ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITYSCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

HYBRIDIZATION AND COEXISTENCE OF QALLU CABSA INSTITUION WITH ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY IN DEBRALIBANOS AREA

By

SERA BEKELE

JUNE 2009

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HYBRIDIZATION AND COEXISTENCE OF QALLU CABSA INSTITUION WITH ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY IN DEBRALIBANOS AREA

BY

SERA BEKELE

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES OF ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIRMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS IN ETHIOPIAN

STUDIES, INDIGENOUS CULTURAL STUDIES

JUNE 2009

ADDIS ABABA

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ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY

SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

INSTITUTE OF ETHIOPIAN STUDIES

HYBRIDIZATION AND COEXISTENCE OF QALLU CABSA INSTITUION WITH ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY IN DEBRALIBANOS AREA

BY

SERA BEKELE

Approved by Board of Examiners:

Dr. Taddesse Beriso _________

_____________________

Chairperson/ Dept. Graduate Committee Signature

Dr. Behailu Abebe _____________________

Advisor Signature

________________ __

Dr. Dereje Feyssa ____________

Internal Examiner Signature

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………i

Glossary of local terms………………………………………………………………..ii

Pronunciation key…………………………………………………………………….iii

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………….iv

CHAPTER ONE BACKGROUND

Background to the Study………………………………………………………………1

Research Objectives……………………………….........……………………………..4

Research Methodology………………………………….......…………………………5

Organization …………………………………………......……………………………6

Limitations ………………………………………………………....…………………7

CHAPTER TOW ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY AND QALLU RELIGIOUS INSTITUIONSAS NARRATED IN THE LITERATURE ………………………8

Introduction…………………………………………..................................................8

Brief History of Orthodox Christianity: Introduction, Expansion and Interaction with other Religions ……………………………………………………………………...10 Introduction and Expansion………………………………………………………….10

Orthodox Christianity vis-à-vis Indigenous Religions……………………………….…………………………..............................11

Orthodox Christianity and the Oromo Religious Institution ………………...............13

The Oromo religion: dynamics and continuity………………………….....................13

Contemporary Qallu Religious Institution………………………………...................15 Interaction with Orthodox Christianity ……………………………………...............17

CHAPTER THREE OVERVIEW OF ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS INTERACTION IN THE STUDY AREA…………………………………………….………..........................................20

The setting……………………………………………………………........................20

Historical Overview of the Local Area……………………………….......................22

The Establishment and Development of the Qallu Cabsa Institution …....................26

CHAPTER FOUR FEATURES OF HYBRIDITY AND COEXISTENCE IN THE STUDY AREA………………………………………………………………………………..30

Features of hybridity in the Study Area…………...……………………………………...................................................30

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Coexistence of the two Religious Institutions and Influence of Christianity on Qallu Cabsa…………………………………………..........................................................37

The foundation of Dabratsige Sunday school, a challenge to coexistence….............38

CHAPTER FIVE ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY AND QALLU RELIGIOUS PRACTICES FROM DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES…………………………43

Being Modern and Religious Practise in the Study Area…………………………..43

Hybridized Religious Practice and Ethnic Identity………………………..............48

Marginalised groups and their relation with Qallu Cabsa and Orthodox Christian Religious Institutions ………………………………………………...........................50

Gender Relation with Qallu Cabsa and Orthodox Christianity…………..................51

5.5 Hybridized religious practice from the point of view of generation….................54

CHAPTER SIX SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION…………………………………………..........................................57

BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………..........62

LIST OF INFORMANTS…………………………………………………................68

APPENDEX 2

MAP of the study Area……………………………………………….......................72

APPENDEX 3

ILLUSTRATIONS……………………………………………………......................73

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My thanks are due to my advisor Dr. Behailu Abebe for his comments while I was writing this thesis. I would also extend my thanks to my informants who provided me with all the information which I needed for the research.

I am so grateful to my mother Fantaye and uncle Amde for their unreserved support and care through out my life. I owe a very deep gratitude to my professors Dr. Roy W/t Eleni Zeleke and Dr. Hailu Habtu who have exposed me to most of the contemporary readings in the field of cultural studies.

My friends Hilina and her kids, Kelem, Netsanet, Lulayn, Binyam, Simeneh, Haweni, Ashenafi, Bruktawit and others whose names are not mentioned here, thank you for your support and encouragement.

I owe many thanks and appreciation to all IES library staff members for their kind cooperation in the process of writing my thesis.

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Glossary of Local Terms

Ayyana- The spirit which possesses the Qallu/ Qaliti

Bea’ad Amlko- An Amharic term designating worship of non idols or alien beings

Dhalaga-A prayer and thanksgiving ritual

Galma- Place of worship in Oromo religion

Gudifecha- Adoption

Guramayle-An Amharic name used to designate mixture.

Hamechisa- This is a ceremony held in the galma of in order for children to be

blessed by the Qallu before baptism.

Mahlet- A ritual by chanting. It is held during the night time in churches.

Oromo-geber- this is a term used by the studied community to refer to those people

who were born from both Amhara and Oromo family.

Rikuset- A word which refers to pollution and impurity

Sahitat-Similar to Mahlet it is a ritual in the church but focuses on prayer than

thanksgiving

Senbet temari- Sunday school student

Silat-Vow

Tela- A locally prepared beer.

Tufta- A blessing Qallus give to their adherents

Xumano- Name of the place where the Qallu Cabsa is located

PRONUNCIATION KEY

The following brief guide is given to minimize the problem of pronunciation when reading Afaan Oromo expressions. Both the vowel sounds and consonant sounds are represented with some examplesVowels

a – short – pronounced as /a/ as in laga /laga/ = riveraa – long – pronounced as /a:/ as in laagaa /la:ga: = throat e – short – pronounced as /ɛ/ as in ergaa /εrga:/= message ee – long – pronounced as /ɛː/ as in weedduu /wε:ddu:/= praise songi – short – pronounced as /i/ as in ilkaan /ɪlka:n/ = toothii – long – pronounced as /iː/as in shiifa / ši:fa /= swordo – short – pronounced as /o/as in orma /orma/. = alien

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oo – long – pronounced as /oː/ as in loon /loːn/ = cattleu – short – pronounced as /u/.as in ulee /ulɛː/. = stick uu – long – pronounced as /uː/ as in duula /duːla/ = warfare

Long vowels are doubled orthographically

Consonants

c— pronounced as /c’/ as in cabsa /cʼbːsa/= name of the studied institutionq — pronounced as /k’/ as in qeesotumaa /'kʼsotuːma/ = the priestsx— pronounced as /tʼ/ as in xaarii /'tʼaː'riː/ = effort dh— pronounced as /dʼ/ as in dhalaga /dʼelega / = prayer ritual

ph- pronounced as /pʼ/ as in naapha /'ñaːpʼa/→ enemy

sh— pronounced as /š/ as in shakkii /'šakkiː/→ doubt

When doubled, consonants are highly stressed

Abstract

This research is concerned with religious coexistence and mutual influence, emphasizing on the analysis of syncretism/ hybridity. It aims at exposing a social reality and lived experience of communities. It is an antithesis of outlook of religions as ‘pure’ ‘authentic’ and ‘original’. Religions as cultural systems are treated as dynamic practices which are in a process of interaction with each other leading to hybridity/syncretism and change.

Orthodox Christian and Qallu religious institutions are one of the very good instances regarding religious interaction, mixing of practices and sharing of values. In an innovative and creative way, both coexist by mutually influencing each other. Hybridity of Qallu Cabsa with orthodox Christianity in Debra Libanos area, in which the study was conducted, is a case in point because of long established history of the two institutions. Both primary and secondary sources of data were used to do the analysis.

Thus, the major findings of the research revealed that the study area is characterized by religious hybridity/syncretism, mutual influence and coexistence of orthodox Christianity with Qallu Cabsa. The Oromo religious practice, Qallu, is witnessed crossing its boundary to incorporate the Amhara through its service and hence the complexity of ethnic identities. The research has also revealed that women are the most frequent visitors of Qallu Cabsa. There are different ways of practising the two religions by urban and rural adherents. Accordingly, people from urban areas tend to make their Qallu devotion secret while in the rural area the people practice both religions openly.

Chapter One

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Background of the Study

Colonial Anthropology, through Functionalism and towards the end of colonial era through Structuralism (Mafeji, 1998), was interested in the study of the religion of non Western societies in search for ‘pure’ or ‘authentic’ belief systems and has frozen them. This was attributable to a theoretical assertion that non Western societies and their religions in particular are static, non interactive and not reactive to dynamics and hence stay intact. The search for ‘authenticity’ has negatively affected the study of religion as a dynamic and complex subject matter. Moreover, it overlooked its connectedness with other institutions in humans’ process of meaning making. In addition, it denied that religions could exchange different values if they exist together in a given society (Malfejit, 1968, Douglas, 2002 and Launary, 2006).

Post colonial scholarship and trends in modern Anthropology is challenging this taken for granted tendency of studying subjects which was done by traditional Anthropology; detached from the wider context as if they exist alone, pure and not interactive with other developments around them. It is challenged because it denied the so called traditional societies and their religion the feature of creativity and dynamism. There is a shifting terrain with regard to the study of culture in general and particularly religion in postcolonial theories. As one important cultural element in a society, there is an emphasis on the study of religion as a meaning producing dynamics that is always in a process of interaction with other forces in a society and not as a site of cultural authenticity (Launary, 2006, Malefijit, 1968).

Therefore, the main concern should not be about dichotomizing religion and other cultural traditions as right versus wrong, rational versus irrational, modern versus traditional, or high versus low. It is rather what makes sense for the subjects under discussion that has to be taken critically by doing away with universalizing value judgments and parameters to categorize certain cultural traditions. Thus, the conceptual framework of this thesis is driven from postcolonial theories of culture which opposes polarization of institutions. It is through hybridity that I analyse and interpret the data in way of showing that social realities cannot be framed within certain dichotomies of purity and authenticity but that they are mixed and hybridized. Hybridity is a term used by certain postcolonial scholars like Homo Bhaba to look at ambiguous and in-between spaces of identity that negotiates between power relations.

Thus, it is on the basis of this frame, that I evaluate the knowledge produced on the Ethiopian historiography in general and on religion in particular. Even though it is being rewritten and narrated at present, Ethiopia’s experience is explained as “linear and organic historical evolution” and is also categorized as “ la “grande tradition etatique” de l’ Europe et de l’ Asie.” (Bahru Zewde, 1999:232). As if the Ethiopian experience is something that can be reduced to continuity having a linear narration of its culture and history. This tends to explain Ethiopia as an exception and anomaly.

Christianity was/ is one of the parameters used to exceptionalize Ethiopia from Africa. In relation to religion, the construction of Ethiopian history used to be one sided which posited the country as a ‘Christian island’ characterizing its society by a homogenous Christian culture (see for example Ullendorff, 1960). In addition to its role in exceptionalism, the linear narration of Ethiopian Christianity has left other religions unrepresented in the realm of religious discourses.

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]

It has also abstracted narrations of hybridity which have resulted out of the fusion of different religious practices including Christianity. Hence, this mystification of Christianity as ‘pure’ and ‘authentic’ needs to be questioned and demystified. Teshale who challenges Ethiopian Exceptionalism has beautifully contextualized Ethiopia in the African continent by saying “Ethiopia [...] in culture and religious composition, [...] is a microcosm of Africa”(1995:i).

It is essential that contemporary studies of culture in Ethiopia need to be considered and posited within the African and even the global context. This context entertains cultural and religious heterogeneity and the resultant multiple identities. Authenticity is challenged and questioned by the notions of hybridity which are results of cultural mixing born out of interaction of various cultural as well as religious traditions (Gibbons, 2000). It would then be clear that it is problematic to refer to Ethiopia as a ‘Christian Island’ because it seems oblivious of people who belong to other religious sects. Such characterisation of Ethiopia denies the existence of Muslims as well as followers of other religions in the country. It also covers up hybridity. Thus, one has to be cautious while making such assertions like ‘Island of Christianity’ because it leaves non Christian societies i.e. Muslims and ‘pagans’ unrepresented in the realm of religion. (Tadesse, 1970).

As I have tried to indicate above, grand narration of Ethiopian Christianity has covered up the fact that Ethiopia is a country of diverse cultures as well as religious practices. These diverse cultural traditions and religions are interrelated in different ways and their relationship to one another is a complex one. One aspect of these relationships has been explained in terms of cultural hegemony of one cultural tradition over the other. This view overlooks the other aspect of cultural and religious contact and interaction which results in hybridity. However, this is a lived reality of the people and this aspect of the relationship has to be explained in its own terms. Moreover, there is no such a thing as ‘original’ or ‘pure’ so long as there is a continuous interaction of different peoples which results in exchange and mixing of different cultural traditions (Launray, 2006). Therefore, the hybrid traits of Orthodox Christianity with Qallu religious practice and influence leading to coexistence and often complex cultural formations are the main interests of this research. In line with this, the study tries to show that culture is not ‘static’, ‘pure’, ‘authentic’ or locally bounded but a force that crosses boundaries and one that is interactive leading to hybridity (Barker, 2008).

In addition, the practice of Qallu being left to the private realm and Orthodox Christianity occupying the official venue is a striking phenomenon that makes one to question what is modern and non modern, legitimate and illegitimate, central and peripheral in the Ethiopian religious context. Therefore, apart from researches conducted before, this research questions why the practice differs focusing on how the two religions are handled by worshippers, how meanings are produced, and it will try to investigate how the religions interact and also coexist in the same field.

The study area Debra Libanos Wereda, is one of the twelve districts found within the domain of North Shawa Zone Oromiya Region. The capital of the Wereda, Debretsige town, is situated 90 kilometres north from Addis Ababa. The Qallu Cabsa centre is located about three kilometres west from the town in a small village called Xumano. The monastery of Dabralibanos is found 15 kilometres from Dabretsige. The society in the Wereda is composed of Oromo, Amahara and Oromo Geber (mixture of Oromo and Amhara) as they are referred to locally. Agriculture is the main economic engagement of the people in the study area. The people in the study area are followers of Orthodox Christianity as their official religion together with the so called traditional beliefs. There are only a handful of Muslims and Protestants in Debretsige town.

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Research objectives

This research is mainly concerned with exposing the social reality and the diverse cultures which seem to be abstracted by narrations of the Ethiopian national culture as ‘pure’ homogenous Christian culture. In doing so, it aims at investigating the hybrid practices of Orthodox Christianity with the Oromo religion Qallu belief system. Moreover, it tries to look at why the people of the study area keep on practicing both religions in a situation where the orthodox church’s teaching strongly forbids the inclusion of other ‘non Christian’ practices. The research also probes into how meanings are made through adherence to Qallu as well as Orthodox Christianity. This has to do with trying to analyze what the Qallu means to the adherents. It also aims at analyzing the silent agreement and coexistence, witnessed from the practitioners’ side, though institutionally Qallu and Orthodox Christianity seem to stand against each other. Hence, the following research questions have guided me:

What is the history of Orthodox Christianity and the Qallu Cabsa in the study area institution?

