CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Every state formulates its foreign policy so as to serve its national interests.

The governments of states have to decide on a certain course of action and refrain

from certain others. The primary purpose of foreign policy is to seek adjustment in

the behaviour of other states in favour of one self. From 1948 to 1994, South

African foreign policy sought to justify and protect its authoritarian apartheid1

system in which white minority regime imposed racial segregation on a politically

disenfranchised black majority. The foreign policy cost of this strategy was South

Africa's branding as an international pariah within the African continent. This

pariah status was ended in 1994.

South Africa constitutes an excellent case study for understanding foreign

policy adaptation in the post cold war era. Often refer to as a regional superpower;

South Africa is without question the leading power in the African continent. South

Africa's Presidential and legislative elections in April 1994 marked a significant

event in its foreign policy formulation. The African National Congress (ANC)

considered charting out of a new foreign policy as.a key element in the creation of .

peaceful and prosperous South Africa. Since Mandela's election, South Africa's

foreign policy makers have overseen the transformation and restructure of the

South Africa's foreign policy.

The foreign policy adaptation m the post-apartheid period outlined the

following strategies: restoring civilian control over security apparatus;

restructuring the foreign policy establishment, self-promotion as the leader of an

African renaissance, adherence to the foreign policy principle of universality, and

assuming a leadership role in International arena and Organisations.

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The study would focus on several strategies of South African policy makers

and the new realities of the post cold era, i.e., 1994-2005. The present study would

also focus on these issues of South Africa's foreign policy. The study may help in

understanding South Africa's foreign policy's challenges and future options in the

changed international context.

1.1. Concept of Foreign Policy

The term 'foreign' commonly refers to characteristics which imply or

assume a boundary between given entity.2 Foreign affairs scholars thus constantly

refer to nations, nation states, national actors, national states, national systems,

state, state actors, political systems, and so forth and are almost by definition

committed to this practice. A 'policy' can be defined as a course of action designed

to attend an objective.3 Therefore, the "foreign policy" of a state usually refers to

the general principles by which a state governs its reaction to the international

environments.

The term "Foreign Policy" has been defined in various ways by different

scholars. According to Padelford and Lincoln, "A State's foreign policy is the

totality of its dealings with its external environment. It is more than a collection of

official documents, formal records of action and public statements".4 Suijit

Mansingh writes that, "Foreign policy of a national government or any other agent,

taken in the aggregate sense, will be a collection of particular policies, solutions to

specific problem situations, not a set of formal derivatives from some set of

general axioms or principles created a priori by policy makers". 5 George Modelski

defines "foreign policy" as the system of activities evolved by communities for

changing the behaviour of other states and for adjusting their own activities to the

international environment. 6 ·

Therefore, the formulation of foreign policy is essentially an exercise in the

choice of ends and means on the part of a nation state in an international setting.

The foreign policy of a country includes the policy makers, interest and objectives,

2 W. Carlsnaes, Ideology and Foreign Policy, (New York, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986) p. 63. 3 Charles and Abdul, Concepts of International Politics, (New Delhi, 1972) p. 30. 4 Paddleford and Lincoln, The Dynamics of international Politic, (New York, Macmillan,l967), p. 307. 5 Surjit Mansingh, India's Search for Power, (New Delhi, Sage Publications, 1984), p.29. 6 George Modelski, A Theory of Foreign Policy, (London, 1990), p. 3.

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principles of foreign policy and means of foreign policy. To sum up, the foreign

policies are syntheses of the ends (national interests) and means (power and

capabilities) of nation states. Let's examine a brief concept about the national

interest and the power which are essential parts of the foreign policy of a country.

1.1.1. National Interest

National Interest is a country's goals and ambitions whether economic,

military, or cultural. The notion is an important one in international relations where

pursuit of the national interest is the foundation of the realist school. National

interest is the keynote of international relations. According to Hans Morgenthau, a

great realist scholar, all politics is struggle for power and as long as the world is

politically organised into nations, the national interest is indeed the last in world

politics.7

National interest can be defined as the general and continuing ends for

which a nation acts. Every state aims at preserving its political independence and

territorial integrity by safeguarding its international boundaries. The means may

vary but the national interest in the preservation of territorial integrity is clear.

Padelford and Lincoln observe, concepts of national interest are centered on core

values of the society, which includes the welfare of the nation, the security,

territorial integrity and its self preservation. 8

·-National Interest is the interest of a state, usually as defined by its

government. Two broad usages may be identified: i. Use by politicians in seeking

support for a particular course of action, especially in foreign policy. ii. Use as a

tool for analysing foreign policy, particularly, political realists, such as Hans

Morgenthau. Here national interest is used as a sort of foreign policy version of the

term public interest- indicating what is best for the nation in its relations with other

states.9

Foreign policy makers can never ignore the state's national interest. Its

essential components are generally believed to be security, economic development

7 Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: the Struggle for Power and Peace, (New Delhi, Kalyani Publishers, 2004), p. 30. 8 Padelford and Lincoln, n. 4, p. 307. 9 McLean I and McMillan A, Dictionary of Politics, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), p.361.

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and peaceful world order. Defence of the state is naturally the primary concern of

the foreign policy. Today, the concept of "the national interest" is often associated

with political Realists who wish to differentiate their policies from "idealistic"

policies. As considerable disagreement exists in every country over what is or is

not in "the national interest," the term is as often invoked to justify isolationist and

pacifistic policies as to justify interventionist or warlike policies.

1.1.2. Power

The power is the central concept in International Relations. As we have

discussed that foreign policy is the synthesis between the ends and means and

power has been identified as the means. Let's us see the meaning and importance

of power in International Relations. Power in international relations is defined in

different ways as follows: Power as a goal of states or leaders; Power as a measure

of influence or control over outcomes, events, actors and issues; Power as

reflecting victory in conflict and the attainment of security; and, Power as control

over resources and capabilities. Modem discourse generally speaks in terms of

state power, indicating both economic and military power. Those states that have

significant amounts of power within the international system are referred to as

middle powers, regional powers, great powers, superpowers, or hyperpowers.

Different writers described power in different ways. Hans Morgenthau

described all politics as struggle for power. Therefore, international politics is

struggle for power among the states. He described that "whatever the ultimate aims

of international politics, power is always the immediate aim".I 0 The concept of

power is accorded particular significance by analysts who subscribe to what is

what called power politics. Power politics is an approach to politics based upon the

assumption that pursuit of power is the principal human goal. II

In general, power is define as an ability to get things done as Actor A wants

Actor B to do. If A succeeds,, it has power. This ability, when exercised enables a

state to control the behaviour of other states. Since foreign policy is aimed at

regulation of behaviour of other states, power alone enables states to formulate and

successfully implement their foreign policies. Power can be exerted in various

10 Morgenthau, n.7, p. 31. 11 Andrew Heywood, Key Concepts in Politics, (New York, Palgrave Macmiilan, 2000), p.36 ..

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ways, first power is understood as decision making conscious judgment that in

some way shape actions or influence decisions. This notion is analogues 'to the idea

of physical or mechanical power. Second, power may take the form of agenda

setting, the ability to prevent decision being made, that is in fact, non-decision

making.

