Chapter Five

GLOBALIZATION OF IRISH STEP DANCE

Irish step dancing has changed dramatically from the mid-1990s onward. Prior to

Riverdance, Irish diaspora communities in the United States, England, Scotland, Canada,

Australia and New Zealand had already developed dancing communities, as well as

organizations to govern Irish step dancing. However, after the media blitz that resulted

from coverage of shows such as Riverdance and Lord of the Dance, many more people

who either had not been previously aware of Irish step dancing, or had not been

motivated to participate, started to take classes and compete. Because the growth of Irish

step dancing was spurred by international stage show tours and media coverage, these

developments were not limited to national boundaries. Demand for Irish step dancing

grew in areas where established schools were not present. As a result, more dancers had

incentive to take teaching examinations, and dancing schools were started all over the

world. This chapter seeks first to demonstrate that Irish step dancing is an increasingly

globalized practice. Secondly, it details some of the demographics of Irish step dancing

around the world from 1996-2007.

UNDERSTANDING GLOBALIZATION

One can perceive globalization as beginning far into the past, perhaps with the

beginnings of Western colonial empires, or with global wars. However, many scholars

refer to globalization as a recent phenomenon, one that is functionally concerned with the

reconfiguration of the global economy. In this configuration, production, consumption,

investing, business, and transfers of wealth are not localized within a community or a

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country, but are diffused throughout the globe, and barriers to their transfer and

movement are reduced.1

However, globalization is not simply an issue of economics; many other elements

of society, such as politics, culture, technology, ecology and the environment, and social

structures (among others) are part of the matrix that is considered to be “globalization.”

According to Jan Nederveen Pieterse, in his 2004 Globalization and Culture: Global

Mélange, “economic, political, cultural and social dynamics are not simply different

facets of a single globalization; rather they are each prisms through which globalization

takes shape and is experienced and mapped differently, yet they all mingle and

interpenetrate as well” (14). Some of these “prisms” may even have contradictory

effects—for example, the governance structures of the European Union, a “macro-

region” of collected European states and an example of political globalization, both

impede and accelerate the global and regional flow of capital. On one side, the European

Union regulates products and manufacturing processes that produce pollution or cause

health problems, thus slowing the flow of capital. On the other side, there is the

unification of the European market into a common entity sharing the same currency, and

where production, capital products, and labor may move relatively unimpeded by

European national boundaries. “Globalization” as a phenomenon is highly multifaceted,

concerns many aspects of life, and is socially and geographically uneven.

Perhaps some of the complicated aspects of globalization—for example, why

globalization does not work in same or similar ways all over the globe—can be explained

by an idea of globalization not as a singular, essentialized phenomenon or “grand

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narrative,” but as discourse. In Showcasing Globalization? The Political Economy of the

Irish Republic, Nicola Jo-Anne Smith argues that “globalization” as one unified entity

does not really exist, but is a combination of processes that is driven in part by the

language or rhetoric of “globalization,” the concept. Smith states, “whether or not

globalisation exists in `real' terms, ideas about globalisation may nevertheless play an

important role in shaping the conduct of political decision-makers in Ireland” (4). This

postmodern argument has interesting implications. For example, as a discursive force,

globalization is not a form of “destiny” but is malleable. The effects of the globalization

discourse are real or material in that they have an impact on social experiences,

government structure, the abilities of corporations to invest, and many other areas of life

(27). However, such changes result from the agentive choices of decision-makers (and

everyday people to a certain degree as well), who act according to their interpretations of

the globalization debate. According to Smith, “globalisation is thus a highly complex (set

of) process(es) rather than an inexorable economic logic. This means that it need not be

conceived in purely structuralist terms” (19). Smith refers to this particular way of

viewing globalization, that is, as a discourse, as the “contingent globalisation thesis” (29).

There are many debates on the nature of the impact of processes unified under the

umbrella term, “globalization.” Some of these debates concern the diverse array of

impacts processes of globalization may have upon various peoples of the world. Some

debated impacts of globalization include the degree to which these processes homogenize

or diversify cultural practices, the extent to which they increase global inequality or raise

global living standards, replace national governance with corporate governance, or

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increase the success of left and democratic (and other grassroots) movements by enabling

communication between members who otherwise might not be able to meet. Both the

processes and discourse termed “globalization” have important implications for the

generation of new forms of power and authority, as well as reformulations of older power

structures.