How are both Christianity and Qallu religion practised?

How is hybridity narrated and what factors do affect the narration in the study area?

How are influence and coexistence explained?

What are the boundaries of Qallu religious practice in the context of Amhara Oromo interaction?

Who are the practitioners of the religion i.e question of religious background, ethnic group, gender, occupation and generation?

To which religion do adherents identify themselves and why?

Research Method

This research is directed by critical social science approach. I prefer to use this approach because it emphasizes on insider’s perspective and interpretation of layers of meanings that are thought to exist embedded in what is told at face value.

Concerning instruments of data collection, some of the techniques used are observation, participant observation, in depth interview of key informants, case studies, charting kinship.

Observation- In order to establish myself in the field for the activities that I carried out in the area, I conducted observation for few days and was able to contact some informants and an assistant who helped me during the filed work. Moreover, it enabled me to get insight about how to do things and how to handle my research environment by giving me a chance to select key informants.

Participant observation –This is the basic technique employed to observe and get information about important events including rituals, what laws govern participants, how they act, what they do and do not and why etc,. Hence, for about a month and half

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I was in the field observing and taking part in some of the things that went in line with my study goal.

● Interview with informants- I interviewed informants to know what everything means in the whole process I have been observing. In addition to explaining things that are not clear from my observation, it helped me to get data which were vital for the study. The interview was unstructured except for the church men and Sunday school students. I selected thirteen (13) key informants on the basis of the knowledge they have about the study area, the interaction of religions, and the social status they assume in the community under study. I interviewed them three to four times most of which were extensive and detail. Generally, I interviewed forty (40) informants who are supposedly knowledgeable about the concerned issues.

In line with the research questions I wanted to answer, I interviewed informants from the category of adherents of both Orthodox Christianity and Qallu, priests, artisans, members of Sunday school, non adherents and elderly people. But, the priests are again divided into two groups i.e, priests from Debre Libanos and from Xumano Egziabhera’ab churches. I did this to get data about how the combined practices of Qallu and Orthodox Christianity are perceived by both because the former is known for its well established history concerning the implantation of the Christianity while the latter is built recently partly with the cooperation of the Qallu Cabsa institution itself.

Case studies-In this technique I was able to explore interesting individual stories to be analyzed which helped me strengthen my argument. Most importantly, it enabled me to get the necessary information about the extent of hybridity. It also helped me get information to see particular practitioners from different perspectives like gender, ethnic background, occupation, and generation. From among the forty informants I interviewed, five of them were individuals who told me their life stories four of which I have analysed as case story. I have used pseudo names instead of their real names.

What I have tried to discuss so far is the tool that I employed to gather primary data from the study area. In order to obtain secondary data, I have gone trough the literature produced in the area from both published and unpublished sources.

Organization of the Study

This thesis presents hybrid character of Orthodox Christianity and Qallu Cabsa religious institution in Debralibanos area. The first chapter of it deals with the introduction and what inspired the research. In the second chapter relevant works conducted in the area of religion in Ethiopia are assessed and reviewed critically. The third chapter of the thesis discusses the historical back ground of the study area in an attempt to make a connection with the contemporary status of religious dynamics. It tries to show how the past acts as a force to shape the present. This section gives the necessary information about the setting, its topography, population settlement, climatic condition and economic engagement. The fourth and the fifth chapters are entirely devoted to the analysis of the data gathered from the field. Accordingly, in the fourth chapter hybridity will be discussed in detail and in the last the religious practise seen from different perspectives will be dealt with. While doing so, it attempts to show adherents of both religions from the perspectives of ethnicity, occupation, gender and generation to see the degree of connection participants have to both Qallu Cabsa and Orthodox Christianity. The last part of the thesis deals with summary and conclusion.

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Limitation

This project, though interesting, was quite a tough experience for the researcher. Among other things, one of the difficulties I was encountered with was the energy it took me to secure my informants’ trust. In the abode of the Qallu, it was not easy for me to approach and I have gone through a lot of trouble in managing to get close to the compound and observe what was being performed. Things became more difficult following the arrest of an alleged Qallu named Tamrat Geleta in another part of the country. This arrest was given wider media coverage than ever before and this led to detentions of more Qallu ritual leaders. Since then I was being seen with suspicion until I departed from the field. Participants especially from the town who know me in person were not at ease with my presence around for it is not an open practice for them. They suspected me of taking their names as ‘bea’ad amlikotegnas.’ I should not pass the challenge I faced because of time and financial constraint.

To summarise, this chapter the skeleton of the research is provided by showing the background which gives the theoretical framework for the study, the problem, objectives, questions and methodology. Limitation, significance are also discussed here. In the next chapter I will review the relevant literature.

Chapter Two

Orthodox Christianity and Qallu Religious Institution as Narrated in the Literature

Introduction

Following the introduction and expansion of Christianity throughout the globe, the world became a meeting ground for Christianity with other religions existing hitherto. As time went on, the alien faith began to adapt itself to the already existing religious practices and culture of societies at large. The previously existing belief systems were also responsive and creative to react in accordance with the dynamics brought as a result of the introduction of the new religions. Hence, there happened a mutual adaptation of both in a given social arena. (Malfejit, 1968, Lewis, 1989).

To mention but few examples, in Haiti, Voodoo religion and the Catholic faith are cases in point. Both are practiced by the Haitians in combination without confusion and even the people say ‘to serve Loa you have to be a Catholic’. This phenomenon was a result of the introduction of Christianity among the people who previously had their own beliefs (Lewis, 1989). Peyotism, a Native American religion, is practiced by combining Christian elements with the already existing one and this is also result of the innovative and creative inclination of the people to be able to avoid confusion but make meaning in their own ways (Malefijit, 1968).

Talking about Uganda, Behrend (1999:22) says “a complex process of mutual influence began, the Acholi religion was not only Christianized but the Christian teachings were also ‘Acholized’.’’ In Mozambique also Christianized spirits have played a significant role in the process of anti-colonial struggle. These spirits were Christianized as a result of the mutual influence following the introduction of Christianity (ibid).

In this context of religious hybridity and coexistence in Africa and elsewhere in the world, one may ask what the status of indigenous religions and their interaction with Christianity in Ethiopia looks like. Together with the so-called major religions; Islam and Christianity, Ethiopia is a country where different religious institutions and practices are prevalent.

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For scholars who believe that Ethiopia is nothing more than a Christian nation encircled by ‘pagan’ and Muslim surroundings, it is believed that Ethiopians, “encompassed on all sides by the enemies of their religion”(Gibbon,1965:69), have survived their “Monophysite Christianity in the borderland between Islam and paganism” (Toynbee quoted in Teshale 1996: 415). However, this claim is questionable and problematic for it overlooks the heterogeneity that should explain Ethiopia instead of the often asserted homogenous Christian culture. This multiplicity of belief systems according to Bhaba (2002:633) is one which “addresses the jarring of meanings and values generated in-between the variety and diversity associated with cultural plentitude”, as opposed to its manipulation to show hierarchical relations.

Scholars who felt the need to reconstruct history of the unrepresented and or the misrepresented tend to magnify the unpleasant sides of Christian culture as dominating and oppressive at the expense of local religious practices. They are very much concerned to show how Christianity subdued other religions and believe that the ‘originality’ of those belief systems has to be restored. These scholars maintain the fact that following “Christianization” indigenous religions were reduced to being practiced secretly or were totally replaced by Orthodox Christianity (Asafa, 1998, Etana, 1994, and Lvova, 1994). Here, it is apparent that these scholars have unearthed and challenged the ideological bias, which is a theory of portraying Ethiopia as ‘Christian Island’ that shaped the image of the country as a nation having ‘pure’ Christian culture.

However, no interest is showed towards studying how both religions managed to coexist, how their interaction and current relation is explained i.e., how both are practiced in combination by the same subjects. They rather tend to incline towards “ideas of nation, history, or indigenous culture”, having no space for ‘hybridity’ and ‘syncretism’ which are known as rhetoric of cultural mixing (Gibbons, 2000). In doing so, the innovative way of combining various religious practices by societies as they came across with two or more religions is not entertained, influence and coexistence seem to be disregarded.

Brief History of Orthodox Christianity: Introduction, Expansion and Interaction with other Religions.

Introduction and Expansion

There was ‘A Hellenized pagan dynasty’ known in history as Aksum in the present day Tigray region (The Christian Orient, 1978). This dynasty had contacts with the world. Cultural exchange was one of the ways by which the contact was explained. Until the 4 th c. AD this dynasty and the people under it were followers of polytheistic religion having a number of gods for different affairs. “The paganism of Aksumites closely resembled the religion of ancient South Arabia. It was a complex polytheism with characteristics of agricultural and stock breeding cults.” says Kobishanov (1981:395). This polytheism was replaced by monotheistic religion when Christianity was introduced in the 4th c AD, which Taddese (1972:22) refers to as “the climax of this cultural influence.”

Following its introduction to the palace, Christianity was further carried to the common people with the coming of the Nine Saints in the 5 th c AD. The Nine Saints did a great deal of work in the expansion of Christianity to the grass roots. The work of the Nine Saints was followed by expansions carried out by kings of the Christian kingdom in the following centuries from the 9th c on Taddese (1972). Tekletsadik (1981) says the following about how Christianity gradually reached the grassroots;

Starting from the northern regions, Christianity was implanted in other provinces […].The Christian religion benefited from the

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faithful support of kings, queens, princes, governors and dignitaries of the church who had many converts and churches built in places where the traditional cults had flourished( 410)’

As part of the effort of the state and the church to establish themselves on a strong foundation, there was construction of churches in areas that were incorporated into the highland kingdom. This way, a large number of old churches were built in different parts of the country. The expansion and strengthening the church in their domains was part of the kings’ task of establishing themselves in the newly incorporated areas (Taddese 1972, Tekletsadik, 1981).

Here, it is necessary to examine how Orthodox Christianity took a strong hold and gradually became a state religion which was followed by the marginalization of other religious practices. “Introduced in the fourth century”, says Markakis (2003:1), “Orthodox Christianity reigned supreme”. Since its introduction, the different rulers of the Christian kingdom used it to legitimize their power and made conversion to Christianity a necessary condition that people in their domain had to fulfil. A very good example in this line is king Zarayacob’s attempt towards the creation of a homogenous Christian culture. He was personally engaged in the process of establishing Christianity in collaboration with missionaries who were active in the conversion of ‘pagans’. In this condition, Islam was disregarded while “indigenous creeds were dismissed as idolatry”(Tadesse 1972 and Markakis 2003). Hence, concerning religion Christianity remained to be the only aspect that was in a position to represent Ethiopia and its people. For instance, Ullendorf (1965) asserts that “[t]he identification of Abyssinian Christianity with the political and cultural life of the country is so complete that no numerical increase of [followers of other religions] can touch the intrinsic nature of this phenomenon” (113).

Orthodox Christianity vis-à-vis Indigenous Religions

Christianity began to adapt itself to the already existing religious practices and culture of the society at large since its introduction to the Axumite kingdom in 4 th AD. Not only Christianity has adapted itself to situations, indigenous religious practices have also taken up some Christian elements because, espousing some elements of other religions adds something of value on the traditional religious practices (Daniel, 1984). In as much as Christianity has affected the indigenous religions, it has also been affected by the existing religions since its introduction to the kingdom of Axum in the 4th AD. When Donald Levine (1974) discusses Ethiopians’ response to foreign influences, he stresses on their tendency of taking some elements which are relevant to their beliefs by saying

The response to the representatives of Judaism, Christianity and Islam was to adopt their central beliefs and symbols, but to incorporate them in such a way that the resulting belief systems strongly reflect on indigenous traditions (66-67).

Teshale (1995), in his discussion of “Tabot Christianity”, talks about Christianity adapting itself to Judaism which, he says, was prevalent in Ethiopia before the introduction of Christianity. Mesay (1999) also says, “…Judaism and Christianity” which were alien to Ethiopia, “exist in a form no longer current in their country of origin [but are] naturalized” (2). Here, it is apparent that these scholars have attempted to demonstrate the indigenization of orthodox Christianity and that it is mixed with other religious practices. By so doing, they have challenged the claim to purity and authenticity once the religious contact appeared.

Trimingham (1965), discusses that north east Africa, due to its location to the Near East which is origin of the three monolithic religions, has become home of diverse religions. He also stresses that what he calls ‘higher’ religions are never free of remnants of ‘pagan’ practices. The author

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also states that the three monolithic religions are not pure of the influence of the original ‘paganism’ of Kushites. Coming to the Abyssinian Christianity, he asserts that it is “considerably intertwined in its practice by indigenous pagan and Jewish survivals” (24).

Taddesse Tamrat (1972) believes in the intertwined nature of Christianity with indigenous religious practices. This development which came as a result of Orthodox Christian expansion, for him, like Trimingham led to a religious confusion and also checked the foundation on which the church based itself. In his discussion of ‘pagan’ resistance towards Christian expansion, he says those religious men in charge of converting the ‘pagans’ were tolerant of some elements of what he calls “pagan ways of life” instead of giving them strict directions as to how they should free themselves from “kushitic religious milieu”. This was what caused a religious confusion hard to break even by the harsh policies of King Zarayacob who strove for Christian religious homogeneity in his domain.

This situation made the area, according to both Trimingham and Taddesse, land of “religious confusion” not hybridty or mutual influence and coexistence. For them, the existence of diverse religions seems to mark ‘confusion’ instead of being cause of heterogeneity and hybridity. It made the monolithic religions lack the expected purity and ability to stand by themselves with out being confused with ‘pagan’ practices.

Aspen (1994) talks about “cultural stocks” that are results of history of the country which is marked by continuous contact and interaction at all levels, state and local. He also shows how these “cultural stocks” enhanced the process of syncretism by providing different elements that could be manipulated in differing situations by various groups. Aspen goes on to discuss and says that the Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity is the frame work of all these cultural diversity. All the diverse elements mentioned have their shelter in Orthodox Christianity, which he calls the “great tradition.” He continues to say “An important insight is [...] that all the innovations in and the diversions from the Great Tradition (Here Christianity) are not a threat to its hegemonic status but a confirmation of it” (346).

It is interesting that Aspen discusses cultural mixing but the problem comes with his attempt to classify cultural traditions as great. He fails to see the influence other religious traditions could have on Christianity. Aspen’s assertion of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church becoming a frame for others needs to be questioned because it can possibly be argued that other cultural traditions could serve as frame to the so-called great tradition and hence leading towards syncretism and cultural mixing. The so called great tradition is put on the top based on which the rest assume their position at the bottom. However, Aspen’s attempt to put traditions in hierarchy is questionable because fused traditions resulting in cultural hybridity and mixing are entertained “ without an assumed or imposed hierarchy” (Bhaba 1994).