In the present context, power is the means employed by states to change,

adjust or regulate the behaviour of other states. Power, thus, is the means of foreign

policy and it is the central concept of International Relations.

1.2. Theoretical Framework

Post:.:apartheid South Africa emerged at a critical juncture in International

relations. 12 Indeed it has been argued that the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of

the Cold War were the vital components in creating the e~ternal consensus

necessary for peaceful negotiation in the Republic of South Africa. This part of the

chapter gives a review of International relations thinking since 1990 and discusses

the changing context within which post-apartheid South Africa has had to operate.

After the end of the Cold War and collapse of the Soviet System, the

conflict ofthe bipolar system has ended in early 1990s. The emergence ofthe USA

as world's superpower dominated the world scenario. More controversially, the

ideas of analysts such as Samuel Huntington and Robert Kaplan predicted, partly - - .

correctly, the advent of a more dangerous, where new dividing lines would emerge ·

between opposing camps. This was characterised by Huntington as a "clash of

civilizations"13, while Kaplan's description of West African anarchy wa~ presented

as presaging the remapping of "the political earth"14. What were the ideas about

the future of international relations presented at the end of the Cold War and how

accurate have these been in the 15 years since?

12 Greg Mills, "Back to Future? A Review of a Decade of International Relations Thinking" in Elizabeth S. (ed.), Apartheid Past, Renaissance Future, South Africa's Foreign Policy: 1994-2004, (Johannesburg: SAIIA, 2004), p. 3. 13 Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, (New York, Touchstone, 1998), p. 20 14 Robert Kaplan, The Ends of Earth: A Journey to the Frontiers of Anarchy, (New York: Vintage, 1997), p. 10.

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1.2.1. Big Ideas from Berlin and Beyond

During the Cold War, two paradigms dominated international relations15•

The first was that of a bipolar world in which East and West confronted each other.

The second was of a world classified into First, Second, Third and even Fourth

Worlds according to socio-economic policies and standing. But neither of these

frameworks, as James Barbar notes, 'fully explained the complexities of

international relations'.

The integrity of the 'Third World' was always questionable, which

explained the further division into a 'Fourth World'- shorthand of the least

developed countries (LDCs), as characterised by very low per capita incomes and

development, on the margins of International system. Most of the LDCs were

united only by their combination of anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist sentiment

which commonly found expression in their membership of the Non-alignment

Movement (NAM). The biggest blow to the notion of three (or four) worlds was

the impact of the collapse of communist regimes in the Eastern Europe from 1989

to 1991 which unleashed a wave of political liberalisation and market reforms. At

the end of the Cold War, given that the classification of the world into 'worlds' had

became largely redundant, new political regimes, or interpretations, emerged,

including, most notably, 'end ofhistory'. 16

1.2.2. The End of History

The first of these political theories is Francis Fukuyama's 'The End of

History' thesis, 17 published in 1989, in which the end of the Cold War was taken to

symbolise the progressive triumph of one economic orthodoxy - competitive

individualism- over another, in this case socialism or state regulated

communalism 18 •

Liberal democratic states in turn not only promote individual (democratic

and human) rights, but stimulate efficiency and wealth creation. This history of

economic ideas has reached the climax and end of its trajectory with the realisation

15 Mills, n.12, p. 6. 16 Barbar, J, South Africa in the Post Cold War World, (Johannesburg, SAIIA, 1996), p. 35. 17 Francis Fukuyama, "The End of History", The National Interest, 19, Summer, (1989), p.3. 18 This view has also been described as 'western triumphalism' meaning that what the west has to offer (liberal democracy versus authoritarianism; free market competition versus state intervention) has successfully fought off the challenge of fascism and communism.

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that liberal democracy is 'the final form of human government'. Fakuyama's thesis

has been critisised on a number of fronts, which include questioning the apparent

finality of his arguments. For example, liberal universalisation does not appear to

apply in today's environment of global inequality, as Manual Castell's has

observed:

"The First World has not become the all embracing universe of a neo-liberal

mythology. Because a new world, the Fourth World, has emerged which comprises

large areas of the globe, such as much of the Sub-Saharan Africa and impoverished

rural areas of Latin America and Asia. In the current historical context, the rise of

the Fourth World is inseparable from the rise of informational, global

capitalism."19 Others have critisised Fukuyama on the basis that his analysis

represented a western-centred viewpoint which suggests the superiority of a

western model of development and fails to recognise the value, or at least

significance of Confucian, Islamic and other forms.

The points on which the 'end of history' thesis stumbles, as do other

arguments about the pace and extent of globalisation are those of inevitability and

irreversibility. The world has showed us since 1989 both the world is not wholly

consumed by western, free-market values, and that not everyone sees globalisation

as an opportunity rather than a threat.20

1.2.3. Realism

The realist tradition, sometimes called political realism can claim to be the

oldest of international politics.21 In the context of international relations,

encompasses a variety of theories and approaches, all of which share a belief that

states are primarily motivated by the desire for military and economic power or

security, rather than ideals or ethics. This term is often synonymous with power

politics.

19 Castells, M, Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture- End of the Millennium, (Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers, 1998), p. 165. 20 Mills, n.12, p. 11. 21 Andrew Heywood, Politics, (New York, Pa1grave, 2003), p. 128.

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The term realism can, instead of referring to the broad family of realist

theories, refer specifically to classical realism, the common ancestor and original

form of realism. Realist theories share the following key assumptions:

First, the international system is anarchic. There is no authority above states

capable of regulating their interactions; states must arrive at relations with other

states on their own, rather than it being dictated to them by some higher controlling

entity (that is, no true authoritative world government exists). Second, sovereign

states are the principal actors in the international system. International institutions,

non-governmental organisations, multinational corporations and other sub-state or

trans-state actors are viewed as having little independent influence. Third, states·

are rational unitary actors each moving towards their own national interest. There

is a general distrust of long-term cooperation or alliance. Fourth, the overriding

'national interest' of each state is its national security and survival. Fifth, in pursuit

of national security, states strive to amass resources. Sixth, relations between states

are determined by their comparative level of power derived primarily from their

military and economic capabilities.

Realism's ideological counter part, Idealism, stresses the importance of the

type rather than the system of states that make up the international system. From

the realistic standpoint, the end of Cold War shifted only the pattern of

relationships alliances within the international system. It did not alter the principles

on which the system is based. Samuel Huntington argues that current building

blocks of the world system - the nation state and multinational corporations - are

less important in the global economy.