Ireland as a Globalized Society

Some of the social and economic changes that Ireland has experienced since the

1980s and, especially, the mid-1990s are commonly perceived as being caused by

processes of globalization. Indeed, Ireland is sometimes offered up as a model of

successful globalization—because of the economic growth Ireland experienced after

opening its markets and joining overarching entities such as the European Union. Ireland

has also been, for the past decade, consistently ranked among the most globalized

societies in the world. For example, in 2007, Ireland was listed as the fifth most

globalized economy in the world in the “Globalization Index,” a yearly study produced

by the consulting firm A.T. Kearney and Foreign Policy magazine. Smith notes, “in the

national and international press, too, Ireland has become known as globalisation's success

story” (63). However, some scholars and commentators question or trouble the reduction

of change in Ireland simply to an effect of globalization. Irish economic growth, scholars

such as Sandra Fisher and Fintan O’Toole argue, could not have been achieved without

the considerable growth in education, and, thus, an increase in the power of the state; the

Republic of Ireland did not offer free secondary education before 1967 and the rise in

education has had very significant effects for the growing economy.

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Nicola Jo-Anne Smith critiques the idea that Ireland’s economic growth and

social changes are a simple result of the processes of globalization. In addition, Smith

notes that Ireland’s economy cannot realistically be viewed as “globalized”; instead,

Smith suggests that its economy is “regionalized,” because it is not globally integrated

but, on the whole, connected mostly to the economies of the United States and the other

member nations of the European Union. She argues further that even among the members

of the European Union, not every nation has a strong economic connection to Ireland

(64). Smith notes that:

In 2005, trade with other EU states accounted for a massive two thirds of total exports, with the US taking up a further fifth of the total. In contrast, Ireland's trade with the rest of the world has actually fallen slightly (from 20 per cent in 1980 to 18 per cent in 2005) (64-65).

Thus, the idea that Ireland’s economy is a poster child for the process of globalization is

disputed. However, it is important that Ireland has become a global developer of internet

technology and software, and that internet access has grown significantly within the

nation. Many scholars, including the analysts who rank countries in the aforementioned

“Globalization Index,” view Internet access as a sign of globalization. Increasing access

to these technologies all over the world, I will argue later in this thesis, has had important

effects on competitive Irish step dancing cultures.

Culture and Globalization

This thesis addresses some impacts of “globalization” processes on a cultural

practice—competitive Irish step dancing. According to Richard Maxwell, writing in his

introduction to the 2001 edited volume, Culture Works: The Political Economy of

Culture, culture can be defined as “all of the sum of stories we tell ourselves about who

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we are and want to be, individually and collectively” (1). Maxwell describes a wide array

of ideas and practices that can be designated as “cultural” or influenced by culture

including “peopled landscape[s],” bodily and intellectual experiences, everyday practices

and symbolic ones, formal art such as film, music, dance, and theater, histories,

technology, among many others (2). Maxwell also situates culture within political and

economic matrices, and seeks to document these aspects of culture as a form of political

economy. According to Maxwell, “culture is always in political economy” (3). If one can

show the embeddedness of culture in politics and economics, it seems a short leap—and

to me a productive leap—to show the ways in which culture(s) are linked to

globalization(s).

Scholars have devoted specific attention to globalizations of culture as

differentiated from (but not entirely separate from) economic or political globalization.

Jan Nederveen Pieterse describes a contradiction in the ways certain thinkers approach

culture, and the impact these ways of viewing have on the study of globalization. For

some, culture is “essentially territorial” and “localized.” Pieterse writes, “this is culture

in the sense of a culture, that is, the culture of a society or social group.” Adherents to

this understanding of culture sometimes view it “as a whole, a Gestalt, configuration.”

However, other scholars approach culture as “a translocal learning process” (78). In this

model, culture is a fluid mixture of a variety of influences and interactions. Different

thinkers may approach the perceived interaction of culture and globalization in a variety

of ways, some focusing on “homogenization,” others on “heterogenization” or

“diversification,” and still others on “hybridization” (80-81). Scholars who see culture as

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becoming more homogenized under globalization focus on cultural imperialism,

dependence, and hegemony, as well as westernization. Writers who focus on the

diversification of culture as an aspect of globalization point to cultural “planeterization,”

interdependence, and interpenetration, as well as cultural crossover and creolization.

Pieterse favors the idea of hybridization, a subset of diversification, which he suggests is

a sign “of an age of boundary crossing.” A study of cultural globalization as

hybridization would, the author suggests, uncouple the ideas of culture and nation, which

have been ideologically linked by previous scholars. Instead of solely linking culture to

the nation, the empire, religion, or a civilization as a totality, Pieterse suggests that

scholars of cultural globalization should address “the contributions to culture formation

and diffusion by diasporas, migrants, strangers, [and] brokers.” He also suggests that the

concept of hybridity is a “critique of essentialism” that “unsettles the introverted concept

of culture that underlies romantic nationalism, racism, ethnicism, religious revivalism,

civilizational chauvinism, and cultural essentialism” (82). However, I might contend that

critical scholars may observe elements of cultural homogenization, heterogenization, and

hybridity at play in any particular practice.

