CHAPTER-2

CHAPTER2

Research Setting

This chapter delineates the research setting, which includes specifically a

profile of the Dalits and of caste Hindus, Thevars in general of Tamil Nadu. In

addition, the impact of colonial rule on Indian social structure, the government census

and other reports which include district-wise population, literary rate, occupational

pursuits, welfare programmes and policies have been discussed. Moreover, this

chapter also analyses the socio-cultural and economic background of the Dalits in

general and Pallars in particular, and finally, it focuses on studied villages of the

southern districts of Tamil Nadu. A majority of the Dalit population is, socially

marginalized, economically deprived and politically coming up through their recent

struggles not only in urban areas but also in rural areas. Relatively speaking, they

have improved a lot when comparing with earlier days of their socio-economic and

political conditions. On one hand, the upward social mobility and marginality of

Dalits is evident and, on the other, the dynamics of caste conflicts between Dalits and

caste Hindus is quiet evident. It may be wrong to assume that the clashes between

caste groups have been confined only to the Thevars and Pallars, Parayars and

V anniars, Chakkuliars and Gounders. In fact, conflicts of attrition have also erupted

between Nadars and Dalits, Pillaimars and Dalits, Nayakkars and Dalits, Naidus and

Dalits, etc. Historically, a larger number of atrocities have been inflicted on Dalits by

the caste Hindus. It is quiet evident that continuous caste conflicts have also been

taking place, especially between Dalits and caste Hindus.

Caste system and Dalits in Tamil Nadu

The state of Tamil Nadu is located at the west coast of Cholamandalam and is

surrounded by states of Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Karnataka. In ancient times,

Chera, Cholas and Pandiyas ruled this land. Remarkably, the Varna system, during

the period of dynastic rulers, was not so vehement; rather it was at rudimentary level.

However, social stratification in the Tamil society could not be prevented and it

resulted in an aggravation of the caste system from outside. During modem period,

the British classified certain communities as Scheduled Castes whose number varies

from region to region in the state. They are also called by different names like

Harijans, Adi- Dravidas, Panchamas etc. The 'Pallar' community is numerically

especially in southern parts of Tamil Nadu and some of the Pallars also reside in the

western and northern parts of Tamil Nadu. The Pallar community thinks that they are

superior to other Dalit communities like Parayars, Chakkuliars, Kuravars, and

Pudharai V annars etc. Thus, different authors have given different kinds of opinion of

Pallars' origin and their social-cultural background.

The composition of the caste structure or caste system in Tamil Nadu can be

divided into three broad categories. These are the Brahmins, the Non- Brahmins and

the Adi-Dravidas or Dalits, as mentioned in the previous chapter. The villages in

Tamil Nadu and elsewhere in the country have segregated residential areas, and

maintain physical distance between the higher castes and the Dalits. The Brahmins

live in houses called 'Agraharam', built with bricks and tiles, in comparatively better

areas. The Non-Brahmins including Dalits are excluded from these areas or localities.

The Non-Brahmins live in separate localities, and 'Cheri' is the name given to the

streets of Adi- Dravidas.1 Regarding caste structure, Beteille has examined the

changing patterns of social stratification in a village of Tanjore district in the state.

According to him, the term 'Brahmin' refers to a combination of castes and sub-castes.

The three main Brahmin caste categories are those who officiate as priests for Non­

Brahmins, those who serve as priests and those who were traditionally devoted to

learning and study of the Shastras - the scriptures of Hinduism. The last is recognized

as the highest category and inter-marriage among the above categories is not in

practice.2 Beteille further states that the stratum, which follows the Brahmins, is that

of the non-Brahmins which is more diverse and has the largest number in the state.

The non-Brahmins are considered less 'Sanskritic' than the Brahmins. They include

mainly the land owning castes such as the Vellalas, Gounders and Padayachis. They

also include the castes such as the Kusavans (potters), Techchans (carpenters),

Tattans (goldsmiths) and the serving castes such as Ambattans (barbers), Vannans

(washermen) as well as a large number of other specialist castes. One or more of

these castes are found to be particularly influential and dominant in every district. For

2

Andre Beteille, Caste: Old and New, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1969. Andre Beteille, Caste, Class and Power: Changing Patterns ofStratification, Berkeley, 1965, p. 10 Andre Beteille, Caste, Class, and Power: Changing Patterns of Stratification in Tanjore Village, Oxford University Press, Bombay, 1969.

37

instance, the Mudaliyars are dominant in Chengalpet; the Padayachis are in North

Arcot and South Arcot; the Gounders are in Coimbatore and so on. 3

The Adi-Dravidas or Dalits are described as the third strata and are broadly

divided into three categories: Pallars (field Labourers), Paraiyars (drum players) and

Chakkulilyars (leather workers). It is seen that in Madurai, Ramanathapuram and

Tirunelveli, the three southern districts of Tamil Nadu, the Pallars account for a

higher percentage of population among the Scheduled Castes. In other words, in

Ramanathapuram they account for 64 per cent in Tirunelveli 60 per cent and in

Madurai 41 per cent. In Tanjore, South Arcot, North Arcot, Chengalpet and Salem,

the ·Paraiyars have majority. However, the difference between the population

percentage of them and the Pallars is very narrow (47% and 34%). It is only in

Coimbatore, Salem, Namakkal, Dharmapuri, Attur and certain pockets of Madras

districts where the Chakkuliars dominate with 70 per cent of the population. Another

significant feature is that the Pallars' population ranges between zero to eight percent

in the five western districts of the state. 4

Of the three Scheduled or Dalit castes, the name 'Pallar' is said to be derived

from the word 'pallam', meaning a pit in which they were said to be standing when the

castes were originally formed. Another myth about their origin is that Devendra (God

Indra) created them for the purpose of labouring on behalf of the Vellalas, a major

land-owning caste in Tamil Nadu. Generally, they are agricultural labourers. The

Pallars consider themselves superior to the Parayars and the Chakkuliars. The

Parayars are said to be second to the Pallars in the status or rank in the hierarchy of

the Scheduled Castes in the state. This caste constitutes a good number of Scheduled

Castes who are employed as agricultural labourers, grave diggers, village watchmen,

scavengers, etc. According to Bishop Caldwell, the name 'Parayan' is derived from

the Tamil word 'Parai' (drum) as certain Parayars act as drummers at marriages,

funerals and village festivals. The Tamil Nadu Government in its list of communities,

eligible for help, prepared by the Adi- Dravidar and Tribal Welfare Department,

names the formers as Paraiyan, Parayan, and Sambavar. The community itself has

chosen the last of the three names. The Parayars were the backbone, in the past, of

3 Ibid., p.ll. 4 Census of India, Atlas of the Madras State, Vol. IX, Madras, Part IX. 1961.

38

agriculture in this country where the economy centered on agriculture to a very large

extent. They worked from morning till night in the rice fields, tilling and ploughing,

fencing and reinforcing the bunds, sowing, weeding, pumping water and harvesting.

They produced every grain of rice in the country where rice was the staple food. But

the rice they produced went to the barns of their high caste masters while they went

starving. The pittance they received as wages was hardly sufficient to fill their hungry

stomachs. It is said that in the ancient times, they had enjoyed higher social position.

The Parayars' social struggle against the caste system had already started prior to the

Pallars and other Dalits in Tamil Nadu. We will be discussing this in the third chapter

in detail.

Generally, the Chakkuliars or the Arundatiyars are mostly landless people and

depend on the dominant Gounders for their employment and are economically poorer

than those of Parayars and Pallars. They do all agricultural works, along with the

ascribed traditional services, to the caste Hindus. Living in adverse socio- economic

conditions, they are suspected to be migrants because they speak in Telugu and

Kannada. The Chakkuliars are Telugu and Kannada speaking community of leather

workers and village servants in the villages. They also have sub-division among them

such as 'Madari' and 'Pakadai' or 'Arundhathiars' and identify themselves with the

Chamars of Northern India, Charmkars of Western India, and Madhigas of Andhra

Pradesh and Karnataka etc. They also play a vital role in the celebration of local

festivals. The Parayars play drum as their traditional occupation, the Arundatiars also

play drum in their localities. Since they are leather workers, they know how to make

drum and play. And the men and women of this caste work as agricultural labourers.

The women ofthis caste clean the grains of their masters in the threshing floor. These

people make even leather jackets to be used for lift irrigation, leather tails, belt, and

leathers chappels. Relatively speaking, the Chakkuliars' socio-political assertion

started later than Parayars and Pallars. Not only the other Dalit organizations but also

the so called Dravidian parties have isolated them. Their struggle against caste

Hindus discrimination has started through their social movement called Adi­

Thamizhar Peravai. Now, they are accelerating their struggle for justice and social

equality for their kith and kin. Thus, as Beteille observes, the caste system or

structure in Tamil Nadu is both elaborate and deeply segmented, these segments are

39

placed at different levels of the political system and the main three-fold divisions of

castes are said to be the broadest basis for caste politics in the state.

In Tamil Nadu, there are profound differences between the three main Untouchable

communities: Pallar, Parayars and Chakkuliars. Deleige5 study also reflects the difference

among these groups. There is little interaction between the Parayars and Pallars, almost no

friendship. Some tension among them has stemmed from various incidents. One such

incident was on the construction of a road leading to the village wherein the Pallars wanted

to divert it to their own advantage. Pallars are generally said to be 'superior' to Parayars;

but in Valghira Manickam, they had little opportunity to express this superiority, ·which

was in any case contested by the Parayars. Likewise, the Parayars practice indifference

with Chakkuliars.