The most notable example of the realism thesis propagated during the

1990s is Samuel Huntington's 'Clash ofCivilizations'?2 In this article, he suggests

that given the potential chaos that will follow the collapse of empires such as the

Soviet Union, the main actors of the global system will no longer be states, but

instead older bonds which he terms 'civilizations' .. Huntington has been criticised

from different angles. Cultures clearly make a tremendous difference to economic

development (witness the roles of expatriate minorities, particularly the Chinese in

Southeast and East Asia, Indians in East Africa, the Lebanese in West Africa. But

22 Samuel Huntington, "The Clash of Civilizations", Foreign Affairs, Vol. 3, Summer, (1993), p. 72.

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the weakness of this argument is that whole cultures seldom challenge systems of

economic formation, rejecting material values outright.

The central message of Huntington's thesis has resonance, particularly in

the light of the September attacks on the USA. It is that while nation - states

remain critical actors in International relations, there are now a multiplicity of

actors which can at anytime affect International relations.

During the 1980's Neorealism23 or Structural Realism developed under the

influence of Kenneth Waltz (1979) and others.24 Neorealism derives from classical

realism except that instead of human nature, its focus is predominantly on the

international system. While states remain the principal actors, greater attention is

given to the forces above and below the states through levels of analysis or

structure-agency debate. The international system is seen as a structure acting on

the state with individuals below the level of the state acting as agency on the state

as a whole.

While Neorealism shares a focus on the international system with the

English School, Neorealism differs in the emphasis it places on the permanence of

conflict. To ensure state security, states must be on constant preparation for

conflict through economic and military build-up.

Realism and Neorealism have been criticised from different angles. First,.

the central . objection is that in divorcing politics from morality, the realist

perspective legitimises military escalation and the hegemonic ambitions of great

powers~ The second critic of realism is advanced by feminist theorists who contend

that power seeking behaviour and obsession with national security and military

might reflect the worldwide dominance of male politicians. The central empirical

weakness of realist theorist is that, in focusing attention on the state as the

dominant international actor, they have ignored the pluralistic tendencies that

reshaped the face of international politics in the late 20th century. 25

23 Neorealism is a perspective on international politics that modifies the power politics model by highlighting the structural constraints of the international system. 24 Heywood, n. 21, p.129. 25 Ibid, p.l30.

1.2.4. Global Interdependence

The next paradigm is that of 'global interdependence' or global

institutionalism'. This argument is founded on pluralism, and based both on the

impact of globalisation and a concomitant reliance on non-state actors in the

international system. 26 This school has developed from international political

economy. In this, liberal political economy emphasises the role of free trade in

promoting peace and prosperity in the international system. Contemporary

arguments proposing global interdependence has taken different directions. The

first one sees globalisation as a process that de-emphasises the role of the state.

Globalisation has its core· changes in the nature of the global economy; particularly

in the increasing prominence of major multinational corporations.

Globalisation is the emergence of a complex wave of interconnectedness

that means that our lives are increasingly shaped by events that occur and decision

that are made at a great distance from us. 27 The central figure of globalisation is

therefore, that geographical is of declining relevance, that territory boundaries,

such as those between nation states are becoming less significant. The

interconnectedness that globalisation has spawned is multi-dimensionaL

Distinctive forms of economic, cultural and political globalisation can also be

identified?8 The cultural globalisation is the process whereby information,

commodities and images that have been produced in one part of the world enter

into a global flow that tends to flatten out cultural differences between nations,

regions and individuals. This has sometimes been portrayed as a process of

Mcdonaldisation.

Political globalisation is evident in the growing importance of international

organisations.29 Most of these organisations emerged in the post 1945 period.

Examples include the UN, NATO, the European Economic Community and its

various successors- the EC and EU, the World Bank, the IMF, WTO etc.

26 Mills, n.l2, p. 13. 27 Heywood, n. 21, p.138. 28 Economic globalisation is reflected in the idea that no national economy is now an island; all economies have to a greater or lesser extent been absorbed into an interlocking global economy. 29 These are organisations that are trans-national in that they exercise jurisdiction not within a single state but within an international area comprising several states.

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· As Thomas Friedman has argued, globalisation has become the defining

feature organising the post-Cold War world. Globalisation as he puts it 'is not a

phenomenon. It is not just some passing trend. Today it is the overarching

international system shaping the domestic politics and foreign relations of virtually

every country and we need to understand it as such'. 3° For others, globalisation has

run amok, exacerbating the problems faced by developing societies and widening

the gap between those who posses the technology, capital and skills to operate in

the global economy and those who do not. Some such as Kenichi Ohmae argue that

it signals the end of the dominance of 'older patterns of nation- to - nation

linkage' .31

Major developments- the fall of the Berlin Wall, the signing of the North

American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), the establishment of EU, the setting up of

World Trade Organisation (WTO), the dot- com internet boom have been viewed

as evidence of a 'new globalisation'. Globalisation is not a twentieth century

creation; now will it fail in the twenty first century. Friedman also reminds that this

era of globalisation is 1 0 years old.

The second trend in the contemporary school which the writer Greg Mills

called 'global institutionalism' links the increase in global activity with the need

for co-operative international relations.32 According to this argument, States rely

increasingly on global institutions such as the UN, NGOs and international

business to help them prevent, contain, manage and resolve conflict and to

establish broader norms of behaviour, as in regulating financial transactions.

Multilateralism is thus, in the circumstances and to paraphrase Madeleine Albright,

a former US Secretary of State, not just a nice thing to practice, but the smart thing

to do. For not only are states increasingly dependent on each other and thus unable

to act in isolation.

Security lies in confidence building, arms control, preventive diplomacy

and co-operative conflict resolution, with the aim of containing conflict within

30 Thomas Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree, (London: Harper Collins, 1999), p. 20. 31 Kenichi Ohmae, The End of the Nation State: The Rise of Regional Economics, (New York: Free Press, 1995), p.7. 32 Mills, n.l2, p. 16.

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agreed norms. 33 Closely related to the above is the notion of human development

or of human security. This means taking into consideration the interdependent

needs of the global village. Therefore, from the above points, we can say that

'global interdependence' or 'global institutionalism' has its impact on the global

scenario of International relations.

1.2.5. Positivism and Post - Positivism

The final paradigm has its roots m so -called 'positivist' and 'post -

positivist' approaches to international relations.34 These reflect fundamental

differences in the way in which we attempt to bridge the gap between what

happens in the great wide world and what we can understand in our minds.

Positivism is the doctrine that the social science and all forms of

philosophical enquiry, should strictly adhere to the methods of the natural sciences.

This doctrine assumes that science holds the monopoly of knowledge. 35 Positivism

did much in the 20th century to weaken the status of political philosophy and to

underpin the emergence of political science. On other hand, one of the chief

legacies of positivism was the emergence of Behaviouralism36 and the attempt to

develop a value free science of politics.

