cfc thematic report - rapid urbanisation and displacement: the case of kabul city, 24 september 13

7/27/2019 CFC Thematic Report - Rapid Urbanisation and Displacement: The Case of Kabul City, 24 September 13

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C I V I L - M I L I T A R Y F U S I O N C E N T R E

AFGHANISTAN IN TRANSITION

September 2013 Comprehensive Information on Complex Crises

Rapid Urbanisation and Displacement:

The Case of Kabul City

Rainer Gonzalez PalauAfghanistan Team Leader

Social and Strategic [email protected]

This report provides an in depth review of the global link between conflict-based displacement and rapid urbanisation,with a special focus on the case of Kabul City in Afghanistan, by examining the vulnerabilities and pressures over the

urban system posed by urban refugees, returnees and IDPs. Special attention is given to the role of the future Kabul New

City in overcoming rapid urbanisation in the Afghan capital. Further information on these issues is available at

www.cimicweb.org.Hyperlinks to source m aterial are highlighted in blue and underlined in the text.

ince 1975, the worldspopulation living within urban areashas doubled, rocketing from 1.5 billion in 1975

to 3.4 billion in 2009.Ninety per centof global urban growth occurs in developing countries. According to

the United Nations (UN), the percentage ofthe worlds population residing in urban areas could surpass65

per cent by 2050. Climate change, demographic trends, food shortages, environmental degradation,S
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]://www.cimicweb.org/http://www.who.int/gho/urban_health/situation_trends/urban_population_growth/en/http://www.who.int/gho/urban_health/situation_trends/urban_population_growth/en/http://www.who.int/gho/urban_health/situation_trends/urban_population_growth/en/http://www.wri.org/publication/content/8479http://www.wri.org/publication/content/8479http://www.wri.org/publication/content/8479http://esa.un.org/unup/CD-ROM/Urban-Rural-Population.htmhttp://esa.un.org/unup/CD-ROM/Urban-Rural-Population.htmhttp://esa.un.org/unup/CD-ROM/Urban-Rural-Population.htmhttp://esa.un.org/unup/CD-ROM/Urban-Rural-Population.htmhttp://esa.un.org/unup/CD-ROM/Urban-Rural-Population.htmhttp://esa.un.org/unup/CD-ROM/Urban-Rural-Population.htmhttp://www.wri.org/publication/content/8479http://www.who.int/gho/urban_health/situation_trends/urban_population_growth/en/http://www.cimicweb.org/mailto:[email protected]


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d l l il di i i i d fi i l i bili l k f h l

A F G H A N I S T AN I N T R A N S I T I O N / / R A P I D U R B A N I S A T I O N A N D D I S P L A C E M E N T

status grants certain rights and protections under international law, specifically by the 1951 Geneva Convention,

IDPs are at the mercy of their own governments, which in many cases could be the principle cause ofdisplacement. Hence, UNHCR describes IDPs as probably the largest group of vulnerable people in the world .

Returnees, defined by the humanitarian community as a refugee who has returned to his or her home country []

after a conflict and the country is being rebuilt are another source of violence-originated displacement

influencing rapid urbanisation. Cases of urban returnees are found in Rwanda,South Sudanand most recently,

Afghanistan, where at least five millionhave returned since 2002. Large numbers of urban refugees, IDPs and

returnees poses a series of challenges to the economic, governmental and social structures of the cities in which

they settle.

This report is structured into two sections. The first section examines urban displacement from a global

perspective in order to understand the profile of the displaced, the roots of displacement to urban areas and

vulnerabilities of the urban displaced populations. The second section focuses on the specific context of the

conflict-generated urban displacement in Kabul. Additionally, the report considers the vulnerabilities posed to

urban returnees and IDPs, and the pressures and challenges placed on the citys infrastructure, environment,

employment, housing and other markets. This report gives special attention to the Kabul New City, considering

whether the project will ameliorate the conditions of urban IDPs and returnees.

Profiling the Urban Displaced Populations1

According to the Cities Alliance, urban displaced populations, regardless of the nature of their displacement, are

subjected to a higher level of vulnerabilities and challenges than the urban poor. The majority of displaced

persons, having lost all their assets, including housing, land and property rights arrive in the city searching for safe

haven. Urban displaced persons commonlystrive to keep a low profileto avoid expulsion or detention. Many of

them do not possess identity documents required to access public services or subsidised food, highlights a report

from the United National Human Settlements Programme (UNHABITAT). Many lack the social networks or theskills to survive in the complex socioeconomic landscape of cities. Even those benefiting from a recognised

refugee status are often excluded from accessing the labour market, education services and basic health services in

host countries. Research addressing refugees, IDPs and returnees issues is extensive, while studies linking
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Syrian refugees arriving in Jordan over the last two years live outside of refugee camps. This rapid increase in the

number of dwellers has created hostility towards urban refugees in Amman, as locals blame them for the risingprices in real estate, rent and food, overcrowding of schools and health services, and shortages of water and

electricity. Housing costs have sky-rocketed, explained partially by claims that property-owners prefer refugee

tenants, who are easier to intimidate and overcharge than Jordanian citizens.

Large refugee flows that continue to burden the citys subsystems are a phenomenon increasingly common in

several other cities around the globe (Figure 1). During recent years, turmoil, conflict and instability within North

Africa, East Africa and the Middle East, along with environmental disasters in South Asia, have generated

enormous displacement flows. Recent data from UNHCR reflects thatseventy per cent of urban refugeessoughtrefuge in cities of developing countries. Indeed, this adds an extra burden to the economies and institutions of

developing countries cities, often located in conflict-prone regions, which do not have the ability or the

willingness to absorb large numbers of new dwellers needing assistance.

Figure 1. Refugees Living in Urban Areas around the World
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not only places significant pressure on shelter and water and sanitation infrastructure but also burdens the capacity

of International Organisations (IOs) and NGOs to operate at minimal standards. Refugee camps frequently operatehigh above their intended capacity. For example, Dadaab Camp was designed to shelter 90,000 people but hosts

almost450,000refugees, says UNHCR. As a result of overcrowding, refugees move to urban areas attracted by

better livelihood opportunities and greater security. Manyrefugees use their extended social networksto secure

work in the informal sector and to find accommodation in urban areas. Similarly, those refugees who access the

city for educational or health purposes rarely go back to the camps. Overall, cities offer greater independence and

a consequent sense ofself-worth and dignity over refugee camps.