The ex-untouchables are aware of differences existing among them. Kapadia's

observation of these communities in Tamil society shows that Pallars are less ashamed of

their caste name than other untouchable groups. She further explains this difference by the

fact that the Pallars' traditional occupation, agricultural labour, is not considered being

unclean. Moreover, the Pallars are always anxious to emphasize the auspicious nature of

their work. 6 The social distance has often been practiced by the caste Hindus in all the

villages in the state. Tyrannical practices and restrictions have been thrust on the scheduled

castes and enforced with the greatest severity. Their touch, their nearness and even their

sight pollute the higher castes. The lower one was in the caste scale, the longer the distance

of approach was. Indeed, the rules of inapproachability and untouchability have had their

direct reflections on the housing conditions and the structure of the dwellings of the slave

castes. The Pariahs or Parayars have to live in crowded 'Paracheries' (Parayar streets)

beyond the village limits under the most unhygienic conditions away from the inhabitation

of the caste Hindus for whom they labour. Thus, the adherence to the prescribed spatial

distance was a severe handicap in the past to the Dalits when they went about selling their

wares or buying their daily needs.

6

Rober Deleige, "Caste without a System: A Study of South Indian Harijans," in Mary Searle­Chatterjee and Ursula Sharma, Contextualizing Caste, Blackwell Publisher, U.K. 1994, pp. 122-146. K. Kapadia, 'Gender, Caste and Class in Rural South India', (Doctoral Dissertation) London School of Economics, Department of Anthropology, 1990, p.235, referred in Untouchables in India by Robert Deliege, Berg, Oxford Publishers Ltd., New York, 1999.

40

We have stated earlier that there are a number of backward castes or classes in

Tamil Nadu. One such caste is Kallar.7 The Kallars are numerically important perhaps

ethnologically, the most interesting of the castes in the southern part of the state.

Kallars are one of the three castes included in the category of Mukkulathor, viz.

Kallar, Maravar and Agamudayar. Various meanings have been ascribed to explain

the term Kalla. Since the early years of the previous century, the term has been made

notorious by the application of the Criminal Tribes Act to the Piramalai Kallars of

Ramanathapuram, Madurai and Thanjavur districts. According to tradition, the

Kallars formed an important and strategic section of the armies of the Tamil Kings,

Chiefs in olden days when fighting was even more important profession than

agriculture, and it supported a larger population. The Kallars then were advance

guards, spies and guerilla troops, while the Maravars were the infantry troops, and the

Agamudayars were palace retainers and part of the occupation forces. According to

some historians, the Kallars are supposed to be descendents of the Kalabirans.

Whatever might have been their origin, there always was a martial and fighting

tradition attached to these people. With the abolition of the old Zamindari system and

the decline of the fortune of the Royal families along with the general deterioration in

the economic conditions ofthe dry cultivation areas ofMadurai and Ramanathapuram

districts, the living conditions of the Kallars deteriorated. Their misery was

aggravated by the hardship imposed by the Criminal Tribes Act. The rehabilitation

measures under the Kallar Reclamation Scheme brought certain relief to the younger

generation of this caste in these two districts. The Kallars are found concentrated in

Madurai, Ramanathapuram, Thanjavur districts and are scattered in Tirunelveli

district. In view of their fighting qualities, occasional gifted leadership and the

presence of a few wealthy landlords amongst them, the Kallars in certain areas, are

looked upon as potentially powerful forces. Now, the profitable agriculture, coupled

with security of property in land, has converted the great bulk of the Kallars into a

contended and industrious population.

The earliest inhabitants of the southern districts are the Kallars and the

Maravars, the virile communities with martial traditions. They style themselves as

'Mukkulathor'. The Maravars are now to be found all over the district, particularly in

7 Cited from, Tamil Nadu Gazetteer.

41

the taluks of Ramanathapuram and in the Mudukulattur and Kamudi areas. The areas

they occupy are more or less dry areas. The general title of the Maravars is Thevar

(God) but some style themselves as Talaivar (chief), Servaikarar (captain),

Karaiyalar (ruler of the coast) or Rayar Vamsam (Raja's clan). The origin of this

tribe- now caste is much disputed. 'The Maravar', H.A. Stuart writes, 'must have been

one of the first of the Dravidian tribes that penetrated to the south of the Peninsula and

like the Kallans, they have been little affected by Brahminical influences'. The head

of the Maravars is Sethupathi or Raja of Ramnad, the Sethupathi line or Marava

dynasty of Ramnad. However, Maravars are Saivites by religion. They believe in

worshipping with zeal and fervour, the peculiar deities · of Karuppannasamy and

Bhadrakali, and Maduraiveeran. They habitually propitiate with offerings of flesh and

fruit. They wear Saivite sectarian marks on their forehead.

Another dominant caste in the area is the Agamudaiyars who are closely

connected with the Maravars by descent and they resemble them most closely in

appearance, habits and customs. The chiefs of the Maravars are accustomed to marry

Agamudaiya women. Of the children born of such marriages, the males must marry

Agamudaiya females who belong to their wives' caste, while the female must marry

Maravars and belong to their husband's caste. The ordinary name of an Agamudaiyar

is Servaikaran. It is noted in the Tanjore Manual that the word Agamudaiyar is

derived from the root 'Aham ', which in Tamil signifies many meanings. It means a

house or land. According to Nelson, 'The name is said by Rev. G.U. Pope in his

edition of Abbe Dubois's work to be derived from Aham, a temple, and padi, a step,

and to have been given to them in consequence of their serving about the steps of the

temples'. H.A. Stuart writes that 'The name Agamudaiyar is commonly derived from

'A ham or Agam ' pride, and Udayan, a possessor'. They also style themselves as

Vellalas and Pillais.

Changes in caste system since the colonial Period

The power shift from the Brahmins to the middle level dominant castes has

not occurred over night nor has it been voluntarily given up by the Brahminical

hegemony. It has been a continuous process of struggle over centuries. Yet, the

colonial rule proved a facilitator in this process as it had caused considerable ruptures

42

in the Indian society. The Portuguese were among the first Europeans who made the

earliest efforts for Christianising the natives of India. 8 The Anglican Church entered

the missionary field in A.D. 1813. Thus, during the nineteenth century, the expansion

of missionary activities was rapid and continuous, and a notable increase was visible

since A.D. 1872 up to A.D. 1901.9

The attitude of the British rulers in India, who had abolished slavery in their

own land, was quite indifferent towards the untouchables in India. Theirs was an

imperialistic alien rule and their natural role in respect of the untouchables was, in

fact, a negative support to the caste Hindu oppressors. In earlier days, literature and

education was the monopoly of the Brahmins. For instance, the Brahmins were

teachers who not only opposed the efforts of the government to admit even the other

caste Hindus to the Sanskrit schools but a majority of them tendered their resignations

in protest. 10 The untouchables were far off from sphere of education. The British

administration gradually started paying attention to the question of removing their

disabilities and placing them in civil equality. It introduced certain new legislations

like the Castes Disabilities Removal Act of 1850 which provided that a person did not

forfeit his ordinary rights of property by loss of caste or change of religion. 11

Similarly, in 1858, the British administration announced in a press note that although

it did not contemplate the induction of the low- caste pupils into the schools the

expenses of which were shared with the Government when the local contributors and

patrons who objected to such a measure, the British reserved the full rights of

stopping the rising support by the government to any partially aided school in which

the benefits of education were withheld from any class of persons on account of caste.

The press note further stated that all schools maintained at the cost of Government

would be open to all classes of its subjects without distinction.12

The British government also recruited members of the untouchable castes into

their army. The Untouchables like Paraiyars, Chakkuliars, and Pallars of the erstwhile

Madras Presidency-Tamil Nadu and Mahars of the Bombay Presidency were the

8

9

10

II

12

M. Ali Khan, Mass Conversion of Meenakshipuram: A Sociological Enquiry, Christian Literature Society, Madras, 1983, pp.23-24. Census of India, 1901: voi.I, Part-I, Report Para 658, p, 377. Ibid., p.5. G.S.Ghurye, Caste, Class and Occupation in India, Popular Book Depot, Bombay, 1957. Ibid., p. 183.

43

marshal races of India who were spotted out by the Britishers for fighting on their

behalf. For the first time, Britishers recruited the untouchable soldiers from the

Madras Presidency and raised 11 troops. Thus, they were the cheapest soldiers

perhaps in the world. With the supply of bare minimum things, they could be

prepared for war. 13 The caste consciousness was itself a product of the interaction

between alien rule and the indigenous or native population. The advancement in

communications, introduction of printing press, modem law courts, educational

institutions, etc. established by the British rule promoted it. The caste consciousness

was also accompanied by the self-awareness at other levels such as one's belonging to

different religion or sect, tribe, region and language.