OVERVIEW OF IRISH STEP DANCING GROWTH AROUND THE WORLD

The practice of competitive Irish step dancing can be viewed as having become

increasingly globalized in terms of geographic spread. Irish step dancing is practiced in

an increasing number of areas around the world. Some of this global expansion can be

attributed to the massive popularity and financial success of shows such as Riverdance.

After Riverdance, enrollments in Irish step dancing classes increased greatly in areas

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where there were already formal Irish step dancing organizations, such as Canada, the

United States, England, Scotland, Australia, and New Zealand (see Cullinane 1987, 1990,

1997, 2006). Areas where Irish step dancing is practiced also include mainland Europe,

Russia, Japan, Mexico, South Africa, and Kenya (see Venable 2001).

Irish step dancing has also become a culturally globalized practice. Dancers have

increasing contact with one another both at competitions such as the World

Championships, and through media such as websites. Irish step dancing products such as

shoes and dresses circulate all around the world, as do ideas about and imaginings of Irish

dance.

Recent increases in the numbers of certified and uncertified teachers have been

notable. In 1997, the An Coimisiún Liosta Oifigiuil (Official List of Registered

Adjudicators and Teachers, Coimisiún)2 listed 319 A.D.C.R.G.s (Ard Diploma

Choimisiuin Le Rinci Gaelacha) and T.C.R.G.s (Teasgicoir Choimisiuin Le Rinci

Gaelacha) in America. In three years, that number had increased to 377, which was an

increase of 18%. In Canada, the numbers increased from 50 to 55, a 10% increase. In

Australia, the increase was from 108 to 131 registered teachers—21%. New Zealand

increased from 20 to 23 teachers, a 15% increase. In 1997, there was one (inactive)

teacher listed in Kenya. By 2000, the number of teachers living in Africa had increased to

21, a 210% increase. The additional 20 are all newly registered "Associate" teachers. In

1997, there were no Coimisiún-certified teachers listed as living in Europe. In 2000, there

was one “inactive” teacher in Italy, and one teacher living in the Netherlands, according

to the list. This represents a doubling. Although these are the only formal numbers I have

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available, I am aware of significant growth after this period—including a new European

region and a certified teacher in Mexico. Regardless of the limited conclusions that can

be drawn from two years of data, it is important to note that these increases all occurred

within a three year period, and thus represent a very high level of growth.

These numbers also do not reflect the growth of those registered by other

organizations such as An Comhdháil, Festival, of Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Eireann, or

increases in practicing uncertified teachers. That the figures for An Coimisiún members

could increase so drastically in one three-year span is one indicator of the extent of

growth within Irish step dancing, globally.

There are seven North American regions governed by An Coimisiún: the Eastern

US, Mid-Western US, New England, Western US, Southern US, Eastern Canada, and

Western Canada regions. Most of these regions were formed before the advent of

Riverdance, but membership and participation in them has steadily increased. A new

region, the Southern Region, was created in 1996 to accommodate the post-Riverdance

influx of dancers in that area.

Growth can also be observed in data from the number of feiseanna held yearly in

these regions. According to the North American Feis Commission (N.A.F.C.) schedule

for 2001, 147 feiseanna were scheduled in the United States, and 25 were scheduled in

Canada. The majority of Canadian feiseanna were to be held in Ontario, whereas

American feiseanna are well distributed around the country but concentrated on the

coastlines and in segments of the Midwest (N.A.F.C., 2001). In 2007, there were 176

registered feiseanna from the United States, 32 in Canada, and 1 in Mexico (N.A.F.C.,

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2007). This represents a 19.5% growth for the United States, a 28% growth for Canada,

and a growth of 21.5% overall, in a span of six years.

The number of feiseanna that are held across the United States is related to the

number of participants. Feiseanna are generally school or community affairs. To host a

feis one must have an adequate demand for competition, supply of competitors, and

enough community infrastructure to organize and run the event. The increase in the

number of feiseanna over time is one indicator of the increased popularity of Irish step

dancing overall, as well as the increased number of participants. Although these numbers

only provide information about North America, similar increases may have been

happening in other areas around the world.