Orthodox Christianity and the Oromo Religious Institution

The Oromo Religion: Dynamics and Continuity

M.De Almeida quoted in Geda Melba (1998) describes the religion of Oromo as follows; “The Gallas [Oromo] are neither Christians, moors, nor heathens, for they have no idols to worship” (23). Rather, the Oromo believe in the existence of a supreme being which they call Waaqa (Huntingford, 1955). They have their own religious institution known as the Qallu. “The […] institution and its relation with Waaqa [are] the core of [Oromo] religion” (Mohammed, 1990:7). The Oromo have been practicing their own religion before the introduction of Islam and Christianity. Qallu religious institution entails a belief in one God called Waaqa which Geda(1998) says is equivalent to the English word God and hence can be said it is a monolithic religion. Waaqa is

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He Who is before everything else. Waaqa is Umaa (a creator of everything in the world). Waaqa is Hunda beekaa(omniscient).Waaqa is hundaatolaa (Omnibenevolent). Waaqa is hunda danda’aa (omnipotent).Waqaa is the source and lover of dhugaa (truth).Waaqa is qulqulluu (pure).Waaqa is intolerant of injustice, crime, sin and all falsehood. The Oromo never worshipped carved statues, trees, rivers, mountains or animals as substitutes. (Workineh Kelbessa, 2001: 22)

On the basis of what Aguitar (1998) says about Waaqa that it “correspond[s] to the image of any of the supreme beings in a world religion” (11), one may wonder where the idea of monolithic religion of the Oromo came from. Concerning this question, there are arguments which emphasize the concept of Waaqa to originate from different sources.

For instance, the first argument considers the monolithic concept to have originated from either Christian or Islamic influence following the people’s contact with either of the two religions. Beke, a British scholar who travelled to the Abyssinian proper and some parts of the Oromo nation in 1840s argues for the Christian origin of monolithic concept while Trimingham (1965) argues for Islamic origin of monolithic idea. According to this line of argument, the Oromo had no idea of one Waaqa before their contact with the so called world religions.

The second argument is the one proposed by Wilhelm Schmidt (1947). He says that the Oromo concept of God has its origin from indigenous Oromo traditions hence the concept of monolithism is borrowed neither from Christianity nor Islam because, according to him, the idea of one God is found in several places in addition to the so called major religions. .

The Qallu, in the Oromo religion is a high priest who, according to the national myth of Oromo, is believed to be of divine origin. He is considered as prophet and protector of the rules of Waaqa (Mohammad, 1990). Geda (1998) equates Qallu with a bishop in Orthodox Christianity and/or with an Imam in Islam.

Here, it should be noted that the Qallu religious institution has gone through a process of change and hence its present form is different from what existed previously. In the literature, we find that the original Qallu did not involve possession and ecstasy while at present there is a scenario of possession by a spirit called ayyana (Lepisa, 1975 Mohammad 1990,). Moreover, the previous Qallu, which carries the meaning of anointed messiah, was only one with its domicile at Walabu. Its name was Aba Muda. Pilgrims called Jila visit his place for blessing and act as ritual experts in their respective localities to provide service to their people (Lewis, 1989, Dereje,2005). On the contrary, the present Qalluship is not limited to an individual but to many.Moreover, both men and women could be possessed by an ayyana or ayyanas and claim the status of Qalluship (Asmegiorgis 1987, Lewis, 1989, and Geda 1998).

Following the great population movement of 16th AD, the Oromo people were distributed in to different territories of present day Ethiopia. This made pilgrimage to the only Aba Muda difficult as a result of which more Aba Mudas flourished in specific localities apart from which was found at Walabu. Therefore, all the branches began to have their own Qallus nearby. This development necessitated change in the religious organization and form of the Oromo especially of those who expanded northwards. Then, “possession phenomenon flourish […] possession inspired kallu shaman thus succeeded the kallu priest”( Lewis 1989:139).

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Contemporary Qallu Religious Institution

As I have tried to indicate above, the Qallu religious institution assumed its present form after going through change. Presently in most parts of the Oromo nation Qallu system involves possession except among the Borana Oromo (Lepisa, 1975). The literature also reveals that the present form of Qallu originates among the Mecha branch of the Oromo people beginning from 1900s (Knutson 1967, Mohammad 1990). Qallu (male) or Qallitii (female), according to Geda (1998), are ritual authorities having relation with ayyana possessing them at regular intervals. Ayyana, according to Lewis (1983;470) is a spirit which

periodically possesses particular men and women, not just anyone, as is the case with sata’na and Zar, and aid the K’allu and K’alliti[…] to act as a medium to help other human beings.[…] This spirits are basically good and are concerned with right conduct.[…]. They may be seen as operating as agents for men vis-à-vis (God) […] while the kallu/k’alliti is the intermediary who makes direct contact with the spirits possible,

It is believed that Waaqa is the same to all Oromo and the ayyana are saints which possess the Qallu. These ayyanas are revealed in the form of spirits and are “seen as manifestations of the one Waaqa or of the same divine reality. An effective relationship is often maintained between Ayyana and Oromo by Qalu (male) Qallittii (female)” (Geda 1998;24). By the time Qallus are possessed, the ayyana speaks through the mouth of the Qallu and hears prayers from the adherents. During this time the ayyana takes and brings messages to and from Waaqa. It does not have the power to respond to prayers by itself but intermediates between Waaqa and the people (Werkinneh, 2001).

Galma is a hall in which the Qallu lives and in which the followers of Qallu are gathered for worship and prayer. It is a place where rituals of Qallu religion take place. Ayyanas have their own galmas in which different ceremonies would take place The galma is usually built in areas which are calm, isolated and protected to avoid disturbance and danger and the near by land is also sacred. (Geda,1998 Werkinneh, 2001,). Besides the galma says Werkinneh (2001) “the Oromo perform prayer ceremonies [near] permanently flowing rivers, by the side of big mountains, hills, stones and trees”(27).

Interaction with Orthodox Christianity

The Qallu religion is one of those, which interacted and were affected by Christian expansion from the north. In his discussion of the Oromo religion Geda Melba (1998) indicates the religion of Oromo, Qallu, has been in continuous interaction with either Christianity or Islam for a long period. Because of this contact, says Geda (1998:26), “today the majority of the Oromo people are followers of Islam and Christianity, while the remaining few are still followers of the original Oromo religion”. Although his claim to originality in the context of this interaction and dynamics is questionable.

Concerning the status of Qallu religious practice, scholars like Anderson (1964) argue that through time Oromo religion would not survive the pressure from monolithic religions and hence will be extinct. However, this assertion seems to overlook the capacity of traditions to adapt themselves to new developments in an innovative and creative manner, Ohmagari (2004) explains this as follows

Unlike the conventional notion that traditional cultures assimilate into a dominant [culture], many traditional cultures

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have been adapting to changing conditions and persisting. Such traditional cultures have been undergoing rapid socio-cultural changes in the modern world (127).

The Qallu religion therfore, was/is not totally lost to be replaced by the new faith following Christian expansion. “On the contrary”, says Lewis (1989), “both religions co-exist in a loose syncretic relationship […] they must appear as a single continuum, rather than as discrete and contradictory faiths ’’ (139). Bartels (1983) also has the following to say on those Oromo people who practice their previous religion even after conversion.

whether they [the Oromo] become Christians or Muslims, the Oromo’s traditional modes of experiencing the divine have continued almost unaffected, in spite of the fact that the several rituals and social institutions in which it was expressed, have been very diminished or apparently submerged in ritual cloaks (,27) .

Both scholars maintain the fact that Qallu religion has been in a process of change due to its exposure to other religious values. They also maintain the fact that Qallu has managed to have a number of adherents though there is a pressure from the so called major religions to ban the institution.

For Bartels (1983) the process of influencing one another in religious terms is a continuous development which manifested itself among the Metcha Oromo, he believes “[i]t] is possible to say that people are still in a process of selecting those Christian elements that can merge with their traditional way of life and thought”(357).

Huntingford (1955) in his study of the Oromo notes the Christian influence on Oromo religion. He takes examples to show effects of Orthodox Christianity on Oromo religious rituals. To him, they have taken some Christian practices and have adapted them to their own way of conceiving rituals. For instance, he takes ‘sanbat’ of the Oromo which he believes is adapted from Sabbath of Orthodox Christianity. He also discusses about the concepts of heaven and hell, to him, the dogma about heaven and hell is infiltrated into what he calls ‘Galla paganism’ as a result of Christian influence. He goes on to show Christian influence adding more examples on the Atete cult relating it with St. Mary saying “[t]he Christian Galla have equated her [the Atete] with Virgin Mary calling her Maram (from Maryam)” (76).

Negaso and Crummy (1971), in their discussion of expansion of Orthodox Christianity in Wellega, attribute the successful expansion of Orthodox Christianity to social, political, religious, economic reasons. But, they also considers the nature of the Orthodox Christian faith as important factor to facilitate this success. Accordingly, they say that

Orthodox Church was greatly aided by the looseness of its disciplines, which eased the transition from “paganism” what did it matter, after all to become a Christian? One could drink alcohol. The taskar was similar to the danchi and the maskala was already observed by the Oromo before the coming of Orthodox Christianity. The Christian immigrants patronized the qalu (and still do), and made sacrifices under big trees like the Oromo (5).

Bartels (1983) says that the Mecha Oromo have gone beyond reacting to Christianity as intruder which would bring about an end to their religious belief, rather he says “they also sought and found in it a support for those same values against the impact of social change. In much of the

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Christian message they recognized their own concept of Waqa; their feelings of dependence on him” (357). He also maintains that the Oromo used the Bible to justify their position in response to those who deride their religion, by taking commonalities that are mentioned in the holy book of Christians.

Knutson (1967), who tries to show the survival of Qallu institution when most of other Oromo institutions disappeared, discusses Qallu’s “connection with other ritual complexes in Ethiopia”. He describes similarities observed between the Orthodox Church and Qallu. The author draws up some examples of commonalities that exist among the religions to show “the syncretic traits”.

To sum up, it can be observed from the literature that Orthodox Christianity has changed since its introduction and that it has appropriated indigenous religious elements. It has also been indicated that orthodox Christianity and Oromo religion have interacted and mixed since the time the two religions created contact due to many reasons few of which are territorial expansion and population movements. It has also been shown how the Qallu religious system has changed to a form which involves possession. In the next section I will discuss the study area and what the history of interaction and its consequences look like.

Chapter Three

Overview of Ethnic and Religious Interaction in the Study Area

The setting

As has been mentioned earlier, Debra Libanos Wereda is one of the twelve districts in the North Shawa Zone Oromiya Region. Regarding the topography and population distribution of the area, the data from the Wereda’s Agriculture and Public Relations office indicate that it is located between 1500-2700 meters above sea level and is divided between Daga, Waina Daga and Qolla climatic zones. The latest population census indicates that the Wereda is inhibited by 62,830 residents. 60% of it lives in Daga, 30% in Waina Daga and the rest 10% in the Qolla part of the Wereda. 91% of the population is engaged in agriculture with predominant production of milk and crops for subsistence. The rest of the population engages in different economic activities ranging between trade and craftwork, which is carried out by artisans categorized as ‘others’ because of the belief that they are possessed by evil eye.

Concerning settlement pattern, generally the largest and fertile part of Northern Shewa is resided by the Tulema branch of Oromo since 16th c. and this is true in the study area. The people residing in the Daga part are predominantly Oromos while the Qolla is entirely inhabited by the Amharas. This settlement pattern would make one pose a question why it happened this way. Stitz (1970) associates it with the Oromo population movement of 16th c that resulted in the displacement of the Amhara to the rugged and unfavourable part of the area, which is the Qolla. The Tulama Oromo took hold of the highland and mild area, which was/is convenient for agriculture. Having said this about location, topography, economic engagement and settlement pattern, now I shall turn to the historical background of interaction among the settlers and its impacts.

Since the time of encounter between the Oromo and Amhara there was interaction among these two groups. This interaction was characterized by hostilities at the beginning but turned to be peacful as time went on. As a result of this contact, there took place mixing and exchange of values which is also part of the culture of the society at present. While Knutson (1967) discusses about the Tulema Oromo of Northern of Shewa, he stresses that there is a strong influence exerted by the Amhara. Though he never mentioned anything about the Oromo influence on Amhara he tried to show that there was contact and interaction that influenced the Oromo. He

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labels the Oromo of the area borrowing Haberland’s expression as “Galla [Oromo] speaking Amhara”

We find this in the study area manifesting itself but through of influence between the Oromo and the Amhara reciprocally, that resulted from long established contact of trade, marriage and other forms of alliance like Gudifecha. Both of them have given and taken cultural traditions including belief systems to each other. The Oromos have affected the way of life of the Amaharas and so did the Amahara on the Oromos. The Dega part of the study area is inhabited by the Oromo and the Qolla by the Amahara. This separate residence does not mean that the two groups are unrelated. For centuries they have lived in a form of reciprocal relationship by influencing one another and they are interdependent. This reciprocal relationship seems to give birth to another group of people referred to as ‘Oromo Geber’ who entirely reside in the Weina dega part of the study area. These people are mixture of both Amhara and Oromo and the people call themselves and are called by others ‘Oromo Geber’. They are born out of interaction that is manifested by intermarriage and Gudifecha, a system by which the Oromo managed to have more members other than from their own family. This inclusiveness of the Oromo through marriage and Gudifecha has enabled them share their cultural traditions with others and also take others’ traditions and customs into theirs. This is manifested in the study area to the extent of blurring where the boundary between the Oromo and Amhara culture lies.

The expression ‘Oromo Geber’, according to my informants, is used to refer to those who are born from Amhara and Oromo families. It means mixture or hybridized form. My informants believe that the Amahara from the Qolla came to the Oromo in the Dega and formed marriage alliance which ultimately resulted in the formation of this hybridized community known as ‘Oromo Geber’(Interview with W/ro Fantaye W/Mikael Feb. 26/09 and Kidane Debela June 18/09). It is obvious that this was a gradual phenomenon that explains the dynamics of interaction shifting from hostility to intermarriage and negotiation. As a result multiple identities are formed out of this cultural mixing. The people called Oromo Geber are endowed with more identities they inherited from both Amhara and Oromo since they are mixture of the two ethnic groups.

