chapter 3 marginalization and assimilation of siddis in...
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Chapter 3
Marginalization and Assimilation of Siddis in Social Set up of Karnataka
The marginalization an4 assimilation of African diaspora in India has been a
product of various factors such as slave tra~~. colonialism, globalization etc. The crafting
of African diaspora in India was very much determined by slave system and it got limited
options for a~similation. In the case of Karnataka, the Diaspora was primarily product of
Pmiuguese trading diaspora. Further, the plantation of British trading diaspora in India,
as a political power, restricted the space available to the marginalized section in India.
The new revenue system- Mahalwari, Permanent and Ryotwari settlement along with ·,
commercialization of agriculture and monetization of economy made the pea~ants, Pai
kashta, slaves to get transformed into landless labourers and tribes. The availability of
intense forests in various parts of country in general and Karnataka in particular forced
these sections of society to get acculturated in the forest culture. The forestization of
Siddi's had negative impact on their cultural an(! material capital.
The colonial and post-colonial state started various policies, hitherto unknown, to
regulate the forest region of India. The state started industrialization process and led to
investment of public and private capital in forest based incj.ustries. The forest department
was gradually organized by the colonial state to get raw material at the cheapest rate. The
Deputy Commissioner was made over all in charge of Forest zone in respective areas and
a task force consisting of rangers, foresters and watchers formulated. It helped the
colonial state to exploit the trade of sandalwood in the Western Ghats.
The Indian state has continuously emphasised to improve the condition of tribal
people in India. The inclusion of Siddis of Karnataka in the ST category provides all the
basic facilities covered in the 101h Five Year Plan since 1951. The second five year plan
provided space for the creation of 43 special multipurpose tribal blocks (later called
Tribal Development Blocks). The fourth five year plan led to setting VP of six pilot
projects and a separate tribal development agency for each project. The fifth five year
plan witnessed the launching the tribal sub-plan (TSP) for the direct benefit of the
development of tribals. The sixth plan set two important institutions for the development
of tribes viz. Tribal Cooperative Mark~ting Development Federation (TRI~D) ;;md
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Natioanl Scheduled castes and Scheduled Tribes finance and Development Corporation
(NSFDC).
Similarly, the post colonial state evolved various policies to regulate Forest in
India. As a result, the central and state governments have implemented till date two types
of projects from within and without- Joint Forest Management (JFM) and Joint Forest
Planning and Management (.TFPM) are product of these policies. The first project
analyses the involvement of tribal people as law and order problem and the policy
backfired due intense resistance by tribes and other marginal groups residing in the
nearby areas of forest across the country. The Central and State government were forced
to reformulate new policy regarding deforestation and categorization of forest areas. The
local people in various parts of India such as West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, R~jasthan,
Karnatak(l etc., demanded that the entire forest cannot be banned for the marginal section.
The 1980s witnessed formulation of new policy of categorization of forest areas and
ensuring the participation of tribal people in conservation of forest areas. The new policy
has been called Joint Forest Platming and Management (JFPM) organized on the gee
economic structure of forest areas.
3.1. Geo-economic aspect of l,Jttara Kannada, Belgaum and Dharwad
To understand the marginalization and assimilation of Siddis at the state
level in Karnataka, it is important to understand geo-economic aspect of Uttara Kannada,
Belgaum and Dhm·wad. Geographically, the area can be categorized into two groups: the
Western Ghats and Plains
The western ghats represent a continuous mountain range in Deccan. It
originates in the border area of Gujarat and Maharastra and ends in Tamil Nadu. The
approximate stretch and elevation of this range is 1600 km and900m respectively, about
60% of the western ghat is located in the state of Karnataka. It represents one of the most
intensive dense forests of India ami includes deciduous plants. Human Development
Report, Karnataka informs, "The coastal (!rea covering Dakshina Kannada and Uttara
· Kmmada districts is a narrow strip between the western ghats and Arabian sea. The
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region is characterized by heavy rainfall-?50mms to 300mms- with main occupations
being fishing and. cultivation of rice, coconut and arec(lllut. "1
Karnataka has five hundred species of animal kingdom and most of them are
located in the western ghat region. The average forest of Nagahole, deciduc:ms forest of
Bandipur National Park and Nugu in Karnataka and adjoining regions of Wayand and
Nedumalai National Par-k in the Karnataka's ghats are home to over six thousands
elephants. Kudrumukh National Park has one of the most beautiful landscapes in the
western ghats encompassing evergreen, semi-evergreen and grassland Shola habitat
characteristics of high altitude western ghat regions.
Dandeli and Anshi parts in the Uttara Kartnada district are home to the Blank
Panthers and normal variety of leopards and significant populations of Green Indian
Hornbill. These large breeds congregate even near human habitations inside the part
regularly. Bhimgad in Belgaum district is a proposed wildlife sanctuary and is home to
the endemic Wroughton's freetailed but the Krishnapur-close by are one of only three
places in the country where little known Throbald's tomb but is found. Karnataka's ghats
are also have several scenic waterfalls including the Jog fall and are listed as one among
the 1 00 natural wonders of the world. With the exception of four wildlife sanctuaries all
the remainipg 22 national parks and wildlife sanctuaries are located in the western ghat
either at the evergreen higher elevations or deciduous lower elevation regions.
The plant kingdom of Karnataka provides resources for industry and medicine. It
is estimated that 90% of the industrial requirement of plant material is coming from the
for~sts species recovery programme by conserving the habitat of threatened medicinal
plants and steps to enhanc~ production seems to be the only solution to stop further
degradation. The Kamataka Forest Department has initiated various programmes for the
extraction of medicinal herbs, shrubs and trees associated with traditional methods of
medicines. In Karnataka with the help of Foundation for Rentalization of local health
(FRLHT), Bangalore 13 Medicinal Plant Conservation Areas (MPCA) and medicinal
plant development areas (MPDA) are established and managed with the help of local
people.
1 Indid, Karnataka, Human Development Repott,2000, p.l.
129
The forest of Uttara Kannada is one of the maj<;>r revenue earning regions of
Karnataka. It seems the KFD and IDA wanted to start in the forest region and Uttara
Kannad with 82% of the land under forest was the obvious choice. KFD is the major
employee providing jobs to thousands of people in the forestry sector. Uttara Kannada
has a long history of conflict over natural resources in the early eighteenth century; the
Britishers took control of the region defeating Tipu Sultan ( 1890). However, the Dutch
and Britishers were struggling to take charge of factories (to process pepper) near the
ports of Karwar and Honn(lvar. The British concentrated on extraction of valuable teak
from the forests. They took control of the forest resources from the village communities.
The British colonial power divided the forest into separate categories of reserve
forests, protected forests and minor forests. The best forest wi~h high v.,.Iue timber was
classified as reserve forests which would be harvested by the government to earn
revenue, similarly degraded forests near the villages was classified as minor forests and
given to people. Sharachandra Lele says, "This will require not just re-drawing the
boundaries as mentioned above, but in fact replacing the existing major categories that
were invented by the Britishers to suit the purposes of colonial forestry and to which the
Britishers themselves created many exceptions that are not mentioned in the Indian Forest
Act, but very much present on the ground. "2
The plain areas of Haliyal, Mundgod, and Sirsi also represent deciduous forest
region, thougq: it does not have dense areas. The forest consists of teak and eucalyptus.
This region has a number of tanks. Paddy is the main crop and secondary crops include
groundnut, lentils sugarcane onion. Due to availability of fodder in large quantity, the
livestock based profession is practiced by local people. Sheegekai, Allekai and honey
collection provide livelihood to landless groups. Apart from this, the villagers involve in
fuel wood collection, leaf manure collection non-wood produce, cattle grazing, hunting
etc. The area is very well known for teak smuggling.
2Sharanchandra Lele, "A Defining Moment for Forests?". Economic and Ploitical Weekly,June23,2007,p.2382
130
The colonial roots of forest policy were forcefully put into practice in the post
independent era. Uttara Kannada with 82% under forest was labelled as backward
district. In order to eradicate the backwardness of the district .forest based industries like
paper, pulp, plywood factories etc., were established, for example Indian Plywood
.."Manufacturing Company, Chip board factory, West Coast paper Mills, Western India
Matchwood Company, Doddannavar Company etc. The forest areas of Kamataka provide
raw materials for ship-building, saw mills, furniture industry, railways, pencil industry,
tile factory and cottage industry. Kamataka, HDR reports regarding the shift in state's
developmental programmes in the primary sector, "In the primary sector, by
supplementing land based agricultural activities like animal husbandry to improve and
stabilize the the earning capacities of marginal cultivators and agricultural labourers. The
imp!·ovement of productivity and augmentation of returns from investment in the primary
sector through subsidized inputs."3
The Karnataka forest department has created new wings of the department to
enhance and specialize in forest related activities. It includes Karnataka Forest
Development Corporation (KFDC-1971 ), Karnataka Forest State Industries Corporation.
The forest Development Corporation primarily focuses on the overall development
activities of ecosystem. It aims to find new ways for sustaining good ecosystem and
removing roadblocks. The activities cover various dimensions such as to raise
multicultural plants, to ensure non-timber forest products, reclaim waste lands <;tnd
develop new technology. It has primarily focused in Dharwad, Belgaum, South Kannada,
Kolar, Tumkur etc., by planting bamboo, euc<;tlyptus, teak, tamarind, casuarinas and
rubber .This pattern ensure a collective pmiicipation of local groups. Further, the state
Industries Corporation has been evolved to marketwise the forest products and provide
added advantage to the cultivators and non-cultivators. It reduces the space of
middleman, thereby; ensure maximum profit of local cultivator and non-cultivators by
reducing inflation. Similarly, Karnataka Cashew Development Corporation focuses on
the cashew plantation for intensive cultivation.
'India, Karnataka. n. I p. 87.
131
.·:
3.2. Status of Siddis in the Caste Structure and Its Impact on their Development
3.2.1. Economic Conditions of Siddis in Pre-1990 period
The pre- 1990 period witnessed assimilation primarily by the society. The state
failed to provide or recognize the Siddis as a tribal community. The Siddi community
'Witnessed religious incorp<;>ration. Th~ displacement of tribal forces due to new policies
of forest department and encroachment of forest land by the mainstream society forced
the tribal to adjust in a new politico-economic formation. The state failed to understand
the context of problem faced by Siddi 90mmunity. ;··
T.C. Palkashappa constructs the image of Siddis in 1970s, "The Siddis appear to
be contented and carefree people. They are concerned with the prt(sent, primarily and
almost wholly. But provision of futur~ needs, although not alien to them, plays a minor
role in the econon1iC life. This lack of thought and foresight regarding their future needs
is one of their characteristics. If they have enough to satisfy the needs of the day, they
seldom won·y about tomorrow. after the harvest, for a time, they give up economic
pursuit such as labour in the forest, the collection of honey, the work in the land lords
house, when they get an advance for work or lump sum from the landlord, they spend
their time merely till the major part of the amount is exhausted.4" They are totally
deprived of land, knowledge and skills as a result they are forced to follow the politico
economic and social cultural lines provid~d by landlords.
).2.1.1 Commercilisation of Forest before J.F.M excluded Siddis.
The Ministry of Environment and Forests, Government of India issued policy
guidelit1es for the involvement of village communities and voluntary agencies in the
regeneration of degraded forestlands on the June 1990 under the JFM programme. This
resolution· was in tune with the forest policy announced in 1988, which was . I
fundamentally different from the two of the previous'policies in the sense that it aimed to f
shift the focus from commerce and investment to ecological conservation and satisfying
peoples basic needs. It forged a new path as for the first time it specified assumed
benefits to the protecting communities over forestlands.