Another indicator of growth is increase in the number of formal Irish step dancing

structures (both in terms of organizing feises and organizing teachers) and governing

institutions. Since 1994, formal Irish step dancing structures have been developed where

none previously existed. Two examples are mainland Europe and South Africa. These

areas now have regular feiseanna, and can qualify their dancers to compete in the

Oireachtas Rince na Cruinne, or World Irish Dancing Championships (often referred to

as the World Championships). The Registered Teachers Mainland Europe branch of An

Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha staged its first yearly Oireachtas, the Oireachtas Rince na

Eorpa, in 2004. In addition, teachers in South Africa formed the organization Irish Dance

(South Africa), and are training pupils to take their teachers examinations. Irish Dance

(South Africa) hosted its first National Priomh Comórtas (literally “Premier

Competition”—similar to a feis) in 2005.

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Irish step dancing organizations have made decisions that accommodate the

growth of international participation in Irish step dancing. For example, while the World

Championships had, in the past, always been held within the Republic of Ireland, recently

other regions have hosted these events. The first time that the World Irish Dancing

Championships was held outside of the Republic of Ireland was in 2000, when they were

held in Belfast, Northern Ireland. They were held in Belfast again in 2006. In 2002, the

championships were held for the first time outside of the island of Ireland, in Glasgow,

Scotland. They were held again in Glasgow in 2007. The World Championships will be

held in Belfast again in 2008. In 2009, the World Championships will be held outside of

Europe for the first time, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. In 2010, the World

Championships will again be held in Glasgow.

An Coimisiún’s structure allows international participation in decision-making

processes. For example, there are multiple Vice Presidents of An Coimisiún, who

represent a wide variety of regions. However, the President of An Coimisiún had never

resided outside of Ireland until Peter Smith, who lives in the United States, became the

President (Úachtarán an Choimisiún) of an Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha in 2005. This

happened after Tomás ó Faircheallaigh, who had been President for twenty-five years,

passed away. Smith was the first person residing outside of Ireland to be granted the

position.

The increasing numbers of Irish step dancing teachers, competitions and

organizations are indicators of the growth in globe-wide interest in the practice.

Furthermore, the fact that both the World Championships and the holder of the highest

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position in the decision-making structure can be located outside of the Republic of

Ireland is perhaps indicative of the growing importance and relevance of international

communities within Irish step dancing as a whole.

Global Trends in Irish Step Dancing—Data Collection and Statistical Analysis

Very little information is available about the demographics of Irish step dancing.

Irish step dancing is also rarely addressed as a global practice. Also, the few scholars who

address these issues generally do not rely upon quantitative data analysis to back up their

assertions. However, in part because of the expansion and increasing relevance of the

internet, more and more sources of data have become available to scholars. One such

source of information is the results from the World Irish Dancing Championships. The

World Championships, which was established in 1970, is perhaps the most important

yearly event in the globe-wide Irish step dancing community. Irish step dancers from all

areas of the world (where there is a formal Irish step dancing governing structure that is

overseen by An Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha) are able to qualify for the event by

competing in their local Oireachtas. The following analysis makes use of data from the

World Championships to examine changes in the demographic composition of Irish step

dancing as a globe-wide practice.

Questions that Data Collection Endeavors to Answer

The three variables that this data analysis focuses on are area (or nationality),

gender, and age of competitors in the World Championships. Charts One, Two, Three,

and Four detail changes over time, and include results from 1996 through 2007. The first

hypothesis that this analysis seeks to test is whether or not Irish step dancing indeed is an

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international endeavor. The second hypothesis that these sections test is whether or not

changes in the regional popularity of Irish step dancing have had an impact on

competition results. For example there is a wide array of anecdotal evidence suggesting

that participation in Irish step dancing has increased in the United States. It might follow

logically that increased competition in these areas has raised the standard of dance

required for American dancers to qualify for the World Championships, and that dancers

from America might be better prepared to compete against their Irish counterparts. If

American Irish step dancers are better prepared, they may achieve better results. The

third hypothesis that is considered is whether or not any changes in regional prominence

in terms of achieving the highest results at the World Championships are gendered. All

competitions in the World Championships are organized in terms of a male/female

binary. In looking at these charts, one might be able to see whether male competitors

from any particular region achieve a higher number of top three placements in the World

Championships than do their female counterparts.

Chart Five addresses the same time period as do Charts One through Four (1996-

2007), but proposes a different hypothesis. Irish step dancing competitions are segmented

into a variety of age levels. When there are no competitors in an age group, competitions

for that age group is cancelled. When there are only a few competitors, competitions may

be merged by combining different age groups. The number of separate age categories is

related to the number of participants in the overall championship. The hypothesis that this

chart seeks to address is the extent to which participation in the World Championships

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has increased, as demonstrated by the increased number of separate competitions for

different age groups.