The Census became an instrument of the official policy. Herbert Risely,

Commissioner of the 1901 Census, for instance, noted as well as deplored the

tendency of tribes to become Jatis, which meant their absorption into Hinduism. The

recording of caste divisions among the Hindus at each census sharpened the self­

awareness of each caste and gave rise to competition to claim higher positions in the

caste-hierarchy, which had traditionally and locally been conceded. Each caste saw in

the census a ready-made avenue for obtaining the government's approval for mobility

and the census officials were flooded with applications from the caste leaders. In line

with this policy, the 1901 Census tried to show the recording of the Depressed

Classes as distinct from the Hindus. It is significant to note here that while caste

distinctions among Hindus were scrupulously recorded, similar distinctions among

other religious groups did not receive attention and this fact seems to have gone

unnoticed by the nationalists as well as the contemporary social scientists. The

criticism of Hinduism by European missionaries and the conversion of poor and low­

caste Hindus to Christianity were also factors that led the nationalist sentiments of the

new elite most of whom were upper-caste Hindus. 14

Historically, the caste system has been in contradiction to its normative

structure, comparatively elastic with modifications and changes in the economic

status of the different caste groups leading often to commensurate with readjustment

of ritual rankings. Thus, the equilibrium between economic status and ritual rank was

13

14

N.D. Kamble, Deprived Castes and Their Struggle for Equality, Ashish Publishing House, New Delhi, 1983, p. 127. Ibid. p.22

44

often maintained. The impact of economic change and social mobilization, beginning

in the nineteenth century under the British rule, however, fundamentally affected the

structural equilibrium of the traditional society. With the loosening of the vertical ties

of economic dependence and the extension of horizontal ties, new caste solidarity

emerged whereas earlier there had been only the divisiveness or factionalism in the

villages. The new polarization 'of one group of castes against the other soon projected

itself the village to the wider social and political arena' .15 So began the emergence of

Dalit uprising and continuous social-political struggle. We will see these in the third

and fourth chapters in detail. Here, we shall see below various other aspects of Dalits

in Tamil Nadu.

Socio-economic Profile of Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu

According to the Constitution of India, only certain specified castes are to be

treated as Scheduled Castes. There are 68 such recognized Scheduled Castes in Tamil

Nadu16 and only these castes are treated as Scheduled Castes in this state. Further,

these Scheduled Castes can belong to any of the three religiQns: Hinduism, Sikhism

or Buddhism. Till 1981 Census, the Scheduled castes could belong only to either

Hinduism or Sikhism. For the first time in 1991 Census, Buddhism has also been

added to the list through an amendment made in the Constitution in 1990. The list of

Scheduled Castes in the state is given below.

S.No. I. 2. 3. 4. s. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

15

16.

Table 2.1 List of the Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu

Name of the Caste S.No. Name ofthe Caste S.No. Name ofthe Caste Adi Andhra 28 Kalladi 53 Paraiyan, Parayan, Adi Dravida 29 Kanakkan,Padanna Sarnbavar Adi Karnataka 30 Karimpalan 54 Para van Pathiyan Ajila 31 Kavara Koliyan Pulayan, Cherarnar Arunthathiyar 32 Koosa 55 Puthirai V annan Myanmar 33 Kootan, Koodan 56 Raneyar Baira 34 Kudumban 57 Sarnagara Bakuda 35. Kuravan, Sidhanar 58 Sam ban Bandi 36. Madari 59 Sapapri Bellara 37. Madiga 60 Semman Bharatar 38. Mail a 59. Thandan Chakkiliar 39. Mala 60. Thoti Chiliad 40. Mannan Mavilan 61. Tiruvalluvar Chimer, Muchi 41. Moger Mundala 62. Vallon Chanda! a 42. Mundala 63. Valluvan Cheruman 43. Nalakeyava 64. Vannan Vathiriyan Devendrakulathan 44. Nayadi 65. Vel an Dom, Dombara, Paidi, Pano 45. Padannan Pagadai 66. Vetan Domban 46. Pall an 67. Vettiyan

Robert L. Hardgrave Jr., "Political Participation and Primordial Solidarity: The Nadars of Tamilnadu", in Rajni Kothari, (ed.), Caste in Indian Politics, 1970, pp. 102-103. Census Report Government of Tamil Nadu, 1991.

45

20. Godagali 47. Palluvan 68 Vettuvan 21. Godda 48. Pam bad a 22. Gosangi 49. Panan 23. Holeya 50. Pan chama 24. Jaggali 51. Pannadi 25. Janbuvulu 52. Panniandi 26. Kadaiyan 27. Kakaalan

Source:. Census Report; Government of Tamil Nadu 1991

Table 2.2

District-wise population of Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu Serial District Total Scheduled Castes % No. Population Rural Urban Total District

Total 1. Madras 3841396 - 529712 529712 13.8 2. Chengalpattu / 4653593 896337 312080 1208417 25.97 3. NorthArco 3026432 480029 147289 627318 20.72 4. Tiruvannamalai 2042979 413889 24501 438390 21.50 5. SouthArcot ./ 4878433 1219630 103669 1323299 27.13 6. Dhannapuri 2428596 327814 19646 347460 14.30 7. Salem 3896382 536500 114259 650759 16.80 8. Periyar 2320263 340420 57703 398123 17.16 9. Coimbatore 3508374 338486 236793 575279 16AO 10. The Nilgiris / 710214 100805 113793 214598 30.20 11. Madurai 3449662 394599 108971 503570 14.60 12. Dindigul 1760601 304079 37624 341703 19.40 13. Tiruchirapalli 4138048 678414 113646 792060 19.10 14. Pudukottai 1327148 206411 16817 223228 16.80 15. Thanjavur 4531457 1007989 87485 1095474 24.10 16. Ramanathapura 1144040 186795 19824 206619 18.0 17. Virudhunagar 1565037 235852 53049 288901 18.50 18. Sivagangai 1078190 149776 22993 172769 16.0 19. Thuthukudi 1455920 191257 58814 250071 17.20 20. Thirunelveli 2501832 353056 94598 447657 17.89 21. Kanniyakumari 1600349 65902 10960 76862 4.80

Total 55858946 8428040 2284226 10712266 19.18 ~

Source: Special Component Plan for Scheduled Castes, 2003-2004, Adi Dravidar and

Tribal Welfare Department, Secretariat, Chennai.

As per 1991 Census, Scheduled Caste population of Tamil Nadu is

1,07,12,266. This is 19.18 per cent of the state's total population of 5,58,58,946. It is

comprised of 54,14,599 males, 52,97,627 females. While 65.85 per cent of the state's

population live in rural areas and 34.15 live in urban areas, 78.68 Scheduled Castes

live in rural areas and 21.32 live in urban areas. In fact, Tamil Nadu stands sixth in

the country among the states having the highest percentage of Scheduled Caste

46

population. Numerically, Scheduled Castes population in Tirunelveli is higher than

Virudhunagar district, but percentage wise, Tirunelveli represents only 17.89 per cent

when compared with the Virudhunagar district, which has about 18.50 per cent

scheduled caste population. Most of the people depend mainly upon agriculture and

allied agricultural activities for their survival. Details of district-wise scheduled castes

population is furnished in the Table 1. Especially, in Tamil Nadu, Kancheepuram and

Tiruvallur districts, (erstwhile Chengalpattu MGR district) has the largest

concentration of scheduled castes with 12,08,417 persons followed by Thanjavur

district, which has 10,95,474 persons, Kanyakumari district with 76,862 persons has

the smallest number of Scheduled Castes population.

Table 2.3

District-wise percentage of literacy of Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu Serial No. District Scheduled Castes

Person Male Female 1. Madras 67.57 76.20 58.48 2. Chengalpattu 51.85 63.59 39.77 3. North Arcot 39.28 67.47 44.97 4. Dharmapuri 39.24 50.24 27.70 5. Tiruvannamalai 43.35 55.88 30.52 6. SouthArcot 37.49 49.71 24.80 7. Salem 40.53 51.62 28.34 8. Periyar 31.23 39.92 22.28 9. Coimbatore 38.05 46.79 29.12 10. The Nilgiris 63.97 75.03 52.90 11. Dindigul 39.83 52.11 27.31 12. Trichy 47.82 60.71 34.86 13. Thanjavur 47.73 60.33 34.91 14. Pudukottai 48.52 63.36 33.69 15. Sivagangai 49.27 63.23 35.80 16. Madurai 45.28 57.92 32.28 17. Virudhunagar 43.48 56.65 30.27 18. Ramanad 46.05 59.50 32.53 19. Thuthukudi 57.28 68.97 45.88 20. Thirunelveli 48.91 61.08 37.45 21. Kanniyakumari 77.33 83.02 71.69

Total 46.74 58.36 34.89

Source: Census of Tamil Nadu, 1991, also Special

Component Plan for Scheduled Castes, 2003-2004, Adi

Dravidar and Tribal Welfare Department, Secretariat,

Chennai.

47

This Table-2.3 indicates that the rate of literacy of total population in Tamil

Nadu is 62.66 per cent and among scheduled castes it is 46.75 per cent. The growth

rate of literacy among the total population in the state is 17.55 per cent compared to

that of the Scheduled Castes being 17.07 per cent during the decade of 1981-91. This

also shows that scheduled castes in Tamil Nadu have caught up with the pace of

literacy rate. Similarly, 84,28,040 people live predominantly in rural areas and

22,84,226 persons live in urban areas. Also, the literacy rate of Tirunelveli district

Scheduled Caste population of 48.91 per cent is higher than Virudhunagar district,

which is at 43.48 per cent. As far as educational institutions are concerned, the

Tirunelveli district was much advanced to Virudhunagar district. It seems that the

government has taken somewhat considerable initiative among Scheduled Castes in

this region of the State.

Welfare programmes and policies for the Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu

A majority of scheduled castes in the state as well as in the region are

economically deprived and socially marginalized and· their families lack resources.

Hence, their access to education, employment and other income generating

opportunities is very much limited. To redress this, Adi-Dravidar and Tribal Welfare

Department has been implementing all the programmes and schemes effectively.