This challenges an essentialist conception of ethnicity, a notion which holds that ethnicity precedes any human social interaction and it is basically unchanged innate and fixed attribute. In so doing, this conception denies the consequences of intermarriage, migration and other forms of contact which constitute multi-ethnic societies. Therefore, it makes one perceive ethnicity a creation out of ever changing boundaries between groups of people established through ongoing social negotiation and interaction (Barker, 2008). These people known as Oromo Geber are manifestations of cultural mixing for they have incorporated both elements of Amhara and Oromo traditional culture to make sense in their lives. They do not have any fixed identity to be explained solely by “Oromomness” or “Amaharness” since ethinicity itself as Heran (1994) asserts “is a set of contextual relations”(743) . They stand as agents of hybridity instead of one form of pure and rigid identity which confines them in a certain frame. This is a living proof for the power of moving identities to unify their experiences from different sections. These people since they are mixture of both Amhara and Oromo they share the cultural traits of both groups. What makes them different from people inhabiting the Qolla and the Dega is the fact that they are able to speak both languages, Amharic and Oromifa together with their double allegiance to two religions that is, Qallu and Orthodox Christianity.

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Historical Overview of the Local Area

It appears that, one needs to have insight of the history of the area before discussing the present status of religious hybridity/syncretism, mutual influence and coexistence. This is possible through historicizing events in time and context. We need to do this because it is problematic to discuss one’s lived experience without tracing its past and attempting to show why it obtains the form it has contemporarily. (Chakrobarty, 2000).

Therefore, we will first have to look at the history of settlement in the area and examine religious history in connection with settlement. Currently both the Amhara and the Oromo inhibit the area. The question is, who was the first was to settle in the area? This subject of whether the area was first settled by Oromo or the Amhara is debatable and contested. This being the situation, I would try to discuss two prominent dimensions of scholarship that are present concerning this issue.

On one side of the scholarship, the area was inhibited by the Amhara and the Gafat people until the event of the 16th c shaped its present form. In the 16th c, as part of the Oromo population movement, the Tulema Oromo came and settled dislodging the previous two ethnic groups in the province of Shawa. By now, almost no trace of the Gafat ethnic group is found in the study area except the Amhara and Oromo. The Oromo used the favourable condition created as a result of the Muslim Christian war preceding their expansion. Following the end of the war, both the Christians and the Muslims were weak to stop the Oromo pressure. Hence, like other parts of the Christian and Muslim domains, the area under discussion fell easy prey in the hands of the advancing branch of Oromo, the Tulama (Taddesse 1972, Getachew 1974, hagiography of Taklahaimanot, Sisay 2008 and Dereje 2005).

On the other side, it is believed that there were Oromo inhabitants in the northern tip of Ethiopia as far as the Axumite kingdom long time ago and hence the 16th c movement was a return to a previously inhabited site. For example Muhammad (1990) asserts the presence of Oromo in the Christian kingdom’s domain before the 16th century expansion. For Alemayehu (2004, 2008) the 16th c Oromo population movement was a movement that should be explained as a return to a previous destination. He believes that the Oromo were returning to an area from which they were displaced. Hence, it can be assumed that there were sedentary Oromo settlers in the present day Shawa including the area under discussion before16th c. In support of this argument, I have found informants who claim the whole region of Shawa and Salale in particular to be land of Oromo and they believe that the Amhara came following the incorporation of the area into the Shawan Empire during the time of Asfawosen (1774-1808) and later Menilik (Sisay 2008, Dereje 2008). In any case, whoever has settled there first is beyond the limit of this research and the focus is the resulting interaction that had manifested itself in different ways religion being one of them.

When we discuss the history of religious interaction, it is interesting that the area under discussion has experienced Orthodox Christian, Islamic, Qallu religious practices and very recently the effects of Protestant religious traditions.

The history of Christianity in the area dates back to the 13th c with the coming of Abuna Teklehaimanot to establish a Christian center in Debra Libanos. According to Tadesse Tamrat (1972) and the hagiography of Teklehaimanot, he was engaged in evangelical activities. During this time however, Christianity was limited to few groups of people and Teklehaymanot was not as such successful in converting large number of non-Christians as he did in other places. Hence, when we evaluate the position of Christianity since then, it was not the religion of the majority. The majority had their own religious traditions though they were referred to as ‘pagans’ who were practicing ‘ba’ad amlko’( Taddesse 1972, hagiography of Teklehaimanot).

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Following the incorporation of the area into the Shawan Empire Christianity took a strong hold because of mass conversion. Especially when Asfawesen (1774-1808) used Christianity to pacify the Selale area after incorporation, he is believed to have built a number of churches and proselytized the people to Christianity. (Tadesse 1972, Sisay,2008). Here what informant Fantaye (interviewed, Feb.12/09) told me about a forced convert’s reaction by singing when she saw the priests is worth quoting, it reads as follows;

Bishaan karra kanaa jala bacci hiingotani

Qeesootuma tana qacci hiingotani?

Don’t you spray the water away from the outdoor?

Why don’t you kick these priests away?

The message transferred by the couplet tells us that to be converted was not an easy task for the people had it not been for the application of force. It was not something people accepted willingly. Therefore, hatred towards the churchmen was expressed in different forms music being one of the most used. This woman, great grand mother of one of my informants, was remembered for her refusal to baptism though she was powerless to stop the conversion. Hence we can conclude that it was during the time of emperor Menilik that Orthodox Christianity reached the common people be it Amhara or Oromo, though the religion has been established in the area since at least 13thc when the monastery of Debralibanos was founded by Teklehaimanot. The Tulama Oromo kept their Qallu system until they were forced to convert to Christianity in the 18th c (Sisay, 2008). Following conversion, the manifest religious practice, Qallu, was confined to the realms of secrecy and was reduced to the status of latency though not totally abandoned.

Coming to the Islamic tradition, following the outbreak of Muslim and Christian war of 16 th c, Islam is believed to have reached to the area under discussion. However, other than seeing it from the perspective of its destructive effects, no scholarly work is done to see what impacts it had towards shaping or influencing the people’s religious tradition. For instance, Dereje (2008) discusses the Muslim expansion but he tried to show how it affected Orthodox Christianity especially by destroying churches. In the hagiography of Teklehaimanot, we come across with the mention of the forces of Ahmed Gragn together with their destructive effects by the application of extraordinary power God has sent to punish the wrong deeds of Christians. It is probable that there were states of affairs where by the contact with the new religion could have created in a situation Christianity did not have strong hold in the grass root. Hence, there needs to be a thorough investigation in this regard to see if there were events of conversion and traces left by the Muslims forces.

The other religious tradition is the one which came with the Tulema Oromo in the 16 th c or before then depending on our position in the debate about the presence of the people in the area. The Qallu religious tradition seems to have been introduced to the place by the Tulema Oromo who were neither Christians nor Muslims until conversion. While discussing the impact of the coming of Tulema Oromo, Dereje (2008) mentions three summaries religion being one of them. He says “[t]he Qallu, the centre of Oromo religion, became the leading belief in the whole Selale area. Refraining from disturbing other religions, […] the Oromo continued to believe in Qallu” (42). Qallu in its previous form has been taken to the area since the beginning of Oromo settlement. What should be born in mind however is that the present form of Qallu religious institution reached Debralibanos area recently, after it was active among the Mecha Oromo since 1900s.The most recent development in the area with regards to religion is the history of Protestantism. This form of Christianity began to show its signs only after 1990s when a group

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of protestant teachers came there for work to Debretsige town. During this time there was no attempt made for conversion. As time went on the number of Protestant Christians increased from both outsiders and residents. This resulted in some sort of dispute. It was considered unjustifiable to think of ‘other’ religion in the land of Teklehaimanot. According to my observation in the field, people express their abhorrence and disapproval of Protestantism. They consider it as an act of infringing Teklehaymano’s sphere of influence which is assigned to him by God.

In the Wereda Orthodox Christianity is a well-established religious tradition because of the presence of Debralibanos monastery since long time ago. The people thus tend to identify themselves with it and show some sense of pride claiming that they are children of Saint Teklehaymanot. This tendency is prevalent in both the urban and rural settings. This in a way shaped the way urban and rural residents understand and explain their attachment with Qallu Cabsa. Perception differs in accordance with rural and urban locale. The rural community especially those who are near by the institution identify themselves with the Qallu in as much as they identify themselves with Christianity and land of Saint Teklehaymanot while in the urban area the pratise of Qallu is held secretly.

The Establishment and Development of the Qallu Cabsa Institution

When one questions the history of Qallu religious practice, in its present form, among the Tuluma Oromo, the answer is almost the same everywhere in accordance with what I have got from the field. They take the root to Mecha Oromo, which is believed to be the home of the first great Qallu for the entire Oromo nation. Informants Obbo Urgeie Wedajo Obbo Hailu Degefa and Qallu Seyoum Tessema agree on the origin of Qallu being the Mecha Oromo.

It is said that Qallu Jijo Gebeta of Mecha is top and pioneer of Qallu everywhere among the Oromo people be it the Mecha, Tulema or other branches. They believe that after the ayyana revealed itself on Jijo it spread to the rest of the Oromo nation. Interestingly Knutson’s (1967) work supports the argument of my informants. He mentions the fact that the Qallu institution in its present form is a recent phenomenon only few generations back. Lewis (1989) also says that “in its present form, this main morality cult is a cultural innovation of only a few generations standing”(137). Knutson (1967) says that the system in its present form originated in eastern Mecha and expanded further out of Mecha. This happened only after 1900 when according to Mohammad (1990) the Mecha’s connection with Aba Muda was stopped as a result of Menelik’s sanction. Hence, when we trace the history of Qallu we are driven to Qallu Jijo Gebeta whose ayyana is called Maram. Aba Dama, Garbicha Bale, Maram Negi, Ofa are few of the Qallus found in the study area together with Qallu Cabsa. This does not mean that these are the only Qallus found. I mention these for they are prominent and the most frequently visited ones.

First, said my informant Ato Hailu when he was telling me the history of the creation of the first Qallu in Mecha and then its further expansion,

Long time ago [he could not trace the exact time in numerical terms] there was this family of farmers who were so sad because they had no children. The woman especially was praying to Waaqa whom she believed would give her one. In this situation, one day a heavy rain was falling and in the middle of it she went out of her home, she prayed very much and she swallowed hailstones. Nine months later a boy was born for the family and he was named Jijo. He grew up into a very remarkable boy having attributes which made him different from his counterparts. After a while, an ayyana called

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Maram came up on him. Maram was followed by six more ayyanas namely Golam, Aba Jifar, Dace, Gumesa, Abbuko, and Adal Moti. All of these ayyanas were distributed to the different parts of the Oromo nation. They were all sent to places where the ayyanas chose in their own rights. Accordingly, an ayyana known as Abbuko was sent to Qobbo, which is not far away from Mecha. It was the ayyana called Abbuko that further expanded to the Tulema Oromo from Qobo. Abbuko first possessed a man called Jidha Tufa and took hold of that family line.

From Abbuko a number of other ayyanas were born and were ordered to go and possess individuals who were selected by the ayyana depending on their status, which is question of appropriateness for possession. Status was considered not based on wealth but cleanness that would attract the ayyana.(Interview with Ato Hailu Dgefa, Feb.16/09)

According to the same informant, Cabsa was one ayyana from among the ayyanas Abbuko distributed to the area under study. It is this ayyana which is the main concern of this research. When we study its genealogy, it first came and possessed Gifti Jifare’s family and it began to be active. Following its hereditary line, it finally came on Gifti Jifare and she built a galma around Obori, a rural village along the way to Addis Abeba. She also fulfilled every requirement for the ayyana and started giving service to followers. This woman did not have her own children to succeed her However, it was a necessary condition to have children. It was at this juncture that a woman called Abebech Wuletu was selected because of her devotion, purity and her ability to fulfill other requirements the Ayyana needs other than being from the line of Gifti Jifare. As I have tried to indicate above, Ayyana possesses individuals whom it considers are right to be chosen. Though the office of Qallu is hereditary, it does not mean that every child of a Qallu would hold the position of Qalluship. If the child refuses to act in accordance with the rules of the ayyana he/she is less likely to be considered in that realm. There is a room for those who are not from the line of the Qallu. Accordingly, W/ro Abebech Wuletu, a devoted practitioner was chosen by the ayyana. This woman managed to be selected by the ayyana when Gifti Jifare died (had no child of her own) because she was praying highly to be possessed and she was trying her best to appeal to the Ayyana (Interview with Assegedech Gudeta March 29/09).

In 1953 E.C, Gifti Jifare died and following this ayyana Cabsa possessed Abebech Wuletu. This woman also built her own galma at Xumano Qebele, a small rural village a bit far from the galma of Gifti Jifare. The local community beginning from late 1960s and early 1970s recognized her as Qalliti. At this time however she was acting secretly because the country’s situation was not conducive to practice any religion. Nevertheless, given the undesirable political atmosphere her fame and role within the community was increasing from time to time and people from both urban and rural areas were flocking to her galma. Ayyana Cabsa flourished more when the military regime was replaced by this government, which is relatively loose and democratic having a space for the diverse religious practices (Interview with Obbo Hailu Degefa Feb 12./09, Fantaye W/Mikael Feb.26/09, Adugna Ejere March 11/09).

As far as the service this institution provides, I was told by informants that it is not only limited to the adherents. Those who do not adhere to it also go to get service when they are faced with problems of immediate solution. The service may range between providing solution for health problems to detecting theft as well as resolving conflicts of whatever degree. The service provided by Cabsa in relation to conflict is excelling that of the police and court because people show reservation and stop fighting when Cabsa’s name is mentioned in the middle of a conflict

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than to the efforts of the policemen (Interview with Hailemaryam Fetene Feb.12/09 and Belete Feysa June 18/09).

Chapter Four

Features of Hybridity, Influence and Coexistence in the Study Area

Features of Hybridity in the Study Area

“[C]ultural statements and systems are constructed in contradictory and ambivalent spaces of enunciation. [Hence,] hierarchical claims to the inherent originality or ‘purity’ of cultures are untenable, even before we resort to empirical historical instances that demonstrate their hybridity” (Bhaba, 1994:37).Hybridity denotes cultural mixing and fusion of various cultural traditions and is place of a third space which negotiates binaries. It results from interaction and crossing of cultural boundaries by way of extending to another distinct culture forming reciprocal relationship. Accordingly, the claim to purity and authenticity is challenged by cultural mixing which are marked by hybridity that oppose dichotomies of institutions as pure and original. However the reciprocal relationship may not be a balanced one and hence we need to be cognizant of existing power relations when we take hybridity as a conceptual framework to illuminate a given social reality.

Hybridity as defined by some cultural theorists is by “(t)he mixing together of different cultural elements to create new meanings and identities. Hybrids destabilise and blur established cultural boundaries in a process of fusion or creolization” (Barker 2008: 481). Hybridity means neither this nor that but a third space called ‘in-between’ which marks mixture as opposed to ‘purity’. The in-between entails the negotiation of oppositional and antagonistic cultural elements and systems leading to the formation of hybrid sites negating polarities (Bhaba, 1994). In this case we talk abut the negotiation of two religious traditions from Qallu and Orthodox Christian religious institutions. In order for hybridity to take place diverse contexts and sites of interaction for the meeting of cultures are required. It is within this conceptual framework that I have dealt with the data I obtained from the study area.