National Forest Policy states, "The principal aim of forest policy must be to
ensure environmental stability and maintenance of ecological balance inclu~ling
4 T.C. Palakshappa, The Siddis of Nor~h Kanara, (New Delhi: Steeling Publishers Pvt. Ltd. 1976), p.58.
132
atmospheric environmental stability and maintenance if ecological balance including
atmospheric equilibrium which are vital for sustenance of all life forms, human, animal
and plants. The derivation of direct economic benefit must be subordinated to this
principal aim."5
The pre 1990 period categorized forest as deserve reserve forests, village forests
and protected forests under ·the Indian forest act, 1927. The first forest policy under
colonial state categories the forest under four headings namely, Forest for preservation,
Forest for Commercial purposes, Minor Forests and Pasture Lands. The forest policy was
primarily guided for public benefits. The domimmt forces did not allow th~ marginalized
communities to participate in the forest management and control over natural resources.
3.2.1.2. Unorganised Settlement Structure
The uneven trajectory of forced movement resulte<;l into uneven settlement in the
mainstream society. The uneven settlement pattern deprived the Siddi community from
the basic resources to get organized. The unorganized g~ographical distribution forced
them to get subjugated under the local landlords. The extent of subjugation can be
understood from the fact that the Siddis development project could conduct a mass level
rally in 1990s only. Immam Saheb says that 'The establishment of SOP had marked
unprecedented transformation in the lyadership Siddi community. The leadership and
masses hold a rally with a civil society and demanded that the local people should not
discriminaty the Siddis as they are also human beings. The period did not provide any
very well organized from within Indian or outside political system. It could not become
possible prior to 1990s due to lack of political articulation.' Hence, Siddi community
accepted the code and conduct of respective areas.
The religious structure of local areas accepted Siddi in the religious structure.
They were converted to the religions of new masters. It led to emergence new segmentary
element in the Siddi community. The community got segmented into Hindu-Muslim and
Christian identities. The uneven trajectory of religious incorporation led to emergence of
settlement structure centred. on religion. The context of religion in the life of Siddi
becomes directly or indirectly evident frcnn the settlement structured on the r~ligion
"India, Ministry of Environmental and Forest, National Forest Policy,l988, No.3A/FP
133
based framework. The diaspora has to overcome the sedimentation of new identity based
on local religious belief system. Further, the multiculturalism crafted these identification
in the larger arena of India nationalism. It becomes clear from the table no.6 referred in
Appendix 1.
The data mentioned in table no. 6 reflect the establishment of Hindu Muslim
and Christian Siddi settlements in different regions of Taluka located in Kamataka. In the
Yellapur taluka, the Muslim Siddis are primarily settled in Kirwatti - 25 household and
Hindu Siddi in Ramnagar - 17 household. In Haliyal Taluka, the maximum number of
Muslim Siddi is settled in Tattegui - 41 household, Christi~n Siddi in Gardollo (147
household) and Hindu Siddi are totally absent.
Ankola Taluka doesn't have a single house of Muslim Siddi and Christian Siddi
whereas the Hindu Siddi has 20 houses in Kalleswar. Further, the Hindu and Muslim
Siddi are entirely absent from Supa Taluka whereas Christian Siddi have 4 houses. In
Mundgod, the maximum number of Muslim Siddi are settled in Kendalgeri (25 houses),
Chrisitan Siddi in Mainnaly (22) and Hindu Siddi in Kattanali (1 house). The Muslim and
Christian Siddi are absent in Khhanpur whereas the Muslim and Christian Siddi have
threy and seven houses in Bhurrunky and Godholi village respectively. The Dharwad
district has Siddi settlements in Khalghatgi Taluka. The Khalghatgi settlements of Siddi
primarily belong to Muslim community. The acceptance of the Siddi community within
the framework of religion by the society in the course of retreat movement from forest
zone after Independence created socio-religious uneven trajectory.
The pre-1990 period analyzed Siddi community as forest dwellers and it led to
sedimentation of Siddi. in commodity based occupational stmcture. T.C. Palakshappa
says, "It is customary throughout the region to calculate the daily wages of a Siddi
worker in terms of many siddhi (local measures). The fisherman of the coastal region
makes rpund in the Siddi settlements at least once or twice a year to distribute fishes and
collect paddy crops in exchange. The primary economic activity of the Siddi community
includes agriculture and secondary occupation is forest labour and honey collection".6
6Palakshappa, n. 4 p. 44.
134
The commodity based occupation kept them deprived of essential resources to
accept and master new economic formation. The religious structure provided only
religious centric opportunities. It becomes clear from the fact that the limited
establishment of institutions 1960's. The Loyola Vikas Kendra, Premada Vikas Kendra,
Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrama, Home Science training centre ·and Sneha Sadan. These
institutions have very limiJed structure and degree of science-technological skill also very
low.
'3.2.1.3. Impact of Religion base" Assimilation
The religion based assimilation created framework in Siddi cQmmunity for
horizontal segmentation. The Sicldis were segmented into Hindu-Muslim and Christian
formulations. But this process provided limited spaces for politico-economic assimilation
as a result the post -1990 period witnessed the emergence of diasporic identity. The
religious structure of local religions failed to incorporate the values and norms of Siddi in
the mainstream culture. The poverty and black colour mad~ them vulnerable to various
hegemonistic forces. The Siddi community could not get the threshold energy to start
ac,:cumulating material resources. As a result, the Siddi were grQl}ped into the Scheduled
tribe category; Th~ caste based occupation, further brought new form of socio
psychological discriminations against the Siddis. The most oppressive system of
discrimination faced by Siddi community was caste and class discrimination of the three
religious structures.
The Hindu, Muslim and Christian Siddi pattern of consolidation did not provide
socio-cultural assimilation to the diasporic elements. The Siddi community was given
low Cll.St~ status in religious structure. It led to negative categorization of their socio
cultural capital. Further, the status of low caste limited the mobilizing capacity of
diasporic elements. The 1980s created new waves of awareness among the Siddi
community due to increasing religious assimilation of Siddi community as a low caste
and simultaneous fragmentation of community on religious lines. The failure of caste
based-religious assimilation did not provide new lines of alignment in the respective
religious structures. Henry John says, "Being dark, the Siddis visually fall into those
groups associated with lower castes. Along with colour, their physical features mark them
135
a~ inferior according to the dominant Indian aesthetic ideal of long straight hair, thin nose
and lips."7
3.2.1.4 Accepted as Landless Social Group
The Siddi conl.munity had been accepted as a landless social group in the
pre 1990 period. It is primarily rooted in people's perception of forest. India's I
forests are utilized by the people essentially for three purposes, firstly, as fuelwood,
leaf fodders and small .till}bers, secondly as wood for industrial purposes such as
c;onstruction timber, plywood, veneer and pulpwood, thirdly as semi-processed or
P!·ocessed or processed non-wood forest resources such as bamboos, resins, gum,
essential oils and medical plants and herbs both for domestic consumption and
exports.
The general pattern of forest resources for industrial utilisation has been for
mechanical wood industries (match, sports, goods, agriculture implemented,
furniture, toys and house construction) and others) 45% plywood, fiberboard and
packaging 30%, and for the pulp and paper industries 25%. The land ceiling Act . /
produces that a company, institution, trust or industry can't hold agricultural land
including forestland beyond the limit of 54 acres. As a consequence of the policy
and the enactment of forest (conservation) act, 1980, presently there is a ban on
failing of trees in all forests at on attitude of 1000 m. The high priority has been
given for raising fuelwood and leaf fodder producing trees in the government
forests, almost to the exclusion of leaning industrial trees. Further, the industrial
wood production has been restricted only on farm lands or on waste lands, and a ban
on felling operations in national parks and sanctions have also been imposed. It
demands stoppage of green felling in forests in som~ states, leading to drastic
education in wood yield.
The report of Steering committee says, "Almost all the committees starting
from Dhebar conimission of 1961 and various Study Reports observed that forest is
7 Henry .L Drewal . "Aliens and Homelands" in Edward A. Alpers and A. Jairazbhoy, ed., Siddis and Scholrrs: Essays on Indian Africans (Noida: Rainbow Publishers Ltd., 2004), p.l46 · ·
136
one of the most important resources of the tribal people. "8 India has faced a severe
scarcity of wood. The paper industry is playeq by raw material shortage in the face
of continually increasing demand. The supply of timber from natural forests has also
declined drastically. There has been shift to plantation grown wood and it is
expected that future demands will be met. Therefore, plantation timbers under social
forestry, agro forestry and imported wood be the two means to feel the gap.
The National Forest Policy 1988 directed state forest departments to stop the
<practice of selling forest raw material at concessioned prices. The industries are also
advised to obtain their raw material as far as possible, from forestry resources. In
1997 the supreme court of India placed restrictions on the felling of any tree in
natural forest areas and h~rvesting in natural forests might only be carried out in
avoidance with the working plans of state governments. The material forest policy,
1988 has thus altered the strategy of the government from in respect of supply of
raw materials from government forests to wood based industries.
The deteriorating situation of tribes in general and Siddis in particular, as a
landless group, is also product of one sided commercial role of corporate sector. The
private forests are characterized by small-scattered plots, but are important source of
timber and NTFP for domestic consumption. The use of private forests for industry
measured firstly through its production of farm forestry and also since 1988 when
the government reduced the area of state forest available for timber extraction. The
private forest ownership amounts to only 4% of the total forest area, as compared
with the state is 85% and of the communities 11%. The private sector is into
permuted to own natural forest, and its ownership of planted forests is hunted by the
Private Forests (Acquisition) Act of the 1950s and the Land Ceiling Act of the ''
1960s. The former provided for the nationalization of private forests and led too
much felling, while the latter specifically limits the area of private enterprises can
own foi· the plantations except in the case of plantation of crops such as rubber or
tea.
Similarly, the wood based industry in India is in a peculiar position bec;ause
R India, Planning Commission, "Empowering the Scheduled Tribes", Tenth Five Year Plan Steering Committee,Si.No.S/2001, p. ·- · ·· ····- 99
137
while90% of wood based products are manufa,::;tur~d in the private sector, 97% of
the foi·est area is owned and managed by the government. The role that the corporate
sector can play outside goverl}ment forest areas is also severally restricted, as it is
unable to raise large scale plantations on non-forest lands on account of statutory . .
land .ceilings. However, in recent years a large number of wood based industries
have attempted to promote the cultivation among forces in order to secure their raw . .
material supplies. The sporadic efforts by individuals companies starte<,l in the mid
1980d, but most initiatives began in the 1990s.
The corporate and farmer partnership schemes may be perceived to have
failed in terms of the original objectives of companies, but they havy demonstrate<,l
the potential for famous participating in such schemes to produce timber for
industry and to sell it in the open market. The wood;based industry, especially pulp
and paper units have been lobbying for past several years to get degraded forest
lands on lease for raising e plantations. This is being opposed by some NGOs and
environmental action group. The overall result of involvement of corporate sector
has increased landlessness among tribal groups.
3.2.1.5 Siddi Developm~nt Project Created Political Conscioness.
The Siddi Community evolved a consciousness to chann~lise their energy
for political and economic development. This consciousness became firm after
repeated religious inclusion at the cost of politico and economic marginalisation.
Further, the horizontal social alignment along Kokani language also failed for
imagined liberation. Charles Camara says, "In the beginning of 1980s how~ver, two
local Catholic priests took interest in the Siddis and provided them with financial
means and as:,isted them in organizing themselves and setup a community hall. A
few social workers (not Siddis) were employed to assist them and together they
established a core group. During th~ following months some of the more alert Siddi
leaders were selected anq together in 1984 they founded an activist cum welfare
association called the All Karnataka Siddi Development Association (AKSDA)."9
3.2.2. Position of Siddis in Post"1990s
9 Charles Camara, "The Siddis of Uttara Kannada: HistoJty, Identity and Change among African Descendants in Contemporary Karnataka", In Alp,ers and Jairazbhoy, n. 7 p. 109.