Charts Six and Seven address data solely gathered from the 2007 Oireachtas

Rince na Cruinne, or World Irish Dancing Championships, which was held in Glasgow,

Scotland, from April 1st to April 8th, 2007. The purpose of focusing on this single event is

to show some of the finer details of the demographics of international Irish step dancing

competitors. Analysis of this type cannot be performed for the other years, because for

many prior championships, only a certain portion of the data, such as the names of those

dancers who place in the top half of the competition, are listed in the publicly available

results. In 2007, An Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha expanded its website to include official

results. These results are far more comprehensive than those published for previous

years—and thus allow researchers and dancers to access a higher level of detail. The

complete data sets, such as have been published for 2007, provide a more accurate

demographic picture of the entire event. As with the first series of charts, the information

displayed below applies only to the solo dancing portions of the competition.

Chart Six takes as its hypothesis that some age groups have a higher level of

participation than others. Chart Six also addresses the hypothesis that male and female

dancers participate in unequal numbers. While these hypotheses have been proposed by a

large number of scholars based on anecdotal data, this chart attempts to demonstrate these

disparities using quantitative data. This chart displays data that represents every single

solo competitor in the entire 2007 World Championships. Chart Seven utilizes data from

one single event, the “Senior Ladies Competition (Ladies 21 and Over),” from the 2007

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World Championships. This chart takes as its hypothesis that dancers from a wide variety

of areas and countries participate in the World Championships. Dancers from areas with

less developed and newer regions may not be represented in the top half of placements,

and less so in the top three placements. However, these dancers may be important in

analysis of the economics of Irish step dancing, because they participate in buying Irish

step dancing dresses and products.

Methodology for Data Collection

Data for this chapter was gathered from a variety of websites. All of the data is

from the results of World Championship competitions. This information has been made

available by a variety of sources. The Broesler School posted the results from the 1996

and 1997 World Championships online. I accessed and stored them in 2001. These results

do not appear to be currently hosted by that site. Dance teacher Eoin O’Maoileidigh

posted results from 1998 and 1999, and I accessed and stored them in 2001; the page on

which he posted them no longer exists. Results from the 2000 World Championships

were posted on the Riverdance messageboard. Again, I accessed and stored them in 2001.

The Riverdance website subsequently moved to a different online address and the results

are no longer posted. Results from the 2001 All Ireland Competition and the 2002, 2004,

2005, and 2006 World Championships were posted by An Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha

on their website, and are still available. Results from the 2003 World Championships

were posted on the Peter Smith School website. They are also currently available. Finally,

results from the 2007 World Championships were posted by An Coimisiún le Rincí

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Gaelacha on a new website dedicated to official World Championship results, and remain

available on that site.

As a note, full competition results were, before the internet, generally only

available to teachers who had entered their dancers in a feis or larger competition.

Dancers could (and still can) purchase their individual results for a fee, and have access

to their scores and the notes that adjudicators have made about their performance.

Dancers’ overall rankings in the competitions are made public during awards ceremonies.

However, since the late 1990s and early 2000s, companies have been set up for the

express purpose of tabulating Irish step dancing results—a complicated endeavor. These

companies often post results on their websites. Some results are free to the public. The

organizers of some feiseanna also maintain their own websites, and sometimes post

results to them. Individual dancers who are involved in online messageboards often

cross-post these results so that they are available to the public. There is some room for

data corrosion in this last mode, to be sure.

In all cases presented here, I have made a concerted effort to collect large sample

sizes, because larger sample sizes are key to the provision of data that is more

representative of actual reality. Many of the samples in this section involve hundreds of

different data points. I have also emphasized providing holistic coverage of any particular

topic—for example, in analysis of data from the World Championships, all age groups

and genders are included. Furthermore, I have consciously attempted in at least some of

the collection of data to amass information over the entire time period for which

information is available. The years selected for the World Championships, for example,

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include every year for which such information has been provided to the public. I made

every effort to acquire complete data sets for each individual topic.

There is a certain amount of subjectivity in my choice to focus entirely on the

World Championships of Irish Dancing and not other championships such as the North

American Nationals or the All Ireland Dancing Championships. I made the decision to

focus on this one particular yearly event because the World Championships occupies a

symbolic place different from (and slightly more elevated than) any of these other

championships. A dancer gains a certain status when he or she wins the World

Championships, and it is not the same as the status gained by winning any other

international championship. Whereas a win at any major championship is a major

achievement, to win at the World Championships is perhaps the highest honor that any

dancer can achieve in competitive Irish step dancing. In addition, World Championship

results provide information about Irish step dancing as a worldwide phenomenon.