In order to show the hybrid traits of religion in the study area, I will take the next three cases of individual life experiences which I believe are suitable with regards to illuminating the circumstance.

Case one- This is a story of a devoted adherent of Cabsa named Birhane Eshetu , a 21 years old young lady. She was born in Debratsige and was educated there up to grade 10. She had a serious headache and stress which she believes was caused by her unhappiness caused by the knowledge that she had failed in her national examination. As she continued to suffer and other attempts like medical treatment did not improve her condition, her mother went to Cabsa and asked why her daughter was sick and what the family should do for her to get well. Then, the ayyana ordered her mother to take her to Dabralibanos for holy water and stay there for two weeks. Birhane got better doing what they were ordered to do. Her mother and the whole family have an interesting history in connection with Qaluu and Christianity. Birhane’s mother was born after a long prayer and ‘silat’ to Qallu because her mother

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could not give birth to a girl despite the fact that she gave birth to eight sons. She was therefore pleading to Qallu and she finally vowed that if she gets a girl she would bring her for hamechisa (blessing) before her baptism. Bihane’s grand mother promised the Qallu, on behalf of her unborn daughter, saying that if the expected girl gives birth to children she would bring them all here before they were taken for baptism. Birhane’s mother was born, grew up and got married. When she gave birth she took all of her children for blessing as her mother promised to the Qallu. Due to this long established attachment the family has with the Qallu, life is meaningful in the combined practice of both religions; the problem of Birhane was believed to be solved by the intervention of Cabsa. They believe that Cabsa is their guardian when mishaps occur in the family since Birhane’s mother herself was a blessed gift from Qallu. (Interview with Birhane Eshetu, Feb., 21/09).

According to Setargew (2000), religions which involve spirit possession have ‘‘multidimensionality’’, and other than competition for influence they tend to take advantage of official religions to enhance their effectiveness. Multidimensionality is explained as an innovative capacity of the religions to exploit possible benefits they could get from other areas including official religious institutions. Hence, case one can be taken as a sign of creativity to solve problems using other means. Other than from Qallu’s creativity, here I want to emphasise the degree of mixture which goes to the extent of mutually using what is originally in the sphere of influence of the church. It is the Qallu Cabsa which plays the role of agency towards hybridity by prescribing Teklahaymanot’s Tsebel (holy water) for Birhane’s treatment. And this shows how boundaries are crossed. The Qallu hence is not considering the church as a threat but an alternative means of legitimizing itself as effective in front of its believers by recommending instruments from within the Orthodox Christian’s domain to heal patients who appeal for treatment. Here, it is clear that the Qallu accepted the healing power of the holy water and has prescribed it. This indicates how the Qallu accommodates Orthodox Christian elements into its practice.

Case two- this is a story of a woman, an ex- practitioner who now is not going to Qallu Cabsa. She lost her necklace in the compound of Debretsige junior school in 1988. She was so depressed that she could not stop thinking of it nor stop crying. Then she wanted two things to happen which she thought would ease her grief, one to forget the idea of the necklace she lost and two to get it if possible. She decided to make a ‘silat’ for both of her interests. She then told Tekelhaymanot to find what she lost and Cabsa to make her accept the loss and forget about it. She told me that both of her demands were responded in different times. The necklace was found after six months. She had never expected that she would find it but it was found after she already forgot the idea of it. She told me she prepared a feast and invited folks for Teklehaymanot in the form of paying back her vow. She said she does not really remember if she had respected her vow for Cabsa. (Interview with W/ro Zenebech, March 12/09).

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Zenebech did not tell me anything about her calculation of the silat i.e., why she wanted Cabsa to make her forget while Teklehaymanot to enable her get the necklace back. But it seems more likely that there is some sort of calculation of priority. She thought the issue of forgetting should be addressed as fast as possible and she went to Cabsa for she knows from experience that it gives solutions for very pragmatic concerns. Hence, the idea of getting the necklace back was time taking if it happens at all but forgetting was her priority at the time because she was very much disturbed.

Another point that should be raised in relation to this story is the woman’s position when it comes to paying her silat to both parties. She remembers what she did in response to Teklehaymanot’s favour while she cared little about her vow to Cabsa. She has told me that she is not a practitioner anymore and hence does not seem to care about whether she has paid or not. Since she has stopped visiting Cabsa, she has no fear and her previous devotion is not now in its place. But most likely she has paid what she vowed because it is a serious violation not to respect one’s vow unless the individual is a non believer. By the time she was making the silet she told me that she was a believer and hence the expected consequence would be her concern. Now, she is not a believer in Qallu because she was convinced that it contradicts with the teachings of Christianity. She made this shift to ‘purity’ as she was exposed to the church’s preaching due to her frequent visit. She made a choice and because of the power of legitimacy the church has already secures, she was convinced in the sanctity of the church and refused to mix it up with ‘other’ practices. Thus, she seems not to care whether she paid her vow or not. She does not have any element of fear and she believes that nothing would happen to her since she has cut her connection with Cabsa.

This experience makes the woman an agent of hybridity because of her position as a loyal adherent to both Cabsa and Tekelhaymanot. At one point though she changed to adherent of ‘pure’orthodox Christian, she had confidence on both of them that they would alleviate her problems. It is interesting that she presented two different, though on the same issue, questions for both. The fact that she believed in their effectiveness is what gave her meaning and fulfilment. Therefore, it can be observed that individual’s meaning making process is complex. Here we can see that the adherent is acting as agent to bring about fusion of the two seemingly antagonistic religious practices. It is a common practice that I have observed in the field among many persons. Here, she is acting in a third space or in between as opposed to the polarities by negotiating what she has taken from both institutions. This shows how hybridity is in the making blurring the boundary of purity and authenticity, especially that which the Christian institution claims to have.

In addition, silat, a borrowed concept probably from Orthodox Christianity, is carrying the same notion in both religious institutions. It is understood as a give and take deal between God in the name of saints, St. Mary or any other agent for the Christians and in the case of the Qallu system it is a give and take relationship between Waaqa and its followers in the name of those ayyanas. Silet is an appeal made when one is faced with problems. According to the deal, anybody that has made silat has to pay back after his/her demand is fulfilled. The payment can be in kind, money or other activities. It does not matter what is vowed but that the vow is kept. If someone breaches the vow, something bad is expected to happen and hence people are very serious about the vow they make and its return. Silet acts as a sign of hybridity and/or mixing because of long established contact the two religious traditions have. Though it is not the concern of this study to discuss about who borrowed it, but it is interesting that it has a significant role as an instrument of appeal and begging in both settings. Hence, it can be observed how meanings are made through the negotiation and appropriation of elements from both sects by the agency of adherents. Adherents seem to empower themselves taking advantage from both and not just sticking to one of the divivsions.

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Case three- This is a story of a devotee to Cabsa. While she was going to Cabsa for thanksgiving ritual called Dalaga, there came a boy and asked her to put her presents down first in the name of Gabriel, in the nearby church in Dabratsige town. She did not care as such and refused. He then asked her in the name of Cabsa. At this time she was confused and asked him to go to Cabsa with her to sue him for the inappropriate question he asked in the name of Cabsa. He mocked her and refused to go with her and she left. The boy was not a practitioner at all and claims to be a ‘pure’ Christian who believed he would get salvation by discouraging and mocking practitioners of Cabsa. One of the ways he used to discourage was by challenging the attendants to check the degree of their commitment. This was what he tried to do on Ayelech. As the woman reached to the Cabsa, she was asked by the ayyana what she was encountered with and she told every story. The ayyana scolded her by asking why she did not give the things she brought when she was asked by the boy in the name of Gabriel. She told me what the yyana said; ‘‘who said I am greater than Gabriel?’’. The ayyana then ordered her to go back to Gabriel and give all the presents to the church. She did as she was told to do (interview with Ayelech Gutema Feb25/09)

In the third case what is seen is a sort of power relation. The Qallu tried to create a balance when the woman gave priority to Cabsa. The boy asked her in the name of both and she stopped as the name of Cabsa was mentioned. When she reached there she was told that Cabsa is not greater than Gabriel though there was nothing mentioned about whether Gabriel was great. But what was done was an attempt to create a balance. The woman is a Christian but seems to take Gabriel for granted and hesitated when she was asked in Gabriel’s name. This can partly be due to Cabsa’s immediate and practical actions. This story of the woman indicates how hybridity is not free of power politics. Though there is hybridity it is a hybridity that is characterized by a power relation when considered from the point of view of the two religious institutions.

I would like to discuss a ritual, known as ‘Dalaga’ that takes place in the galma of Cabsa and its relation with Christian calendar as another manifestation of hybridity. Dalaga is a kind of prayer for appealing to Waaqa and is a ritual of thanksgiving and praising the work of Waaqa. It is addressed to Waaqa in the name of the ayyana. This ritual of prayer takes place for the whole night once in a week. The same ritual item of food is used in both Orthodox Christianity and Qallu. For example, bread and tela are prepared and Waaqa is expected to come and bless it for the participants paralleling the practice of blessings that are made in feasts by Orthodox Christians priests. The blessings are also made in Christian holidays in the name of saints, angels and so on. Moreover, incense, umbrella and candle are few of the things very much used by both in their respective rituals. This ritual in general can be taken to be analogous to what is known as mahlet and sahtat. Mahlet’ is a thanksgiving ritual that is held over night in churches. It is a chant which involves all the instruments required for chanting; sistrum and drum being the main instruments needed. Sahtat is a prayer whereby priests spend a whole night appealing to God. (Interviewwith Woinshet Hailu Feb.20/09, TheologianGirma Bahtu, June 4/09).

It is also interesting that this dalaga ritual follows Christian calendar to take place. People are gathered at the galma in the eve of Christian holidays i.e., eve of Abuna Gebremenfeskidus (5 th

day of a month), Saint Mikael (12th day of a month), eve of Saint Gabriel (19th day of a month), eve of Saint Giorgis( 23rd day of a month),and eve of Beäla Wold( 29th day of a month). These

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days are selected for the reason that they come in every fifth to seventh day of the week which is taken as interval to carry out the ritual. Since almost all of the adherents are orthodox Christians, it needs to follow the church’s calendar because people do not work when it is a holiday. The dalaga is a whole night ritual and participants get tired the next day. Therefore, the calculation is that they go home; they do not work because it is a holiday so they take rest. The Christian calendar affects the ayyana’s activity too. Most of the time holydays are preferable for possession and accordingly the number of participants is high in those days. The justification is the same with the dalaga and in this manner Christianity is appropriated in the realm of Cabsa. (Interview with Qallu Seyoum Tessema Feb. 15/09 and Ato Hailu Dgefa Feb.19/09).

In conclusion, what I would like to say is that the two religions have formed a syncretic relationship. This syncretism is above all possible because of the Qallu itself and the practitioners as they play role of agency in the process of mixing practices. The role of the church in this regard is insignificant other than providing services to its members. However, people are making meaning through their adherence to both ‘‘using what they have at hand, do their best at coping with reality, trying to survive’’ (Aspen, 1994, 166). This in turn facilitates the process of hybridity. Thus, without the recognition of the Christian religious institution, hybridization is in the play. It should however not be taken for granted that there is a conducive atmosphere that enables us to talk about the future of syncretism.

Coexistence of the two Institutions and Christian Influence on Qallu Cabsa

Coexistence here refers to the existing of two religious sects together harmoniously. It is primarily used to refer to the form of relationship that exists between the two institutions, Qallu and Orthodox Christianity peacefully.

The relationship between Cabsa and the nearest church called Egziabheräb is a case in point to show influence and coexistence. This church was founded in 1990 by the cooperation of the surrounding people including Cabsa. The reason for its establishment was, according to Memre Kiflu the current administrator of the church, that churches are found far from Xumano and the residents suffered to get church services. Hence, they joined hands to construct this church nearby. When he explains the church’s relation with Cabsa, he said that Cabsa strongly supports the church, according to the information I got the major support for the church is obtained from Cabsa. He told me that the church did not have a store until very recently. Cabsa built a small building spending about 60,000 Birr. Moreover, every year the Cabsa prepares a feast and feed the priests and all the Christian community who comes to celebrate the annual holiday. The Cabsa institution also allows the church to use its own generator in holidays and provide the church with electric power (Interview wit Memre Kiflu, Feb., 09). The Cabsa has promised the church to install power supply for the church in the near future. Currently it is the Qallu Cabsa institution which has taken the responsibility of paying salary to the priests in service because of the financial problem the church has faced (Interview with Dgefa, June 17/09)

The church leader told me that when their services are needed they provide them to Cabsa unconditionally because apart from being Qallu, they are members of orthodox Christian institution. We never push the Qallu away from the church but we rather pray so that God will liberate them from this evil. Though the church consumes what is provided by the Qallu they still label it as evil and sinful act on the basis of its claim of purity and holiness. For instance, if she (W/ro Abebech Wuletu) or anybody in the compound gives birth, they call us and we go and carry out cleansing ritual according to the church’s rule. No one is allowed to pass the gate of Cabsa without the cleansing ritual we give when a woman gives birth. We also give them funeral prayers and burial services if someone dies, we baptize their babies and all the other services.

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They come to church during holidays and recognize our authority (interview with Memre Kiflu Bahru and Teferi Kiflu, Feb. 16/09).

Therefore, we can see that the relationship between the two religious institutions in the study area is a peaceful one and there is rather dependence on each other. The thing is, Cabsa has recognized the power the church has and never runs for competition and influence at the expense of the church’s position. As a result they are not antagonistic but have managed to have friendly relation since question of power relation is answered by the submission of Cabsa. It needs to be considered how the Cabsa uses the church to legitimatize itself by creating such a relationship. First, as I have tried to show previously, it is using the church’s elements to treat patients as well as carry out other rituals and in a way hold its believers. Second, it is supportive and submissive to the church’s authority and never creates a problem for the church as a growing and influential institution. This strategy of Cabsa has given its followers a confidence to stick to it while still maintaining their position as Orthodox Christians. Had Cabsa shown any sign of challenge and deride that would underestimate the church; its followers would have questioned it and even worse might have turned against it. But because adherents see the Cabsa standing by the side of the church they do not turn their face from it though the church preaches that adhering to Cabsa as a non Christian practice.

The Foundation of Dabratsige Sunday School: A challenge to Coexistence.

Following the construction of a new church in the town, few groups of students came together and started gathering on Sundays. This gradually developed into a formal Sunday school and it was officially recognized when the church of Saint Gabriel started its service in 1991. The number of students was increasing from time to time and there was a wide evangelical programme. One of the targets of the school was to stop people from adhering to Cabsa and promote a ‘pure’ orthodox Christianity whose members do not have double allegiance to it and Cabsa as well. In order to make this practical a number of strategies were applied one of which is a strong follow up by fathers of confession.