' . ~
; 138
The post- 1990 led to emergence of diasporic identity in the Siddi community due
to internal and external factors. The post-1990 witnessed emergence of self from Hindu,
Muslims and Christian's religious formulations. The socio-cultural identity reasserted in
the diasporic milieu. The globalization opened new channels of awareness such a~ NGO,
academic studies and new methods of communication. The field survey shows that the
Siddi community was for the first able to vistJalize the continentalisation of homeland in
Africa during the visit of Nelson Mandela. The popularity of Nelson Mandela in India
· produced a chance to recent figure the ideas of Siddis. It created new platform to assert
and make the world un~erstand their limitations. The Siddi community realized that the
caste based incorporation has limited space for upward mobility whereas the diasporic
identity can provide global space for upwar<i mobility. Thus, the global space for upward
mobility started replacing local/national identities. The formation of Siddi development
society in 1990 started movement entirely by Siddi community. Earlier, the leadership
was on the hands of non-Siddi groups. Thus, these factors located new dimensions of
assimilation. Simultaneously, the Siddi community witnessed new patterns of
marginalization. The Karnataka Forum Development in collabouration with overseas
development administration has started Joint Forest Planning and Management (1991)
programmes. T~e programme <fesigned to provide sustainability to the forest resources
but fails due to negligence of understanding the context of tribal people. It offers limited
buffer ~one available the Siddis and various crisis faced from the mainstream society.
The Siddis and Gowlis have been sandwiched between KFD and mainstream society. In
this context, the limited help from the state and global agencies help to formulate
diasporic identity. The limited mobility in the IVth zone has been also allowed through a
committee known as Village Forest Committee.
3.2.2.1 JFPM made Forest as participatory zone for Siddis.
The PIB release of October 04,2007 emphasise the shift Government of
India'~ position with reference to Forest Policy as it reports, " All State
· Governments and Union Territories have adopted JFM as their focal strat~gy. All
Forest Departments and Villag~ Communities are partners in the village level Joint
Forest Management Committees. The JFM gives a definite share with r~spect to
final and intermittent products from the regenerated forest areas. These shares are
139
much more then what W<;ls available to these members under their traditional
entitlement under the original forests on revenue settlement. There are more then
1 ,60000, JFM Committees who manage an area of 22 million hectare in the country
today." 10
JFPM means joint forest planning and manag{fment. It is comprehensive
scheme of the forest department to involve local village communities in the
conservation and sustainable management of forests. This involves the formation of
village forest comtilittees to formally enter into partnership agreements with the
forest department for planning and implementing various forest protection
conservation and c}evelopment programmes. This is based on a management plan
(MP) that the villages evolve in collabouration with the forest dypartment and
various government and non-government agencies.
It was initiated due to an alarming decrease in forest cover in India.
This was due to continuous encroachment and destruction of forests for agriculture,
timber, mining industrial development, water resources development, power
generation, urban development etc. The forest management being oriented towards
exploitation of forests for their commercial value excluded the involvement of local
communities and neglected their interests. This disturbed the strong sense of
ownership and protection of forests that existed amongst local communities and
made their survival difficult due to decreased access to forest resources. The
National Forest Policy 1988 envisages involvement of people in the protection and
development of forests. Government of India, Ministry of Environment and Forests,
in letter dated 1st June 1990 has issued guidelines to the State Governments for
involving village c;ommunities and voluntary agencies in the regeneration of
degraded forest lands.
Karnataka is one of the earliest states to issue a Government order (G.O) on
Participatory Management. The state has issued a G.O. in 1993 adopting JFPM
policy to involve local community in protection and management of degraded
forests having canopy density upto 0.25 and <;1lso provide 50% share in forest
produce to the VFCs from JFPM areas. While implementing this Government order,
10 India, Press Information Bureau ,"Forest", 4 Oct. 2007.
140
it was felt that certain amendments to the order were found necessary and
amendments to the G.O. were brought in during 1996 which provided co
membership for the spouses and also removed the limitations of canopy density of
forest for JFPM in the forest areas which are predominantly inhabitated by the
tribals. Karnataka Forest Act (KFA) has also been amended to provide statutory
back-up to the JFPM programme. State Government had issued a comprehensive
revised Government order in 2002 to overcome the operational problems
encountered in the field and also enhanced the proportion of share from 50% to 90%
in respect of Non Timber Forest Produce (NTFP) and 75% in plantation assets.
The reserved forest and degraded forest areas covered under JFPM. In the
case of degraded forest lands, the standard range of the canopy density is 0.25 and
less. Reserved forests that are predominantly inhabited by tribal people or are in the
vicinity of areas where forest-dependent tribal people live or which they
traditionally depend upon for their livelihood or which they culturally identify
themselves with may also be subjected to JFPM involving the tribal irrespective of
the density of the canopy cover of the forests. Government waste lands and other
lands under the control of the Revenue department transferred for the purpose of
JFPM to the Forest Department. The roadsides, canal banks, tank foreshorys and
other non-forest lands under the control of the Karnataka Forest Department are
being taken under the rules and regulations of JFPM.
The impact of joint forest planning and management has become visible
during the past 13 years as the forest department has constitute<;! 3887 village forest
committees in the state bringing nearly 3,40,000 ha of degraded forests under the
project. However, there are still large extents of degraded forests, which need to be
brought under joint forest planning and management. Besides the existing village
forest committees are to be strengthene<;i arid made more effective. The impact of
formation of village level institutions in the afforestation programme has been very
good as well thought an<;l well developed institutions are substantially contributing
towards sustainable management of forest resour9es. The lessons learnt from past
experiences on a number of issues like benefit sharing, equity, p9verty, gender,
empowerment, incentives, non-timber forest produce rights, income generating
activities etc., need to be addressed to make institutions of village viable and
sustainable.
141
3.2.2.2. Access and Equity in Housing Sector
The housing and water supply are universally acc~pted as basic human needs,
which are critiqtl to determine ~he quality of life. The availability and quality of housing
affect the physical and mental well being of an occupant. The adequacy of housing stock,
construction quality and the number of occupant in proportion to the number of rooms
and provision of basic amenities like, water supply, electricity and toilets are all
important elements of development.
Table-12 Pattern of K.D.C.C and Janata Houses I .
No. Village K.D.C.C House J anata House
Ankola Taluka
1 Vaidyagar 00 3
Mundgod Taluka
1 Kendalageri 00 5
2 Ugginakeri 7 00 '.
3 Mainally 3 13
Haliyal Taluka •.
1 Vada 5 5
2 Gardoli 4 2
3 Rayaptna 1 0
4 Balshelkop 2 00
5 Ked gal 2 00
6 Bukkinkop 3 14
7 Sambrani 00 4
8 Tengalli 00 3
9 N agshetikop 3 2
iO Honsur 00 2
Y ella pur Taluka
1 Ramnagar 00 1
2 Arb all 00 1
3 Tottalgundi 00 6
4 Bailundur 00 10
6 Hunshettikop 3 5
Source: Field Survey
142
The table no.l2 shows an attempt by the Siddi community to establish a platform
across the religious divisions. The government has also tried to provide permanent
residential structures to the community, so that, it could sustain in the new society. The
KDCC and Janta houses hav~ worked in this direction. The following data gives the
detail of KDCC and J ant a House.
The table likely shows that the scheme of Janta houses of Central Government has
served to provide equal opportunities of three sections of Siddi community. In the case of
KDCC houses, the Siddi have got 0, 0 and 33 houses respectively.
Table~- 13 Types of Houses of Siddis
No. Taluka Kaccha Pacca K.b.C.C/Janata
House
1 Ankola·.· 96 00 3 .•
2 Khalghati 32 02 00
3 Haliyal 336 53 26
Source: Field Survey
Table 13 shows that th~ overwhelni.ing majority qf the Siddi r~sidents in the
KDCC houses. Out of 548 houses, 464 houses are Kaccha whereas 84 houses are pucca.
The nature of houses reflects the overall economic aspect of Siddi in Karnataka.
The construction reflects the marginalized assimilation of Siddis in Karnataka.
The field survey shows that 13.46 % Siddi have houses made up of cemented walls
whereas 67.30 % have mud wall houses. The kaccha houses reflect the level of struggle
faced by the Siddi community. The condition of Siddis in the abovementioned house
structure has got worsen due to the continuous occupation of forest zone by state and the
dominant sections of society. The Siddi community has not been able to internalise the
utility of house as an essential element of progress. Due to this reason, the cmmnunity
could not understand the mainstream perception of house and land for house expansion.
This process has continuously kept them in nature friendly formulation of society where
any attempt of human beings to qevelop at the cost of nature is always resisted. It
becomes clear from the Table no.l4.
143
Table-14Types ofWalls of houses:
No. Stone Stone Mud Grass Bricks Wooden Total
of walls and mud walls stacks partition
house walls
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
52 35 10 7 52
Source: Field Survey
The marginalized condition becomes naked on analyzing the pattern of roofs in
houses. The overwhelming 86.53% houses have roofs made up of grass. It means the
Siddi community has not be~n able to go beyond the grass based roofing structure of
house. Infact, the grass based roof structure represents inability of a society to create
family based institutionalised structure of socialisation.
Table-15 Types of Roofs Qf house:
House Grass Country Manglore Lantern Stone
tiles tiles
1 2 3 4 5 6
52 45 7
Even, the elected representative of gram panchayat also does have roof made up of
grass as shown in the following photo no.3. Although, the recognition of Siddis as
Scheduled tribes have opened new channels of vertical mobilizations, but it is a very long
journey, The first priority of Siddis is to get the minimum required threshold energy for
activation of movement for institutionalised participation.
144
Photo 1: House of an elected gram panchayat Siddi woman
Next, the structure of a house and facility of toilets is another parameter to
understand economic aspect of a community. The field survey shows that 86.53% Siddi
household have single room houses whereas 13.46% have two room household
structures. All the family members reside in a single room. The lack of space in the house
limits inner structure of mental faculties. It completely denies availability of space for
privacy which very essential for the development of individual personality.
145
Table 16- Pattern of House:
House One room Two room Three room 1 2 3 4
52 45 7 00
Source: Field Survey
The facility of toilets has been available in 7 houses revealing the understanding
of hygienic values. The Siddi community uses open spaces for toilets. Human
Development Report in Karnataka (1999) informs, "In rural areas the position is dismal
with only 6.85% of the household having toilets facilities; in urban areas the percentage
is around 62.5%. Bijapur, Gulbarga and Riachur are particularly bad with almost no
access to all to toilets. Only in Dakshina Kannada and Kodagu district more than 20% of
< rural household have toilet facility. 11"
Although the pre-1990s period had provided space to tribes in the forest areas, but
the establishment of JFPM and classification of forth zone has limited the use of forest in
many ways. The article 25 of UNDHR (1948) says, "Everyone has a right to a standard of
living adequate for the health and weH.being of himself and of his family including food,
clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right t() the
security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability widowhood, old age or other
lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control. Motherhood and childhood are
entitled to special care and assistance- all children, whether born in or out of wedlock,
shall enjoy the same social protection." 12
Table-17 Toilets in the house: 52 houses
Kaccha Pucca
1 2 r----00 7
Source: Field Survey
11 ,Karnataka ,India n. I p. I 56. 12Arun Ray, National Human Rights Commission of India: Formation, Functioning and Features Prospects (New Delhi: Khalna Pubiishers; 2005), p.539. · · ·· · · · · · · · ·
146
3.2.2.3. Occupation Structure of Siddis
The stagnant condition of Siddi is primarily rooted in un-changeability of
occupation structure. The Siddi are primarily occupie<;l in agrarian activities as landless
laboures. Regarding the occupational status, the survey focused on the following regions:
Gunjavati (21--103), Ugginakeri (11-72), Kalleshwar (20-112): 52 houses (population-
285)
'fable 18~ Age Groups of members
Age · Persom. Male Female . Percentage
Gro\,lps Person Male F(fmal
e
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
0-14 100 45 65 35 45 55
15-35 57 35 22 20 62 38
36-60 103 61 40 36 59 40
60+ 25 8 17 9 32 68 _ __:__
Table 19- Earners and dependents:
Age Earners Earning Non-earners Dependents
Group dependents
1 2 3 4 5
0-14 45 55
15-35 50 07
36-60 70 28 5
60+ 25 ·.