During last year, the Government had issued orders upgrading the Adi Dravidar

Welfare Middle School at Athipallam of Dharmapuri district into High School and

the High School at Manamai in Kancheepuram District into Higher Secondary

School. Taking into account the welfare of the scheduled caste girls, the Government

has issued orders for opening a separate girls High school in Dr. Ambedkar

Government Adi Dravidar Welfare Higher Secondary School at Chepakkam in

Cuddalore district during the current year. About 2,12,000 students are studying in

Adi Dravidar Welfare schools and 45,600 students in Tribal Residential School. To

induce the eagerness of students in Computer Sciences, 30 high schools have been

supplied with computers. Computer Science education has also been introduced in 62

Higher Secondary Schools. It is noteworthy to mention that 97 percent of scheduled

caste boys and girls came out successfully in Computer Science in the Higher

Secondary Public Examination held during last year. Free education is provided up to

degree level.

48

The Government which is very much concerned about the development of

scheduled caste/scheduled tribe girls in the field of education has extended this

concession to the girls of these communities up to Post Graduate level from the

academic year 2001-2002. This concession is given, to all the Scheduled Caste

Scheduled Tribe Scheduled caste convert students studying in self-financed colleges

under the free seat category, to the extent of tuition fee fixed for the courses in

Government educational institutions, provided their parental I guardian's income does

not exceed Rs.50, 920/- per annum. 17

The entire amount is paid to the Directorate of Government Examinations by

this department. Scholarship is given at the rate ofRs.25/- to Rs.50/- per month to the

children of those engaged in unclean occupation who study as day scholars in

standards I to X irrespective of their community, religion and income background.

For hostellers, Rs. 200/- is paid per month in respect of those students studying in

standards III to V and Rs. 250/- per month for students studying in standard IX and X.

Besides this, a lump sum grant of Rs. 500/- per annum is paid to all the students.

Similarly, under the State Government Scheme, scholarship is given to scheduled

Caste/Scheduled Tribe/Scheduled caste convert students at the rate of Rs. 65/- to Rs.

125/- per month for day-scholars pursuing further studies beyond X standard,

provided the annual income of their parent/guardian does not exceed Rs. 50,000/-. In

the case ofhostellers, a sum ofRs. 115/- toRs. 280/- per month is paid as scholarship

towards maintenance charges, depending upon the class in which they study. As far

as the students residing in Government recognized hostels and pursuing graduate,

post graduate or professional courses are concerned, the Government had to convert

the loan scholarship scheme, under which an amount hitherto paid at the rate of

Rs. 6500/- and Rs. 7000/- as loan, into a grant based scheme called Higher Education

Special Scholarship scheme during 2002-2003 in accordance with the announcement

of the Chief Minister so as to enable these students to meet out the increase in hostel

expenses.

17 S. Karuppasamy, (Minster for Adi Dravidar Welfare), Policy Note, Demand No.4, 2003-04, Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare Department, Government of Tamil Nadu, 2003.and Performance Budget 2003-2004, Adidravidar and Tribal Welfare Board , Government of Tamil Nadu. And also see Special Component for Scheduled Castes, 2003-2004, Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare Department, Secretariat, Chennai.

49

Moreover, as per the orders the government has sensitised the bureaucracy

towards the welfare of Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe people with great zeal.

Around 24 awareness meetings and workshops have been conducted and sensitised

the bureaucracy at the state and district levels. The Scheduled Caste and Scheduled

Tribe candidates are appointed by all recruiting agencies of the Government viz.,

Tamil Nadu Public Service Commission, Tamil Nadu Teachers Recruitment Board,

Tamil Nadu Uniformed Services Recruitment Board, etc. by following 18 per cent

and 1 per cent rule of reservation. Whenever no such eligible candidates are available

as per this reservation, these posts are notified as backlog vacancies and are filled up

through the succeeding examinations or special tests. These backlog vacancies are not

to be allowed to be lapsed in any situation as per law. As per the orders of Chief

Minister, detailed instructions have been issued to ensure adequate representations of

the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes in all the posts under 'A' 'B' 'C' and 'D'

groups in government departments, quasi government departments, Boards and

Government-aided educational institutions. When their representation is less, the

reserved posts are to be filled up through direct recruitment at the entry level under

each category of posts, or by transfer and if necessary by amending the service rules.

To review this, a high level committee under the chairmanship of the concerned

minister (ADW) has been constituted. Through this, orders issued in G.O (Ms) No.44

Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare Department dated 25.05.1998 has been confirmed. 18

To abolish untouchability and prevent atrocities against the Adi Dravidars, the

Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 (PCR) and the Scheduled Caste/Tribal

(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 are being implemented very efficiently in this

State. Human Rights I Social Justice wing is functioning for this purpose, with

Chennai as head-quarters, under the direct control of Additional Director General of

Police (Social Justice-CID) and under the direct supervision of Deputy Inspector

General of Police. There are 7 Police circles, with 7 Deputy Superintendents of Police

and 34 Inspectors of Police, functioning in the districts. At the state level, the State

Vigilance and Monitoring Committee are functioning with the Chief Minister as the

Chairperson. In the districts, the District Vigilance and Monitoring Committees

headed by the District Collectors are constituted for implementing the provision of

18 Ibid.,

50

the Act, reviewing the ongoing schemes and sanctioning monitory relief and

rehabilitating the victims and their dependents.

Causes for Caste Conflicts in Tamil Nadu

Economic Condition

Land is the prime asset of the rural people, which determines an individual's

standard of living and social status. 19 Land ownership has become significant since it

has been a vital source of economic order of society under caste system. Ownership

pattern of land eventually prevents someone from owning land and the ownership of

the land became the symbol of economic prosperity. The perpetuation of ownerships

of land within the circle of few people certainly makes imbalances in the economic

systems. In other words, the nexus between landownership pattern and being a high

caste member has coincided and is a proven hypothesis. At the same time, lower caste

people are by and large, landless.20 In such way, caste becomes an instrument to

perpetuate exploitative economic arrangements. Most Dalits are landless agricultural

labourers and the recent report shows that more than 60 percent of Dalits are

landless,21 which makes Dalit economically vulnerable; upper and middle caste

landlords exploit their dependency. In addition to that the failure of land reform

legislation has only added to the sense of economic vulnerability that has led to

militant movements in different parts of the country, including Tamil Nadu?2 Some of

the studies show that land remains critically important as a basis for social mobility or

perpetuation of inequalities.23 At the same time, land and ritual status remain a main

source of socio-economic dominance in the rural life settings. 24

Panjami Nilam (Land)

19

20

21

22

23

24

Broken People: Caste Violence Against India's Untouchables (1999) New York, Human Rights Watch, p. 28. Human Rights Watch interview with R. Balakrishnan, chairman of the Tamil Nadu Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Madras, February 13. 1998. Vivek Kumar, Dalits in Alternative Economic Survey 2002-2003, UP: Rainbow Publishers 2003, p. 155. in Bihar allocation of surplus land has largely been ignored by the government led to the emergence of guerillas with the support of Dalits, see Human Rights Watch, op.cit, p. 28. Sudha Pai, New Social and Political Movements ofDalits, Contributions to Indian Sociology, 34 (2), 2000, p.l92. Sudha Pai, Social Capital, Panchayat and Grass Roots Democracy, Economic and Political Weekly, 36 (8), 2001, p. 648.

51

In 1892, British Government passed an Act related to the distribution of land for

Dalits, and under this Act, the distribution of land to scheduled caste people held from

1892 to 1933. In the case of Tamil Nadu, the distributional package of land has been

under two schemes: i) Panjami Nilam ii) Depressed class land. Panchami Nilam was

supposed to be the inalienable possession of the habitually dispossessed, and a means

of alleviating poverty of Dalits. This scheme signifies that 'the notified piece of land

was given to Dalits and under any circumstances could not be claimed by any people

other than Scheduled Castes.' But later these lands were transferred illegally to non­

Dalits. According to a study conducted by Thangaraj, approximately 12lakhs acres of

land had also been distributed to the people other than Dalits.25 Ayoothiathammar's

release of Tamil Magazine dated 28.12.1910, mentioned that these thousand acres of

land are distributed to Dalit populated village nearby Tindivanam, Malappakam,

Paanjalam. Punjers had 1000 acres of land, Dalits were cultivating on it till1875. Due

to famine in 1875-1877, they were unable to cultivate the land any further, later it was

appropriated by the forest department. Similarly Karuni the village nearby,

Chengalpattu Pajamas lost 650 acres of land due to their incapacity to cultivate the

land. The two districts of Tamil Nadu, Thiruvannamalai and North Arcot consist of

half of the panjami land and now, more than 47 percent of the total land being

occupied by other caste groups.

Along with the distribution of Panjami land, the Government has incurred a

few restrictions as mentioned below:

1. During the first ten years, the landholders are not allowed to sell, to gift, for

mortgage or lease out their land.

2. After the first then years, the landholders can sell out, or gift or mortgage as

well as lease out their land to other scheduled castes members.

3. If these rules are not followed, any sort of cross violation to the rules can be

invalidated under the law.