The migration of refugees from camps to urban areas poses new challenges to humanitarian organisationstraditional approaches to assistance. In 2009, UNHCR issued new operational guidelines to deal with urban

refugees. The agency acknowledged protection must be provided to refugees in a complementary and mutually

supportive manner, irrespective of where they are located. Nonetheless, urban refugees are not in an enclosed and

spatially distinctive context within the hosting countries, which makes service delivery more expensive and limits

the humanitarian organisations scope of application, according to UNHCR. Historically, humanitarian

organisations perceived refugee status as temporary and given the choice, refugees will return home as soon as

circumstances allow. However,case studiesover the last two decades show that this is not always the case with

urban refugees. In this regard, UNHCR stresses that refugee room for manoeuvre in urban areas is limited, and theprovision of protection and assistance to urban refugees largely depends on national and municipal actors.

Therefore, Cities Alliance says it is vital that UNHCR, together with other agencies working with urban

displacement,develop new relationshipsthat go beyond national government and ministers, including municipal

institutions, services providers, and urban police forces as well as representatives of displaced and resident

communities.

Experts suggest that consistent approaches are lacking in the treatment of urban refugees by local authorities in

comparison to refugees living in camps. For example, in Tanzania, the government isreviewing the 2003 NationalRefugee Policy, which required all refugees to be encamped. Refugee presence in Tanzania, a country once

regarded as a world leader in refugee protection, has been leveraged to achieve political pay-offs by blaming

refugees for crime environmental degradation and economic downturn according to the Oxford Refugees Studies
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act as social agents in solving the problems of their community by providing housing, establishing schools and

lending centres, and claiming their rights as refugees. According to the Journals author, the case of the self-sustainable approach by Sudanese refugees in Cairo is an example that governments could opt to take advantage

of the economic and social potential contribution of urban refugees to the host society rather than turning a blind

eye to refugees needs and rights, thereby creating long-lasting negative scenarios propitious for marginalisation

and vulnerability.

Urban IDPs

While refugees are relatively easy to identify, governments and humanitarian agencies struggle to determine

which persons qualify as IDPs. The line dividing those internally displaced who migrate forcibly or voluntarily,

simply seeking better life opportunities, is obscure in many instances. This process becomes even more difficult

when different stakeholders in charge of IDP protection try toquantify and profile urban IDPsas these persons do

not congregate in clusters like refugees in camps, writes a paper by the ORSC . Further complicating matters, the

main international body regulating protection and assistance to displaced people, the UNHCR, has a specific

policy addressing urban refugees but lacks one on urban IDPs. It is not clear how the UNHCR handles urban

IDPs, in particular in those urban areas where governments are unable or unwilling to assist IDPs. This is

especially striking considering there are twice as many IDPs in the world as refugees, and the majority of IDPslive within urban areas, adds Cities Alliance. Experts claim that lacking any framework regulating the presence of

IDPs in urban areas, it is impossible to design and implement effective durable solutions and help host countries

managing each caseload through context-specific, targeted protection and assistance programmes.

Typically, urban IDPs are not formally separated from host communities or housed in physically distinctive areas.

Often, urban IDPs are scattered across cities, blending into the urban poor and migrant populations. Recent

surveys on urban IDPs populationsby the Feinstein International Centre of Tufts University and the International

Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) show that in developing countries, IDP and non-IDP populations sharesimilar demographic characteristics and experience much the same stresses related to urban poverty. Lack of an

adequate infrastructure, limited access to basic social services, low levels of education, and high unemployment

rates are cross-cutting issues for both IDP and non-IDP communities. However, surveys also conclude that IDPs
http://www.fmreview.org/en/urban-displacement/13-15.pdfhttp://www.fmreview.org/en/urban-displacement/13-15.pdfhttp://www.fmreview.org/en/urban-displacement/13-15.pdfhttps://www.citiesalliance.org/sites/citiesalliance.org/files/CIVIS-DisplacedPeople-July2011.pdfhttps://www.citiesalliance.org/sites/citiesalliance.org/files/CIVIS-DisplacedPeople-July2011.pdfhttps://www.citiesalliance.org/sites/citiesalliance.org/files/CIVIS-DisplacedPeople-July2011.pdfhttp://sites.tufts.edu/feinstein/2012/developing-a-profiling-methodology-for-displaced-people-in-urban-areashttp://sites.tufts.edu/feinstein/2012/developing-a-profiling-methodology-for-displaced-people-in-urban-areashttp://sites.tufts.edu/feinstein/2012/developing-a-profiling-methodology-for-displaced-people-in-urban-areashttps://www.citiesalliance.org/sites/citiesalliance.org/files/CIVIS-DisplacedPeople-July2011.pdfhttps://www.citiesalliance.org/sites/citiesalliance.org/files/CIVIS-DisplacedPeople-July2011.pdfhttp://www.fmreview.org/en/urban-displacement/13-15.pdf


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habitually the primary source of displacement, secondary displacement is also common. In Uganda, IDPs living in

rural camps in the north of the country have sought refuge in the cities due to the extreme vulnerabilityencountered as result of the high frequency of murders, rapes and mutilations within the camps. Once IDPs have

lived encamped for a period of time, secondary displacement from the IDP camps to the city is frequent as some

search for better economic opportunities. Livelihood opportunities are marginal within the camps, hindering IDPs

from becoming self-reliant and finding long-term solutions to their plight. In Azerbaijan, for instance, dire living

conditions in rural IDP camps support the argument that secondary displacement (relocating from rural IDP

camps to urban areas) is also a type of forced migration, says UNHCR. Likewise, the phenomenon of inter-urban

displacement has been observed in Mogadishu, Somalia, and in several cities in Colombia. In these urban settings,

IDPs were forced to move to other parts of the city on several occasions to escape fighting and extortion.Similarly, inter-urban displacement is another complex trend experienced by IDPs, where some are forced to

move between several urban areas searching for assistance, protection or an environment that better satisfies

needs. Finally, there has been some debate regarding theactual existence of environmental IDPs. Some authors

believe that political and economic factors drive displacement of populations that are environmentally vulnerable,

whereas others say that environmental factors cause political and ethnic conflicts, eventually resulting in forced

displacement. In any case, there is an emerging consensus accepting multi-causality in environmentally-induced

displacement whereas environmental factors contribute to more direct causes such as social, economic or

institutional elements of forced displacement.

Table 1. Characteristics of Five Urban IDP Case StudiesCountry Hosting Urban

Areas

Origin of the

Displacement

Characteristics

Colombia

Bogot, SantaMarta, Medelln,

Cali and

Armed conflictbetween the

government and

Colombia has the largest IDP population in the world, between 4.9and 5.5 million people. The conflict produces 130,000 IDPs on ayearly basis. The majority of them have migrated from rural to

urban areas. 95 per cent of the IDPs live in poverty, 72 per cent of them in

extreme poverty. Urban IDPs in Colombia live in illegal subdivisions prone to natural

disasters and comprised of overcrowded houses of poor structural
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communities, more vulnerable to recruitment by insurgency.

PakistanPeshawar, Lahore

and Karachi.

Governmentcounter-terrorism

and counter-insurgency

operations in theFederal

AdministeredTribal Areas

(FATA) and

natural disasters,mainly the

monsoon floodsbetween 2010 and

2012.