The table no. 19 shows that only 42% population is earners, 12% non-earners,
29% dependents and 15% earning dependents. The 15% population of Siddi community
refl~cts the existence of child labour.
On an average, 45% Siddi maintain livelihood by agriculture. The area of
agricultural lands. varies from 1 acre to 9 acre. In Dandeli town, the Siddi perform various
147
services such as coolie, labour etc. Apart from agricultwe and service based occupation,
the forestry is the largest source of earning for the community. It requires the Siddi
people migrate individually or tog~ther with their families to nearby forest wood depots
in search of temporary jobs. The works covers various areas such as cutting of trees,
copecting of wood, nurseries, honey collecti9n, medicinal herbs collection etc.
The Siddi community has to move from place to place in search of forestry
related works. In return, the payment for such works range from Rs 10 to 25 depending
on various factors. Further,' the wage labour reflects gender biasness as the survey shows
that the women ate paid three times low as compared to Siddi men. It is due to this reason
that the young generation is trying to search jobs in the big towns such as Banglore, Goa
etc. But, the Siddi community faces a lot of problem in towns or cities in the absence of
well established social network.
The unavailability of jobs in nearby areas and availability of forestry related jobs
in far areas extremely limits the opportunity of development. In this context, the family
structure fails economic or psychological-social support to younger generation. Thus, the
Siddi people _tries to accept minimum wages in the local areas to avoid insurmountabl~
problems of /urban ~reas, althot1gh this policy keeps them deprived of skilled related
professions.
The working pattem of labour in Siddi community is three layered: first, daily
wage labour; secondly, contract labour, and third bonded labour. Generally, the daily
wage labour payment is made weekly. It dominates during the harvesting season and
establishment of factories in the forest regions or state related infrastructural building
activities. The daily wage labour is required by Forest department and society. The
dominant sections hire the Siddi people as labourers for domestic or construction of
houses etc. The. contract labour is also conducted by landlords or Kamataka Forest
Department.
The agricultural wage labour is fixed in the beginning of a season. The Siddi
people negotiate with the local landlords though the conditions do not provi<;ie enough
clout to the tribes for bargaining. The terms and conditions of a landlord dominate
agreement. A labourer is not allowed to change a master during a agreed season. In case
of violation, the labourer may face economic boycott by the landlords of local area. As a
148
result, the landlord becomes successful to get maximum labour from a labourer. Apart
from this, certain kinds of work in the form are catTied out on a contract bases known as
guttige. It covers usually weeding, harvesting and threshing. A group of workers join
together and take up the work from farmers for a fixed amount of money. It reflects the
limited ability of the Siddi labourer to work in an organized pattern.
The third form of labour found in the Siddi community is bonded labour. The
bonded labour is practice qy younger and adult generation of Siddi. The cultivating and
non-cultivating professions fail to cover the expenditure incum~d by a Siddi family. As a
result, the children are considered as helping hand by getting them employed as bonded
labourer. The field survey shows that 45 children work as earning dependents
constituting 15% of total population. The 70% of earning dependents works as bonded
labour. It is accepted due debt or to fulfil urgent requirement of a family. The landlord
and the parent of child agree for a particular terms and conditions of bondecJ labour. The
system provides immedi~te cash supply to the family, but the Siddi family loses younger
from developing into a active actors of awareness. The Siddis are employed as bonded
labour. The survey shows that the bonded labour provides resources for survival only.
Similarly, an adult Siddi or entire family of Siddi 1,mdergoes an agreement of
bonded labour due to debt or socio-economic requirement. It happens to most of Siddi
family as they fail get enough resources for the need .of all members. The local financiers
charge a rate ofinterest 20 to 50% per annum. The lack of education and unavailability of
State agency ao;; financier has kept alive the practice of bonded labour in the Siddi
community. In the contemporary period, the Siddis are also getting many chance to work
together with the local dalit farmers and labourers. The photo no. 4 shows the Siddis of
Karnataka working along with local dalit farmers. On asking about their social relations
with dalit f;rrmers, I was told by the Siddi labourers that they. did not feel a sense of being
discriminated or hated, although, they complain about discrimination in the case of
working in the farms of so called higher castes of the local areas.
149
Photos-2 Siddi landless workers in field (Yellapur, Karnataka)
The table no. 20 shows that 45% Siddi are involved in cultivating activities
whereas 54% Siddi in daily wage labour, honey collecting, fi rewood collection etc. The
state and central government have failed to provide macro-level institutional mechanism
to provide skill based knowledge, so that, they can emerge as skilled labourers. The
increasing presence of unski lled labourers in Siddi community makes them vulnerable to
various socio-economic discriminations. Due to this reason, the remnants of bonded
labour are visible in the Siddi community. It has keptlow rate of literacy. The absence of
knowledge based skills, further, deprives the community from formulating ideological
apparatus to capture material resources.
150
Table 20- Occupational structure of Siddis.
No. Taluka No. of Cultivators Non -Cultivators
' Houses (Daily Wage, Honey, Fire Wood,
Dairy, etc.)
1 Yellapur 377 171 206
2 Haliyal 458 247 211
3 Mundgod 89 58 31
4 Ankola 99 42 57
5 Sup a 7 4 3
6 Sirsi 3 1 2
7 Khalghatgi 34 15 19
8 Khanpur 14 3 (1
SourGe: Field Sl)rvey ' .
3.2.2.4. Stagnant Agrarian Structure
The staple food of Belgaum, l)harwad and Uttara Kannada is Paddy. The 45%
cultivators of Siddi community focus on paddy cultivation. The local people have
diversified the cultivating pattern of crops by investing in the required infrastructure, but
the Siddi community still performs the agricultural activities to sustain a family structure.
Unlike the local dominant sections, they have not been able to develop agriculture for
market requirements. The geographic isolation and economic backw<;tniness prevents
them from adopting new methods of agriculture. As a result, they have failed to take
· advantage of agriculture itmovations and technological development in the contemporary
period. The cultivators mainly possess two implements of sowing: plough (75%) and i
seed drill (33%).
The table no. 21 clearly shows the poor condition of Siddis in the case of
agricultural tools. The possession of modern agricultural is very essential for the speedy
development of agriculture. But, the does not have even a single case of possession of
151
wells, pumps and tractors. It alv ays keeps them in subsistence based agricultural
formation.
Table 21- Agricultural Tools:S2 houses
Items Yes No
1 2 3
Wooden Plough 10 42 1-c
Iron Plough 7 65
Levellers 45 7
Cart/tractors 00 52
Wells 00 52
Pumps 00 52 -
Axe 52 00
Spade 52 00
Sickle 52 00
Source: Field Survey
The low level of technological inputs becomes clear from the crop pattem as
90% of household under survey were growing Akkalasali, local variety of paddy whereas
I 0% use In tan and J aya variety of paddy. It requires 40 to 50 kg seeds per acre for good
harvest. All the respondents· use drill sowing and 11% apply chemical fertilizer for
improved harvest. On the protection side from weeds and pests, only 1% farmers use
pesticides or insecticides. As a result, the average yield of rice per acre is six to eight
quintal per acre;
Further, the Siddi community do not have pastoral animals which can be used for
earnings. It becomes explicit from the table no. 22 which shows that out of 285
household, 7 household have buffaloes and 30 hens (approx) in tot(llity. Unlike the
Gowlis of Karnataka, the Siddis are not able to use the products of animals for
commercial or domestic purpose. Infact, I was informed during the field trip that they
have not any push up by the state in the pastoral based commercial occupations.
152
Tablle-22 Ownership of Animals
Particulars No. of Animals
1 2.
Cow 00
Buffalo 7 !
Goat 00
Oxen 00
Poultry 30
Som·c~: Field Survey
The biggest difficulty faced by the Siddi cultivators is availability of
finance. It does not allow the cultivators to construct good irrigation facilities which
make them completely dependent on erratic rain as a source of irrigation. The pest and
crop related diseases affect 70% of cultivators. The lack of proper information regarding
cropping problems is another factor which retards development of agricultural economy.
Due to high rate of crop failure, the Siddis are not able come out from subsistence
agriculture.
The poor condition of Siddis becomes clear from household material and
expenditure as mentioned in the table no. 23. The simplest element of measuring
economic standard of any human being is marriage expenditure. The Siddi fanlily incurs
expenditure in the range of Rs500-6000. The mmTiage is simple ritual which does not
organize market based element for food, jewellery or clothes. The guests are treated with
simple food as the geographical distribution is in nearby areas; therefore the marriage is
largely a few hours affair. Though, the Siddi community organizys cultural programmes,
but it depends on the social networking of the community.
153
Table 23- Expenditure on marriage:
No Matriage
man·iage
Self Son Daughter Others ---·
1 2 3 4 5
500- 2000-4000 4000-6000 500-1000
lOOORs
Source: Field Survey
The household reflect an assembled structure due to absence of basic
facilities. Not a single household owns a TV and Almirah, motorcycle, mobile landline
phone etc. The Siddi community is completely deprived of modernity based
communication instruments. Further, the office of LAMPS also does not have a landline
connection reflecting_ the basic loopholes in the Siddi movement for human rights.
Tabie-24 Furniture and Ornaments: 65 male
Items possessed Yes I No Items used 1st time in
five years
l 2 3
, Bed(khaat) Yes 52
.Almirah No
Company clothes No
Table/Chair* /Stool Yes 5 Computer No
Carpet /Decorated house No
Pats
Mirror/fine furniture Yes
Radio/Music system Radio 6
Television No
VCD/LCD No
Cycle I Car/Scooter l Bike
Mobile No
Watch Yes
Source: Field Survey
154
The ·abovementioned problems compound with time due to lack of org<:tnized
social network. The public and priv<,1te finance agencies do not finance farmers for
subsistence agriculture. The high yield crops, loans for water pumps, tractors etc., totally
ignore the problems faced by the Siddi community. Further, the high level of illiteracy
keeps them away from all kinds of modern period agricultural developments. It makes
extremely difficult for the Sidqi cultivator to transform tra4itional agriculture into
modem based agriculture.
On the contrary, the landed class is able to exploit the market based agriculture.
The shortage of agricultural land in the area creates sO<;:ial contradictions as the latter try
to grab as much land as possible by every means. The abovementioned limitations ·donot
allow the Siddi communit/ to participate in 11gricultural related services such as poultry,
dairy, vegetable selling etc. It is resulting into stagnancy in the subsistence based
agricultural occupation· of Siddis.
3.2.2.4. Lacl{ of Productivity and Efficiency
The stagnant agricultural system, commodity or monetary based wage labour
along wi~h acute crisis due to lack of electricity, roads, schools, health facilities create
limited space for assimilation and open space for marginalization.
Table -25 Literacy Position of Siddis in Karnataka:
No. Taluka Total Literates Percentage of
Population Literacy
1 Ankola 587 41 7%
2 Khalghatgi 168 11 6.5%
3 Haliyal 1250 150 12%
The average literacy rate of Siddi community in Ankola, Khalghatgi and Haliyal
Taluka is 8.5%. The literacy rate among Christian Siddi is slightly high due to industrial
based missionary activities. The non,.productive nature of occupation and low literacy
155
rate make the Siddi community vulnerable to various diseases such as scabies, Tina,
Eizema, Leprosy, respiratory, infections, anaemia, and eosinophilea. During the survey,
the Siddi complained regarding the abovementioned diseases. As most of them are still
settled in the areas near/in the forest, the health facility are vary limited. Due to this
reason, the mortality rate among Siddi is also high.