One of the founding members of the Sunday school, Million, told me that fathers in the area were convinced to force their children not to go to the Cabsa. Hence, adhering to both institutions was forbidden and began to be challenged. If any child were seen going to Cabsa, that child would automatically lose its privilege as a child including all the church services; this was the condition put. I have raised a question to Million, regarding whether the attempt to stop double allegiance worked or not. He said it was not as such successful because of the priests’ neglect and the practitioners resistance to stop going to Cabsa (Interview with Million Amente Feb.13/09).

On the other side a priest told me how difficult it is to detach their children from their long lived experiences. The priest believes that there is nothing wrong with going to Cabsa so long as they respect God and the priests’ authority. He also believes that the Qallu Cabsa herself is a Christian who gives support to the church and to us, so it is not a crime to practice both though it is not advisable (interview with Mamre Kiflu Bahiru Feb. 19/09).

We can divide the tendency of the Sunday school students and the priests’ position as progressive and traditional way of understanding and reacting to the coexistence. This could be seen in the light of accommodative and non accommodative approach towards the hybrid identities. It should be clear that progressives are so called because they tend to react to the practice of Qallu in a reformist manner in order to bring an end to the practice and lead the people to ‘purity’. On the contrary, the traditionalists tend to keep the harmony and foster

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tolerance. What the Sunday school has tried to do is one of the unsuccessful attempts to detach the practice of Christianity and Qallu religious tradition. The traditionalists compromise, as they have been doing for so long, by not forcing their children to stop going to Cabsa. It did not take much time for the Sunday school students to be ostracized by priests and some sections of the society because they were seen as threats and radicals.

As can be seen in the above discussion, the endeavour of the Sunday school and the students associated with it in trying to create gulf between the two religions, remained fruitless. Below is a discussion of an event which took place on October 21, 1997, which also presents an attempt of a similar kind.

Since 1991 there is tabot of GebreKirstos together with Egziabherab at Xumano. The annual celebration is on October 21 and May 21 respectively. In these days the Tabot is taken out of the church as people gather for celebration. Accordingly, October 21 1997 the holiday was being celebrated in the presence of a large number of people both from the town and the surrounding rural areas. There was a group of Sunday school members who went from the town for service. W/ro Abebech Wuletu was also one of the attendants.

In the middle of the celebration, one of the students saw folks kneeling down in front of W/ro Abebech Wuletu who is domicile of the ayyana Cabsa. In few seconds the young man approached the woman and punched her face and harassed her verbally. He also shouted on the attendants saying that “how dare you kneel down to an individual woman while the tabot is standing in front of you?” This developed into a serious conflict. The woman forbade her followers when they were about to hit the youngsters. In the meantime police interfered to settle the situation and hence they were rescued. Then, the students were all taken to the police station. The conflict was finally settled with the involvement of elders and they were all released. But still says Markos ‘‘I can see that those who are very close to Cabsa do not have a good attitude for us and I suspect if they get a conducive atmosphere, they will probably avenge. I have never been to that place since then’’. By ‘very close’ he means adherents who have made themselves servants in the Galma and compound of the Cabsa. He emphasized that adherents from both the rural and urban centres reacted equally against the situation. (Interview with Markos Buruse and Aklilu Lemma, Feb., 17/09).

I asked a priest how he felt about what happened at that time. He put all the blame on the youth. He explained his position as follows,

We have lived with the Qallu in harmony and it is nothing more than disturbing this harmony. The Qallu is more useful to us than what the so called ‘sanbat temaris’ are trying to do. The people are used to kneel down to her and we should not force them to ban it. Maybe we can teach them to gradually detach themselves (interview with Teferi Kiflu Feb. 16/09).

Therefore, I would say the expansion of such schools and movements need to be cautious of the consequence of their actions. For instance, the conflict would have had undesirable effects. If an individual were killed in the fight, what sort of relationship could be imagined between the family of the victim and the killer? This would impact on the coexistence of the two since it is a conflict caused due to people’s practice of two religions.

Moreover, it seems that the current government is tolerant of religious diversity as opposed to the imperial and the military regimes. In this context of the government’s efforts towards religious equality and promotion of religious tolerance, intolerance to religious differences contravenes the rights enshrined in the constitution. I have observed that there are some people

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questioning those who mock Qallu Cabsa referring to articles about religious equality from the constitution. Hence it can be suspected that the long established religious tolerance and coexistence may be threatened. If the church is not going to have a room for Qallu as it used to and if adherents of Cabsa keep on challenging the mockers in the name of Orthodox Christianity, it is more likely that it will have undesirable effect on the coexistence of these two religious practices as well as people’s harmonious relationship. However, until now, the coexistence between the church and Qallu in the area has surpassed many challenges before and as a result it has evolved believers with double allegiance to both sects.

In the imperial regime the very relationship of the church and the state had reduced the so called traditional religions to subordination and hence there was no sign of resistance from the so called traditional religions because they had accepted their position as inferior. In the military regime, both institutions were reduced to the position of invisibility with the church’s role being curtailed as insignificant and less powerful. Hence, the power relationship between the church and the Qallu was subsided and sidelined as all religious activities were suppressed during the military regime. Situations began to change with the coming of the current administration. This regime attempts to entertain all religious institutions on equal basis. This has led to the developing consciousness of participants of Qallu in a way to question and challenge the taken for granted status quo. Having this in mind, unless the church controls the actions of some of its radical followers, religious coexistence at large and with Qallu Cabsa in particular is going to be affected through time.

In conclusion, I have tried to indicate hybridity, influence and coexistence. An attempt is made to analyse by taking individual case stories. Coexistence of the institutions has been shown by taking important elements that are shared by the sects. It has been stated that there are, however, developments which seem to challenge coexistence; the radical Sunday School being the main threat. This challenge on coexistence seems to be overcome by the followers up to now. In the next chapter a detailed discussion of the religious practice from different angles will be made.

Chapter Five

Orthodox Christianity and Qallu Religious Practices from Different Perspectives in the Study Area.

Being Modern and Religious Practise in the Study Area

What is modern in the religious context of Ethiopia? What does the issue of public and private amount to practising in the context of Christianity and Qallu? How does this affect the narration of hybridity? These are some of the questions that may be raised in relation to what happens in the process of the actual act of religious practice..

In this thesis, I take modernity as institutionalization of ideas and power. Hence, it follows that Orthodox Christianity as opposed to the so called ‘traditional’ religions assumes title of modern religion. This is attributed to its introduction that has enabled Orthodox Christianity secure legitimacy from the ruling classes at the very beginning. The church was empowered by the state since the church supported the state with its myth of origin. Moreover, it assumes the title modern for the fact that it has literate/ written culture unlike those religious practices which had none. The discursive and material constructs of the church led to the monopolization of power. Historically, during the time of expansion of the Christian highland kingdom to the south, Christianization accompanied the process. As revealed in many medieval literatures this process was considered as civilization and liberation of the non Christians. This monopoly of power and privilege of the church led to the marginalization of other religious practices to the realm of ‘traditionalism’ while the church was categorized as a modern institution. Therefore, being

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Christian would mean being modern, being liberated from the yoke of backward religions and enable the converts to be counted as member of the religion of the privileged. This is because the church as institution having power, has claimed truth and is considered righteous. Given this condition, people become at ease with identifying themselves with the powerful and the righteous.

On the other hand, it is not easy for communities to detach themselves from the meaningful practice and ritual they are used to, though converted to Christianity centuries ago. Moreover, the Qallu religious practise has not created problems for the practitioners, from their point of view, but rather it is a source of solution to most of their everyday problems. Consequently, practitioners were faced with a dilemma of choosing between the two following mass conversion. But since both were/are necessary, the worshippers found a way to negotiate both practices. Obviously, this led to hybridization and blending of the two forms of beliefs. This however created a condition in which Qallu was left to the private domain while Christianity remains a public practice partly because of the status Christianity assumes. Following this legacy, people especially in the town never want to be seen going to Qallu Cabsa whereas they confidently go to the church. They go to the Cabsa secretly. One informant has told me that she goes to Cabsa but no one even from her family, including her husband, knows that she goes. She told me that after she went and prayed to Cabsa, her daughter who was seriously ill got well and hence she never wants to stop going (Interview with Teferi Kiflu Feb.16/09 and W/ro Meselu Feb.12/09).

I asked W/ro Meselu why she does not want anybody including her husband to know; she said it will spoil the family’s image which is considered as family of ‘pure Christians’. However, she continues to visit Cabsa having this in mind. Another informant told me what she used to do while she was a goer to Cabsa by saying

I used to pretend that I never go to Cabsa and criticize the goers when I met with its strong opponents in church. I did this in order not to be counted as the follower of a backward religion; you know they worship human beings which is considered to be nonsense (Interview with W/ro Asalafach Nadhi Feb.16/09).

This woman and her husband Ato Dammissie Tola never go to Qallu Cabsa any more and do not have fear of the consequences that come out of avoiding the practise. The role of their daughter, a Sunday school student, is significant in bringing them into a ‘new world of salvation and purity’ (interview with Konjit Damissie Feb. 16/09).

On the basis of the stories discussed above, it is safe to conclude that practising Qallu secretly and Christianity in the open is a manifestation of ‘traditionalism’ and ‘modernism’ respectively and hence the practice is affected by this discourse.

How is the narration of hybridity affected? What I have tried to discuss previously is one of the factors that affect the practise and narration of hybridity. In addition to the discourse, I want to call attention about the history of Christianity in the study area and how the grand narrations of the presence of Teklehaymanot and the monastery of Dabralibanos play their own part in mystifying hybridity and pretending Christianity exists purely. The area is referred to as ‘‘Dagmawit Eyerusalem’’ meaning the second Jerusalem. Identifying oneself with this place creates a sense of pride because of its constructed image. Thus, in such a situation it is not easy to talk about going to both church and Qallu instead of claiming ‘purity’. Therefore, Christianity is very much mystified and abstracted as a ‘pure’ religion which was / is never true. As Mary Douglas (2002:200) says “[p]urity is the enemy of change, of ambiguity and compromise” change as a result of the mixing of the two religions is abhorred. This is one reason why those

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who want to be referred to as ‘pure’ Christians are ashamed of speaking of their Qallu worship in public.

In a very annoyed tone, an Oromo priest from Debra Libanos has told me the following

the pure Orthodox religion of our fathers is being polluted and mixed up with bea’ad amlko here in the land of Teklehaymanot because of lack of strong follow up from our side. Religion has become guramayle and something mixed up with other elements (Interview with Mergeta Bogale March 14/09).

Here the emphasis the priest put on purity and land of Teklehaymanot shows how hybridity is seen as a threat in the ‘holy’ land. One can hence observe the fact that a mystified narration of Christianity covers up the syncretic religious practice. But unknowingly the priest has mentioned hybridity by saying guramayle to explain the degree to which orthodox Christianity has been polluted by the inclusion of certain beliefs as Qallu cabsa from his point of view. However, he has exposed the social reality in a very powerful and expressive word guramayle. Hybridity seems to be a hard fact that has to be confronted even by priests even if they do not want to recognise it. When the man mentions guramayle he unknowingly admitted the deconstruction of ‘purity’ by hybridity.

It is worth considering what pollution means from an Orthodox Christian’s point of view and how it impacts on hybridity. Pollution according to theologian Girma is rikuset which carries the connotation of undesired mixture of evil with good or pure with impure. Therefore it is abominated for at least two main reasons. First, it alters the notion of ‘pure’ because the elements and values of other religions would integrate into Christianity and as time goes on those alien elements start to be taken as part and parcel of orthodox Christianity and hence appropriated by the believers. Second, it violates the grand rule of Christianity. This commandment is God’s order of worshipping only him without having other gods to add to worship (see Exodus 20 for the commandment) (Interview with Theologian Girma Batu, June 4/09).

The notions of ‘pure’ and ‘holy’ in the church are also important factors in affecting the narration of hybridity because the two concepts stand against hybridity. Purity and holiness imply separateness according to Douglas (2002:67) who says “Holiness requires that individuals shall conform to the class to which they belong. And holiness requires that different classes of things shall not be confused.” This explanation of holiness and purity can be sufficient to elaborate the situation under discussion. The Bible also forbids mixing. If we refer to Leviticus 19:19, it says “You shall keep my statutes. You shall not let your cattle breed with a different kind; you shall neither sow your field with two kinds of seed; nor shall there come upon you a garment of cloth made of two kinds of stuff.” Since the effect of Judaic religious elements are very much alive in the Ethiopian Christianity, what the Jewish religious men thought to their followers is highly observed by the orthodox Christians hence the rules in Leviticus’s are very much governing in this case. All these would tell something of value to elaborate Christianity’s resistance of hybridity though it is already mixed.

On the other side, it is interesting that members of the rural community especially those who are in Xumano identify themselves with both Christianity and Qallu Cabsa. They believe they are privileged to have a church (Egziabheräb) and Cabsa in their vicinity because they can easily get their services without going far. For instance, for Ato Urgie, Qallu is not a taboo and a threat to Orthodox Christianity, but it is Protestantism that creates a problem (Interview with Teshome Feb. 18/09, Mezgebua Feb.18/09 and Ato Urgie March12/09). This is indicative of the status Qallu assumes within the urban and rural community in a situation where it is providing

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indiscriminate service regardless of the condition of worshippers. In this way the rural practitioners tend to favour the narration of hybridity by openly practising and speaking of their dual commitment to both religious sects while the private domain Cabsa assumes among the urban adherents adversely affects the narration of hybridity.

But it should be clear that urban worshippers make their Qallu practice secret not because of their bad attitude towards Qallu but I believe it is because of the imposed conception of the ‘modern’ and fear of the pressure that come from the non practitioners. They do that in order not to affect their relationship with their neighbours and in fact with church men especially their fathers of confession. As far as the effect of going to Qallu on social relations is concerned, I have not come across with data that support an overt conflict or dispute caused by one’s going. The role of gossip in this case is very significant other than open conflict. When people gather for different occasions this gives a good timing and opportunity to backbite against anybody who is suspected of visiting Qallu Cabsa. Moreover, in situations of disputes which are caused by other reasons, the goer may be insulted and mocked because he/she goes to Qallu Cabsa. To elaborate this I will take one case

A conflict between W/ro A and W/ro F broke in the summer of 2000. It was a dispute between neighbours which was caused by the question of land ownership. The women were exchanging words of insult. W/ro F insulted the other lady for going to Cabsa while still pretending that she is a real Christian. In her own words ‘‘you look a real Christian when you run to Gabriel church every Sunday. But we know that you run to Cabsa and one can find you at Cabsa’s place the next day, you are pretentious’’.

Obviously there was no reason for raising the issue of going to Cabsa. But the woman used the chance to attack her neighbour by mocking. Therefore, though marginalizing the goers is not a manifest and usual action by the non goers, when the chance is there nobody refrains from gossiping or insulting for the mere reason that one visits Cabsa. In order to avoid such gossips and insults that affect social relations, the urban adherents make their visit a secret engagement.