Approximately, five million IDPs due to sectarian violence andhuman rights violations since 2004. Around fifteen million people

were displaced by three years of monsoon flooding and millionsmore by earthquakes and drought.

The outskirts of Karachi have served as refugee destinations forhundreds of thousands of IDPs affected by the floods in the Sindh

province. Ethnic conflicts in Karachi between Sindhis, Pashtun andMuhajirs rose after the rural-urban migration influenced by floods.

The absorption of urban IDPs in Karachi and Lahore has putpressure on infrastructure. The planning by municipal authorities to

ensure that infrastructure development matched the influx of people

has been very limited. Peshawar has roughly doubled since 1998, being the largest

recipient of displaced people in South Asia. Infrastructure and othersubsystems have not been extended accordingly.

Assessments claim that one of the main challenges for urban IDPsand refugees in Pakistan is related to their legal status anddocumentations, mandatory to access to services and livelihoods.

Sudan

Mainly large

cities and towns

within Darfur likeAl Fashir orNyala, but also

other cities inSudan, including

Khartoum.

Ethnical conflict

against non-Arabpopulations inDarfur regionsince 2003.

At least 2.5 million IDPs. The urban population in Darfur in 2000, before the conflict

outbreak, was eighteen per cent. Six years on, one third of Darfur's

population is urbanised, one third rural and one third displaced. Most of the IDP camps are in the cities margins and are rapidly

becoming socially and economically integrated into the cities. Recent assessments conclude that if a peace agreement is reached,

fifty per cent of the IPDs would not return home and would remain

in their current locations, move to Darfurs cities or relocate incentral Sudan.

U d

Kampala, mainly,

Jinja as well as

Conflict betweenthe government

and the religious

At its peak, the conflict displaced around 1.5 million peoplecountrywide. It is estimated that 300,000 to 600,000 were urban

IDPs.

Since the 2006 cease-fire, there has been a significant return ofthose displaced by the conflict. The remaining urban IDPs in urban

areas are often perceived as either economic migrants or IDPs thathave reached a durable solution, thus they are not given much

attention in comparison to those confined in IDP camps.U b IDP i U d i li it d i t f l


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areas of origin. A desk review carried out by UNHCR found that IDPs and refugees moving from rural to urban

areas find it more difficult to reintegrate in their original rural community upon returning home. While UNHCRalleges a scarcity of data, some assessments quantify that the numbers of returnees moving to urban areas is very

high. In Somaliland, for instance, the city of Hargeisa is now home to the sixty per cent of recent Somali

returnees. Similarly, 42 per cent of the 5.7 million Afghan returnees, the largest returnee movement UNHCR has

handled, resettled in urban areas in Kabul,Nangarhar and Kunduzprovinces. Similarly, in Angola, after the

signing of the peace agreement,four million refugeesreturned primarily to urban areas, the majority of them to

Luanda. While the main reason of refugees and IDPs moving to urban areas is the belief that cities offer better

livelihood opportunities, in Angola large number of landmines, lack of resources to relocate to further rural areas,

and apprehension of hostile reactions from rural populations were considered contributing factors to the decisionof refugees resettling in urban areas.

Urban returnees must overcome the same challenges as urban poor, just as experienced by urban IDPs and urban

refugees. Urban returnees face difficulties accessing education, health, livelihood opportunities as well as basic

infrastructure and services. UNHCR asserts returnees consistently face serious problems overhousing, land and

property issues. Urban returnees are usually more exposed than urban poor to challenges related to non-durable

housing and insecure tenure, in most cases due to the lack of social networks in the new urban areas where they

settle. In Angola, UNHCR claims that an assessment among the returnees showed that urban returnees havehigherlevels of povertythan other returnees that opted for rural areas for reintegration due to several reasons. Firstly, the

majority of the returnees were working in foreign countries where Portuguese was not the official language, thus

hindering access to employment opportunities. Secondly, the assessments found that urban returnees were skilled

and qualified enough but they struggled to gain documents and recognition of their skills and qualifications, which

served as a barrier to entering the urban labour market. Also, due to the fact that returnees chose urban instead of

rural areas, they have limited access to land for agricultural purposes, either as means of production for

livelihoods or meeting their food needs

Confronting the City: Vulnerabilities of the Urban Displaced

A United States Institute of Peace (USIP) paper addressed the success of programmes supporting the return of
https://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Kabul.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Kabul.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Nangarhar.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Nangarhar.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Kunduz.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Kunduz.aspxhttp://www.unhcr.org/48ce22a92.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/48ce22a92.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/48ce22a92.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/4b2789779.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/4b2789779.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/4b2789779.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/4b2789779.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/48ce22a92.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/48ce22a92.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/48ce22a92.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/48ce22a92.pdfhttp://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/resources/SR268Fagen.pdfhttp://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/resources/SR268Fagen.pdfhttp://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/resources/SR268Fagen.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/48ce22a92.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/48ce22a92.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/4b2789779.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/4b2789779.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/48ce22a92.pdfhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Kunduz.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Nangarhar.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Kabul.aspx


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developurban planning strategies to manage rapid urbanisationprocesses of their cities. These strategies should

be similar to other ones attempting to deal with urban poverty but focusing on the specific cases of urban refugees,returnees or IDPs. Annex 1 shows an inclusive sectorial revision of the many challenges and vulnerabilities that

urban poor and urban displaced persons face in their day-to-day life in the city. The green area illustrates the

specific issues of the urban poor while the vulnerabilities and challenges of the urban refugees, returnees and IDPs

are represented in blue.

Indeed, tailored and context-specific approaches must be designed for municipal and national governments in

order to deal with chaotic development resulting in slums and informal settlements, where urban poor, returnees,

IDPs and refugees most likely settle. The Cities Alliance partnership recommends that governments should workto prevent the proliferation of slums by an ex-ante approach, recognising thaturbanisation will happenand, thus

planning to determine where and how new residents will live is vital. Even if the government does not have

resources to develop the area, the fact that the dwellers feel they have the right to live there will facilitate their

investment in it. Stopping rapid urbanisation by investing in rural development is rarely effective, adds Cities

Alliance. However, in the majority of cities, slums and other informal settlements where the urban poor reside are

well developed. In these cases, the best option is slum upgrading; that is to say an integrated process through

which informal areas are gradually improved, formalised and incorporated into the city itself, through extending

land, services and citizenship to slum dwellers. Slum upgrading goes further than just upgrading the basicinfrastructure; it is aboutputting into motion the economic, social, institutional and community activities that are

needed to turn around downward trends in an area cooperatively among residents, community groups, businesses

as citys authorities. Overall, this process benefits the city by fostering inclusion, promoting economic

development, improving quality of life, providing shelter for the poor and addressing other externalities such as

crime reduction or environmental degradation. Slum upgrading is cheaper, in most cases, more effective than

relocation and it can be done incrementally according to the city and residents technical and financial capacity.