The Siddi community practice child marriage as the woman are considered
burden in the society .. The Siddi society reflects patriarchical pattern of social
construction. The survey shows that 28.57% women conceive during 15-17 year of age
whereas 51.42% conceives between 18-20 year periods. The conc~ption in the early age
along with lack of gap in children deprives the new generation from physical-
psychological capital. The young baby cannot get proper nutrition essential for proper
development of human beings. Also, the women suffer various conception related
problems.
Table.- 26- Conception according to age: Total-35
Order 15-17 18- 21- 25- 28-30 31- 36-40 41-50 Tota
of 20 24 27 35 I
Birth
1" 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
1 Sl 10 21' 4 35
2"(1 30 4 34
3n1 18 4 22
4tn 21 21
Source: Field Survey
The Siddi community has been socially and economically marginalized. The
pre-1990 period opened caste-based religious assimilation. It could not provide sustained
politico-economic opportunity for development. The post-1990 started new patterns of
assimilation and m.arginalization. The globalization has affected the policy of Karnataka
Forest Department whereas the refreshing of diasporic elements led to award of
Scheduled Tribe status. This instrument of positive affirmation has brought
156
multidimensional assimilatory ·instruments such as village forest committee, gram
panchayat, multipurpose societies and other opportunity available under ST category.
3.2.2.5 Vertical Mobility through Positive Affirmation
,The positive affirmation has emerged as the only instrument to reduce social
frictions in society and provide the level playing field to the socially discriminated
sections of society. The Siddi community has been demanding tribal status since
independence, but like the demands of other tribes of India the issue has being
addressed the contemporary perioci.
The Bhopal document analyses, " out of every hundred SC/ST of India only
about 51 of them can claim to be eating at least two meals a day who can offered to
send their children to 'school who enjoy a bit of independence and who can exercise
their franchise as per their conscience. In these 51%, not all are government
servants or business people. Infact, 70% are cultivators most with small and
marginal land holdings and another 7.8% are factory workers, whose average p/m
earnings may be less then Rs.2000. And the number still includes cobblers or
sweepers who may)ive on their own but suffer from occupational indignities."13
The Siddi community faces number of problems to get reorganisations over a
period of time. The community tries to assert by various socio -cultural means, but
all the attempts turned into a great failure. The attitude of government of In<;lia and
various State governments to the problems of tribes is ambiguous such as in Andhra
Pradesh, the use of Gondi as the edium of instruction in primary schools for Gond
children is abandoned, anci since the break up of Hyderabad state no more books in
Gondi have been printed.
The literacy rate of STs is a cause for concern, it has consistently been lower
than that of the total population .The literacy rate among ST, which was 36% in
1991, increased to 48.3% in 2001 while the state average mqved from 56.04 to
66.64% .The gap between the literacy rat~ of the total population and the Scheduled
tribe is very wide. "The gross enrolmynt ratio (GER) in 2001, for STs for Classes I
VIII (90.12) was significantly lower than GER for all students (98.81) and SCs
13 India, Government of Madhya Pradesh, The Bhopal Document: Dalit Agenda, 2002, p. 53.
157
( 1 04.57). This inequality is heightened even more by the gap between the GER for
south Karnataka (110.62) and north Karnataka (74.21)." 14 The 2001 census data
reveals that around half of the ST population in the workforce constitutes 1.71% of
the total workforce. More then 85% of working population is in rural areas. The STs
largely own low productivity assets and principle assets being their own labour.
The Siddi community of Karnataka has now been recognized as a tribal
community and the JFMP, the ST and other traditional forest Dwellers bill 2006
provides a trajectory for vertical mobility. The chapter 2 of the Bill secure the
following rights for the forest communities ~nd tdbes: "Right to hold and live in the
forest land under the individual or common occupation for habitation or for self
cultivation for livelihood by a member or memb~rs of a forest dwelling schedule
tribe or other traditional forest dwellers; community rights such as nistar, by
whatever name called, including those used in erstwhile Princely states, zamindari
or such intermediary regimes that occur in forest land" 15
The bill ensures right of ownership, access to collect, use, transport and
dispose of minor forest produce which has been traditionally collected within or
outside village boundaries. Further, the forest tribes are entitleQ to use fish and
other products of water bodies, gr~zing (both settled or transhumant) and traditional
seasonal resource access of nomadic or pastoralist communities. The landmark
aspect of the bill is supreme position of rights of tribes in case of confrontation with
the rights of local formation
The bill also recognize rights of settlement of (111 forest villages,
community right and authority to use, protect, regenerate, conserve, control or
manage any community forest resource; Right of access to biodiversity and
community right to intellectual property and traditional knowledge related to
biodiversity and cultural diversity, Right to in situ rehabilitation. These issues have
provided comprehensive policy cover to the Tribal communities.
The enactment. of the bill with amendments would undo the historical
injustice ·by recognizing and vesting the forest rights in the forest dwelling
14 . India, Karnataka, Human Development Repm1,2005,p. 200.
L' India, Lok Sabha, Bill No.l58-F,2006.
158
Scheduled Tribes who have been residing there for generations and who are integral
to the very survival and sustainability of the forest eco-systems, but whose rights
could not be reGordeci. This. woul<;l also strengthen the conservation regime by
recognizing the permanent stake of the Forest Dwelling Scheduled Tribes.
3.3. Political Groups, Demands and Agitation of Siddis
· The political assimilation and marginalization of Siddi community can be analysed
at the three levels:
• Village Forest Committee
• Gram Panchayat
• Largescale Adivasi Multipurpose society
The JFPM envisage the formation of VFC in a democratic pattern:
1. to register villagers as member
2. formation of general body
3. GB elect the President
3.3.1. Limited Participation in Village Forest Committee
The village forest committee reflects assimilatory approach adopted by the
central government and state governments of India. The committee makes mandatory for
the forest department to involve the tribes in the forest management and incorporate the
perspective of the tribes. The institution has become a new arena of political contestation.
for various sections of local society. It has intensified the political awareness in the Siddi
community. The community wants maximum participation in the village forest
committees, so that, the economic aspect of community can be addressed. The committee
can be formed in a village or group of villages. The adult residents of a village constitute
the general body of village forest committee. The village forest committee is registered as
Associations under the Karnataka forest Act. The Range Forest Officer and Deputy
Conservators of Forests play crucial in registration of village forest committee. The
enrolment fee is 2Rs per member.
159
The village forest committee elects a Managing Committee for a period of 5 years to
institutionalize the functioning of the forest management. The Joint Forest Planning and
Management project: functions on the principles of positive affirmation by ensuring social
democracy. Further, the representatives of Gram panchayat, Forest Department and NGO
constitute the ex-officio members of Managing Committee. The inclusion of Gram
panchayat and NGO reflect the increasing democratic approach and willingness to solve
social contradictions e.merged due to forest planning. The positive affirmation, along with
representation of various state and non-state actors, acts as checks and balance
instrument. But, the most landmark innovation of joint forest planning and management
is 50% positive affirmatio~, given to women in the elected membership of Managing
Committee. As a result, the women have been given 5 seats in the elected body.
3.3.1.1. Incorporation in IVth Zone
The tribal communities have been off late accommodated in the primary
level democratic institutions through local communities. "JFM Committye
represents · a village level democratic institution. The General Body of the
Committee consists of all willing adult members of villagt;s and is chaired by the
President who is elected by consensus on the majority vote. For day to day
functioning of JFMC, the members elect an Executive Body. The President of
General Body is also the President of Executive Body. To insure effective and
' meaningful· participation of women and other sections of society there are ample
provision in the policy guidelines."16
The collective efforts of state and peoples have led to emergence of various
local samities su'ch as forest protection community, village forest committee and van
sanrakasan samiti.The composition of VFC reflects the availability of control over
political power at the micrq level. Further, out of total 15 members; only 2 members of
ST are included in the committee-The limited space of assimilation becomes important
in the context of jurisdiction of Village Forest Committee in Karnataka. The VFC
helps Forest department in preparing Management Plan for the areas identified for
the purpose. It assists the Forest department in planning, protection, conservation
and development wastelands included in the management plan.
16 India,Press Information Bureau, n. 10.
160
The village forest committees effectively performs its duties and
responsibilities as per memorandum of understanding and master plan and play an
important role in mana~ement of joint forest areas. The role is important in the
development of any Government land included for joint f<;>rest purpose. In case of
afforestation, the village forest committees assist in identification of land, choice of
species, and m<;>de of protection and shall also provide necessary assistance and co
operation in protection and management of plantations. The VFC shall be entirely
responsible for the full protection of the forests and plantations raised on such lands
after three years, preferably through its members or through paid watchman
employed by the VFC out of its resourc;es.
The VFC shall play important role in enriching the forests by preventing
encroachments, forest fires, illicit cuttings, smuggling of forest produc(f and
poaching of wild animals and regulating grazing and such other functions which are
needed to develop forest resources. The VFC shall access the funds from
government, Forest Development Agency (FDA) and other development agencies
for implementation of MP.
The Government of Karnataka is contemplating revision of the state forest
planning and management policy. The current policy came into force in the form of
a Government Order that was issued in 1993 on Joint Forest Planning and
Management. Unlike other states, Karnataka only have Joint Forest Management
and it has unique position in light of successfully implementing joint forest
planning and management project. The state needs to involve people in re-designing
the structure of joint planning and management itself. Thus, it is absolutely essential
that the Government engage with village based forest committees, village
communities, NGOs and academicians in drafting the new format for joint planning
and management.
The new policy under joint planning and management provides space to the tribes
through Management Plan to place forest conservation strategy to the State. The village
forest committee prepares a draft called Management Plan. The village si~ns a
memorandum of understanding with the Karnataka Forest Department under joint
planning and management; the time period of implementation is 10 years. The village
161
committee reviews the plan in five years period to incorporate constructive
developments. This institution has become an important tool for Siddi community to get
incorporated their views in the conservation of forest. Further, it has created political
consciousness for active engagement with Government policies. The local forces are also
creating the institution to understand the socio-economic problems of each-other. Apart
from the gram panchayat, the village forest committee is the only local institution which
provides new space for socio-economic integration in the rural society.
Table-27 Structure of Managing Committee
Sr.No Name Number
1 General category. 4
2 Scheduled Caste/Tribe 2
3 Non-Timber Forest Product collectors 2
4 Landless workers 2 '
Source: Field Survey
The Siddi community analyses the VFC form two perspective: first, the VFC has
become an instrument of empowering the dominant section of society in the IVth zone,
second the VFC is a democratic institution to establish socio-economic democracy in the
Forest areas. As the rural areas are dominated by Havyak Brahmins, Lingayats, Maratha<;
etc., the Gowlis, Harijans, Siddis remain unrepresented in the VFC as the chairmanship is
completely hijacked by the dominant sections of society. The last ten years has failed to
provide chairmanship to Siddi community for a single time.
The new leadership of Siddi community has started analyzing the VFC as a tool of
positive affirmation. Immam Siddi says, "The VFC has started a learning process in the
community by providing an arena for contestation. The tribal status has made it
compulsory for tl)e dominant section to elect a Siddi/tribal leader. Bt,~t, the positive
affirmation has not been allowed in the chairmanship of VFC. The Siddi community
wants the government should cover the chairmanship under the policy of positive
affirmation." The table no. 28 shows the areas of Siddi settlement also comes now in
162
large number under village forest committees. Due to inclusion in ST category, they are
trying their best use it for upliftment of the community. •
Table-28 Village Forest Committees in Siddi villages
No Taluka Village
1 Yellapur BailundJ.Ir
2 Yellapur Sathkatta
3 Yellapur ,Lalguli
4 Yellapur H~lasinkoppa
5' Yellapur Hutakame
6 Haliyal Jatage f---'--7 - Haliyal Jatage Hosur (
8 Haliyal Badgund ~---
1-Haliyal 9 . Kerwad
10 Dhm·wad Emmeti
11 Dharwad Unganakoppa 1-----
12 Belg~um Mt,mdargi
13 " Belgaum Amboli
Source: Field Surv~y
During the field survey of 13VFC, the Siddi community has not been represented
as a chairman. But, the new programme has started new pattern of socio-economic
inclusion of Siddi in Karnataka.