Hybridized Religious Practice and Ethnic Identity in the study area

As I have tried to show in the previous chapter, the study area has a long history of interaction between the Oromo and the Amhara people as they settled together for centuries. One may consider various issues to show the nature and effect of interaction and how cultural borders are being crossed by each ethnic group. The formation of multiple identities that result out of interaction, as opposed to notions of ethnic identity as fixed and unchanging is the theme of this section.

According to Barker (2008), ethnicity ‘‘is a cultural concept centred on the sharing of norms, values, beliefs, cultural symbols and practices. (…) Ethnicity is best understood as a process of boundary formation that has been constructed and maintained under specific socio-cultural conditions’’. The formation of ethnic identities in the study area is viewed from this point of view because I argue that the identities of the Amhara and the Oromo are marked by hybridity. This makes it problematic to draw an absolute boundary or a dividing line between their ethnic identities and make assertions of being pure Amhara and or Oromo. For instance the case of Oromo Geber which I have discussed in the third chapter can explain this. These group of people are able to have more identities as a result of mixing of Amhara and Oromo ethnic groups.

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Hence, it is difficult to draw a boundary of differentiating between pure Amahara and pure Oromo since it is all mixed and blurred by the society itself. The fact that they are speakers of both Amharic and Afaan Oromo can be seen as a sign of their hybridized identity.

Accordingly, the Qallu Cabsa religious institution, as one element of the Oromo culture has transcended its confinement by extending its services beyond the Oromo domain as well. In the literature it is shown, that Qallu religious institution and the practice is originally of the Oromo nation. This being the case however, what I have witnessed from my observation and the data is that, its role as a religious institution is extending to the surrounding Amhara community who have already mingled with the Oromo and started to share what is theirs to the Oromo. People from different walks of life, without being stopped by factors like ethnic background, visit and get the service of Qallu Cabsa. These Amhara people not only use the service to solve their problems but also are being possessed by the ayyana spirit and the Qallu Cabsa gives its tufta (blessing) and permites them to be Qallus.

In line with this, I should mention the story of an Amhara man called Nigusu Mulugeta who was a devotee for a long time and who was finally possessed. He said he is Amhara of Ensaro, around Merhabite but was living in Debratsige until he left for Addis Ababa and then Dukem. He told me that he was a devoted adherent of Cabsa and that he used to spend most of his time at the galama of Cabsa. He then was blessed by Cabsa and his ayyana is called Barrahagnaaw (spirit of the desert). Due to the permission he is now giving service around Dukem, few kilometres east from the capital city (Interview with Nigusu Mulugeta Feb. 25/09 and Amade Habtu, Feb.25/09). Therefore, it can be inferred that, in a context of hybridiy where living proofs are being observed, conceptions of ethnicity as an inborn value is contestable because it is always in the making and cannot be frozen as something that is already formed and static. Here, it is clear that the Amhara identify themselves with the Oromo religious practice and hence their identity goes beyond being only Christian Amhara because they are having multiple identities by incorporating what used to be of the Oromo. In this way cultural boundaries are made blurred in a way, denying room for the conception of culture as ‘locally bound’. Moreover, this boarder crossing and inclusive ethnicity challenges the modernist ideology of the current state’s strategy of dividing people on the basis of their ethnic identity. Hence, remapping Ethiopia on such basis seems less plausible since the employment of language alone as an identity marker is not as such effective since there are other cultural values which are going beyond the polarity of ‘pure’ ethnic group by way of sharing these values with other ethnic groups and leading to the formation of more identities than the linguistically bound one.

Moreover, the extension of Oromo religious practice to the Amhara even to the extent of qualifying them to the position of Qallu challenges Donald Levine’s (1974) claim about the Oromo religion and its ritual experts. He considers the culture and religion of Oromo, unlike that of the Amhara, as fragile and incapable of transferring its influence to others. He believes that the Oromo completely assimilated to the culture of the communities with which they had contact. Elaborating this, he maintains that, contrary to the ‘Amhara religious experts’ and its missionaries, the experts of Oromo religion

were tied to their societal home base. Their role was […] to minister to the ritual needs of particular tribe. The contents of their religious activities had meaning only within the context of a local Galla societal community. Outsiders could not qualify for positions of special ritual significance for these were tied to specific lineage (151)

However, it is less likely to assume a one sided influence provided that two or more cultures are coming into contact whatever form of power relation they have, maintains (Baker, 2008). It is

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quite a problematic allegation that the Oromo are simple receivers giving up on their tradition while the Amhara are in charge of giving and influencing. What I have witnessed from my observation discloses a different reality, i.e., a reality which shows syncretism by which both have left their traces on each other and hence ‘‘nothing is more mistaken than the venture of substantiating a one-sided absorption of the Oromo in Amhara culture’’(Messay,1999:383).

Marginalised Groups and their Relation with both Religious Institutions in the Study Area

Following the foundation of Debra Tsige town in 1940s, a large number of people have migrated for settlement. Among the immigrants were a group of artisans and potters. Naturally, their settlement was affected by group affiliation as a result of which they formed a separate residence in the town. This community was then labelled as buda hence become ostracized and marginalized representing the Ethiopian version of social casts (Pankhrust, 1992). They formed a distinct community identity and they do not mix with the rest. They experience a stressful situation as far as relationship was and is still concerned. If one goes to the town and asks about the community in the fourth section, he/she would find out that it is the home of the ‘other’. As far as status is concerned, they assume a low position within the social hierarchy (Interview with Mamre Tsaga Waldemaryam Dec.17/08 and Memre Mitiku Tassama Feb. 15/09).

This being the situation however, religious institutions treat their adherents equally and they serve as shelter for those who are ignored and disregarded. Among the most frequent visitors of galma of Qallu Cabsa from the town are these group of people. Regardless of their status, both the rich and poor go and rely on it and serves to them as a shelter. In most cases, after a frequent visit accompanied by prayers and silat they are possessed and also build small galma near their homes. Possession is especially experienced by the poor (interview with Teferi Kiflu Feb.16/09, Ato Urgie Wadajo March 8/09 and Qallu Seyoum Tessema Feb.13/09). In his discussion of shamanistic religions, Lewis (1989) connects possession with empowering those in low status and powerless. Therefore, by going to the Qallu Cabsa the people under discussion empower themselves and negotiate the status they are accorded by changing their religious affiliations. Moreover, they are incorporated into a community through Qallu instituion and in the rituals carried out by followers like dalaga. This in turn makes them feel that they are equal at least in front of Waaqa.

Gender Relation With Qallu Cabsa and Orthodox Christianity in the Study Area

It is striking that my field experience and what I have got from informants indicate that, when considered from the point of view of gender, it is the women who mostly go to both the church and Qallu institution. The question then becomes ‘why so?’ Informants reflected on this question differently. The reason is different for men and women in both urban and rural areas.

Men in the rural area believe that it is women’s role to go to Qallu Cabsa especially for issues like children’s illness, minor conflicts, decrease of agricultural produce and so forth. But usually the men know that their wives are going and why they go (Interview with Faysaa Arado March 16/09and Dame Tola March 26/09). Where the men in the rural area know that their women are going to Cabsa and they accept it as their routine cultural practice since they are themselves adherents to Qallu Cabsa. They go to Cabsa but not as frequently as women. They rather prefer to delegate their wives instead of running for this and that.

For men in the urban centre, women go to Cabsa for different reasons. Women tend to believe in a ‘false notion’ of getting their problems resolved in these institutions while there are secular

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institutions like police station and health centres from where they can get better services in response to their problems (Interview with Haylamaryam Fatana Feb.12/09, Tsagye Daybo March 16/09, and Sayoum Kabada Feb.30/09). Men usually do not go to the Cabsa and they are not that interested to know whether their women are going or not. For men it is a sphere of backwardness and women prefer to go because they are ignorant and less knowledgeable. Men have already made their mind up that Cabsa is a ‘non modern’ religious place and it is not a centre of religious and social service as women ascribe to it. Here men seem to be judgemental without trying to see it from the point of view of the women.

For women who go to Cabsa, it is a different story. They go to Qallu in search of solutions for diverse problems the women, their husbands and their children face. Women believe they cannot get satisfactory service to all their worries and problems from secular institutions like police station and health centres as their men folks suggested. The inaccessibility of these institutions especially for the women in rural areas is also a challenge by itself. In addition, they assume the responsibility of taking care of the whole family (Interview with Kalkidan Darassa March 19/09, W/ro Fantaye W/mikael March 12/09 and W/rt Konjit Damissie Feb.16/09 and Woinshet Hailu, Feb., 20/09)

On the basis of the responses both men and women gave, it can be argued that there is a gendered narration of religiosity and a dividing line between the role a woman and a man should play in this regard. The men in the rural area believe it is primarily women’s role to go to Qallu Cabsa so as to resolve various problems faced in their families. If the issues are getting serious affecting the survival of the family, then the man is involved. The men are busy handling big businesses in the family. This is a case in point to show how patriarchy has confined the women into a certain realm (referred to as minor) with limited power which in turn forces them to find alternative sources of power.

The men in the urban area think that women are born to be tempted towards superstitions. For them they are dependent on what religious men tell them. Apart from this judgemental claim of the men in the urban area, the socially constructed role and position that women assume forces them accept their inferior position and powerlessness. As a result of this they tend to look for something that would make them feel secured and powerful. I have seen that they are mostly possessed. At this time the men instead of mocking them, respect them and see them with fear. Therefore, it is more likely that the Qallu is providing them with an alternative source of power which they are denied in their normal condition. Power is not the only issue to make the women go frequently. In relation to it, there is also economic question. Most women are economically dependent on their husbands. If then a conflict arises and they get divorced, they will have nothing to rely on at least temporarily. Therefore, they go and pray for the peace of the family and their husbands stay with them. Thus it can be said that apart from what their counterparts allege, the women’s situation forces them to run to the Qallu Cabsa institutions.

Moreover, women are not usually accustomed to going to police station when a conflict arises between them and their husbands especially in the rural areas. Even if they get the courage to go, the result usually ends up disfavouring the women. Therefore in search of justice, empowerment, and shelter they rather prefer to go to religious institutions and Qallu in particular (Lewis, 1989).

There is another dimension of gender that needs to be noted in this case. It has been indicated above that women go to Cabsa not only for their issues. They go if there are problems in the family; their children, husbands, and other relatives from the extended family in accordance with their intimacy. This implies that women shoulder responsibilities as caretakers in the family and feel the obligation to find solutions for these multifaceted problems faced in their lives and their family’s’.

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The other issue concerning gendered narration of the practice of Qallu is about purity, pollution, and cleansing. Both men and women are not allowed to enter the compound of Cabsa if they had sex the previous night. If they are faced with a serious problem that forces them visit the galma, they will be staying outside and their message is transferred through agents who are ready for this. They will be allowed to enter the compound only after a week. In this condition both are believed to be impure and pollutant for the compound. Breaching this taboo affects the proper functioning of the ayyaana for it abhors pollution. The cleansing does not have a complicated process; they just take shower and get cleansed (Douglas,2002).

Related to this is Menstruation and delivery. A woman who is menstruating is forbidden to get close to Cabsa’s compound because she is impure until it ends and she is cleansed. Impurity creates danger hence needs to be avoided. Again if a woman gives birth, she is believed to be impure and the same law governs her if she wants to go to Qallu she needs to be cleansed. But in this case, unless a priest comes and carries out the ritual of cleansing she remains to be a danger and pollutant. Not only the woman in child bed is impure, but all guests who go to visit her before the seventh day of her delivery are also impure. If these people also go to Cabsa before they are cleansed, they are dangerous therefore they cannot approach the galma. The woman’s house needs to be cleansed by priests who spell prayers on water and spread it into the home, on the woman and on those who visited her before the cleansing ritual in the seventh day. This is also one way to indicate how the ayyana’s well being is dependent on priests. Unless they cleanse a woman in a child bed and her home, the ayyana never allows anybody to approach to the galma. The same rule works if its abode is a woman and if she menstruates or gives birth, the ayyana comes back to possess her after a cleansing ritual is carried out by priests. This reminds us of how the two institutions are influencing each other and how the Qallu is dependent on the church’s service for its well functioning (Douglas, 2002). In addition, the same notions of pollution, cleansing and purity are very much influential in the Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity. What has been discussed above holds true in the situation of the church too. This is an indication of the extent of influence, hybridity and mixing. Thus, the two religious institutions are connected through borrowing though who borrowed from who is an issue that needs an intensive investigation.

Hybridized Religious Practice from the Point of view of Generation

Depending on their age informants have reflected differently about their attachment to Qallu Cabsa and Orthodox Christianity. As I have tried to indicate in different sections adults and old age groups except the conservative Christians are positive towards Qallu. Even if they do not practice, they accept it because they witness the fact that it is giving various services with regards to health, conflict etc.

Youngsters reflect on the issue differently. Some believe that it is wrong to mix two religions by referring to Bible verses. Mostly they criticize their parents and others who go to Cabsa. They mock the institution and the goers. This seems result of changes occurring in the area, especially due to the foundation of a Sunday school in Debratsige town in 1980s and recently of the introduction of protestant churches. This change is part and parcel of what is going on in the whole nation of Ethiopia including religious teachings in universities.

Some of the youngsters tend to identify themselves with critics of religion by saying that it does not make sense to go to both the church and Cabsa. For them it is a waste of time. Their tendency is towards showing how religions are manipulating the mass to accumulate wealth. They believe the institutions manoeuvre the mass and convince them to provide whatever they have in different ways silet being one of the instruments of exploitation. This, according to them,

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is especially true of Qallu Cabsa. In this regard, the increasing number of students joining universities has its own part in introducing new ideas that is shaping them in a way. As I have mentioned earlier, part of the youngsters are questioning the very idea of religion itself as problematic and deceiving. I believe this is a result of one of the many influences university students have brought on the rest.

But, there are still who believe that both Christianity and Qallu are traditional heritages from their mothers and fathers and that they need to respect it if not worship.

Thus, in as much as the change within Orthodox Church and Protestantism has shown its effects, it should be remembered that non religiosity and detachment from past traditional sentiments have their consequences in the study area impacting on the Qallu, Orthodox Christianity as well as hybridity. Therefore, the taken for granted religious sentiment is in general questioned and challenged by the young generation (Discussion with a group of youngsters, March 30/09)

To conclude, in this chapter, the two religious practices have been analysed from different perspectives. While doing so, I have raised issues of modernism, ethnic identity. occupation, gender and generation to explain the two practices. In relation to modernism, orthodox Christianity assumes the official milieu while Qallu is reduced to secrecy. Ethnic identity, as opposed to essentialist notions, has been indicated that it is crossing boundaries and hence is not fixed. Artsians, who are marginalized due to their occupation, seem to get shelter and empowerment from the religious institutions and especially from Qallu Cabsa. In relation to gender, it has been discussed who the frequent visitors of religious institutions are and why so. Accordingly women visit the institutions and especially Qallu. Pollution, impurity, purity and cleansing are also some of the themes discussed in connection with gender. The different outlooks about religion and hybridized form of the practice has been considered in the discussion made on generation.