Also, in many cases urban poor can and are willing to pay for improved services and housing.

In cities with both urban poor and urban displaced populations, the approach must be more inclusive with the

specific needs of urban refugees, IPDs or returnees. For instance, the case of the port city of Bossaso, in the

Somali autonomous state of Puntland with almost 25 per cent of displaced in-transit migrants from Africa and
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City in Crises: the Case of Kabul City

Kabul city exhibits many of the challenges outlined above. The main limitation for urban planners in Kabul is that

there is not any census available to ascertain the actual population and its distribution across the city. According to

the latest estimates, Kabul hostsfive million people.Kabuls population has grown by 250 per cent over the last

decade, making it the fifth fastest-growing city in the world. This uncontrolled growth has put the city in the

middle of anurban planning crisis, according to an article from The Atlantic Cities. The last urban development

master plan was designed 25 years ago by the Soviets and was aimed to guide the citys growth from 1978 to

2003. The plan, which expired ten years ago, was designed when the city had about half a million residents and

projected a growth of about three million by 2003. Although the city has reached two million more inhabitantsthan accounted for in the design, the old master plan was barely applied, because for much of the period covered

by the master plan, the country has been under continuous conflict. Hence, the infrastructure and urban

development projects to keep up with the plan were not a priority. The uncontrolled growth of the city has been

fuelled by millions of refugees and IDPs settling in the Kabul. Still today, war is shaping the city as many

migrants move to Kabul looking for the relative security and livelihood opportunities offered by the capital. These

displacement processes are inflicting a lot of pressure on the citys infrastructure, economy and institutions.

Magnitude and Nature of the Displacement Problem in Kabul

Over 25 years of conflict and political instability have generated millions of displaced. Information regarding the

refugees and IDPs is scarce but it is known that at least7.5 million peoplehave been displaced in Afghanistan. Of

those, 3.2 and 2.4 million sought refuge in Iran and Pakistan respectively and an estimated two million were

displaced within Afghanistans border, says UNHCR. Seventy-six per cent of Afghans have been displaced at

least once in their lives either internally or internationally. In 1992, when the different mujahedeen factions fought

against each other, the conflict was concentrated in Kabul, resulting in the exodus of 100,000 residentsand the

destruction beyond repair of many government buildings, infrastructure and sixty per cent of private homes. Fouryears later, in 1996, when the Taliban seized control of the city they shut down social services, dismissed female

employees and purged sectors of experienced staff due to their liberal views. By the time US-led forces arrived

in the capital in 2001, the citys institutions and infrastructure were in ruins as a result of two decades of conflicts
http://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.theatlanticcities.com/design/2013/08/kabuls-utterly-mundane-urban-planning-crisis/6447/http://www.theatlanticcities.com/design/2013/08/kabuls-utterly-mundane-urban-planning-crisis/6447/http://www.theatlanticcities.com/design/2013/08/kabuls-utterly-mundane-urban-planning-crisis/6447/http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpCountries)/DFADB5842F9262BF802570A7004BA6F0?opendocumenthttp://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpCountries)/DFADB5842F9262BF802570A7004BA6F0?opendocumenthttp://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpCountries)/DFADB5842F9262BF802570A7004BA6F0?opendocumenthttp://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e486eb6http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e486eb6http://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/2011/afghanistan-opinion-survey-2009.pdfhttp://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/2011/afghanistan-opinion-survey-2009.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/2011/afghanistan-opinion-survey-2009.pdfhttp://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e486eb6http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpCountries)/DFADB5842F9262BF802570A7004BA6F0?opendocumenthttp://www.theatlanticcities.com/design/2013/08/kabuls-utterly-mundane-urban-planning-crisis/6447/http://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdf


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According to ajoint reportby the Middle East Institute and the Foundation pour la Recherche Stratgique (MEI-

FRS), with an annual growth of 5.4 per cent, it is becoming increasingly difficult to track, estimate and assess thepresence and profiles of returnee and IDP population in Kabul as well as in other urban areas. The report states

that although there have been successful cases of reintegration, generally, urban displaced populations struggle to

survive, facing un- or underemployment and living below the poverty line. There are three types of urban

displaced persons: i. returnees who came directly to the cities upon their return; ii. returnees who went to their

areas of origin and were forced to move to urban areas (secondary displacement); and iii. conflict-induced, natural

disaster-induced and poverty-induced IDPs. Urban refugees and IDPs in Afghanistan share similar profiles as the

ones described in the first section of this report with some context-specific characteristics. Table 2 reviews some

of these, based on two surveys by the MEI-FRS, and the UNHCR and World Bank.

Table 2. Kabuls Urban Returnees and IDPs ProfilesUrban Returnees and Secondary Displaced

Individuals

Urban IDPs

Have lived on average fifteen years in exile in Iran orPakistan.

The preference of those returnees in Iran and Pakistan was tolive either in cities or in camps within urban areas.

In Iran returnees lived mixed with the Iranian populationwhile in Pakistan half of them lived in refugee camps.

Tehran and Peshawar were the two main cities hostingAfghan returnees.

77.4 per cent of the urban returnees were already urban priorto the exile.

Urban returnees choose to live in the main cities inAfghanistan (i.e. Kabul, Herat, Mazar-e Sharif, Jalalabad)

instead of going to the origin (urban or not) areas, being themain pulling factor the economic opportunities.

Urban returnees report to have a better job during the exilethat nowadays.

One fourth of urban IDPs have suffered secondarydisplacement.

One fourth suffers from prolonged displacement, being, onaverage, the length of their displacement six years.

92 per cent of the urban IDPs lived in urban areas beforetheir displacement.

IDPs perceive Kabul as a place of greater security and bettereconomic opportunities.

IDPs in Kabul lack of social networks in comparison to otherIDPs in Herat or in Kandahar, which usually provide the

displaced with better housing and economic opportunities.

Hence, IDPs in Kabul end living in informal settlements in

the outskirts of the city where different displacement profilesget mixed.

Ninety per cent of Kabuls IDPs have received some kind ofemergency or winter assistance.
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Different organisations have surveyed returnees and IDPs, but in both cases, these surveys primarily focused on

urban displaced persons living in collective groups, leaving apart those who live individually mixed in the urbanlandscape. The MEI-FRS highlight aconceptual debateregarding urban displaced populations in Afghanistan. On

one hand, a key concern is to establish a boundary between forced and voluntary displacement, as In practice,

most migration has elements of both coercion and violation, and is likely to be motivated by a mixture of

economic and political factors. For that reason, there have been conflicting approaches between humanitarian

organisations and donors, as many think that the urban situation in Afghanistan is not a humanitarian emergency

but an urban poor issue. On the other hand, due to the difficulty to record any progress in urban areas where

outcomes are less visible than rural areas, it is difficult to delineate the end of displacement. This is even more

difficult in Afghanistan, where urban displaced persons will not likely go back or relocate and, municipalauthorities are not ready to accept local integration.