However, the influence of positivism upon philosophy and political

analysis decline significantly in the second half of the20th-century. Positivists look

outwards, to what happens in the world and try to describe it, classify it and use it

to devise laws to explain why things happen the way they do; Post-positivist, on

the other hand, look inwards. They are concerned with how we make sense of

things in our own minds. For them, there is no one single scientific explanation,

but at different viewpoints. This in· turn explains their emphasis on culture and

language, as two vital and related elements of human existence that shape different

views of the world.

33 Nolan, J (ed.), Global Engagement: Co-operation and Security in the 21st Century, (Washington DC: Brooking Institution, 1994), p. 35. 34 Mills, n. 12, p. 21. 35 Heywood, n. 11, p.l 00. 36 Behaviouralism is an approach to the study of politics or other social phenomena that focuses on the actions and interactions among units by using scientific methods of observation to include quantification of variables whenever possible.

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1.2.6. Critical Theory and Post Modernism

The above approach to knowledge can be divided into two broad versions,

Critical theory and Post Modernism. Critical international relations theory is a set

of schools of thought in International Relations (IR) that have criticised the status­

quo-both from positivist positions as well as post positivist positions. This theory,

introduced into the study of international relations most notably by Robert Cox,

emphasises that all theory is necessary for someone and for some purpose.37 This

theory developed from an early twentieth century school of Marxist thinkers,

particularly the work of the Italian Antonio Gramsci.

This approach can be applied to international relations by looking at the

way in which classical theory gives a privileged position to states. For Cox,

changes in the ways in which we look at the world reflect shifts in the composition

of the 'core alliance' of global ruling forces, notably capital. Although critical

theory provides an effective means of demythologising many of the assumptions

on which international power is based, it is notably weak in providing anytime to

put in their place.

Post modernists, unlike critical theorist, do not believe that it is ever

possible to find out what the world is really like. Post modernism suggests that

major ideologies such as Marxist-Leninism were products of a period of

modernisation. The central theme of modernism is that there are no such things as

certainty; the idea of absolute and universal truth must be discarded as an arrogant

pretence. Post modernity is thus linked to post- industrialism, the development of a

society no longer dependent upon manufacturing industry but more reliant upon

knowledge and communication. 38

Although by its nature, post modernism does not constitute a unified body

of thought, its critical attitude to truth claims stems from the general assumption

that all knowledge is partial and local, a view it shares with certain forms of

communitarianism.39 Post structuralism, a term sometimes used interchangeably

37 Mills, n.12, p. 22. 38 Heywood, n. 11, p. 101. 39 Communitarianism is the belief that the self or person is constituted through the community in the sense that individuals are shaped by the communities to which they belong and thus owe them a depth of respect and consideration. It is not an ideology in its own right, but it is rather theoretical position that has been adopted by a variety of ideological traditions.

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with post modernism, emphasises that all ideas and concepts are expressed m

language which itself is enmeshed in complex relations of power.

Since 1970s, post modem and post structural political theories have become

increasingly fashionable. In particular they have attacked all forms of political

analysis that stems from modernism. Post modernism has been criticised two

angles. First, it has been accused of relativism, in that it holds that different modes

of knowing are equally valid and thus, rejects the idea that even science is able

reliably to distinguish between truth and falsehood. Second, it has been charged

with conservatism, on the grounds that a non-foundationalist political stance offers

no perspective from which the existing order may be criticised.40

1.2.7. Constructivism and Justification to the study of the present work

The focus of social constructivism (constructivism) is on human awareness

or consciousness and its place in world affairs. Much International Relations (IR)­

theory, and especially Neorealism, is materialist; it focuses on how· the distribution

of material power, such as military forces an~ economic capabilities defines

balances of power between states and explains the behaviour of states.

Constructivists reject such a one-sided material focus. They argue that the most

important aspect of international relations is social, not material.41 Furthermore,

they argue that this social reality is not objective, or external, to the observer of

international affairs. The social and political world, including the world of

international relations, is not a physical entity or material object that is outside

human consciousness.

Consequently, the study of international relations must focus on the ideas .

and beliefs that inform the actors on the international scene as well as the shared

understandings between them. Beginning in the 1980s, constructivism has become

an increasingly significant approach, especially in North American IR. During the

Cold War there was a clear pattern of power balancing between two blocs, led by

the United States and the Soviet Union respectively. After the end of the Cold War

and following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the situation turned much more

40 Heywood, n. I I, p. 102. 41 Robert Jackson and Georg Sorensen, Introduction to International Relations: Theories and Approaches, 3rd Edition, (Oxford University Press, 2006), p.l62.

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fluid and open. It soon became clear that the parsimonious neorealist theory was

not at all clear about the future developments of the balance of power. Neorealist

logic dictates that other states will balance against the US because offsetting US

power is a means of guaranteeing one's own security; such balancing will lead to

the emergence of new great powers in a multipolar system. But since the end of the

Cold War, this has not happened; Waltz argues that it will eventually happen

'tomorrow'.

Other liberals did begin to focus more on the role of ideas after the Cold

War ended. When Francis Fukuyama proclaimed 'the end of history' (1989), he

was endorsing the role of ideas and especially the progress of liberal ideas in the

world.42 But he and other liberals are mostly interested in the concrete advance of

liberal, democratic government in the world. Even if constructivists are

sympathetic to several elements of liberal thinking, their focus is less on the

advance of liberal ideas; it is on role of thinking and ideas in g~peral. So the

historical context (i.e. the end of the Cold War) and the theoretical discussion

between IR scholars (especially among neorealist and liberals) helped set the stage

for a constructivist approach.

Constructivism was introduced to IR by Nicholas Onuf ( 1989)43 who

coined the term. It gathered a larger following among scholars with a series of

influential articles and a book by Alexander Wendt (1987, 1992, 1994, 1995, and

1999). We begin this brief and selective overview of constructivist IR-theory with

Wendt's contribution. Wendt proposes two basic tenets of constructivism: "(1) that

the structures of human association are determined primarily by shared ideas rather

than material forces and (2) that the identities and interests of purposive actors are

constructed by these shared ideas rather than given by nature." 44

The core of Wendt's argument is the rejection of the neorealist position,

according to which anarchy must necessarily lead to self-help. In these processes

of interaction the identities and interests of states are created. For neorealists,

42 Francis Fukuyama, "The End ofHistory'', The National Interest, 19, Summer, (1989), p.5. 43 Nicholas Onuf is one of the primary figures among Constructivists in international relations. His best known contribution to Constructivism is set out in World of Our Making (University of South Carolina Press, 1989). He further developed and refined the ideas set out in World of Our Making in a series of chapters in edited volumes. 44 Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics, (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 1.