3.3.1.2 Denial of ~hairmanship in VFC
The inclusion of Siddis as a tribe by the state has definitely opened space for '
multiple mobilities. The village forest committee, according to the rules of joint forest
planning and management, plays the most important role in th(:! creation, utilisation and
protection of forest resources. The Positive affirmation has definitely assured the
participation of Siddis in the state and society. But, the practical functioning of planning
and management project clearly shows that the traditional caste panchayats dominates
Pm1chayati Raj institutions and the functioning of village forest committees in the study
regions are either dysfunctional or functioning only nominally. The quality of micro
163
planning in terms of village participation and content is generally poor. The villagers are
not involved in the planning process, are not aware of the content of the micro plan and
do not have copies of micro plan, in many cases, the KFD effectively pre-empted the
micro planning process by assigning existing eucalyptus plantations (raised under social
foresting project) to the VFC.
At another level, it has denied the traditional benefits of social
fore~try. But, it clashes with the extensive powers of Grama Shabha. According to
The Provisions of the Panchayats Act, 1996, "While endowing Panchayats in the
Scheduled Areas with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable
them to function as institutions of self-government, a State Legislature shall ensure
that the Panchayats at the appropriate level and the Gram Sabha are endowed
specifically with- the power to enforce prohibition or to regulate or restrict the sale
and consumption of any intoxicant; the ownership of minor forest produce"17
The Grama Shabha enjoys the power to prevent alienation of land in the
Scheduled Areas and to take appropriate action to restore any unlawfully alienated
land of a Scheduled Tribe. It is also entitled to manage village markets, to exercise
control over" money lending to the Scheduled Tribes. Similarly, it has the power to
exercise control over institutions and functionaries in all social sectors and to
execute the power to control over local plans and resources for development.
The National Commission on Agriculture, Government of India, first used
the term ~s~cial forestry' in 1976. It was then that India embarked upon a social
forestry project with the aim of taking the pressure off the forests and making use of
all unused and fallow land. The government forest areas that are close to human
settlement and have been degraded over the years due to human activities needed to
be afforested. Trees were to be planted in and. around agricultural fields. The
plantation of trees along railway lines and roadsides, and river and canal banks were
carried out. They were planted in village common land, government wastehmd and
Panchayat land.
17 India, Lok Sabha, Bill no.40, 1996
164
3.3.2. Integration in the Local Government
The Siddi community has witnessed emergence of political consciousness tmd
diasporic in the post-1990s. The inclusion of community in the tribal category is the
landmark development in the history of Siddi community. The Scheduled Tribe status
provides socio-cultural-econo~nic and political space for integration in the mainstream
society. Further, Krishna says, "The gram panchayat has become th~ first institution to
contest for political participation in Karnataka. Panchayat election 2005 has provided an
instrument for political. education. The Gram Panchayat election elected many members
of Siddi community. It provided a chan~e to the community to mobilize and articulate on
the political lines.
The gram panchayat is the most important tool of nation building process in the
rural society. It represents the management of nation at the micro level. The gram
panchayat includes Adhyaksha, Upadhyaksha, committees, and secretary. The
president/ Adhyaksha is the head of gram panchayat and entitled to complete the decisions
tak~n by the panchayat. The functioning of the president also depends on the social
background and the domination of group in the local areas.
The gram panchayat looks after the overall development of the village. It covers
socio-economic-political and cultural development of the village. The panchayat ensures
the availability of electricity, schools, construction of roads, census, drinking water,
prevention and treatment against disease; and management of forest and non-timber
forest products. The safety and security of the village is also covered by the panchayat. It
plays crucial role for incorporation of marginal socio-cultural practices in the mainstream
· by starting at the micro level. It provides an example from down to top for reorientation
of national policy.
3.3.2.1. ST status Provides Assimilation in the Panchayat System
The assimilation of Siddis at the local level has been made possible through
the panchayat system. The term panchayat raj literally means a council of five
members acceptable to the village community. D.D. Basu says, " Part IXth of the
constitution envisage a three tier system of panchayats namely (a)the village level
(b)district NBChayat (c) the intermediate panchayat which stands between the
village and district panchayat in states where the population is alone 20 lakh."
165
Further, he says, "Article 243 (D) provides that seats are to be reserved for a)
scheduled caste and b) scheduled tribes. The resonations shall be proportion to their
population . If, for example the scheduled caste constitutes 30% and ST 21 % ,then
30 and 21 seats shall be measured for them respectively. Out of seats so reserved
not less than one third of the seats shall be reserved for women belonging to SC &
ST respectively." 18
The government of Karnataka is implementing seventy seven of the 106
recommendations of the round tables that pertain to it. It includes for panchayats to
effectively plan and implement the functions that have been developed agreed them
it is necessary that fund pertaining to these schemes are transferred to them without
delay or diversion. The Provisions of the Panchayats ACT, 1996 stipulates, "The
reservation of seats in the Scheduled Areas at every Panchayat shall be in proportion
to the population of the communities in that Panchayat for whom reservation is
sought to be given under Part IX of the Constitution; Provided that the reservation
for the Scheduled Tribes shall not be less than one-half of the total number of seats;
Provided further that all seats of Chairpersons of Panchayats at all levels shall be
reserved for the Scheduled Tribes."19
Source: Field Survey
Photo 3: Gram Panchayat Member in Y ella pur
18 D.O. Basu, Introduction to the Constitution of India (New Delhi: Vadhwa and Company Law publishers, 2000), p. 269.
19 India, Lok Sabha, n. 17.
166 °
The photo no.5 shows an elected panchayat member from Siddi community.
The Hindu reports, "The Karnataka Panchayat Raj Act, 1993 provides 33 per cent
reservation for women, 33 per cent for Other Backward Classes and 28 per cent for
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, in keeping with the constitutional
provisions. It also provided minimum reservation to ensure that at least one seat in a
gram panchayat shall be for persons belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes. In Karnataka, 43 per cent of those elected to gram or village
panchayats are women, though the reservation is only for 33 perr cent."20
Table-29 Political representation of Siddis in Gram Panchayats, 2005.
No. Name of Gram Taluka N arne of members
Panchayat
I Hasanagi . Yellap\lr Laxmi Nagaya Siddi ..
2 Kampli Yellapur LaxmrSiddi
3 Kannigeri Yellapur Ganga Dhaneshwara Siddi
4 Madm1ura Yellapur Anusuya Uilim Siddi
5 An god a Yellapur Deevaki Nagaya Siddi
6 Nagolli Yellapur Lalita Nm·ashida Siddi
7 In dun ada Yellapur Santha Sucruya Siddi
8 Uaryalli Yellapur Lalita Babvita Siddi
9 Ummagi Yellapur Bhagirathi Chundura Siddi -
10 Kundugri. Yellapur Parvati Siddi
11 bongri Ankola Sarada rama Siddi
12 Dongri Ankola Ganga Krishna Siddi
13 Achuve Ankola Kamakshi Narayana Siddi
14 Suncashala ..
Ankola Laxmi ShankarSiddi -
15 Mattghatta Sirsi Lalita damodar Siddi
16 Uanaalli Sirsi Lalita Uencattemana Siddi
17 Jaddigadde Sirsi Devaki Siddi
· Source: Field Survey
20 The Hindu (Bangalore),03,0ctober,2001 ./
167
The table no. 29 shows participation of Siddi community and in this context the
women have better representation. It is product of overall development for women
representation in Karnataka. In the case of Dakshina Kannada, the representation
goes up to 50 per cent. This reservation applies not only to election of members but
also to the election of office bearers or chairpersons of these institutions. The gram
sabha is the soul of panchayat raj and the idea is to progressively strengthen its
functioning to ensure full participation of the people and accountability. These
institutions not only bring ,together women across the isms of religion, class and
caste, but also provide the preliminary art of articulation of politics at the micro
level.
3.3.3.2. Politicisation of Siddis at the Grass Root Level
The politicization of Siddis at the grass root level is rooted over the issue of
Siddi community 9'ontrol. It also located community control and management of
natural resources like jal, jungle, jameen and khaneej (water, forest, land and
minerals) on one hand and self~rule (empowered gram sabhas) on the other. They
deman~ a second freedom movement to place the issues of people's control over
livelihood resources and 'self rule' (empowered gram sabhas) on the national
agenda.
The fonn:ulation of KPL by KFD -Birla owned firm and marginalization of
tribals· reflects the politicization for survival. The KPL was formed by the
Karnataka Forest Development Corporation (a corporation wholly owned by the
Government of Karnataka) with 51% shares and the Birla owned Harihar Polyfibres,
with a 49% share. The sole purpose of KPL, with an initial outlay of Rs 30 crore,
financed by a consortium of three nationalized banks with refinancing facility by the
National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD), was to grow
eucalyptus. and other fast growing trees on forest and community lands (gomal,
soppinabetta and others) for captive consumption of Harihar Polyfibres. The KPL
was to deprive a rural population of over 500,000, especially the landless and
marginal and small farmers, of their basic needs of fodder for cattle and sheep,
fuelwood for cooking, small timber for agricultural implements, raw material for
rural artisans, like basket and mat weavers, and fruits for the poor.
168
The Karnataka Pulpwood Ltd. (KPL) was the issue where one can get
centrally involved through an effective people's movement. It was over the question
of eucalyptus or commercial species and more importantly, the deeper questions of
land - who controls it, who decides what species to plant and who benefits from
them. It was an enormous learning experience.
There is a continuing and ever increasing migration of tribals and rural poor
who have often been evicted more than once from their homes. This has been done
in the name of 'development' and 'scientific management' of natural resources like
big dams, power plants and other mega industrial and commercial ventures, and the
cl·eation of protected areas (national parks and sanctuaries).
One of the major challenges facing the state is to recognise people's rights
over natural resources. The tribals, fish workers and other rural poor must have
greater control over their land, water and forests, which have been sustained over
the centuries through utilizing them in a frugal and sustainable way. The continued
systematic assault on these common property resources, in the name of development
and scientific management has most seriously threatened the very survival base of
vast sections of people.
It is essential to emphasize that the rights of people always enumerate from
the responsibilities they shoulder. The tribals, fisherfolk and rural poor derive their
rights from the responsib~lities that they have shouldered over centuries, of
protecting biodiversity against heavy odds and utilized these resources in a frugal
and sustainable way. It is essential to recognize the rights of the deprived sections of
the people over natural resources that they have tried to protect against heavy odds.
In· this context, the Siddi community is using the local democratic institutions such
as Panchayat and VFC for politicization.
3.3.3.3. Sustainable Development through Cooperative Societies
The establishment of largescale Adivasi Multi Purpose Society is . another
instrument to start new platform for political education. This scheme provides exclusive
centric space to a tribal community for articulating development policy as the panchayat,
VFC cover inclusive policy by ensuring collective approach. The LAMPS helps the tribal
community to can·y on and strengthen the horizontal alliances. As the democratic process
169
is an inclusive process, therefore, it takes a lot of time to address all the problems of a
community in totality. In this context, this policy encourages the community as an
instrument to build up the resources required for the development of people. It uses the
social capital for the development of society. Further, it provides space for independent
political grouping. The photo no.6 shows the office of Siddi society in Y ellapur.
Source: Field Survey
Photo 4: Members and Office of LAMPS in Yellapur, Karnataka
The Siddi have established Siddi society under the chairmanship of A.K. Immam
Siddi in Y ella pur Taluka. The office has been open in the market behind the Y ellapur
main bus stand as shown in the about photo. The office of Sid dis in Y ellapur taluka
consists of 15 chairs one table booklets, and various copies. During the field survey
Krishna T. Siddi, Secretary was available to interact about Siddis. The Siddis of local
area visit the office from 10 to 1 pm and 2 to 5 pm. The office does not have a phone
connection, therefore, in the case of A.K. Immam Siddi or Krishna K. Siddi is not
available, the people to have to wait. It is common platform of Siddis irrespective of
religion. The data given in table no.30 shows the name of members of Siddi society under
170
multipurpose schemes and it reflects the aligning of diasporic elements under a new
bmmer. The new platform is providing essential infrastructure for diasporic connections.