Some of the data analyzed in this section describes only those dancers who have

placed in the top three of their individual championship. Dancers who place within the

top three of any particular championship event are accorded a great deal of prestige. The

top three dancers in any competition at the World Championships are given special

places of honor on the awards podium, for example. These individuals tend to dominate

visual and anecdotal accounts of such championships. Whereas individuals who place

within the top ten in any championship may also be accorded a high level of prestige, the

symbolic weight of those dancers who place within the top three competitors seems much

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higher than those who place elsewhere. The winner of a championship is much likely to

receive acclaim than the person who places fourth.

Because of the informal manner in which some of these results have been offered

to the public, there is a level of variability in the number of awards and placements listed.

Most lists of results do not include all of the competitors in the event. Some results lists

only include those who have placed in the top three. Others only include those who have

placed in the top half of the competition. The choice to represent only the top three

dancers in some sections of this data analysis partially results from such variability. All

championship results that have been referenced at least include those dancers who have

placed in the top three. Thus, comparisons between the demographics of the top three

competitors can be consistently studied.

Note Regarding Data from 2001

In 2001, the An Coimisiún World Championships was not held because of

international concern over an outbreak of hoof and mouth disease in Ireland. In addition,

the 2001 All Ireland Championships for An Comhdháil were postponed because of the

epidemic. However, the An Coimisiún All-Ireland Championships was held that year and

a very large number of international dancers participated, who were not able to attend the

World Championships. Because the results from the 2001 All Ireland Championships do

not seem markedly different from those of the World Championships of other years, they

have been included in lieu of World Championship data, as opposed to simply excluding

2001 as a whole. As a note, all of the dancers who had qualified for the 2001 World

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Championships were also qualified for the 2002 World Championships, and did not need

to re-qualify.

DATA ANALYSIS

Different methods of data analysis are employed in this thesis in an attempt to

reconcile issues of both accuracy and approachability. Some data samples can be clearly

depicted by a bar graph, whereas others require applications of multilinear algebra. In

cases where data can be clearly depicted using more basic means, higher levels of data

analysis are omitted. In all of this data analysis, the emphasis is on simplicity and ready

comprehensibility.

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Charts and Analysis, World Championships from 1996-2007 Chart One—Total Percentage of Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World

Championships, 1996-2007

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Analysis of Total Percentage of Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World

Championships, 1996-2007

This data set notes the region or nationality of each dancer who placed within the

first three ranks in every solo competition held at the World Championships from 1996-

2007. Four regions dominated the placements—Ireland, Northern Ireland, England, and

the United States. Other countries, such as Australia and New Zealand, are displayed in

the chart but are dwarfed in terms of their number of top placements. For each of these

four prominent regions, a trend line (y = mx + b) was generated. Using the slope (m) of

this trend line the relative increases or decreases for each region in terms of placements

over time can be described. A positive slope indicates an increase, and a negative slope

indicates a decrease. The greater the absolute value of the slope, the greater the increase

or decrease.

It appears that there has been a general decrease in the number of placements in

the top three by persons living in Ireland (m = -0.6479) and Northern Ireland (m =

-0.3199). This is not to say that Ireland and Northern Ireland no longer occupy an

important status within the placements at the top competitions. Rather, the point is that

their placements as a whole seem to have decreased.

England in particular seems to have seen a decided increase (m = 0.9696) in top

placements in the World Championships over the past decade. In fact, England’s increase

seems striking in that it does not seem to be paralleled by that of any other area. In

addition, while the data for almost all other areas aside from England seems very erratic

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and dependent upon the year, the data for England is extremely consistent (in that it

conforms to the trend line) and is thus likely to be of great significance.

It may be asserted that the average number of top placements for Americans (m =

-0.1276) in the World Championships has remained consistent over the past ten years,

instead of increasing or decreasing significantly. An increase might have been anticipated

in light of the growth of Irish step dancing throughout North America at this time.

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Chart Two—Girl’s and Women’s Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World

Championships, 1996-2007

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Analysis of Girl’s and Women’s Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World

Championships, 1996-2007

There seems to be a marked difference between the placements of boys and men

in the World Championships, and those of girls and women, in terms of region of origin.

Hence, the two sex categories have been separated into different charts so that these

differences can be illuminated.

In this chart, two trends are particularly striking. First, there seems to be a

dramatic increase in placements for female Irish step dancers from England (m = 1.2804).