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identities and interests are given; states know who they are and what they want

before they begin interaction with other states. For Wendt, it is the very interaction

with others that 'create and instantiate one structure of identities and interests

rather than another; structure has no existence or causal powers apart from

process'.

States want to survive and be secure; neorealists and constructivists agree

about that. But what kind of security policy follows from this? Do states seek to

become as powerful as possible or are they content with what they have? Wendt

argues that we can only find out by studying identities and interests as they are

shaped in the interaction between states. In concrete terms, 'if the United States

and the Soviet Union decide that they are no longer enemies, "the cold war is

over". It is collective meanings that constitute the structures which organise our

actions. Actors acquire identities-relatively stable, role-specific understanding

and expectations about self-by participating in such collective meaning'.

West European states need not start power balancing against each other

because the Cold War is over, four decades of cooperation may have led to a new

'European identity' of cooperation and friendship between them. Wendt's 1999

book further develops the argument introduced in the earlier articles. His point of .

departure is the same as Waltz's: interaction between states in a system

characterised by anarchy. But anarchy need not lead to self-help; that calls for

further study of the discursive interaction between states in order to discover what

specific 'culture of anarchy' that has developed between them.45

Wendt suggests three major ideal types of anarchy: Hobbesian, Lockean

and Kantian. In the Hobbesian culture, states view each other as enemies; the logic

of Hobbesian anarchy is 'war of all against all'. Hobbesian anarchy, according to

Wendt, dominated the states system until the seventeenth century. In the Lockean

culture, states consider each other rivals, but there is also restraint; states do not

seek to eliminate each other, they recognise the other states' right to exist. Lockean

anarchy has become a characteristic of the modern states' system after the Peace of

Westphalia in 1648. Finally, in a Kantian culture, states view each other as friends,

settle disputes peacefully and support each other in the case of threat by a third

45 Jackson and Sorensen, n. 41, p.l68.

16

party.46 A Kantian culture has emerged among consolidated liberal democracies

since the Second World War. The three different cultures of anarchy can be

internalised in different degrees; that is to say, the way states view each other may

be more or less deeply shared.47

Wendt drives home the point that constructivism is not merely about

'adding the role of ideas' to existing theories of IR. Material power and state

interest are fundamentally formed by ideas and social interaction. Therefore, states

in an anarchic system may each possess military and other capabilities which can

be seen as potentially threatening by other states; but enmity and arms races are not

inevitable outcomes. Social interaction between states can also lead to more benign

and friendly cultures of anarchy. Wendt's analysis is systemic; it focuses on

interaction between states in the international system and disregards the role of

domestic factors.48 Systemic constructivists such as Finnemore and Wendt stress

the importance of the international environment in shaping state identities.

Other constructivists put more emphasis on the domestic environment. Ted

Hopf has made a study of Soviet and Russian foreign policy that also focuses on

the domestic formation of identity in order to understand how national interests are

defined and what foreign policies they lead to.49 State identity is expressed through

key decision-makers. The identity of key decision makers is uncovered through

textual sources, including archives, journals, newspapers, memoirs, writers and

textbooks. Two case-studies are undertaken, Moscow 1955 and Moscow 1999. The

claim is that the reconstructed domestic identities go a long way in explaining

Soviet/Russian foreign policy in 1955 and 1999.

Even if constructivists have a debate about the relative importance of

domestic versus international environments, the disagreement between them

should not be exaggerated. Constructivists are united by much more than divide

them; especially, they all emphasise the importance of culture and identity, as

expressed in social norms, rules, and understandings. The social and political

46 Wendt, n.44, p.299. 47 Wendt makes a distinction between three degrees of 'cultural internalisation'. The first degree is a relatively weak commitment to shared ideas; the third degree a strong commitment. 48 Jackson and Sorensen, n.41, p.l69. 49 He seeks to provide 'an account of how a state's own domestic identities constitute a social cognitive structure that makes threats and opportunities, enemies and allies, intelligible, thinkable, and possible'.

17

world is made up of shared beliefs rather than by physical entities. For

constructivists, that must always be the starting-point for analysis. Constructivists

have demonstrated that 'ideas matter' in international relations. They have shown

that culture and identity help define the interests and constitute the actors in IR.

Constructivists also accept certain basic claims such as social construction of

reality, the existence and importance of social facts, the constitution of actors'

identities, interests and subjectivities and the importance of recovering the .meaning

actors give to their activities. 50

Justification to the study of the present work

The post apartheid South Africa coincided with a historic moment in

International Relations marked by the end of the cold war. Since 1994, South

Africa has dramatically reconstructed the focus of its foreign policy. There has

been a paradigm shift in the post Apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. These -

changes call for a radical restructuring of its pattern of interaction with Africa in

general and the countries of Southern African region in particular. 51

In this context, the IR theory, Constructivism can be applied to analyse and

examine the foreign policy of South Africa in the post apartheid period. This

theory was developed in the late 1980s and early 1990s when the apartheid system

in South Africa was at the transition phase. It can be examined in the following

perspectives. Firstly, the Constructivists emphasise the importance of culture and

identity, as expressed in social norms, rules, and understandings. Secondly, it gives

importance to the identity in defining actor's interest and actions. Thirdly, it also

focuses the social construction of reality, the existence and importance of social

facts. We can §tty that f:hmth. Africa also experienced all these changes in all these

menti6ii~d !lf@!l!J.

Constructivists view that an actor shape§ it§ own §odnl uont~~t til'1d in this

context, in turn, defines the actor's interest in certain ways. A key element of

Nelson Mandela's presidency was the reconstruction of South Africa's foreign

50 John Baylis, Steve Smith and P. Owens, The Globalisation of World Politics, An Introduction to International Relations, (New York, Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 171.

51 Aparajita Biswas, Post Apartheid South Africa, Its Relations with the Neighbouring Countries, (New Delhi, 2007), p.2.

18

policy. Constructivism offers a framework for analysing South Africa's foreign

policy since 1994. South Africa reconstructed significantly its norms, identities,

interest and interactions in the context of double transition of the country. 52

As we have already mentioned that, one of the most important

Constructivists is Alexander Wendt. 53 In the present work, we apply some of his

major theories and ideas in the context of South Africa's foreign policy. His two

basic tenets of Constructivism, that the structures of human association are

determined primarily by shared ideas and that the identities and interests of

purposive actors are constructed by these shared ideas. In the context of South

Africa's foreign policy, the shared ideas are important factors for the state actors in

vanous ways.

Wendt's analysis focuses on interaction between states in the international

system and disregards the role of domestic factors. Here, South Africa also

outlined its strategies of its foreign policy by interacting with the other nations not

only in the African countries but also with developed countries. However, South

Africa also considers domestic factors as an important determinant of its foreign

policy. Wendt stresses the importance of the international environment in shaping

state identities.

