahmins invoke tradition to perpetuate

their hegemony in the society. The conjoint authority thus

becomes the norm and attribute of Hindu kingship where

brahmin becomes the intrinsic part of the process of

construction of kingship. The glorification of brahmins by

few saints and poetess might not seem to be a new thing, but

its imprint became so strong that a king despite his strong

secular attitude, felt greatly restrained to transcend the

existing customs and practices. The very necessity of the

coronation and its after effects illustrate how badly

Shivaji needed to immerse his sovereign

traditional attributes in acquiring the

sanctity of a king. The tradition here

self into

legitimacy

is equally

the

and

and

strongly sought for the construction of kingship, which gave

Maharashtra a political identity as well. That the tradition

si.mul taneously kept reinterpreting

through the very flexibility which

itself is exemplified

comes in the category

called 'Maratha', which also incorporated the existing

Muslim administrative terminologies and various other

practices. This shows that tradition itself was getting

132

flexible to incorporate varied developments in providing

legitimation to an emerging new social and political order.

So the development of a region as a distinct entity not

merely requires a distinct geographical formation, but also

needs a clear political shape and set of aspirations through

a strong political authority represented by a ruling group.

The political authority then gets along with its ambition in

terms of unifying the region through various social and

cultural artefacts. Thus, we find seemingly varied

attributes of Marathas 'regional' and 'community' identity

rolling relentlessly alongwith its explicit association with

the transformed medieval Hinduism. The very crystalisation

of changing forms into the 'Maratha' category speaks highly

of their well sought out claim of building up an enduring

political sovereignty against well rooted overarching

authority of the great Mughals. The Marathas, thus, was

cruising along with tradition's tentacles in its endeavour

to represent 'Hindu monarch' in a much sophisticated form

than what we have witnessed in medieval India.

133

CHHATRAPATI : SATARA YEAR (IN A.D.)

SHIVAJI 1674

SAMBHAJI 1680

RAJARAM 1689

TARABAI 1700

SHAHU 1708

RAMRAJA 1749

SHAHU II 1777

PRATAP SINGH 1810

134

Political Ltgilimalion Flowmg from Delhi Emperor Onwards

DELHI- SARV ABHUM I

~,

\ CHHATRAPA TIS I

/

1 1 B KOLHAPUR

I PESHW AS -POONA I

,

~ ~ SClNDlA HOLKAR GAIKWARD

Gwalior Indore Baroda

SOVEREIGNTY PARADIGM

75

MAP OF SHIVAJI'S DOMINION

,SO MtI~s I~·;:.·;:.; : I Shaj i's Jagh ir~ • Shi\aji'sll'ITll\)ril'"

!'ig: 1.2 Source: - K. P. Diksit. Maharashtra in Maps (Malvrashtra State Board. Bomhay. 19~6)

" The M~lhr;lll;l ( ,)llnln ,