Kabuls Informal Settlements: Spatial Configuration and Economic Value

The spatial structure of Kabul has grown in two adjacent valleys separated by a mountain spin, as seen in Figure

2. As such, communication between the suburbs of the city must go through the city centre, which is located in the

central hill spine separating the two valleys. This spatial configuration explains the chronic traffic problems

around the city centre. As the city centre is the only location of the city easily accessible from all parts Kabul, thecapital has shaped itself as a monocentric metropolis. From the city centre, the primary roads are radial with the

exception of the Russian Road in the north of the city. The topography of the city does not allow the expansion

northwards or westwards, and the only areas to expand the city are to the south and to the east, to a greater extent.

Also, in the other side of the mountain range of the city, the Dehsabz and Barikab plateaus provide enough space

for future developments.

The rapid influx of urban displaced populations has led to proliferation of informal settlements, which have

shaped the urban structure of Kabul. Experts foresee that the implacable influx of IDPs, migrants and refugeeswill continue to shape the spatial development of the city for many years into the future. Given the limited

capacity of municipal authorities to tackle the rapid urbanisation crisis affecting Kabul, urban planners agree that

informal development of land and housing has been the most effective way to provide the needed shelter for urban
http://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.theatlanticcities.com/design/2013/08/kabuls-utterly-mundane-urban-planning-crisis/6447/http://www.theatlanticcities.com/design/2013/08/kabuls-utterly-mundane-urban-planning-crisis/6447/http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2005/09/16461204/afghanistan-kabul-urban-land-crisis-policy-notehttp://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2005/09/16461204/afghanistan-kabul-urban-land-crisis-policy-notehttp://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2005/09/16461204/afghanistan-kabul-urban-land-crisis-policy-notehttp://www.theatlanticcities.com/design/2013/08/kabuls-utterly-mundane-urban-planning-crisis/6447/http://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdf


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ethnic composition of these settlements is complex. For instance, District 5, which hosts the largest informal

settlement in Kabul Charahi Qambar, was established in 2007 when a few Jogi families settled there. Thepopulation subsequently expanded with the arrival of IDPs who were ethnically Pashtuns, Baluchis, Tajiks and

Kuchis from the southern provinces of Helmand, Uruzgan and Kandahar and also returnees from Iran and

Pakistan. District 7 is a hillside settlement located in the southern outskirts of Kabul on land owned by the

government, which has recurrently searched these areas to locate IDPs. The majority of dwellers, predominantly

Pashtuns, Tajiks and Pashayees, moved there before 2001, hold customary deeds and have formal jobs. District 13

was formally recognised by the municipality in 2003 but the majority of the rapid urbanisation has been

unplanned. The residents are mainly Hazaras and returnees from Iran.

Figure 2. Spatial Configuration of Kabul City
https://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Helmand.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Helmand.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Uruzgan.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Uruzgan.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Kandahar.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Kandahar.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Kandahar.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Uruzgan.aspxhttps://www.cimicweb.org/AfghanistanProvincialMap/Pages/Helmand.aspx


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component of the housing stock. Therefore, the World Bank claims they should be seen as an asset rather than a

liability. In order to increase and formalise this added value, the World Bank suggests it is important that informalsettlements are upgraded over time with water supply, sewerage system, storm drainage, refuse disposal and a

network of secondary streets to create a proper grid.

Vulnerabilities of Kabuls Urban Refugees and IDPs

Urban returnees and IDPs in Kabul have been subject to several quantitative and qualitative surveys and studies.

All these assessments have highlighted that urban IDPs and returnees living in Kabul face challenges and

vulnerabilities similar to other conflict-based urban displaced populations elsewhere (Annex 1). However, there

are some particularities.

Governance and Rule of Law. Urban governance structures in Kabul remain weak and fragmented, with

overlapping roles and responsibilities, limited capacity, high level of corruption, and influence of social and ethnic

ties. The Kabul Municipality has the status of a Ministry and, although it is supposed to coordinate the

implementation of urban development plans, it is heavily reliant on the various ministries for the delivery of its

responsibilities and provision of services. International actors have shown concern regarding the lack of interest of

municipal authorities in addressing the displacement situation in Kabul. Yet it is difficult to obtain the official

position of the municipality. The governments de facto policy conceives urban displacement as a temporary

phenomenon. Hence, instead of providing the necessary services and infrastructure to urban returnees, IDPs and

poor, officials seem more interested in implementing strategies to reinforce the importance of the capital such as

by the development of the Kabul New City. The report by ODA quotes an official saying the best thing for the

wellbeing of Kabul is toclean the IDPs from the city Kabul city is the capital and it has to show the identity,

prestige and dignity of Afghanistan. According to a report from APPRO, another government official stated We

have nothing to do with [the migrants]we are not a charity organization. We have other problems to deal with.

Others, while saying there are plans for all the government -owned land in Kabul, recognise they cannotbulldoze the homes of these migrants []. These people are also Afghans and have rights to live in the city []

we have to plan very carefully and work [to integrate] them. With regard to the rule of law, disputes are usually

referred initially to local waklis. If unresolved, they are referred to shuras,mostly ruled by community elders. If
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international agencies are not allowed to operate there. ODI quotes one official stating, IDPs are here for short

time and they dont need a bathroom and a well in this situation When we provide them these services they willnever move back to their areas.

L ivelihoods and Poverty.Urban IDPs and returnees live on less thatUSD 1 per household member per day. In

addition, casual work as the main source of livelihood is avery unstable source of income. The majority of the

workers rely on employment via construction companies, which usually decrease their activities during the winter

months when the displaced have to face increased costs for wood, clothing and medicines and treatment for

respiratory infections. Many of the ethnic minorities in District 5 complain that the labour market discriminates

against them because they come from the countryside, believe them to be unclean or untidy, or they are suspectedof being Taliban. Begging is a common practice among the urban displaced children and elderly. Those urban

returnees coming from Iran or Pakistanfind employment in Kabuls labour market more easily than urban IDPs as

they possess the highly-demanded, specific skills for the construction sector. In addition, eighty per cent of the

households have contracted debt to cover basic expenses or invest in small business. Only, seven per cent of urban

IDPs and refugees report never facing problems satisfying householdfood needs.