In this context also, foreign policy South Africa gives importance to the

international environments which include, the globalisation, end of the cold war,

the United Nations and major powers. We will be discussing these external

environments of South Africa's foreign policy in the next chapters. Now, we have

given a review of the Constructivist theory and its justification to the present work.

From the various theoretical aspects of international relations, we can sum

up as follows. The collapse of the Soviet Union was unforeseen by nearly everyone

concerned with International Relations. Thus changes affected the Southern

African region in a number of ways. First, by dramatically altering the strategic

context enabling a peaceful settlement in Namibia; second, by opening domestic

diplomatic space for negotiation- partly though increasing pressure on the South

52 Ibid, p.3. 53 Wendt's major work includes, the article "Anarchy Is What States Make Oflt"(1992). His most widely cited work to date is "Social Theory oflnternational Politics" (1999).

19

African liberation movements to settle and by removing the Soviet Communist

bogey for white South Africans. In a wider context, the end of the Cold War

signaled the age of a new globalisation confronting different problems and issues

and offering fresh opportunities. Political leadership responded quickly and

favorably to this new context, displaying characteristic of leadership, prescience

and timing emblematic of South Africa's transition to democracy.

In the light of the above, should theory be left to rot in campus libraries? It

is not important whether practice matches up to theory. After all, an argument can

always be made to make practice fit theory depending ori the extent of the

commitment to a paradigm. More important in determining the value of

International Relations, theory is assessing weather it has helped to prevent, predict

or promote key international developments.

1.3. The Context and Rationale of the study

Under the Apartheid system, the Republic of South Africa had a multi­

racial society but uniracial polity. In fact, racism was institutionalised in South

Africa with the advent of the National Party (NP) regime in 1948. This regime

ended in 1994 when Nelson Mandela was elected President in his country's first

multi-racial multi-party democratic elections. South Africa emerged as the

embodiment of the political-military and socio-economic changes sweeping the

African continent that is often referred to as 'African Renaissance'. Since the

Mandela's election, policy makers have overseen the transformation of South

Africa's foreign policy.

Three bodies of scholarships traditionally have dominated the study of the

sources of South African foreign policy. First body of researcher emphasised the

overriding importance of the personal whims of authoritarian leaders to explain the

formulation and implementation of South African foreign policy. Second body of

research focuses on the impact of the larger geographical setting of great power

competition, most notably the cold war struggle between the United States and the

Soviet Union. The third body of scholarship emphasised the constraints imposed

on African foreign policies by the continuation of depending on the relationship

between African States and their former colonial powers.

20

---l

FE

South Africa's foreign policy is compounded out of many factors and

forces. Her geographic location naturally influences its foreign policy. The

domestic political factor also shapes its foreign policy. Domestic economic factors

play an important role in foreign policy formation in the post apartheid period of

South Africa. Several state actors play crucial role in formulation and

implementation of South African Foreign Policy during the democratic era (1994-

till now). A wide variety of non-state actors also play a significant role in South

Africa's foreign policy. Foreign actors, particularly the northern industrialised

democracies, also play an influential role in South Africa's foreign policy.

In the new global order, South Africa plays an effective role in promoting

peace and co-operation in different countries particularly India. The primary focus

of South Africa's foreign policy is to recognise the importance of African

neighbours, other side it also wants to play an important role internationally with

special emphasis on third world particularly India.

South Africa's foreign policy towards its neighbouring countries ts an

important aspect in the post apartheid period. South Africa's dominant position in

the region arises from the size, experience, and operational capability of its

security force. The economic superiority is another reason for its dominant position

in the South African region. The present study will find out its importance and

position with its neighbouring countries and role in AU.

Another area of South Africa's foreign policy in the post apartheid era is

towards the major powers, which includes USA, Japan, China, European Union

(EU), Russia etc. South Africa strives to exchange its economic links with its

traditional trading partners in the West and Japan. In 1990, the European

Community (EC) accounted for 27.3 percent of South African export while the

USA (4 percent), Japan (6.4 percent) and Africa (6.7 percent) were the next most

important customers. Similarly, EC (44.7 percent), the USA (11.4 percent)

supplied the bulk of South Africa's imports. But South Africa's economic

attraction depends in large part on external perception of the new government's

economic policies and programmes. The study will seek to examine its policies

towards the major powers. and areas of cooperation with those countries.

21

One of the most important aspects of South Africa's foreign policy is its

objectives and challenges in the context of globalisation. Less than two months

after the newly elected Mandela administration assumes the reins of power in

1994, South Africa was admitted to OAU (Organisation of Africa Unity) on 13

June 1994. South Africa joined the NAM (Non-Aligned Movement) on 31 May

1994; British Commonwealth ofNations in July 1994 and the United Nations (UN)

in 1994.

South Africa played an important role in transformation of the AU from

OAU. AU, which came into existence in May 2001, plays an effective role in

bringing cooperation and unity among the African countries. South Africa's

foreign policy priority towards AU will discuss in the present study.

South Africa's formal re-entry into the Commonwealth of Nation occurred

at a moving ceremony at West Minster Abbey on 20 July 1994. What can South

Africa expect from Membership can be discussed briefly in the further study. In

case ofNAM, Nelson Mandela pledged that South Africa would play an active role

and seek to share with developing countries its, technology, economic expertise

and experience in overcoming division of wealth and race. With the end of cold

war, however, the movement finally lost its importance that is the act as a third

force in the competition between super power blocs South Africa is, therefore,

unlikely to place high priority on its membership of the NAM.

South Africaretumed to the General Assembly of the UN in 1994 after an

absence of 20 years. More than any other international organisation, the UN

proved to be the most potent mobiliser of hostile reaction to the apartheid region.

Year after year South Africa;s polices were debated at the UN, the Third World

increased its membership of the General Assembly large majorities were found to

back a multitude of resolutions directed at forcing change on the National Party

Government. South Africa was deemed to be a special case of colonialism and

provided a major source of Third World unity for much of the post war period.

South Africa re-entered an organisation, which is much changed since the

heady days of globalised anti-apartheid rhetoric. Following the successful

conclusion of the Gulf-War, and President Bush's definition ofNew World order

in which a US-led UN coalition would enforce the peace whenever and wherever it

22

was threatened, the Security Council came into its own as the five permanent

members-forswearing the veto- tried hard to cope with internal conflicts raging

from the former Yugoslavia to Somalia. Other issues like end of the cold war, the

profound loss of influence of the NAM over the policie.s of the super powers and

the demise of apartheid as a mobilising issue and important for South Africa's

foreign policy, South Africa will attempt to add its voice to UN's decision making

and possible ~eform of the security council to include new permanent

representatives etc. Now African Union (53 members) including South Africa hold

key at crucial G-4 (Japan, Germany, Ind1a and Brazil) countries claim for new

permanent UN Security. Council. All these issues and policies are discussing

briefly in the present study.