25 Thangaraj Tamizh Nattil Nilamum, Sadhiyum (Land and Caste in Tamil Nadu), Cengalpattu, LRSA, 1998, pp. 28-31.

52

Table. 2.4

Depressed Class land holdings in Tamil Nadu · (in acres) Sl. Districts Total Occupied Resumed Balance No. by Others 1 Kancheepuram 900.00 488.0 5.0 483.1 2 Coimbatore 3191.03 310.4 131.8 178.6 3 Dindigul 2743.58 744.8 112.8 632.0 4 Dharmapuri 9448.95 513.8 16.8 497.0 5 Kanyakumari 0.00 0.0 - -6 Virudhunagar 109.42 0.0 - -7 Karur 483.66 72.0 0.0 72.0 8 Madurai 3011.70 43.7 0.0 43.7 9 Tiruvallur 394.27 14.7 0.0 14.7 10 Vellore 21310.75 2438.7 0.0 2438.7 11 Nagapattinam 222.00 0.0 - -12 Pudukottai 0.00 0.0 - -13 Perambalur 8360.01 1397.3 0.0 1397.3 14 Erode 1200.00 1200.0 - 1200.0 15 Namakkal 2011.10 21.3 - 21.3 16 Cuddalore 967.70 91.6 - 91.6 17 Salem 5954.48 552.2 10.9 541.3 18 Tiruvarur 182.03 0.0 - -19 Tanjore 321.42 89.6 0.0 89.8 20 Tirunelveli 2473.88 71.3 0.0 71.3 21 Tiruchi 3000.00 1500.0 - 1500.0 22 Thiruvannamalai 33064.63 4461.9 - 4461.9 23 Villupuram 12135.48 826.0 - 826.0 24 Theni 3113.48 857.8 409.5 448.3 25 Nilgiris 746.33 9.5 - 9.5

Total 115345.90 15704.6 686.8 15018.1

Source: See Thangaraj (1998), p. 32.

Since ownership of land is a life security, a source of economic well being and

above all status symbol, the distribution of land to the poor agricultural Dalits is

prerequisite not only for their economic growth, but also symbol of equal sharing of

natural resources of the nation. Although Dalits constitute 19.18 per cent of the State's

population, their share in the land under cultivation is only 7.1 per cent. This means

land reforms have not been successful. Even the Depressed Classes land or the

panchami lands allotted to them during the colonial rule have been partially

appropriated by non-Dalits.26 Once Dalits become assertive and conscious about their

rights, quiet naturally they ask for their due share of the resources. But instances show

that the dominant landholders and landlords in rural areas assault poor landless Dalits,

26 Ibid. pp. 30-35.

53

while they ask for their right over land. For instance, a Dalit in an interview said that

about 44 acres of poromboke land in the village under study, entitled to Dalits, had

been taken over by the caste Hindus. In another gruesome incident, Dalits were

debarred from the entry into the plots of land by the neighbor caste Hindus and were

denied access to the village burial grounds. As a result, with the deprived conditions

including the feeling of insecurity of their life threatened by the caste Hindus, Dalits

virtually feel that their every day life is very much uncertain. 27

Table 2.5

Occupational pursuits of Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu Serial Occupation Population Number 1 2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cultivators 718359 Agricultural Labourers 3158785 Livestock, Forestry, Fishing, and Plantation 122476 Orchards and Allied Activities Mining and Quarrying 9111 Household Industry 54783 Manufacturing, Processing, Servicing, Repairs etc 241311 Construction 80812 Trade and Commerce 97493 Transport, Storage, and Communications 102483 Other Services 328002

Source: Special Component for Scheduled Castes, 2003-2004,

Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare Department, Secretariat,

Chennai.

The above table gives the classification about Dalits' economic conditions.

Out of 2, 79,90, 766 main workers, the Scheduled Castes constitute 49,14,000 workers

which works out to be 21.55 per cent. Among 56,64,090 cultivators, 7,19,000 are

Scheduled Castes, which works out to be 12 per cent. There are 9.04 lakhs of

landholders with the total area of 5.34 lakhs hectares. This has undergone upward

trend in the recent years. Also, 2.75 lakhs are marginal workers and 55.30 are non­

workers. According to 1991 census, there are 7,18,359 Scheduled Castes cultivators

in Tamil Nadu, which is only 5.17 per cent of the total cultivators of 1,38,75,362.

There are 31 ,58, 785 Scheduled Castes agricultural labourers which constitutes 17.82

27 Viswanathan, "Targeting Dalits", Frontline, January 21, 2000.

54

per cent. It shows that the number of cultivators among the Scheduled Castes is very

small, whereas that of Scheduled Castes agricultural labourers is higher.28

A number of Scheduled Castes such as the Parayars, Devendra Kula Vellalars,

and other lower castes in Tamil Nadu, have challenged, through their political

agitation, the hegemony of political power traditionally held by the upper castes. This

political consciousness and organizations of the Dalits has often led to the resentment

of the caste Hindus, translating into anti-Dalit violence in the state.

Profile of the Virudbunagar and Tirunelveli District

As far as a physical feature is concerned, the Virudhunagar District is land

locked on all sides with no direct access to the sea. Especially it is bound on the north

by Madurai, northeast by Sivaganga, east by Ramanathapuram and south by

Tirunelveli and Tuticorin. Moreover, this district is on one side surrounded by eastern

slopes of the Western Ghats. It is also important to mention that, the Kamarajar

district has been renamed as Virudhunagar district. The district head quarters are

Virudhunagar town. It covers an area of 4,232 square km and is divided into taluk;

one of the important taluks is Rajapalayam. There are two parliamentary

constituencies and six Assembly constituencies in the district and among them;

Rajapalayam is reserved for the Scheduled Castes. In addition, there are six

municipalities, the Rajapalayam is one among them and also eleven-panchayat Union,

ten town Panchayat, four hundred fifty village Panchayat and 598 villages. 29

With regard to Cultivated Crops, the area under cultivation accounts for 3 7

percent of the total geographical area. Agriculture provides sustenance to 52 per cent

of the working population. Productivity of agriculture is influenced by numerous

factors such as soil, climate, irrigation, marketing and credit facilities and agricultural

practices and techniques. Moreover, the establishment of textile mills, cement

factories and a number of industries in the small and medium sectors coupled with the

28

29

Census 1901, Government of Tamil Nadu, and Special Component Plan for Scheduled Castes, 2003-2004, Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare Department, Government of Tamil Nadu, Secretariat, Chennai. Annual Report of Virudhunagar district, Government of Tamil Nadu -2003 and Performance Budget 2003-2004, Government of Tamil Nadu and C:/ documents Virudhunagar, Government of Tamil Nadu. Policy note, Adi-Dravidar and Tribal Welfare Board- 2003-2004, Government of Tamil Nadu.

55

encouragement given by the state government in the form of incentives and setting up

of industrial centers has accelerated the rate of industrialisation in the district. The

cotton is a major commercial crop of the district and Rajapalayam is the chief center

spinning mills. This district has got match industries, in which 4500 match units and

crackers and fire works is another important industry with about 400 units.

In case of the Trade and Commerce, it has been involved in the marketing and

distribution of commodities since British time and here Rajapalayam is the one of the

important centers for wholesale and retail trade.30 The policies and programmes of

Government for the development of rural industrialisation based on the utilization of

local resources and raw materials and locally available manpower and skill are

translated into action through the various agencies under the Industries Department

which are primarily concerned with the promotion of Small and Rural Industries.

Provisions have been made to provide infrastructure facilities. Assistance is provided

and growth centers have been promoted. Institutions like Tamil Nadu Industrial

Investment Corporation along with Small Industries Service Institute of the

Government of India and Nationalised banks assume the responsibility for providing

necessary inputs to this sector. This will go a long way in reducing unemployment.

Tirunelveli, the penultimate southern most district of Tamil Nadu, is described

as a microcosm of the State, owing to its mosaic and diverse geographical and

physical features such as lofty mountains and low plains, dry Teri structures, rivers

and cascades, seacoast and thick inland forest, sandy soils and fertile alluvium, a

variety of flora, fauna, and protected wild lie Thenpandiyanadu of the early Pandyas,

Mudikonda Cholamandalam of the Imperial Cholas, Tirunelveli Seemai of the

Nayaks, Tirunelveli district of the East India Company and the British administration

and Tirunelveli district of Independent India became Nellai-Kattabomman district on

its bifurcation in 1986 and subsequently was christened as Tirunelveli-Kattabomman

district. As per the decision of the Government of Tamil Nadu to call all the districts

by the name of the headquarters town, Tirunelveli-Kattabomman district is now

Tirunelveli district.31

30

31 Ibid., Annual reports of Tirunelveli, Government of Tamil Nadu and C:/ documents Virudhunagar, Government of Tamil Nadu. And also Performance Budget, 2003-2004, Adi-Dravidar Welfare and Tribal Department, Government of Tamil Nadu.

56

The Educational Institutions in the district include one University, twenty one

Arts and Science Colleges, two Medical Colleges, one Siddha Medical College,

twelve Engineering Colleges, one Law College, two hundred and one pre primary

schools, thousand five hundred and twenty one primary schools, three ninety four

Middle Schools, hundred and fourteen High Schools, and hundred and forty eight

Higher secondary schools. The various machineries of the government departments

have implemented the Tirunelveli Adi-Dravidar Welfare Schemes. Especially, the

objective of this department is the upliftment of the Adi Dravidars and Scheduled

Tribes.32 The following initiatives are made by Adi Dravidar welfare facilitate this:

(i) Sanctioning scholarships

(ii) Special coaching to Adi Dravidar and Scheduled Tribes candidates m

typewriting and shorthand.