Table-30
.. A society formed by Karnataka Government, LAMP Society.
No. '
Name of Mamber
I Immam A. K. Siddi(Chair man)
2 Krishna T. Siddi
3 Lawrence Kaithan Siddi
4 Joyan kostha Siddi
5 Gopal Rama Siddi
6 Subba Tammi Siddi
7 Pakira Siddi
8 RamaBabu
9 Karee Sab Yakuba Sab Siddi
10 Bujanga S. Siddi
11 Rokhi Bhayatti Siddi
12 Jujai Saveera Siddi
13 Laxmi Kunica Siddi
14 Ganpati Ramchandra Siddi
Source: Field Survey
3.4. Challenge~ of Siddi identity
Taluka
Yellapur
Yellapur
Yellapur
Yellapur
Yellapur
Yellapur
Ankola
Ankola
Mundgod
Yellapur
Yeilapur
Mundgod
Sirsi
Yellapur
The identity of Siddi community in the contemporary period represents a socio-
. cultural entity. The colonial and post-colonial period has provided various frameworks to
the Siddi community to project according to need of time and space. The retreating
movement from forest forced the Habshis of medieval period to define nomenclature
Siddi as an element of social dignity. The pre-globalisation period created an urgent need
to articulate an inclusive identity roote(i in the tribal flavour. The State failed to recognize
the Siddis as a tribal community whereas the society provided religious incorporation as a
171
new trajectory to formulate mainstream identity. The Siddi community were accepted as
followers of Hinduism, Islam ~nd Christianity.
The pre-1990 period provided new cultural signs and symbols to consolidate the
religious identity. It was an attempt by the local religious structure to assimilate the Siddi
tribal commimity as loc:;tl social force. The Siddi community witnessed the religious
symbols of Hinduism, Islam and Christianity as an element of interior decoration. The
field survey shows that the Siddi houses have been marked with photos of Jesus, Shiva,
Ganesha and numerical signs of 786. Inm1am A.K.Siddi says that 'We faced an
uncontrolleq movement of separation from Siddi identity. The religious pattern of
masters and geographical isolation had created insurmountable wall. Everybody had
believed that the Siddi as a, tribal entity will not survive for a long time. The ritl!als and
festivals of Hinduism, Islam and Christianity had completely removed occasions of mass
gatherings among the Siddis. But, the inability of these methods to improve the positions
of Siddis gradually started reverse process.'
3.4.1. R~cognition as Sch~d~led Tribe
The religious assimilation has definitely left irremovable socio-c\lltural (!lements
in the Siddi community. The politico-economic backwardness provided various occasions
to the Siddi community to interact with Gowlis and other marginalized section of society. -··
These marginalized groups started campaign for officially recognized Tribal identity. The
1980's witnessed vigorous attempt by the Karnataka Forest Department and landlords to
remove these tribal elements from forest areas. It started emergence of independent
movement. The formulation of Siddi Development society was a landmark step in this
direction. The Siddi community realized that the development of community can be
achieved by uniting. across the religious divisons. The categorization of forest into five
under JFPM provided new challenges and opportunities for the Siddi community.
The recognition of Siddi community as Scheduled Tribe provided an
independent platforum for articulation of diasporic identity. The new channels of
communication along with academic studies made the Siddis aware of the advantage for
being a diasporic identity. The phenotypical features and African folk culture was utilized
to construct diasporic nmntives. The establishment of LAMPS provided recognized
platforum to the community to participate in the political activities. Further, the
172
Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights)
Bill, 2006 has provided remarkable opportunity for not only politico-economic
development but to consolidate at India l~vel. The Bill No.l58-F of 200621 provide the
following provisions to the tribal community: right to hold and live in the forest for
habitation or self-cultivation, community rights such as nistar, right to collect, use and
dispose N.T.F.P, right for conversion of pattas or leases etc.
The bill has provided legal right to perceive the for~st according to tribal
perspective. The contestation over the interpretation of forest ha-; been finally ended. The
negative connotations attached with Siddis and other tribal groups have been remove4
once and for all. In this context, the Siddi identity has got an opportunity to consolidate
on the political lines. The section 8 of chapter IV of Bill No.158-Fof 2006 says, ''The
Sub-Divisonal Level Committee, the District level committee and the State level
Monitoring Committee shall consist of officers of the departments of Revenue, Forest,
and Tribals Affairs of the State Governments and three members of panchayati Raj
institutions at the appropriate level, appointed by the respective Panchyati Raj
Institutions, of whom two shall be the scheduled Tribe members and at least one shall be '
a woman, as may be prescribed"22 Definitely, the bill will make the Siddi community an
inclusive identity. But, the community has already embarked on the path of diasporic
identity. The diasporic tools are providing the Siddi community a universal platforum to
become part of a global identity.
3.4.1.1 Plantation of New Identity
The era of globalisation has planted new identity although it was demanded
many times by Siddi community of Ka.rnataka. The structurisation of Indian social
system is primarily a product caste and secondary of class. The five structure of
caste hierarchy defines and construct new values and parameters for respective
social groups. The maturation of medievalian forces to modernity did not provide an
alternate to transformation for laying down foundation of multi -social harmonious
fabriC. The continuity dictates the rubrics of modern Indian society.
Ram Ahuja reports "The number of crimes committed against STS was 4,306
21 India,Lok Sabha, n. 14. 00 't . ,. "" I )1(.
173
in 1992, 3,652 in 1993 and 5,019 in 1994. The increase in 1994 was due to the fact
that two additional crime- heads (Hurt and SC/ST prevention of Atrocities Act)
were added which alone contributed 40.1% of the total cases reported this year of
the total cases (5,019) in 1994, 26.2% pertained to SC/ST to hurt, 7.7% cases to
rape 2.1% cases to murder, 1.3% to kidnapping, and 48.8% to other cases."23
Definitely, the tribal community status provides a pan-Indian universal
identity. of victim social group. The articulation of political culture is largely '
governed by identity. Peter du Prez says, "Politics is centrally concerned with
maintaining or imposing an identity system. It is concerned with the consolidation
of interlocking symbols which give a sense of integrity and continuity to action. A
person like a class or a. nation has a history. and a sense of preciously maintained
unity. A collective, like a person, can be an agent with an identity relating it to the
to the other agents."24
In this context, the Siddi community has been officially positively
recognized and created framework for legitimacy. The legitimacy to get understood
as one of the marginalized section will definitely erode the accumulation of
misconceptions. The dominant and hegemonies cult\.lre could not provide alternate
spaGe for the incorporation of Africans in India.
Stuart Hall says, "It is sometimes matched by a strategic retreat to more
defensive identifie-s amongst the minority communities themselves in response to
the experience of cultural racism and .exclusion. Such strategies include re
identification with cultures of origin (in the Carribean, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan)
the construction of strong counter - ethnicities as in the symbolic identification of
second generation of Afro-CatTibean youth, through the symbols and motifs of
Rastafarianism, with their African origin and heritage or the revival of cultural
traditionalism religious orthodoxy and political separatism for example amongst
some sections of the Muslim community"25•
2' Ram Ahuja, Social Problems in India (New Delhi: Raw at Publishers, 1999), p. 166. •
24 Peter du Prez, The Politics and Identity Ideology and the Human ima~e (Oxford, Basil Blackwell publishers, 1980), p.l. · · · · · · 25
Stuart Hall, "The Question of Cultural Identity", In Kate Nash, eel., Readings in Contemporary Politi.cal Sociology (Massachutes: Blackwell publishers, 2000), p. 117. · · ·
174
As the 40 million tribal people have not been uplifted by the process of
modernization and industrialization, the tribal entity is locking the scattered
elements horizontally at the national level. The project of dams, special economic
zones etc., have created a conciousness to unite politically. Ram Ahuja says, 'After
independence the tribal struggles may be classified into three groups (1) struggles
due to exploitation by outsiciers (like those of Santhals Mundas (2) struggles due to
economic deprivation {like those of Gonds in Madhya Pradesh and the mahas in
Andhra Pradesh) (3) struggles due to separatist tendencies (like these of Nagas and
Mizos). The tribal movement may also be classified on the basis of their orientation
into four types ( 1) Movements seeking political autonomy and formation of a state
(Nagas, Mizos, Jharkhand) (2) Agrarian movements (3) Forest based merchants (4)
Social- religious or socio-cultural movements."26 It clearly provides a chance to get
articulated politically at the paradigm for getting addressed various problems.
3.4.1.2 Status a Schedule tribe
The status Siddis a Scheduled tribe has opened new avenues of mobility.
First of all, the Siddi community has been officially accepted as a forest group. The
acceptance .of a social group as a scheduled tribe provides unlimted channels to
press upon the state for welfare activities. The constitution of India has already
ensured various channels through articles such as Art 15, 19 (5), 335, 338, 339, 339
(2), 275 (1), 164,244, 330, 332, 334 etc.
D.D. Basu says 'The constitution makes various special provisions for the
protection of the interests of the scheduled castes and tribes. Thus, I) measures for
the advancement of scheduled castes and tribes are exempted (Art 15( 4) from the
general ban against discrimination on the grounds of race, caste, ~nd like contained
in Art 15. It means that if special provisions are made by the state in favor of the
m~mbers of these castes and tribes, other citizens shall not be entitled to impeach
the validity of such provisions on the ground that such provisions are discriminatory
against them."27
26 Ahuja, 11. 23 p. 164. 27
Basu, 11. 17 p. 383.
175
The report of Steering Committee (Planning Commission) says, "There are
policies that exist today with a direct bearing on the welfare and development of the
tribals. They include Educati<;>n Policy (1986), Health Policy (1983), Forest Policy
(1988), Excise Policy (1974) and Rehabilitation Policy etc. There sectoral policies,
no doubt, can help improve the conditions of the tribals in their respective sectors,
but can't bring a holistic impact. Therefore, th~re lies an immediate need for
adoption of a comprehensive national policy for the development of tribals."28
The main issuses of tribals have further been addressed by the section 7 of
Forest Produce Management Board Bill, 2006. It says, "the Board constituted under
section 5 of this Act shall perform the following functions :Prepare a list of forest
produce available in every state ;Issue licenses for collection, processing , buying
a11d selling of forest produce of tribals and dependants ; provide financial assistance . ' .
in to the form.of either grants or loans at concessional rates of interest to the tribals
•'! dependants for setting up of projects relating to processing of forest produce in
such manner as may be prescribed ;provide marketing facility for the forest produce
;pay ~ompensation to the tribals I dependent sustaining loss in project approved by
the board in such manner as may be prescribed ; perform such other functions as
may be assigned to it by central government. "29 Thus the Siddi community needs to
gear up according to the opportunities now being offered by the Scheduled Tribe
status.
3.4.1.3 Cognition of African and Indian Tripes
The overall development programme for the Siddi community needs to
construct a methodology for clearly understanding internal dynamics of African and
Indian tribes. Merry I. White says, "In this age of alternative therapies,
transformation, psychologies, and holistic healing, the diversity of options for
personal transformation makes a reexamination of cultural beliefs concerning
healing of great iryte'rest. While in the past, healing has been inseparably tied to
religion and to a wide cluster of cultural norms, this is no longer the case as the
scientific doctor not the community preist or Shaman, becomes responsible for
'. . .