The present study is trying to find out the relations and roles of South

Africa with ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations). Asian and African

leaders on April 12, 2005 signed a new strategic partnership to ensure peace,

stability and security in the two continents. Indonesian President Susilo Bambang

Yudhoyono and South African leader Thabo Mbeki signed the four-page

declaration on the New Asia-Africa Strategic Partnership (NAASP) in Bandung,

Indonesia. 106 countries from the two continents signed this NAASP, which aims

at enhancing economic and political relations and counter threats to globalisation.

It marked the 50th anniversary of historic Bandung Conference. South Africa's

foreign policy towards the ASEAN countries will discuss and find out the possible

options for its future policies in these countries.

South Africa's relations with India have begun since the time of Mahatma

Gandhi who described South Africa as his second home. Both South Africa and

India are in search of a new horizon. Relations between South Africa and India

have become closer, largely due to the establishment of Indo-South Africa Joint

Commission in July 1995. In July 1997, during the visit President Mandela to

India, the Red Ford Declaration was signed with Indian Prime Minister Deve

Gowda.

The key areas where South Africa and India's relations could be enhanced

are enhancement in terms of security between India and South Africa,

enhancement in the context of stability, enhancement m socio-economic

development and co-operations, and enhancement in science and technology

23

particularly in information technology. South Africa's relation with India can be

seen recently at the highest-level visit of President Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam in

South Africa on 16th September 2004, during the second session of the Pan African

Parliament of the African Union (A.U.). The President affirmed that 'Focus

Africa's Programine one of the highest priority items for India.

1.4. Objectives of the study:

The present study has the following sets of objectives:

1. To examine the determinants of foreign policy of South Africa.

2. To study South Africa's policy towards neighbouring countries and the role of

South Africa in the African Union (A.U).

3. To examine the objectives and the challenges of South Africa towards the

maJor powers.

4. To study the role and position of South Africa in the International Organisations.

5. To trace out the initiatives of South Africa towards India and examine India's

response to it.

1.5. Methodology

The present study is of both analytical and critical studies about South

Africa's foreign policy in the post apartheid period. This .has been done through

analysis of primary sources such as official . documents and interviews with

relevant persons. It has also been done through various secondary sources like

books and periodicals, journals, articles, newspapers, relevant websites and day to

day happening seminars.

As part of my Ph.D. field work, I have visited South Africa. I have

collected enough materials and data. I have also interviewed with resource persons

in Witwatersrand University, Johannesburg, South African Institute of

International Affairs (SAIIA), Johannesburg and Foreign Affairs Department,

Pretoria. I have also discussed with Deputy High Commissioner of India, Pretoria

and Consulate General of India, Johannesburg. I also personally met some of

24

People of Indian Origin in South Africa and discussed the issues of PIOs in South

Africa.

The ongomg work has included the utilisation of Jawaharlal Nehru

University library, New Delhi; ICSSR library, New Delhi; Nehru Memorial

Museum and Library, New Delhi; Institute of Defence and Strategic Analysis

(IDSA), New Delhi; University of Delhi Central Library, New Delhi; the library of

Indian Council ofWorld Affairs (ICWA), SAIIA Library, Johannesburg etc.

1.6. Review of Literature

The existing literature on the subject focuses on general features and

policies of South Africa. Various books and journals are available on South

Africa's foreign policy. The survey of literature of the study can be discussed in

the following themes:

A. Concept of Foreign Policy and Theoretical Framework

Paddleford and Lincoln's book, The dynamics of International Politics,

(1967), writes the various concepts of foreign policy. But the book is more

concerned about the traditional approaches to the study.of international relations.

Charles Jr. and Abdul Said's book, Concept of International Politic:s,

(1972), has described the concept of~oreign policy in detail. However, the book

does not mentioned about the importance and significance of foreign policy in the ..

changed international context.

Smjit ManSingh's book, India's Searchfor Power, (1984), analyses the

comparative perspective of foreign policy irt different directions. It is more

theoretical and analytical than the concept of foreign policy in general.

Robert Jackson and Georg Sorensen's book, Introduction to International

Relations: Theories and Approaches, (2006), deals with various approaches of

International Relations in general and Constructivism theory in particular.

Andrew Heywood's book, Politics, (2003), writes about various approaches

and concepts to the study of International Relations. Its rather conceptual than

theories and focuses to the ideas of different writers of International Relations.

B. Determinants of South Africa's Foreign Policy in the post apartheid period.

25

Hari Sharan Chhabra's book South Africa, and one year after Mandela 's

release, (1991) deals with the immediate impact of Mandela's release on foreign

policy of South Africa. It gives a briefbackground South Africa's foreign policy in

the pre and post apartheid period.

Graham Evan's article, South Africa's foreign policy after Mandela in

Round Table, (1999) gives South Africa's foreign policy in the post Mandela era.

This article writes about the evolution of South Africa's foreign polices in the post

apartheid era. It also discuses about various determinants of South Africa's foreign

policy. It covers only a specific time period. This article lacks the latest

developments in the South Africa's foreign policy.

H. Adam and Moodlev K.'s book, The Opening of Apartheid Mind Options

for New South Africa, (1993) writes about brief background of South Africa's

foreign policy in the Post Apartheid period. It traces out the evolution of South

Africa's foreign policy. However, this book has a limited time period of Apartheid

era.

Elizabeth Sidiropoulo's (2004) book Apartheid Past, Renaissance Future

South Africa's Foreign Policy: 1994-2004, gives various theories of international

relations, South Africa and major power, and South Africa and neighbouring

countries. However, the book does not discuss about South Africa's policy towards

India.

C. South Africa and Its Neighbouring Countries.

David Phillip and James Curry's book, Politics in South Africa from

Mandela to Mbeki, (2003) writes about various foreign policies and issues during

the period of Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki. This book discuses about South

Africa's policies towards its neighbouring countries. It lacks certain areas like the

determinants of South Africa's foreign policy and its policies towards India.

Grobbelaar, N and Besada, H's book, Unlocking Africa's Potential, the

Role of Corporate South Africa in Strengthening Africa's Private Sector (2008),

write about South Africa's economic relations with African countries. This book

focuses on South Africa's corporate engagement with Southern African countries

Adekeye Adebajo, Adebayo Adedeji and Chris Lansberg's (eds.) book,

South Africa in Africa: the Post-Apartheid Era, (2007), write about various

26

dimensions of South Africa's role in Africa. The authors write South Africa's

economic expansion into Africa, South Africa as leading power in Africa and

South Africa's African renaissance agenda as main contents of the book. However,

the book lacks the critical analysis of South Africa's involvement in the African

Continent.