Land Tenur e and Housing.The majority of the land occupied by urban populations displaced in Kabul is owned

by public institutions or private individuals. The level of tenure security is very low, with 85 per cent of IDPs and46 per cent of returnees unable to obtain customary deeds. The formal housing markets fail to keep pace with

Kabuls rapid urban growth rates, generating informal settlements as urban displaced populations cannot afford

the high prices of the formal market. These issues consequently lead to land disputes and social fragmentation

between displaced and host communities. Also, the lack of land security and regulation brings about widespread

allegations of corruption. Powerful individuals grab large plot of lands through illegal means and sell them to

desperate, landless urban migrants. The majority of the people living in informal settlements seek to become

permanent residents, perceiving the occupied land as their property. Furthermore, half of Kabuls informal

settlements dwellers still live in unsustainable shelter conditions such as tents, relatives homes, abandonedbuildings or improvised shelter. The persistence of their temporary situation prevents investment in permanent

housing and infrastructure.
http://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://afg.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/default/files/KIS%20assessment%20report-%20Nov%202012.pdfhttp://afg.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/default/files/KIS%20assessment%20report-%20Nov%202012.pdfhttp://afg.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/default/files/KIS%20assessment%20report-%20Nov%202012.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/Resources/244362-1265299949041/6766328-1265299960363/WB-UNHCR-IDP_Full-Report.pdfhttp://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/Resources/244362-1265299949041/6766328-1265299960363/WB-UNHCR-IDP_Full-Report.pdfhttp://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/Resources/244362-1265299949041/6766328-1265299960363/WB-UNHCR-IDP_Full-Report.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://afg.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/default/files/KIS%20assessment%20report-%20Nov%202012.pdfhttp://afg.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/default/files/KIS%20assessment%20report-%20Nov%202012.pdfhttp://afg.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/default/files/KIS%20assessment%20report-%20Nov%202012.pdfhttp://afg.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/default/files/KIS%20assessment%20report-%20Nov%202012.pdfhttp://afg.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/default/files/KIS%20assessment%20report-%20Nov%202012.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdfhttp://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/Resources/244362-1265299949041/6766328-1265299960363/WB-UNHCR-IDP_Full-Report.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://afg.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/default/files/KIS%20assessment%20report-%20Nov%202012.pdfhttp://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/afghanistan/pdf/01_majidi.pdf


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due to insecurity, poor standards of teaching, lack of quality school facilities and lack of separate establishments

for girls. Nonetheless, IDPs from Districts 5, 7 and 13 recognised that education opportunities in Kabul are greaterthan in their areas of origin. Kabuls primary and secondary school enrolment rate is 65.1 per cent compared to the

national average of 46.3 per cent. However, enrolment rates in Kabuls informal settlements are much lower,

standing at 49 per cent. Urban returnees and IDPs highly value education and state that one of the reasons they

came to the capital was to educate their children, both girls and boys.

The Kabul New City

On 04 September 2013, the Dehsabz-Barikab City Development Authority (DCDA) and an international

consortium named International Home Finance and Development LLC signed a contract to construct 6,000

housing units in the next eight years at a cost of USD 1 billion, according to a DCDA press release. This

development is another step forward towards the implementation of the Kabul New City Master Plan, more

concretely the Parcel-1, Phase One. Certainly, the development of the so called Kabul New City is a flagship

project for the Kabul Municipality and the Afghan government. The project was approved by the Afghan

government in 2009, but the planning of the Kabul New City has been underway for more than a decade. In 2002,

one year after the fall of the Taliban regime, the signs of the coming rapid urbanisation of Kabul city began to

manifest with the arrival of thousands of returnees. Diminished physical infrastructure, the rapid emergence ofnew reconstruction-related business opportunities and a labour market unable to deal with the rapid urban

population growth triggered the planning to extend the city towards the northern Dehsabz and Barikab plateaus

(Figure 3). As a result, the government of Afghanistan requested technical assistance from the government of

Japan to develop a new Master Plan for the Kabul City that would guide the rapid urbanisation of the capital

according to the goals set by the Afghanistan National Development Strategy. At the same time, the Japanese

International Cooperation Agency (JICA) was conducting a study to design the best strategy to deal with rapid

urban development in Kabul; the DCDA and the Independent Board of Kabul New City Development were

established. The DCDA, as an implementing agency of land and primary/secondary infrastructure developmentfor the Kabul New City, has the mission to attract the private investment by creating a pro-business environment

and promoting legislation favourable to private investors. Furthermore, the DCDA will act as a single regulatory

agency to supervise the project facilitate the land clearance process and build the planned infrastructure
http://www.dcda.gov.af/contract-for-development-of-parcel-1f2013043925.htmlhttp://www.dcda.gov.af/contract-for-development-of-parcel-1f2013043925.htmlhttp://www.dcda.gov.af/contract-for-development-of-parcel-1f2013043925.htmlhttp://www.dcda.gov.af/background.htmlhttp://www.dcda.gov.af/background.htmlhttp://www.dcda.gov.af/background.htmlhttp://www.yachiyo-eng.co.jp/e/records/afghanistan01.htmlhttp://www.yachiyo-eng.co.jp/e/records/afghanistan01.htmlhttp://www.yachiyo-eng.co.jp/e/records/afghanistan01.htmlhttp://www.dcda.gov.af/background.htmlhttp://www.dcda.gov.af/contract-for-development-of-parcel-1f2013043925.htmlhttp://www.dcda.gov.af/contract-for-development-of-parcel-1f2013043925.html


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coordination and monitoring of key urban indicators; increased access to basic services for urban households;

phased regularisation of tenure for fifty per cent of households living in informal settlements; upgrading publicservices and facilities, including new urban area development, for example; the development of a new city in

Dehsabz north of the existing Kabul city; increased availability of affordable shelters, including a fifty per cent

increase in number of housing units and thirty per cent increase in area of serviced land on the market, coupled

with access to affordable finance; and improved urban environment with green areas and open spaces.

Nevertheless, the Master Plan also points out several factors that could affect how quickly and successfully the

new city may be developed. These factors include the awareness of a policy and strategic plan at institutional

level, marketing among private stakeholders and donors, land clearance commitments, funds availability,

cooperation among stakeholders, capacity building of implementing agencies and constraints in procurement ofmaterials.

Figure 3. Location of the Kabul New City


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unclear in its implementation. In addition,several experienceshave proved that the relocation of people living in

informal settlements isprone to fail. UNHABITAT, clearly states that upgrading existing slums is more effectivethan resettling slum dwellers [] Eradication and relocation unnecessarily destroy a large stock of housing

affordable to the urban poor and the new housing provided has frequently turned out to be unaffordable, with the

result that relocated households move back into slum accommodation. As a result, more emphasis is needed in

upgrading the current Kabul City to prevent having a brand new Kabul New City, on one hand, and the current old

and oversaturated Kabul City, on the other hand. This could create high levels of polarisation between the

dwellers inhabiting in the two adjacent urban areas. Indeed, the Kabul New City would have a more pleasant

landscape occupied by high-value economic activities, government buildings and middle and high-income

dwellers while the current Kabul City risks remaining a city lacking basic infrastructure and services, hostinginformal economic activities and home of minorities and urban poor and displaced.