Chapter Six

Summary and Conclusion

In this thesis I have tried to show religion in practice and as a dynamic meaning making force within society. I have also discussed the power of interaction as a force of change, a change which is explained by cultural mixing leading to hybridity / syncretism. Apart from the perception of religions as ‘pure’ ‘original’ and ‘authentic’, the research deals with a mixture of two different religious practices i.e., Orthodox Christianity and Qallu religious institution and hence the deconstruction of ‘purity’ ‘originality’ and ‘authenticity’ due to the role played by the practitioners and Qallu Cabsa institution..

In line with this, I have tried to expound the lived reality by analysing case stories of individual life experiences. I have also tried to show the extent of mutual influence and coexistence. Borrowing and appropriating Christian elements like holy water and calendar by the Qallu and the support the church gets from the Qallu are few of the ways that are used to signify influence. Moreover, the concept of pollution, cleansing ritual and interdependence of the Qallu with the church and priests is discussed above. Qallu Cabsa’s recognition of the authority of the church and the priests is also analysed as its source of legitimacy by securing public confidence in it. Since most of the adherents are Orthodox Christians, Qallu Cabsa’s commitment to Christianity has enabled it to get followers’ trust. While doing so, I have identified how hybridity is narrated and how its narration is affected. I have also tried to show factors which I considered are threat to this sort of relationship. Attempts made to detach people from their customs and traditions which are meaningful in their eyes are discussed together with their consequences. In this line I

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have discussed and analysed the foundation of Sunday schools and increasing participation of the youth as a main factor affecting peaceful coexistence.

Formation of multiple identities has been observed because cultural boundaries are crossed by Qallu Cabsa and Christianity. These flexible identities are also results of ethnic interaction a good example of which is Oromo Geber. Accordingly, it has been revealed that ethnicity is a complex issue that cannot be reduced within a rigid framework so long as we recognize the presence of interaction and dynamics. Unlike essentialist conception of ethnicity, it has been witnessed from the research finding that the Oromo religion is acting as a force to unify two ethnic groups, i.e., Oromo and Amhara leading to the formation of more identities framed by religious and ethnic interaction. The study area is a centre of interaction of two religions Orthodox Christianity and Qallu as well as Amhara and Oromo ethnic groups that resulted in cultural mixing. The Oromo religion is an active agent to play a role to unify two ethnic groups by transcending itself beyond its limit to the Amhara. It is found out that the study area is marked by hybridity. However, due to various factors, the narration of hybridity is negatively affected. The grand narration of history of the presence of Teklehaymanot, long establishment of Christianity since 13th c, and people’s pride of identifying themselves with Debralibanos, the second Jerusalem, and the effects of modernism are few of the factors I have found to be influencing the narration of hybridity together with the mystification of orthodox Christianity as ‘pure’.

In addition, in the process of practising the two religions, ethnic background, occupation, gender and generation gaps have been taken into account to show degree of attachment and detachment, practitioners have allegiance to both religions and especially Qallu religious practice. This has helped as a key to show how dynamics is impacting on religious practice particularly seen from the point of view of generation.

Concerning ethnic group, both the Amhara and the Oromo use the service of the two institutions. It is believed that Qallu is of the Oromo. However, the study has witnessed that it provides its service indiscriminately to both ethnic groups to the extent of possession by the ayyana spirit. This entails the formation of multiple identities because of the inclusion of non-Oromos in the tradition of Qallu. With regards to occupation, both religions serve as shelter for the despised class of artisans but Qallu has gone beyond to the extent of empowering them through possession.

It has also been found out that women are the most frequent visitors of both institutions due to their multifaceted problems which they believe could only be solved by religious institutions. The institutions are serving them as source of power to alleviate their socially imposed depression and stress. The role of Qallu Cabsa here is significant because it empowers them through possession. This research has indicated women’s tendency. However, another research must be conducted to analyse why women as opposed to men in both urban and rural settings become the most frequent visitors of the institution.

Generation gaps are the other perspective I considered while discussing the practise. Here, it is found out that there is a mixed understanding of religiosity between the young the old groups of people. The old tend to attach themselves to either of the institutions, or to both. The youngsters have shown indifference. For some of them the very idea of religion is not acceptable. They tried to challenge both institutions as deceivers. Some others tend to support the mixed practise while there are others who strongly refuse the mixture of Christianity with Qallu Cabsa.

Modern and traditional in the religious context of Ethiopia has been analysed questioning what it means and how it affects religious practice. It is found out that there is a marked difference of the practise between urban and rural residents. Though both are active participants and recipients

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of services from both sects, the question comes on identifying oneself to the religions. Hence I have found out that those practitioners in the rural and urban settings show difference in the way they identify themselves with the sects. Accordingly, the adherents in the urban area tend to make Qallu Cabsa a secret practise while they are at ease with identifying themselves with Orthodox Christianity. On the contrary, practitioners in the rural area identify themselves with both Qallu Cabsa and Orthodox Christianity. Both practices are open in their case. Why urban dwellers reduce their adherence to Cabsa to secrecy is analysed from the point of view of modernism. Hence, there is a consideration of Qallu Cabsa as backward religion while Christianity is considered to be modern. Because of the ‘consciousness’ of the urban dwellers they do not want to be categorized in the realm of backwardness. But, this conception has no place in the rural setting since both of the religions are serving them in their struggle for survival and making meaning in their lives.

Unlike previous studies this research has come up with a different perspective to show the lived reality of societies. The social reality at least contemporarily is explained by hybridity which is a result of interaction. Within hybridity however, the power relationship of Qallu Cabsa and orthodox Christianity is worth discussing. The research finding has exposed that there is influence and appropriation of different elements from Christianity by Cabsa but no data was found concerning elements that are appropriated by the church from Qallu. Moreover, it is only the priests who give service to the Qallu but the Qallu is not recognised by the church as religious expert except the economic support the Qallu Cabsa gives to the church. Though Qallu is accepted as healer by its adherents, the church does not have room to entertain Qallu’s capacity and position as healer. Therefore, it can be argued that the church assumes power of legitimacy while the Qallu assumes power through economic might when they stand as religious institutions. Thus, it can be concluded that power relation itself is negotiated by both parties since they have different sources of authority.The role of agency played by the Qallu Cabsa institution and its adherents is significant in bringing about hybridity while the Orthodox Christianity has a minimal role. I would however say the church men recognize Qallu’s capacity though they do not admit it in public.

Withstanding the religious teachings, pressures from Sunday school students and mockery, adherents keep on visiting the Qallu Cabsa . This is due to the reason that there is an alternative that it provides to followers other than the official and institutionalized service the church provides. There are things that the church could not provide but the Qallu could with regards to addressing specific problems and giving immediate solutions. Thus, there is variation of the service both institutions provide to adherents. Connected to this varying service, maintenance of religious ecology and hence coexistence should be considered. I believe variation of the service they give to adherents influences coexistence positively because competition for prominence is minimum and hence religious ecology is maintained. In line with this Qallu Cabsa’s submission to the church concerning power relation must not be overlooked as a factor to keep the religious ecology. Seen from this context of coexistence, both institutions can work in cooperation towards development for example by mobilising their adherents for different activities for the society and for the country at large. In line with this a development agent has told me that the Cabsa plays a great deal of role in mobilizing the mass. According to him, when the agents need the mass to gather for educational or other purposes, it is through the Cabsa institution that they mobilize them (Interview with development agent Tesfaye June 18/09).

Hybridity has its own impact on social harmony and management of conflict. Because of interaction boundaries between two ethnic groups are crossed. It has been witnessed from the research that Qallu as one cultural element is playing a role in unifying the Amhara and the Oromo ethnic groups. This unity which is supported by other forms of interaction like marriage plays its own part in creating and maintaining harmony. In such a situation of harmony and

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peaceful coexistence of different ethnic groups formed as a result of cultural mixing, it is questionable how far essentialist claim to purity and authenticity would lead us. This anti-hybrid tendency may prevail if changes in the political arena are going to favour one form identity instead of another. This witnesses the vibrant nature of syncretism and identity as we have discussed it. Related to this, Oromo Geber is one interesting field of inquiry for future researchers in the area of identity and culture.The implication of the recent introduction of Protestantism is worth mentioning here. I believe Protestantism may have a twofold effect on religious dynamics in the study area by impacting the mutual influence and coexistence of the two institutions, Orthodox Christianity and Qallu Cabsa positively or negatively. This is also one potential for further research in the study area.

Finally, the criminalization of traditional religions and the imprisonment of Qallues is worth raising because it cased me a methodological limitation while I was doing field work. Following the imprisonment of Tamrat Geleta and alleged Qallu, I was viewed with suspicion and this has made my field work difficult. Tamrat can be a criminal and is not free of charge because he is Qallu. However, the media’s act is a serious violation of rights of practitioners and the institution itself. For three or more consecutive Sunday mornings following the arrest of Tamrat, the police has aired television programmes to teach about the right form of religion while people are rational enough to choose between what they should do and to which religion they should adhere. In this condition, the police and other government institution joined their hands with the church or stood on its side in its task of liberating its Christian communion from ba’ad amlko and this became a success story for the other religious institution. However, such a march against and criminalization of traditional religions based on the fact that an individual has committed a crime needs to be considered again within the context f current Ethiopia in which religious equality and tolerance are highly fostered.

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APPENDIX 1

List of informants

Name of Informants

age Sex Date of interview Place Remarks

W/ro Fntaye W/mikael

55 F Feb.,26,12 and March12, 2009.

Debratsige Resourceful informant and ex consumer of Cabsa’s service.

Ato Hailemaryam Fetene

24 M Feb., 12, 2009 Debratsige A young man who lives in the town

Ato Hailu Degefa

65 M Feb., 12,16 19, 2009

Debratsige and Xumano

A ritual leader with great deal of knowledge about Qallu instituion

Ato Urgie Wedajo

70 M March 8,10,12/2009

Debratsige and Kurfa Maryam church

An elder having knowledge of history and religious dynamics

Ato Marqos Buruse

30 M Feb., 17/20009 Debratsige A Sunday school member who took active part in the event at Xumano,Oct.,21/1997

Ato Million Amente

39 M Feb., 13/2009 Debratsige Afounding member and ex chair of Debratsige Sunday school

Ato Adugna Ejere

29 M March, 11/2009 Debratsige A resourceful informant and son of a Qallu

Ato Seyoum Kebede

35 M Feb.,30, March5/2009

Debratsige An ex Orthodox Christian who turned to Protestantism

W/ro Abaynesh Garedew

60 F March,3/2009 Debratsige An ex adherent

Ato Belete Feysa

20 M Feb.,28/2009 Xumano Son of adherents and is a high school student.

Ato Tsegay Deybo

50 M March 16/2009 Debratsige An ardent orthodox Christian, converted from Muslim

Ato Demae Tolla

45 M March 20/2009 Xumano A devoted adherent of Cabsa.

Mamre Kiflu 65 M Feb., 16, 19/2009 Xumano Administrator of Xumano

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Bahiru Egziabheräb church since its foundation.

Memre Mitiku Tessema

60 M Feb., 15/2009 Kurfa Maryam church

A priest in the church of st. Mary

W/ro Weinshet Hailu

33 F Feb.,20/2009 Xumano A devoted practitioner at Cabsa

Ato Teshome Tadesse

20 M Feb., 18/2009 Xumano An elementary school student, who adheres in Cabsa

W/ro Mezgebua Teshome

29 F Feb., 18/2009 Xumano A merchant adherent to Cabsa

Memere Teferi Kiflu

34 M Feb., 16/2009 Xumano A priest at the church of Egziabherab

Ato Seyoum Tessema

40 M Feb.,9,13,15/2009 Xumano & Debratsige

A Qallu who gave me a great deal of information in the area

W/ro Aselefech Nedhi

55 F Feb., 15/2009 Debratsige An ex adherent

Ato Demissie Tola

66 M Feb., 15/2009 Debratsige An ex adherent

W/rt Konjit Demissie

31 F Feb., 15/2009 Debratsige A Sunday school member

W/rt Birhane Eshetu

21 F Feb.,21/2009 Xumano A devoted adherent

W/ro Kalkidan Deresse

33 F Feb.,28 March, 19/2009

Debrastige An ex orthodox Christian, converted to Protestantism

W/ro Meselu G/Yes

55 F Feb., 12/2009 Debratsige A devoted adherent to Cabsa

Ato Daniel Abebe

25 M March 11/2009 Debratsige A civil servant who works at the office of agriculture

Merigeta Bogale Mengitu

46 M March 14,/2009 Debralibanos A priest in Debrelibanos monastery

Ato Amde Habtu

43 M Feb., 25/2009 Mukaturi A prosecutor having no attachment to any of the

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religious institutions

Ato Negusu Mulugeta

45 M Feb., 25/2009 Mukaturi A Qallu who is blessed by Cabsa

Ato Aklilu Lemma

30 M Feb., 17/2009 Debratsige A teacher and ex Sunday school member

W/ro Zenebech Wako

55 F March 12/2009 Xumano A devoted adherent of Cabsa

W/ro Ayelech Gutema

47 F Feb., 25/2009 Xumano A devoted adherent to Cabsa

Memre Tsega W/Maryam

67 M Dec., 17/2008 Debratsige An elder who has a great deal of knowledge about the foundation of Debratsige town

Ato Feysa Aredo

45 M March, 1672009 Xumano An adherent of Cabsa

W/ro Asegedech Gudeta

55 F March 1872009 Debratsige An ex adherent to Cabsa

Ato Sisay Haile

35 M March 20/2009 Debratsige A civil servant in the office of public relations in Debralibanos Wereda

Theologian Girma Batu

32 M June 4/2009 Addis Ababa Knowledgeable about Orthodox christian religious institution.

Ato Tesgaye Teshome

26 M June 18/09 Xumano Development agent

Ato Degefa 45 M June 18/09 Xumano A devoted adherent of Qallu Cabsa

Ato Kidane Debela

53 M June 18/09 Debratsige Civil servant who was born in the area and is currently living there.

Map of the study area

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ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1: Egzeabhera’b church located at Xumano near Cabsa institution

Figure 2: The church’s new store built by Cabsa

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Figure 3: This is a new galma and residence of Cabsa built near the older one

Figure 4: This is the previous galma which still gives service interchangeably with the new one

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Figure 5: This is the interior of the galma decorated by pictures of saints

Figure 6: This is the interior of the galma decorated by pictures of saints

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DECLARATION

This thesis is my original work and has not been presented for a degree in any other university; all sources of materials used for the study have been duly acknowledged.

Student: ____________________

Serawit Bekele

Approved (Advisor):___________________

Dr. Behailu Abebe

Date: July 2009

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