(iii) Running of Adi-Dravidar Schools and hostels

(iv) Supplying tools and appliances to the technically trained SC, ST converts

(v) Granting free pattas providing financial assistance to SC and ST

(vi) Supplying of tools and appliances like sewing machines, leather stitching

machine and iron boxes etc.

(vii) Providing of textbooks, uniforms and hostel accommodation for SC and ST

school children

(viii) Granting of free house sites to Adi Dravidars to construct their own houses

(ix) Tirunelveli District Adi-Dravidar Welfare Office is functioning at Collectorate

and is under the control of the District Collector at district level.

This study was focused on two districts of Tamil Nadu. Geographically, both

the districts of Virudhunagar and Tirunelveli are located in the southern part of Tamil

Nadu. Percentage of rural population of this village was 55.6 percent of the total

population. The total population of the Virudhunagar was at recorded 1,751301,

which is about three per cent of the total population of the state. On the other hand, in

32 Ibid.,

57

Tirunelveli, it was 1308246, which is four per cent of the total population and the

rural population was 55.1 per cent of the total. 33

Literacy rate in Virudhunagar village for males was 84 per cent of the total

population and females was 63 per cent, while the gender gap was 20.3 per cent.

Literacy rate in urban agglomeration of Virudhunagar (88 percent) was higher than

rural areas (80 per cent). Gender gap was also found between rural and urban areas.

While compared with the literacy rates of Virudhunagar district with Tirunelveli

district, the literacy rate was lesser than the former ( 17.8 per cent). Gap between rural

and urban areas was also found in Virudhunagar district. As far as the population of

the Scheduled Caste of these districts are concerned, in Virudhunagar, the data shows,

it constitutes 17.7 per cent of the total population. Highest numbers of Scheduled

Castes are found in rural areas (20.8 per cent) than urban areas (14.2 per cent). The

same number of Scheduled Caste population was found in Tirunelveli district also.

While compared with the total literacy level of district, literacy rate of the Scheduled

Castes population was less. In Virudhunagar, Female literacy rate was very lower than

general category. 34

Studied Villages

Of the two villages of 'Mangapuram' and 'Urvudaiyankudiruppu', the former

is situated in Rajapalayam Taluk of Virudhunagar district and the latter is situated in

Tirunelveli Taluk of Tirunelveli District. Out of the 200 samples of respondents, the

Dalits and caste Hindus consist of 70 and 40 from village I and 60 Dalits and 30 caste

Hindu respondents are from village II. Though both these villages' areas are exposed

to the urbanisation and industrialisation, yet most of the people are still dependant

upon agriculture as their main occupation. In both the villages, some Dalits own land

and the rest take land on lease from the caste Hindus. Some of the Dalits are engaged

in either as agricultural labourers or work in spinning mills and small industries or

factories, especially in the district towns. Further description of the studied villages

are about their physical and socio-economic structures, are based on the location,

settlement patterns of, households, community centers, temples, caste compositions,

production and socio-cultural relations among various caste groups and dynamics of

33

34 Source: Census of India, 200 I. Ibid.,

58

changes in the social relation through social mobility. An account of the inducing

factors include protective discriminative polices, collective political mobilisation and

the process of modernisation, industrialisation, urbanisation, migration, etc. leading to

the Dalits' assertion for seeking social justice and social equality.

The village I- Mangapuram is a multi-caste locality, where we can see several

caste groups living in every corner of the areas. Although the houses are separated

caste-wise, but the people continue their social relationship for socio economic and

political reasons. As stated earlier, the village is located in the Rajapalayam Taluk of

Virudhunagar district. The Western Ghats are represented in Rajapalayam and

Srivilliputhur Taluks and other parts of the district are plain. Although the village is

situated in the Rajapalayam itself, the patterns of change there are almost recent. The

Dalits and caste Hindus improved their economic standard and spread their wings in

the field of politics, but their social relations adhere to the process of the

traditionalisation of modernity (that is to say modern form of caste practices in the

situational context).

Retrospectively, the distribution of houses of the people in this village and the

adjoining areas is peculiar and sociologically significant. The village of Mangapuram

and its adjacent areas like Anadathamman, Koil Street, Netaji Subachandra Bose

Street, are inhabited by Thevars having more than 700 households whereas Pallars are

numerically in minority with about 400 households. Other than these caste groups,

there are also other communities, which reside side by side in that locality. These are

like Chakkuliars (Dalits ), Kattunaikers (Scheduled Tribe), the caste Hindus like

Chettiars, Salliyars, Naidus, Nadars, one or two Brahmin families and Rajus who are

the socially, economically politically, and educationally dominant caste. In fact, the

wealthiest people in the Rajapalayam taluk are none other than the people of Raju

caste, a Telugu speaking community and are said to be migrants from Andhra

Pradesh. These people own larger economic institutions like spinning mills,

educational institutions, finance companies, hospitals, etc. Indeed, people who are

closer to each other in the social system tend to live side-by side and people whose

social positions are widely different live apart from each other. This argument has

direct bearing with the physical structure and social structure observed in this village,

particularly in Mangapuram settlement.

59

It is also important to mention about the term 'theru' (street) which has a

special significance in the rural sociology and it exhibits cohesive force in the village

life. It provides a kind of territorial unity connected with caste cohesion. There are kin

or caste 'theru' such as Pallar theru, Thevar theru, Raju 's theru, Chettiar theru, etc.

Members of a Dalit theru would first address to one another by terms appropriate to

the patrilineal kinship group. This fictive kinship is supported by the fact that

marriage alliance in intra-theru is rarely permitted. In addition, there is generally one

man in each theru, usually the wealthiest or the eldest one who serve as a 'Nattamai '

(leader or headman). He intervenes in local disputes and participates in village

decision-making. Along with Nattamai, there are office bearers who accompany him

for fund raising and organize other activities like temple festivals, etc. Moreover, all

these groups come under one organization called Devendrakula Samuga Koodam

(Devendrakula Social Association). Especially this Association has helped the Dalits

in all sorts of caste riots and the Dalits under its banner have sought social justice for

their community.

The people of this village are in a convenient position to communicate with

the members of neighbouring villages and towns through the telephone facilities,

modernised shops and hospitals. They also avail of schools, ITis, college, etc. In

addition, they have round the clock transportation facilities to all the places. And

most of the Dalits have constructed pucca or semi-pucca houses, especially after the

caste riots that occurred in 1996. As far as the local Marriamman temple is

concerned, it is being worshipped by the caste Hindus and the Dalits rarely go there

and worship. They have their own small temple where they worship and celebrate

festivities. The Social segregation is practiced by the caste Hindus (such as Rajus',

Thevars, Chettiars, Saliars, Nadars, Brahmins, Naidus etc.) against the Dalits in this

village as in other villages. All the above mentioned castes, excluding the Dalits use,

to celebrate the annual festival in the month of April. The caste Hindus reluctance

towards the Dalits has been observed by the researcher also during the field work in

this village. The detail of this incidence will be discussed in the fourth and fifth

chapter. It is clear that the Dalits do not only show their assertion and retaliation

towards the caste Hindus' discriminatory practices but also they take independent

decisions about their community affairs. For instance, they have independently

constructed their own community hall i.e., Dr. Ambedkar Thirumana Mandapam

60

(Dr. Ambedkar Marriage Hall) where all sorts of functions including marriages and

meetings take place. Moreover, majority of the Dalits from this village work as

labourers, cultivators, and work in government and private sectors. As far as other

economic property is concerned, they have their own houses, cattle, and modem

amenities like television, radio and other assets. Although the earlier generation has

not been that much educated, but their children achieved education from matric to

Post-Graduation, legal, B. Ed and technical one. It is quite evident that the social

structure in this village is dynamic in nature.

The above mentioned description might give some more new insights about

the village social structure in south India already studied by sociologists like Beeville

(1958), Gough (1955) etc. The habitation pattern in typical Indian village exhibits a

definite pattern of inter-caste or other kinds of inter-group relationships. In other

words, the physical structure is an indicator of the social structure and the physical

distance suggests social distance in villages. For instance, the residential· pattern in

Mangapuram village does sharply demonstrate its social composition and social

distance. The Pallars and Chakkuliars live at one end of the village and the caste

Hindus at the other end and the practices of differences between the two caste groups

may be seen in the latent form.

Although the caste Hindus mainly Thevars, are engaged in the construction

work and call themselves masons and the Dalits especially the Pallars and

Chakkuliars live in the same village and but they maintain their caste identity. Of

course, this pattern is now started gradually changing. The Thevars have started

buying the houses of Chakkuliars because the latter are minority and are

economically poorer than Pallars. These Pallars, on their part, think of themselves

being superior to Chakkuliars (otherwise they have been called Pakadi). Apart from

both the cooperating and conflicting type of social relationship in the village

structure, lots of other types of changes have occurred through the different means of

internal and external factors, as already mentioned. A development in the village is

the village's awareness of politics at both the regional and state levels and the various

socio-economic welfare schemes introduced by the government. At least some of the

households from this village have availed benefits of these schemes implemented

there. Another development is the gradual increasing cultural sophistication of people

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of all categories, ultimately leading to changes in the form of both latent and manifest

conflicting social relationship between the Dalits and the caste Hindus in this village.