There also appears to be a large decrease in placements for female Irish step dancers from

Ireland (m = -1.4888). This is especially the case in the period ranging from 2004-2007,

where there is an immense decrease in the placements of dancers from Ireland. However,

data for female dancers from Ireland in this series is quite variable and does not closely

adhere to the trend line.

Both the increase of placements for female American dancers (m = 0.3406), and

the decrease of placements for female Northern Irish dancers (m = -0.6003) are worthy of

note, but neither is as dramatic as the figures from Ireland and England are.

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Chart Three—Boys’ and Men’s Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World

Championships, 1996-2007

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Analysis of Boys’ and Men’s Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World

Championships, 1996-2007

In contrast to the figures for female dancers at the World Championships, the

most interesting aspect of the data for male dancers seems to be the almost complete and

utter lack of change in terms of relative numbers of placements. This very stability seems

interesting in and of itself. In this chart, the strong trend of decrease that was seen for

female Irish or Northern Irish placements is not replicated in male dancers’ placements

(m = .2154 and m = .0724, respectively). Although there is a definite increase in terms of

placements of dancers from England, the data is far more erratic and the trend is far less

strong (m = .6503).

Most surprisingly, there appears to be a marked decrease in placements for men

from the United States (-0.6626), although again the data does not appear to be

particularly conclusive because of its extreme variability. However, it does appear that in

the period between 1997 and 2002 there were a large number of male dancers from the

United States placing within the top three, but that there has been a decline since 2002.

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Chart Four—Percentage of International (Non-Irish and Non-Northern Irish) Top Three

Placements in World Championships, 1996-2007

157

Analysis of Percentage of International (Non-Irish and Non-Northern Irish) Top Three

Placements in World Championships, 1996-2007

This chart takes more notice of dancers from areas such as Australia, New

Zealand and Canada, which are included within the category of “International.” When all

of the data is combined for competitors from outside of Ireland and Northern Ireland, it

seems clear that there has been a dramatic increase in terms of placements for the female

dancers residing outside of the island of Ireland. In 1996, less than 35 percent of the

placements in the top three female dancers went to competitors from outside of Ireland or

Northern Ireland. By 2007, the number of placements had jumped to just under 65

percent. Such a dramatic increase seems very significant. It is likely that most of this

increase is attributable to the performance of female dancers from England, although

dancers from other regions almost certainly have had some impact as well. This assertion

is backed up by the fact that the overall rate of increase of all female placements outside

of the island of Ireland (m = 2.0965) is significantly higher than the rate from England

alone (m = 1.2804). Thus, there has been a combined increase in the number of

placements of dancers from Canada, Australia, and New Zealand.

The rate of placements for men from regions other than Ireland and Northern

Ireland in the top three seems to have remained relatively constant, hovering somewhere

around 55 percent (m = -0.2703). It seems important to note, however, that these charts

clearly demonstrate the higher level of placements of “international” male dancers in the

past, as compared with female dancers. Perhaps part of the reason there has not been a

significant increase for men is the fact that, in 1996, male dancers from regions outside of

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Ireland and Northern Ireland were already placing well, and did not have as much to gain

in terms of competitive grounds.

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Chart Five—Number of Competitors at the World Championships 1996-2007, Divided

by Sex

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Analysis of Number of Competitors at the World Championships 1996-2007, Divided by

Sex

The number of competitions held in any particular year is loosely proportional to

the number of entrants. When there are not a sufficient number of competitors to hold an

event, age groups are combined so that there are a sufficient number of competitors (to

produce meaningful results) in any one competition. There are thus two important trends

that can be noticed from this particular chart. The first trend suggests that the overall

number of contestants, while once variable, has increased to a sufficient level so that

every regularly scheduled competition category in the World Championships can be held.

Competition number appears to have leveled off in 2002.

The second trend that can be noticed is that there have been (historically) fewer

men’s and boys’ competitions than there have been girls’ and women’s competitions. The

reason for this may be straightforward: there are typically far fewer entrants in men’s and

boys’ competitions, so the historic need to combine competitions for male dancers may

have been much higher.

The data from 2001 shows a spike not because of any reason relating to

demographic change, but rather because it was collected from the All-Ireland

Championships and not the World Championships—the World Championships were not

held that year. Often, in major championships outside the World Championships, there

will be championship competitions included in the syllabus that technically do not qualify

the dancer for evaluation at the World Championships. In the World Championships, the

lowest age bracket is ten to eleven years, but in the All Irelands, dancers nine to ten years

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old are allowed to compete.3 Thus, in the 2001 All Irelands there were two more

competitions than there were in the following years of the World Championships—both

for dancers too young to compete in the World Championships. Information from 2001

has been included in this chart because it has also been included in the other charts.