Likewise, the development of the Kabul New City could be a cause of secondary displacement for the

communities located in the Dehsabz plateau. A JICA report recommends the Afghan government establish a

dialogue to propose solutions for theKuchi nomad communitiesliving in the plateau that will be soon affected by

the construction works of Phase 1 of the Kabul New City. Recently, there have been someskirmishes and disputes

over the land in Dehsabz used by Kuchis for pasture, as these communities are anxious for the fate of the land they

have occupied for years. Some who acquired customary deeds are finding these were fraudulent and they areactually settled on land belonging to the government. JICA requests a bottom up approach informing the

communities on the development of the Kabul New City and the awarding by the government of their primary

resource: pastureland elsewhere.

As mentioned above, any strategy dealing with informal settlements must be in consultation with the affected

communities in order to achieve good and effective urban planning and governance. In the case of the Master

Plan, according to ODI, there isno evidence of consultationwith local leaders, association orshuras during the

fieldwork, working group meetings or seminars, thus the plan is unlikely to meet the needs of urban poor anddisplaced communities. Complex and confused land management systems, laws and institutions have meant that

many of the citys poorest residents are at risk of secondary displacement and insecurity of tenure is a significant

challenge to the local integration of displaced populations and the sustainable and equitable development of the
http://www.waset.org/journals/waset/v71/v71-145.pdfhttp://www.waset.org/journals/waset/v71/v71-145.pdfhttp://www.waset.org/journals/waset/v71/v71-145.pdfhttp://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/4631_46759_gc%2021%20slum%20dwellers%20to%20double.pdfhttp://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/4631_46759_gc%2021%20slum%20dwellers%20to%20double.pdfhttp://samuelhall.org/REPORTS/A%20Study%20of%20the%20Kuchi%20Population%20in%20the%20Kabul%20New%20City%20Area.pdfhttp://samuelhall.org/REPORTS/A%20Study%20of%20the%20Kuchi%20Population%20in%20the%20Kabul%20New%20City%20Area.pdfhttp://samuelhall.org/REPORTS/A%20Study%20of%20the%20Kuchi%20Population%20in%20the%20Kabul%20New%20City%20Area.pdfhttp://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/land-grabs-2-deh-sabz-the-new-and-the-oldhttp://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/land-grabs-2-deh-sabz-the-new-and-the-oldhttp://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/land-grabs-2-deh-sabz-the-new-and-the-oldhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7722.pdfhttp://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/land-grabs-2-deh-sabz-the-new-and-the-oldhttp://samuelhall.org/REPORTS/A%20Study%20of%20the%20Kuchi%20Population%20in%20the%20Kabul%20New%20City%20Area.pdfhttp://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/4631_46759_gc%2021%20slum%20dwellers%20to%20double.pdfhttp://www.waset.org/journals/waset/v71/v71-145.pdf


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persons in Kabul share similar challenges, in particular, the lack of land tenure and access to basic infrastructure

and services. Moreover, urban displaced populations in Kabul suffer additional vulnerabilities in terms ofdiscrimination, protection and access to justice. The municipal authorities in Kabul perceive urban displacement

as a temporary phenomenon and this is reflected in the recent Kabul Master Plan, in which the specific needs of

the returnees and IDPs are not considered as a priority. Further, the voices of urban displaced populations and the

wider urban poor community were not taken into account during the development of the plan. The construction of

the Kabul New City, included in the new Master Plan, is a positive urban development step but the Afghan

government and the Kabul municipality are more focused on projecting a new image of Kabul as regional

strategic hub rather than addressing the problems of informal settlements. The Kabul municipality must

acknowledge the socioeconomic potential of urban displaced persons as well as perceive informal settlements as avaluable housing asset rather than a liability. With the implementation of the Master Plan, the municipality could

have an excellent opportunity to increase and formalise the added value of these informal settlements. Regardless

of the strategy adopted, the rights and needs of poor and vulnerable populations residing in Kabul must be the

backbone of any planning processes to effectively ensure adequate standards of living and durable solutions.


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ANNEX 1. Vulnerabilities of the Urban Poor and the Urban Displaced

PROTECTION.

SOCIAL CAPITAL

AND ACCESS TO

JUSTICE

HOUSING, LAND

TENURE AND

LOCATION

ACCESS TO

EDUCATION AND

HEALTH SERVICES

URBAN POOR

Difficulty of governments to provide permanent education and health infrastructurein informal settlements.

Lower rates of primary education attendance and coverage of health facilities byurban poor compared to non-urban poor and, even rural poor.

Urban poor girls are the most vulnerable group to drop education because of familyresponsibilities or lack of sanitation infrastructure.

Social exclusion, as well as lack of information and economic resources, deprivespoor to access health services.

Child labour is critical for urban poor households survival.

State bureaucracy, stigmatisation and discrimination may prevent refugees andIDPs to access education and health services.

In case they are allowed to access education, urban refugees or IDPs, poorer thanurban poor, cannot afford health-care and education costs (e.g. fees, books,

uniforms, transport).Lack of awareness of available opportunities and communication barriers prevent

quality access to education and health.

Education and reintegration is heavily linked, thus deprivation of educationjeopardise long-term reintegration of refugees and IDPs.

URBAN IDPS, REFUGEES AND RETURNEES

Access to justice and the enforcement of laws can, if not enforced at the local level,adversely affect the urban poor (for example, corruption in public offices, pollution

control and personal safety) Urban poor are used to expressing grievances and resolve via traditional,

community-based, or informal processes.

The main grievance encountered by the urban poor arises from national and localauthorities setting and implementing policies that prevent them from obtaining

formal access to basic urban services or make it difficult for them to do so.

They usually have no (affordable) way of complaining about unfair treatment andseeking redress for grievances caused by government institutions.

Inadequate protection of rights through the operation of the law. Voicelessness and powerlessness within political systems and bureaucratic

structures.

No means of ensuring accountability from aid agencies, NGOs, public agencies andprivate utilities or being able to participate in the definition and implementation oftheir urban poverty programs.

The legal protection available to urban IDPs is significantly less than for refugeesdue to unwillingness or lack of capacity of governments.

Lack of documentations is the main argument that governments use to obstructaccess to civil rights or social benefits.

Main concerns regarding protection are: insecurity, risk of eviction or detection,liability to forced relocation, inability or unwillingness to return to their former

areas of origin and not being in possession of identity documents.

Non-national are more likely to be excluded from the mechanisms of popularjustice in place in areas of shallow or compromised government penetration. Thus,

they are relatively invisible to the state.

Language, dress and cultural practices pose additional risks to the protection ofrefugees and IDPs targeted by host communities.

Isolation of different communities of urban displaced groups make difficult to buildstrong social networks and capital among urban displaced communities.