Urvudaiyan Kudiruppu or V oorvudaiyanpuram is the other village selected

for the study. It is located in the Tirunelveli Taluk of Tirunelveli district, as stated

earlier. Though it is situated in the Tirunelveli district, the patterns of change in this

village are almost similar to the in the Mangapuram village. The distribution of

houses in this village is somewhat peculiar quiet opposite to the Mangapuram and

sociologically significant. This village inhabited both by Pallars (about more than 400

households) who are in majority, and Thevars (about 200 households) who are in

minority. Unlike the multi-caste village of Mangapuram, where we can see several

castes living side by side, this village is such where other caste-Hindu groups like

Chettiars, Naidus, Nadars, and Muslims etc reside out side the village called

V oorvudaiyanpuram. Infact, the wealthiest people in this village are none other than

from the Nadar caste who own the larger economic institutions like transportation,

and finance- companies, educational institutions, etc ..

The village is in a convenient position to communicate with the neighbouring

villages and towns through the telephone facilities, shops and modernised hospitals,

government schools as well as convent Schools ITI and, colleges. The

Manonmaniyam Sundarana University is located in the district town. The people of

this village also have round the clock transportation facilities available from main

town called Thachanallur to other villages and towns. Unlike the Dalits in the

Mangapuram village, the Dalits in this village also have constructed their pucca

houses. At least most of the houses look like pucca and semi pucca.

As far as the local temple of Hindu Goddess are concerned, both the caste

Hindus and Dalits have their own temples, which exist side by side. The Dalits rarely

go and worship caste Hindu temples and vice versa. Every year, both the

communities celebrate festivals with their caste fellows from inside and outside. It is

clear that in the post-conflict scenario, the Dalits are not only very assertive towards

the caste Hindus' prejudicial attitudes and practices but they also started taking

decisions of their community affairs. Although, they do not have their own

community hall as in the Mangapuram village, the Dalits this village also have their

community association and a caste leader as Nattamai (headman of that village).

Infact, in the corner of that village, nearby the statues of the Dr.Ambedkar (where

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Immanuel Shekaran. a Dalit leader, killed by the Thevars during the

Mudhugulathoore caste riot in 1957), they use to convene their caste meetings to sort

out their internal and external disputes and plan other development issues.

Majority of the Dalits in this village work as labourers, cultivators and are

employed in the government as well as private sectors. The Hindustan Petroleum has

established their company very nearby that village, which also gives a greater scope

of employment to the Dalits. They own the cattle, modernised facilities, and other

assets more than the Dalits in the Mangapuram village. Although the earlier

generation was not that educated, their children have studied upto matric and post­

graduation. Quite a few of them are as well as lawyers, engineers, teachers, and

government officials. It is quiet evident that this village also maintains the dynamic

nature of social structure.

Socio-personal background of the respondents

After situating the present study in the existing socio-economic profile of the state of

Tamilnadu and of its two districts and villages where in which the present study is

located, it is appropriate to briefly look at the socio-personal background of the

respondents from whom data has been collected, analysed and presented in the

subsequent chapters. More precisely we have presented below the age gender

composition, marital status, family types, religious, educational background,

occupational pursuits and nature of income-savings of the respondents.

Table 2.6 Gender Profile of the Respondents

Total and Village 1 Village 2 Percentage of

Item both the villages

Dalits Caste Hindus Dalits Caste (Dalits and Caste Hindus Hindus)

Gender

Male 44 (62.9) 30 (75.0) 43 (71.7) 25 (83.3) 142 (71.0) Female 26 (37.1) to (25.0) 17 (28.3) 5 (16.7) 58 (29.0)

Total 70 (100.0) 40 (100.0) 60 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 200 (100.0)

Gender: In the villages under study, 71 per cent of the total respondents were male

while 29 per cent were females. In other words in village-1, 62.9 per cent of Dalit

respondents were male and 37.1 per cent were female. Similarly, of the caste Hindu

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respondents in village-! was 75 per cent were male and 25 per cent female

respectively. Likewise, in village-11, 71.1 per cent ofDalit respondents were male and

28.3 per cent were female. In same village, 83.3 per cent of caste Hindu respondents

were males compared with 16.7 per cent females. Thus majority of our respondents

from both the studied villages were male, but the female respondents were also in

sizable number.

Marital Status: With the statutory enhancement of age at marriage, we have found

that 82.9 per cent of Dalit respondents from village-! were married, compared to 75

per cent of caste Hindu respondents from the same village. Similarly, from village-II,

70 per cent of Dalit respondents and 73.3 per cent of caste Hindu respondents were

married. Overall, 76 per cent of total respondents from both the studied villages were

married and 24 per cent were unmarried.

Table 2.7 Age composition of the Respondents

Total and Percentage

Item Village 1 Village 2 of both the villages

Caste Caste (Dalits and Caste Dalits

Hindus Dalits

Hindus Hindus)

Age

20-30 27 (38.6) 15 (37.5) 29 (48.3) 14 (46.7) 85 (42.5) 31-40 14 (20.0) 10 (25.0) 12 (20.0) 7 (23.3) 43 (21.5)

41-50 22 (31.4) 8 (20.0) 13 (21.7) 4 (13.3) 47 (23.5)

51-60 4 (5.7) 5 (12.5) 1 (1.7) 4 (13.3) 14 (7.0)

6o& 3 (4.3) 2 (5.0) 5 (8.3) 1 (3.3) 11 (5.5) above Total 70 (100.0) 40 (100.0) 60 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 200 (100.0)

Age: About the age of the respondents we have found that nearly 40 per cent of Dalit

respondents from village-! were in the age group of20-30 years, compared with 37.5

per cent of caste Hindu respondents. Similarly 21 per cent of Dalits were in the age

group of 31-40 years, as compared with 25 per cent of caste Hindus. Again, 31.4 per

cent of Dalit and 20 per cent of caste Hindu respondents were in the category 41-50

years of age. Only 5. 7 per cent of Dalit respondents were in the age group of 51-60

years, compared with 12.5 per cent of caste Hindu respondents, and five per cent of

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caste Hindu respondents were in the age group of above 60 years. In village II, 40 per

cent of the Dalit respondents were in the age group of21-30 years and 40 per cent in

the age group of 31-50 years. The remaining 10 per cent were distributed in the age

group from 51 and above. Nearly 50 per cent of the caste Hindus in village II was

under the age group 20-30 years. About 23 per cent were in the group 31-40, and 13

per cent were in the age group of 41-50 year. Similar percentage of caste Hindu

respondents was in the age group of 51-60 years. Overall more than 40 per cent

respondents were in the age group of 20-30 years. Equal percentage (20 per cent) of

the respondents from such background was in the age group of 31-40 years. Just about

5 per cent caste Hindu respondents are from the age group of 60 and above years.

Table 2.8 Family Type of the Respondents

Total and Percentage

Item Village 1 Village 2 of both the villages

Dalits Caste Hindus Dalits Caste (Dalits and Caste Hindus Hindus)

Family Type Nuclear 47 (67.0) 22 (55.0) 28 (46.0) 22 (73.3) 119 (59.5) Joint 21 (30.0) 18 (45.0) 31 (51.7) 8 (26.7) 78 (39.0)

Total 68 (97.1) 40 (100.0) 59 (97.7) 30 (100.0) 197 (98.5)

Family Type: Contrary to the general impression of joint family being property of

villages, we found that in village-!, 67 per cent of Dalit respondents were living

nuclear type of family while 30 per cent were in joint family. Similarly 55 per cent of

caste Hindu respondents were living in nuclear family while 45 per cent were in joint

family. In village II, 46 per cent of Dalits and 73.3 per cent of caste Hindu

respondents were living in nuclear family, while 51.7 per cent of Dalit and 26.7 per

cent of caste Hindu respondents were living in joint family. Overall, 59.5 per cent

respondents from both the villages were living in nuclear family, while 40.5 per cent

were in joint family.

Religion: All of the respondents interviewed belonged to the Hindu religion and

believed in the gods and goddess of the wider Hindu pantheon. Besides, both the

Dalits and caste Hindu respondents also used to worship the local Hindu deities,

though they revered and worshiped separately these gods, goddess, and local deities.

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Table 2.9

Educational status of the Respondents

otal and Village 1 Village 2 ercentage of

Item oth the illages

Dalits Caste Dalits Caste (Dalits and Hindus Hindus Caste Hindus)

Education Non-formal 7 (10.0) 3 (7.5) 2 (3.3) 2 (6.7) 14 (7.0)

Primary 14 (20.0) 7 (17.5) 7 (11.7) 8 (26.7) 36 (I8.0)

Middle 15 (21.4) 10 (25.0) IS (25.0) 14 (46.7) 54 (27.0)

Metric 7 (10.0) 4 (10.0) I6 (26.0) 4 (13.3) 31 (15.5)

Senior 6 (8.6) 2 (5.0) 4 (6.7) - 12 (6.0) Secondary Graduate 9 (12.6) 4 (10.0) 7 (11.7) - 20 (10.0)

Post-graduate 1 (1.4) 2 (5.0) 4 (6.7) - 7 (3.5)

Professional 2 (2.9) 4 (10.0) 4 (6.7) - 10 (5.0)

Illiterate 9 (I2.9) 4 (10.0) I (1.7) 2 (6.7) 16 (8.0)

Total 70 (100.0) 40 (100.0) 60 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 200 (100.0)

Education: Most of the respondents from both the villages had completed their

primary and middle level examinations. Besides, 7 per cent of Dalit respondents in

village II had completed their post-graduation, compared with 1.4 per cent in village-

1. Similarly 5 per cent of caste Hindu respondents in village-! had completed their

post-graduation. Nearly 13 per cent of the Dalits respondents from Village-! were

illiterate compared to 1 0 per cent of caste Hindu respondents from this village. In

village II, 1. 7 per cent of Dalit and 67 per cent of caste Hindu respondents were

illiterate. Contrary to this, 12.6 per cent Dalit and 10 per cent caste Hindu respondents

from village-I were graduates, while 11.7 per cent of Dalit respondents from village II

were graduates.