28 India, Planni.ng <:::omt~ission, n. 8 p. I 06. 29 India. Lok Sabha, Bill No. 56, 2006.
I. -.-~
176
physical or mental health and healing itself is conceptually compartmentalized. As
freed pointed out in his lectures on psycho analysis, cultural norms and ideals, like
the cracks which reveal the structure of crystal, all often seen most clearly through '
abnormal behavior". 30
There is a need to understand the contours of tribal social formation.
Although, sociologists and ·' anthropologists have been interested in small
communities, no special theory of economic development appears to have been
evolved for these groups. The general developmental programmes, therefore, have
been considered to adequate to meet their situation as well, particularly because
their problems all of smaller dimension. The developmental processes, however,
have either bypassed them or have ha~ an indifferent impact other socio-economic
forces, operating in larger areas, have been influencing these groups with different
results. In the long history of the Indian nation some of these groups got fully
assimilated as a caste or a sub-caste or as an identifiable district group in its
expansive social structure. Some groups, however failed to adjust to the new
construction with larger society and a state of maladjustment or conformation arose.
The cognition must effect upon a crystal clear framework for extending tribal
problems. Although, th.~ Siddi community is residing in the Karnataka since '
medieval period, but the· creation of well defined and organize interactive structure
is still needed for the Siddi community. It doesn't mean that they are isolated or
alien to other tribes certainly it clearly shows the dominance of mainstream culture
which fails to create extra space for the certification and assimilation of horizontal
tribal forces. The Hindu reports, "In recent years a spectre of the so called criminal
tribes' has larger to haunt the middle class records of newspapers in Delhi. There is
a marked increase is news items which claim that a gruesome murder of an elderly
coupl~was committed by a group of Sansis who robbed them of all their valuables,
or that a women living alone was brutally done to death in the dead of the might by
a group of Pardhis. These are also frequent television programmes on these
communities putting the fear of the devil in the minds of the terrified spectator; and
10 . . · Merry I. White and Others. The Cultural TranSition Human Experience and Social Transformation
. in the Third World and Japan (Lond()n: Roultedge & Kegan Paul, 1986), p.7.
177
the very words criminal tribes have become synonymous with criminally of a
mindless kind of violence." 31
3.4.1.4 Synthesization of New Community
The era of globalisation demands creation of new links by the Siddi
community in general and tribes of Karnataka in particular. The tribals of world and
India need to come at the fotefront. The politico-economic issues can be addressed
by the socio-politico unification of ciifferent tribes across the world. The state and
society must also chalk out strategy to provide a progressive outlook to the tribal
community. The situation .and character of poverty amongst ST population, besides
the classical view point also reflectt certain depressing scenarios specific to the
tribals viz (i) slippage/ lack of viable means of production in their possession. (ii)
. - Shrinking employment, particularly for the unskilled labour due to the expansion of
capital /technology intensive industry, trade and commence (iii) the ubiquitously
spiraling curse of inflat\on.
The tribal people are joining various problems which an~ uniform at macro
level and heterogeneous at the micro level. A vital c;omponent of the poverty
alleviation strategy and among it tribals is prevention of erosion of their subsistence
based economy and restoration to them of their land, forest, river, sea, water,
pasture and air life support systems. Other components could of course be added;
education, s~fe drinking water, housing, sanction, and hygiene second, the
environment. should be conserved.
Karnataka Human Development Report 2005 says, "The tribal population of
Karnataka increased to 34.64 Jakh in 2001 from 19.16 lakh in 1991. The decadal
growth rate during this period is a high 80.8% caqsed not by the spurt in fertility
lates but by the addition of several new tubes to the scheduled tribes (ST) category.
The decadal growth occurred in Mysore district (around 326.0%)Bagalkot (261.6%)
Dharwad (201.1%) and Belgaum (193.0%). The decadal growth rate is negative in
Dakshiria Kannada (-2.9%). Raichur (18.1%) has the highest percentage of ST
population followed by Bellary (18.0% ), while Chitradurga (17 .5%) which had the
"TheHinclu(Delhi), 16July,2000.
178
highest percentage of ST population in 1991 came down to third place in 2001 on
account of its bifurcation."32 The cumulative effort and same suffering and official
cognition by the state are creating a pan Indian tribal movement which needs to
carve out a longlasting space in the so called mainstream culture.
3.4.2. Search for New Trends of Mobilization
The biggest challenge to the Siddi identity lies in the construction of new trends
of mobiliztation. The pr;~ 1990s period provided lines of sedimentation in the local
religio-cultural milieu. The. kinship and Hiriyaru worship Dhammam dance etc. had
provided horizontal lines of communications along with vertical mobilization. The post-
1990s period has opened a vast horizon and the Siddi community faces greatest challenge
to construct an identity. They have four main pillar-dominant religion, diasporic
elements, schedt,tled tribe status, and low caste status. It is very difficult for the Siddis
community to leave the above three mention status.
The challenge to the Siddi identity is further complicated by the aggressive policy
of assimilation started simultaneously by the state and society. The state and society have
left the passive policy of assimilation practiced in the pre-1990 period. The post 1990
period ushered with the active policies of assimilation from state and society. It does not
mean that the Siddi community has been provided landmark development programmes
and they have opportunities for development.
3.4.2.1 Searc)t for Universal Mobility
The inability of mainstream culture to assimilate the Siddi culture and the
failure of social formation to carve out an acceptable and dignified space for the
Siddi community dictates alternate and powerful mode of mobilization. The Siddi
community, during field survey, made it class that they would critically understand '
the patterns of mobilization practiced by' the Tibetan Diaspora. The Tibetan
Diaspora is residing in Karnataka and bear's various similarities along with many
dissimilarities. The Tibetans have carefully retained religion as a source social and
cultural capital.
32Inclia, Karnataka, Human Development Report, 2005, p. 235.
179
Patricia Cronin Marcelleo says, "In India, two camps were organized for the
refuges - one at Messamari and another at Buxa Duar, a former British prisoner of
war camp in west Bengal. The Indian people joined in procuring food, medical
supplier and clothing for the refuges. Yet the carry proved inadequate as the
Tibetans could not adjust to the climate. Whereas Mussori{( at six thousand feet, had
a tolerable cool climate, both refugee camps were at lower elevations and the heat
was unbearable for Tibetans, who were used to live amid the Himalayas High
temperatures were often fatal to them, as were illness. I3ecause viruses expire at
high attitudes, Tibetans had never been exposed to them. in the lower sited Indian
camps, viruses flourished, and many Tibetans with no immu!).ities to disease."33
Similarly A.V Arakeri says regarding Tibetans in India, " The Tibetan youth
society at the mundgod Tibetan settlement has many plans and programmes like
sanitation teaching the Tibetans the practices of health and hygiene, providing the
poor with financial assistance, educating people against alcoholism and gambling,
controlling and protecting the youngsters from falling into bad habits, conducting
adult education programmes, making Tibetans to understand the local situations,
starting small scale economic projects, and teaching the values of legitimate and
illegitimate sex and the new and modern methods of agriculture. They also arrange
for Tibetan national dreams, dances and songs so that the people will be in touch
with the traditional culture and values of their cultures. "34
The Tibetan community also emphasizes the universal role of Dalai Lama as
mobilizing element. Patricia Cronin Marcello says, "May, 1990 brought reforms to
the Tibetan government - in-exile that would evoke anxiety over changes in
tradition as well as hope for the future. On this day, the Dalai Lama offered true
democracy to existed Tibetans by denoting his personally appointed cabinet, along
with the Tenth Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies - The Tibetan parliament.
The Dalai Lama spoke to his ~people saying ' from now on, the peoples decision will
be final I fell that the Dalai Lama should have no role here. The future assembly
33 Patricia Cronin Mat:cello, The Dalai Lama: A Biography (London: Greenwood Press. 2004), p.106. ~ ...... ·.·
A. V. Arakeri, Tibetans in India: The Uprooted People and their Cultural Transplantation (New Delhi: Reliance Publishing House, 1999), p. 245. · · · ·
180
will be entrusted with the power of appointing the ministers. "35
3.4.2.2. New Challenges of Mobilization
The search for the lines of mobilization has utterly disenchanted the Siddi
community with the various efforts made on the part of state and religious structure.
The pre and post 1990 period definitly provided various milestones to celebrate and
move for the upgradtion. The act of mobilization needs various elements to provide
threshold energy for the creation of vibrant momentum for interlocking at the
various levels. The Siddi. community has been dissected by the multiple dividing
lines which must be overcome before every effort.
The Indian forestry has undergone much change in the last decade, following
the .national forest policy of 1988 and the economic liberalization programme which
started in the country. The government forest are now managed primarily for
ecological services and meeting local communities subsistence needs, ending
decades of commercial forest based industries, accustomed to getting subsidies raw
materials supplies from government forests, are now expected to meet their
requirement from non-forest lands by establishing a direct relationship with the
farmers. In addition economic liberalization has exposed the industry to
international competition. The role of government which controls forest lands, has
also undergone a significant change. It is now widely recognized that the
government alope can't ensure that forests are sustainably managed, that they
provide the goods and services that are demanded of them, and most importantly,
that the livelihoods of those dependent on forests are assured and sustainable.
Consequently, local communities are being involved in the protection and
management of government forests through the joint forest management (JFM)
programme, which started on a pilot scale in the early 1990s and has now spread to
over 18% of forest lands.
The African diaspora is largely getting incorporated in the JFPM led
structure. The retreat movement from the religio-structure and need of politico
economic justice is creating alternative framework of social formation. The joint
forest planning and management envisages detailed plans for the local groupings.
35Marcello, n. 33 p. 139.
181
The biggest problem being face to mobilize the tribals is due to lack of education
and it generally resulting into the unwillingness of people to turn up for meetings.
The local democratic institutions needs to understand conceptual framework of
tribal peoples in order to make sure that all activities and meetings take place at
times which are suitable for local people in other words at times which do not
interfere with their other daily activities. Rather than organizing the meetings during
June to Aug, Sept, Festival season morning and noon, those meetings should be
organised between January-May and October-December, time period should be
afternoon or early evening. Meetings are very important but they can also be a great
waste of time of not properly planned and organized.
The meetings should be organized in coordination of Beat Guard and KFD
officials and inform the people in advance if there is any change in the programme.
In order to increase the participation of Siddis, it must be ensured that village people
have agreed that this is a convenient there to visit. The tribal communities have very
open ended conceptual understanding of norms and values which definitely shares
and differ from mainstream values. Thus, the venues of meetings should be
preferred in the public institutions or places such as school etc.
Apart from carving out a balanced lines of mobilization the Siddi community to
chock out a clear cut strategy to assimilate the differentiating elements in the society. It
requires to carve out new symbols, norms and values which rise of segmentary line such
as religion, class and region etc. The Siddi households have adopted science and symbols
iof local religious system. The religious institutions have provided separate for social
gathering. Further, the pattern of man-iage along with religious construction pose the
biggest challenge to any constredion of unified space for socio-cultural-political
economic assertion. The Siddi community does need to get active support of civil society
in their effort to· re-define socio-cultural space. Unlike Gujarati Siddi, the Siddis of
Karnataka do not have well defined space for the articulation of modern entity. The
establishments of LAMP society have definitely provided space for the marginalization
of religious demarcations.
Krishna Siddi says that 'The Siddi community face dual problem: on the one
hand, the leadership can be made effective by uniting the community under Siddi label as
182
a local social group but on the other hand, the religo-cultural factors have imoaded in the
society deeply that without the penetration of modern ed\lcation, the society cannot be
raised at the macro level'. It clearly shows that the Siddi community has entered into the
local institutions of governance in a very limited scale and the institutions of governance
such as Gram Panchayat, Village forest Committee, Managing Committee are still
primarily pocket power of dominant sections of society. In this contex,t, the Siddi
community is constructing · a space for diaspora politics to . overcome economic
marginalization and get organized for articulation identity in the framework of diaspora t
The community has already started diaspora politics at the local level and the forces of
globalization are providing new avenues to ·the community for diaspora politics at
national and international level.
183