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Charts and Analysis, 2007 Oireachtas Rince na Cruinne (World Irish Dancing

Championships

Chart Six—Number of Competitors by Gender and Age (Per Competition), 2007

Oireachtas Rince na Cruinne (World Irish Dancing Championships)

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Analysis of Number of Competitors by Gender and Age (Per Competition), 2007

Oireachtas Rince na Cruinne (World Irish Dancing Championships)

In this chart, the relative difference in number of competitors at the World

Championships in male versus female competitions is readily apparent. In almost all

categories, there are roughly three times as many female competitors as there are male

competitors. This has a marked impact on the difficulty of, for example, placing highly in

any particular competition. It is much more difficult for female dancers to achieve a high

placement in the World Championships than it is for male dancers.

The most densely populated competitions in terms of age are those between ages

11 and 17, with a peak in the 13-14-year-old age group. In some of the most hotly

contested “Girls” categories, there are nearly 150 competitors in each competition. After

age 16-17 the number of competitors in any individual competition declines significantly.

In the female (“Ladies”) competitions, the number of competitors increases again for the

age ranges 19-21 and 21 & Over. However, it should be noted that both of these

categories combine multiple ages of dancers in one competition, as opposed to dancers

born exclusively in one calendar year. If these competitors were still segregated into

single year segments, their numbers would be significantly lower.

This data set lends credibility to the notion that competitive Irish step dancing is a

practice most commonly participated in by female children and teenagers.

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Chart Seven—Number of Competitors by Area in the Senior Ladies Competition (Ladies

21 & 0), 2007 Oireachtas Rince na Cruinne (World Irish Dancing Championships)

165

Analysis of Number of Competitors by Area in the Senior Ladies Competition (Ladies 21

& 0), 2007 Oireachtas Rince na Cruinne (World Irish Dancing Championships)

This chart is included as a counterpoint to the figures of the percentage of

international dancers who place in the top three. It should be stressed that the proportions

of dancers who place in the top three (as divided by area) do not always directly represent

the proportions of dancers who hail from a particular area in terms of participation in the

event. As well, the proportions displayed in this single competition, i.e., the “Senior

Ladies 21 & Over” are not necessarily representative of all competitions in the World

Championship.

Regardless, interesting information arises from this particular chart. First and

foremost, it is clear that the most heavily represented group in this competition is dancers

from the United States. Americans are followed, as a distant second, by English dancers,

and then by dancers from the Republic of Ireland. The number of entrants from England

only slightly exceeds half of the number of American participants. After these countries,

Australia is the next highest, but even its strong showing seems dwarfed by the number of

entrants from the aforementioned areas.

Social power in Irish step dancing may in many ways be related to the percentage

of internationals who are “winning” competitions. Areas may become more relevant to

the authority structures of Irish step dancing when they dominate competitions. However,

the power to drive markets may also be, in many ways, determined by who has the lion’s

share of participants, if not winners. Given their high levels of participation and, to a

lesser extent, winning, American dancers, and dancers from other areas around the world

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aside from Ireland and Great Britain, may have influential purchasing power that might

be in the process of shaping Irish step dancing as a market.

This chapter has examined some of the global demographics of competitive Irish

step dancing. Data from World Championship events held between 1996 and 2007 were

used to examine variables such as region or nationality, sex and age. According to data

displayed in Charts One through Four, there has been a decrease in placements in the top

three positions in the World Championships by dancers living in the Republic of Ireland

and Ireland. There has been an increase in placements by dancers from outside of these

areas, most notably England, but also other regions. However, these changes in the

proportions of dancers who place in the top three are most notable in the case of female

dancers. The relative proportions of placements for male dancers have remained

relatively consistent.

Further, as is supported by data in Charts Five and Six, competitive Irish step

dancers are more likely to be young (children and teenagers) and female.

Chart Seven supports the idea that Irish step dancing is a global practice, made of

members from around the world. Although not all of these countries and areas have

dancers who regularly place within the top three of the World Championships, it is likely

that they do impact the markets of Irish step dancing.

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ENDNOTES

1 Information comes from works cited below, especially Jan Nederveen Pietrse, Globalization and Culture: Global Mélange, (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004). 2 This document is generally available to teachers, adjudicators, and some members of organizations running feiseanna, and is not usually available to the broader Irish dancing public. Only two years are discussed because only those two versions of the document are available to this author. 3 As a note, in feiseanna, very young dancers may be able to participate in “under six” competitions—although they may be separated into special trophy competitions, sometimes called “Tír na nÓg” competitions.