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Table 2.10 Occupational Status of the Respondents

Total and Village 1 Village 2 Percentage of

Item both the villages

Dalits Caste Dalits Caste (Dalits and Caste Hindus Hindus Hindus)

Occupation Wage labour 36 (51.4) 13 (32.5) IS (25.0) 9 (30.0) 73 (36.5)

Cultivator 3 (4.3) - 4 (6.7) 5 (16.6) 12 (6)

Landowner 0 (0) - l 1.7 - 1(0.5)

Government 8(11.4) 4 (10) 10 (16.7) - 22 (11) Service Business 3 (4.3) 3 (7.5) 4 (6.7) - 10 (5)

Housewife 0 (0) 3 (7.5) 6 (10.0) 6 (20.0) 15(17.5)

Traditional 00 -- 9 (15.0) l (33.3) 9 (4.5)

Any other 12 (18.1) 11 (27.5) ll (22.4) 5 16.6) 39 (19.5)

Not 7 (10.4) 6 (15.0) - 4 17 (8.5) applicable Total 66 (100.0) 34 (100.0) 49 (81.6) 30 (100.0) 198 (99.0)

Occupation: Compared to the occupational pursuits of the Dalits in Tamil Nadu

stated earlier, 51.4 per cent of Dalit respondents from village-I and 25 per cent from

village-11 were wage labourers. Contrary to this, 32 per cent of caste Hindu

respondents from the village-I and 30 per cent from village-II. 16.7 per cent of caste

Hindu respondents were cultivators. No Dalits were landowners. About 11:4 per cent

Dalits were in government service in village I, compared with 16.7 per cent in village

II. While 7.5 per cent of caste Hindu respondents were in business in village-!,

compared with 4.3 per cent of Dalit respondents. In village-!, 7.5 per cent of caste

Hindu respondents were housewives compared with l 0 per cent of Dalit respondents

and 20 per cent of caste Hindus in village-H. About 15 per cent ofDalits in village II

were in traditional areas of occupation.

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Table 2.11 Income level of the Respondents

Total and Village 1 Village 2 Percentage

of both the Item villages

Caste (Dalits and

Dalits Hindus Dalits Caste Hindus Caste Hindus)

Monthly Income 500 - 1000 1 (1.4) 1 (l. 7) - 2 (1.0) 1001- 1500 8(11.4) - 10 (16.7) - 18 (9.0)

1501-2000 16 (22.9) - 3 (5.0) 1 (3.3) 20 (10.0)

2001-2500 37 (52.9) 17 (42.5) 18 (30) 22 (73.3) 94 (47.0)

2501-3000 4 (5.7) 12 (30.0) 14 (23.3) 5 (16.7) 35 (17.5)

3000-above 4 (5.7) 11 (22.2) 14 (23.3) 2 (6.6) 31(15.5)

Total 70 (100.0) 40 (100.0) 60 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 200

Monthly Family Income: As for monthly income of families, most of the Dalit

respondents were in the income group Rs. 2001-2500, while 42.5 per cent of the caste

Hindus was in the same category. Nearly 50 per cent of castes Hindus were in the

income group above Rs. 2500. In village II, nearly 70 per cent of respondents were in

the income group above Rs. 2000, while nearly 33 per cent of castes Hindus were in

the income group Rs. 2500 and above. Overall, most of the respondents were in the

income group between Rs. 2000-Rs. 2500.

Land ownership: As far as land ownership is concerned, the holding of acres of land

have been classified according to caste and class status of the respondents of the both

the Dalits and caste Hindus. The above table indicates that about 83.9 per cent of the

Dalit respondents belong to the village II are holding around 1 to 2 acres of land than

Village II who are having 73.7 per cent as mentioned above classification. Where as

78 percent of the caste Hindus respondent belongs to the village-I are having 1 to 5

acres of land than Village are having 56.7 per cent. In case of 3 to 4 acres of land

owned by Dalits respondent from the village I and II is 21.1 and 12.9 per cent, in ·

which, village I is little higher than village. Where as 6 to 10 acres of land own by the

villages of castes own about 22.2 and 43.3 percent, where village II accounted for

more than village I. In addition, only 2 percent of the Dalit respondents belong to both

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the villages are having merely 5 acres of land. Therefore, we say that most of the

respondents belong both village-11 were having land. Rest of them were engaged in

various other kind of economic activities like transportation, employment in public

and private sectors of economy and so forth.

Savings: Having part of income or earnings, in saving is a recent phenomenon in

rural areas. Nearly 80 per cent of Dalit respondents had savings in government

schemes from village-I, compared with 92 per cent of caste Hindu respondents from

the same village. In village II, 86 per cent of Dalit and 95 per cent of caste Hindu

respondents had savings in government schemes. Similarly 20 per cent of Dalit

respondents and 75 per cent of caste Hindu respondents from village I and 13.3 per

cent of Dalits and 4.5 per cent of caste Hindu respondents from village-11 had

agricultural land which was to be treated as permanent savings. None of the

respondents from both the villages had any businesses nor were they lending money

to others.

Conclusion

The Dalits in the districts of Virudhunagar and Tirunelveli in southern parts of Tamil

Nadu important segment of total population, especially in the context of post 1990's

caste conflicts occurring between Dalits and caste Hindus. We have discussed in this

chapter about socio-economic background of the three important Dalit sub-castes

namely Paraiyar, Chakkuliars and Pallars who are found in both the districts from the

data have been collected besides in other different regions of Tamil Nadu. The various

government programmes and policies and other modernisation factors have brought

structural changes in the socio-economic and political matrix of the village social

structure. On the contrary, most of the time, the government programmes and policies

have hardly reached to the Dalits thereby they face marginality and relative

deprivations resulting into domination of the caste Hindus over Dalits, which

ultimately led to caste conflicts and resultant inflicted on by the former on the latter.

Besides we have also discussed in detail the scio-economic profile of the studied

villages of Mangapuram (Village-I) and Urvudaiyankudiruppu (Village-H) situated in

Rajapalayam taluk, of Virudhunagar district, and in Tirunelveli taluk of Tirunelveli

district respectively of southern region of Tamil Nadu. In addition, as out of 200 total

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respondents, 70 Dalit and 40 caste Hindus respondents from village-1 and 60 Dalit

and 30 Hindu respondents from village-11 have been selected for this study, we have

discussed in detail the socio-economic background of these villages as well as socio­

personal background of our respondents.

As far as the variables of socio-economic background of the respondents of

the studied villages are concerned, there is a change in the social interaction, and

attitudinal behaviour of caste groups. In the case of gender-wise selection of the

sample, majority of the male respondents have been selected from both the villages,

since they have either directly or indirectly involved in the conflict situation. Among

them, majority of the married respondents have been selected due to the fact that they

happened to be head of their family and responsible persons; hence, expectedly to be

restrained and make others to restrain in the case of caste clashes. In addition, the

mature age also enables a person to observe utmost authenticity in such a situation.

Since around 50 per cent respondents from both the villages are from the age group of

20-30 and 31-50 years, it is expected that they would have been directly involved in

caste clashes or conflicts. Further education is an important instrument of social

change and it helps Dalits to achieve upward mobility to realise their past

predicaments and start resisting against the atrocious system. Most of the Dalit

respondents like those of caste Hindu respondents from both the villages are literates

and educated up to reasonable levels. Yet, the Dalits in general and the Dalits

respondents in particular from village-1 are more educated and occupationally mobile

than those from village-11 and are also not dependent on caste Hindus for their

livelyhood. Contrary to this, at least half of the Dalits respondents from both the

villages have been engaged as wage labour and they work under the supervision of

caste Hindu masons or construction workers. Similarly, the Dalit females in general

and the Dalit female respondents in particular work as kotthanar (helper) either with

Dalit and caste Hindu on the basis of fixed price or wages. On the other hand, most of

the caste Hindus as well as caste Hindu respondents from village I, work in

construction as mason and in other works compared with caste Hindus of village II.

As far as cultivation is concerned, some of the caste Hindu respondents have

their own land and cultivate themselves, whereas majority of the Dalit respondents are

not engaged in cultivation. A few Dalit respondents from the village-1 work in

government sector compared to a sizeable number of such respondents from village-

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II, and their number is les than caste Hindu respondents. Needless to say that the

government jobs give not only confidence to the Dalits but also self-assertion against

any fonn of threats which come from the caste Hindus. Thus, the Dalits in general and

respondents in particular employed in government jobs thereby they become an

important source of confidence and assertion for in the particular areas. It is thus

evident that, whichever the caste group in rural area is numerically higher,

economically stronger and politically powerful it continues to dominant and assert for

the higher status in the local caste and social hierarchies. This proved to be partially

true during the caste clashes in village-11 in 1997, in which the Dalits fought much

bravely against the caste Hindus not through their numerical domination but through a

newborn assertion of resistance and retaliation. Their assertion was necessarily rooted

in their upward mobility through attaining education, employment, political

consciousness, numerical strength and finally realisation of their relatively deprived

conditions. But such phenomenon was found to be absent in village-! in which the

above mentioned facilitating condition missing in the _case of Dalits resulting into

their bearing of the atrocities committed by the caste Hindus during caste conflicts.

71