Aparajita Biswas's article, "New South Africa in the Southern African" in

Africa Quarterly, (1998) writes about the dominant position of South Africa

among the Southern African region. This article also mentions about the important

position and role of South Africa in the formation of African Union. But it does not

discuss about South Africa's relation with major countries and India.

J. Blumenfeld's book, The Post Apartheid Economy after Mandela, (1999)

discuses about economic relation of South Africa with southern African countries.

This book focuses only to economic aspects and lacks political and other aspects.

This book deals with the economic dominant position South Africa in the southern

African regions.

D. South Africa and Major Powers.

F.H Taose and E.J. Yorke (ed), The New South Africa-Prospects for

Domestic and International Security (1998) This book gives the current realities

and future options of South Africa's ~oreignpolicy. This book deals with South

Africa's foreign policy towards major powers. But it doesn;t mentlon much about­

the background and factors of South Africa's foreign policy.

Richard Wilson's book, The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the post-apartheid state, (2001) gives the realities and options

of South Africa's foreign policy in the post Apartheid era. It covers mainly the

political aspects of South Africa. Therefore it needs a separate study.

Heather Deagan's book, The Politics of New South Africa, Apartheid and

after, (2001) elucidates the rise and fall of Apartheid regime in South Africa,

foreign policies of Mandela to Thabo Mbeki. This book examines the South

Africa's foreign policy towards the major powers and also its relations with these

countries. However, it does not cover the foreign policy of South Africa towards

the Southern African region and India.

27

Peter J. Sehacder's article, South Africa's foreign policy from International

Pariah to leader of the African Renaissance in Round Table, (2001) gives South

Africa's policies in the international arena, and its relations with major powers,

such as USA, EU, China Japan. This article critically examines the South Africa's

economic relations with these countries. This article also brings out the areas of

cooperation of South Africa with these major powers. But it does not cover South

Africa's policies towards India.

E. South Africa and International Organisations

H. James and, J.S. Spence's book South Africa and International

Organisation, (1997) gives the foreign policy of South Africa in the international

arena and organisation. It deals with the role and importance of South Africa in the

UN, NAM, Commonwealth and OAU. But, it lacks its policies towards the

domestic context.

Ruchita Beri's article "South Africa in the New Millennium", (2000) in

Strategic Analysis, gives how the policies of South Africa change in the changed

International context. This article gives a vivid description on foreign policy of

South Africa in the context of globalisation. This also examines the role of South

Africa in various international organisations like the United Nations, Non­

Alignment Movement, British Commonwealth of Nations, ASEAN. This article

emphasises on the role of South Africa in United Nations regarding the issues of

membership of South Africa and other third world countries.

Brent Stephen's article, South Africa: Tough Road to Prosperity, in

Foreign Affairs (1996) seeks to analysecritically South Africa's foreign policy in

the globalised world. This article provides the role and position of South Africa in

the changing global scenario. This article brings out the South Africa's foreign

policy in the era of globalisation and future prospects.

F. South Africa's Foreign Policy towards India

Biswas Aparajita's book Post Apartheid South Africa, its Relations with

Neighbouring Countries, (2007) writes about historical background of South

Africa's relations with India. This book also discusses some of the contemporary

issues of South Africa and India relations. It mainly discusses South Africa's

policy towards neighbouring countries and regional organisations.

28

Ankuj B. Sawant's book India and South Africa, (1998) gives about Indo­

South African's relations in economic, political and security issues. This book also

mentions about India's role in struggle for South Africa's apartheid policy. This

book critically examines India's relation with South Africa in various aspects.

Another important feature of this book is the important areas of South Africa and

India relations in the context of stability, socio-economic development and

cooperation in science and technology. But it lacks the policies and relations with

other countries. It covers only a specific period and needs other books on the Indo­

South Africa relations.

Consulate General of India's (Johannesburg) publication, India South

Africa Economic Relations, (2008), gives a detail study of India South Africa

economic relations, particularly in bilateral trade between the two countries. It

mainly discusses only economic aspect of South Africa and India relations.

Rajen Harshe's article, "Liberation Struggles in southern Africa", in Africa

Quarterly, (2004) examines about the Apartheid regime and the achievements of

the Post-Apartheid regime in South Africa. This article writes about South Africa's

foreign policy towards India in the recent years. However, it does not mention

about the foreign policy of South Africa towards the major powers particularly

USA and Japan.

S.C. Saxena's book, South Africa: Walking the Mile, (1992) writes about

South Africa's foreign policy in general and policy towards India in particular.

However, the book does not mention about the recent developments of South

Africa's foreign policy towards India.

Thus, it is clear from the above survey of literature that the existing

literature lacks the focus particularly in the present study. The area of my research

work has not been explored much though a number of books and journals have

been published in the context of South Africa. Therefore, there is a gap between

the existing material and the present study. The study tries to fill up the gap

between these two.

The study also helps in understanding the challenges of South Africa's

foreign policy and its continuity in the era of globalisation. The continuity and

29

change in the foreign policy of the South Africa in the post apartheid period will be

discussed in the study.

1.7. Structure ofthe Thesis

The thesis of the present study has been organised into seven chapters:

Chapter-1 Introduction

This chapter discusses a brief note of South Africa's foreign policy in the

post apartheid period. It explains the concepts of foreign policy,, theoretical

framework, the context and rationale of the study, methodology and a brief review

of literature of the present study.

Chapter-2 Determinants of South Africa's Foreign Policy

It discusses the evolution of South Africa's foreign policy. The major

focus of this chapter is to examine the domestic and external determinants of South

Africa's foreign policy.

Chapter-3 South Africa and its Neighbouring Countries and African Union

It studies South Africa's policy towards the Southern African Countries and

its dominant position in the region. The role and position of the South Africa in the

African Union (AU) is also part of this chapter.

Chapter-4 South Africa and Major Powers

This chapter discusses South Africa's foreign policy towards the major

powers such as USA, European Union (EU), Japan, China and Russia.

Chapter-S South Africa and International Organisation

This chapter focuses on the role and position of South Africa in the

globalised world and International Organisations. It includes South Africa's role in

the United Nations, NAM, Commonwealth, ASEAN etc.

Chapter-6 South Africa's Foreign Policy towards India

This chapter deals with South Africa and India's relations in the post

apartheid period. It studies the areas of cooperation between the two countries.

This also includes People of Indian Origin in South Africa, IBSA Initiative and

Areas of discord between the two countries.

30

Chapter 7 Conclusion

On the basis of the above discussion, this chapter examines the major

findings of the present study. It also points out the trends and challenges of post

apartheid South Africa's foreign policy.

Now we have discussed the concept of foreign policy, theoretical aspects of

international relations, the context and rationale of the present study, methodology,

review of literature and structure of the thesis. The next chapter will examine the

determinants of South Africa's foreign policy. It will examine the various domestic

as well as external determinants of South Africa's foreign policy.

31