Urban poor end up on insecure public or private land due to the lack of planning forurban growth. Hence, they are at risk of eviction, do not have access to credit, are

excluded from service provision, cannot build up assets or use their house for

income generation activities.

The lack of documents accrediting land tenure is a perpetual de facto evidence forillegality.

Location and transport patterns of urban poor illustrate a complex trade-off betweenresidential location, travel distance and transport mode. Some dwellers decide to

reside in areas nearer to city centre, which are more expensive and insecure, rather

than cheaper peri-urban areas.

Low space per person, high occupancy rates, cohabitation of different householdsand high number of single-room units.

Substandard housing structures and use of non-permanent materials.Urban poor usually reside in hazard-prone locations such as floodplains, waste

disposal sites, proximity to toxic industries or areas with risk of landslides.

Lack of land and tenure security hinders successful local integration, as the absenceof formal land titles entrenches the idea that their (forced) migration is only

temporary.

Many urban IDPs return sporadically to their rural land to engage in agriculturalactivities as a means of sustaining livelihoods, whilst continuing to reside in the city

for safety and security. For many IDPs and refugees, lack of land in the city hinders

access to sustainable livelihoods.

Main cause of secondary/tertiary displacement is forced evictions in urban areas,which has a negative impact on livelihoods, social capital, health and education.

Urban displaced cannot opt for housing subsidies, as they cannot demonstratesound credit and financial history.

Urban IDPs and refugees do not participate in government-sponsored housingschemes, aiming to keep a low profile to avoid becoming a target of local

government or hosting community.

Lack of documentation and background checks means that they are at the mercy oflandlords who charge higher prices than to urban poor.


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ANNEX 1 (Contd). Vulnerabilities of the Urban Poor and the Urban Displaced

Sources: Adapted from Forced Migration Review: Adapting to Urban Displacement, ORSC, 2010; Access to Justice for the Urban Poor, Asian Development Bank,

2010; Urban Poverty: A Global View, World Bank, 2008; Health Care for Urban Poor Falls Through the Gap, The Lancet, 2011; Cities, Slums and the Millennium

Development Goals, UNHABITAT; Ignored Displaced Persons: the plight of IDPs in urban areas , UNHCR, 2008; Investigating Grey Areas: Access to Basic UrbanServices in the Adjacent Areas of Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon, UNDP, 2011; The Challenge of Slums. Global Report on Human Settlements 2003,

UNHBITAT, 2003; and Slums of the World: The Face of Urban Poverty in the New Millennium, UNHABITAT, 2003.

GENDER, SOCIAL

EXCLUSION AND

CRIME

ACCESS TO BASICINFRASTRUCTURE

LIVELIHOODS ANDPOVERTY

URBAN POOR

Urban poor face challenges of low skills, low wages, unemployment and under-employment, lack of social insurance and unsatisfactory working conditions.

Spatial location of slums, inadequate infrastructure and negative stigma are alsoconstrains to employment.

The majority of urban poor work in the informal sector, which is characterised bypoor working conditions, lack of social insurance, operating outside the legal system

and is more vulnerable to economic fluctuations.

Child labour is significant in the service sector, construction and manufacturing.The relation between income (rather than agricultural productivity) and hunger

makes urban poor more vulnerable to malnutrition and hunger-related diseases.

Lack of support networks, urban livelihood skills and knowledge of the urbansetting, as well as fluency in the local language hinders the access to livelihoods.

Few countries allow refugees to obtain work permits, which are an expensive andrequire a lengthy process and sponsorship.

Urban refugees and IDPs experience hostility by host communities as theycompete for resources and livelihoods.

Failing to access to livelihoods is the main obstacle hindering reintegration in thehost community and family reunification.

IDPs and refugees living in urban areas are more vulnerable than those living indisplaced camps, as these usually have food and shelter granted.

Illegal status and lack of documentation limits the access of urban displaced toformal employment opportunities. Also, without legal protection and

documentation, employers withhold pay, exploit them, and sexually harass

women.

URBAN IDPS, REFUGEES AND RETURNEES

Women and girls are vulnerable to violence, rape and abduction and are moreexposed to exploitation and abuse, and having arrived in urban areas, they can

become the systemic target of sexual violence.

The lack of income-generating activities for urban internally displaced women orrefugees places them in a vulnerable position, subject to domestic violence or

prostitution.

Displacement introduces new family structures as a result of family breakdowns ormales being killed during conflict.

Due to the lack of protection and fear of deportation or institutional xenophobia,urban IDPs and refugees are more vulnerable to join or suffer from criminal

organisations.

Main feature: lack of water and sanitation infrastructure.Absence of water collection systems, electricity supplies, surfaced roads and

footpaths, street lighting and rain water drainages.

Access rates comparable or lower than in rural areas.

Qualities of the services very low (only operational few hours a day).Rely on self-provision or by informal service providers at a higher cost due to lack ofpublic providers or unwillingness of private providers to serve urban poor (poor pay

more than non-poor for utilities on average).

Utilities account for a substantial expenditure of urban poor.

Hostility inflicted by host community due to an increased pressure oninfrastructure by urban IDPs or refugees.

Difficult access to municipal services (if any) due to the lack of properdocumentation and complex bureaucracy.

Areas where urban displaced dwell are the last ones to be serviced by municipalservice providers.

Urban displaced are in general poorer than urban poor and in many cases cannotafford to rely on informal service providers that charge higher fees for utilities.

Slums and urban informal settlements are areas of social exclusion that are oftenperceived to have high levels of crime and other measures of social dislocation.

Urban areas with high levels of poverty are prone to suffer severe violence.Women and girls are the first to be sacrificed when families do not have resources to

send all children to school.

Women and girls engaging in sexually risky behavior make them more vulnerable tosexually transmitted diseases.
http://www.fmreview.org/urban-displacement/FMR34.pdfhttp://www.fmreview.org/urban-displacement/FMR34.pdfhttp://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/pub/2010/access-to-justice.pdfhttp://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/pub/2010/access-to-justice.pdfhttp://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2008/03/24/000333037_20080324021722/Rendered/PDF/430280NWP0Glob10Box327344B01PUBLIC1.pdfhttp://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2008/03/24/000333037_20080324021722/Rendered/PDF/430280NWP0Glob10Box327344B01PUBLIC1.pdfhttp://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(11)60215-8/fulltexthttp://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(11)60215-8/fulltexthttp://www.unhabitat.org/documents/media_centre/APMC/Cities,%20Slums%20and%20the%20Millennium%20Development%20Goals.pdfhttp://www.unhabitat.org/documents/media_centre/APMC/Cities,%20Slums%20and%20the%20Millennium%20Development%20Goals.pdfhttp://www.unhabitat.org/documents/media_centre/APMC/Cities,%20Slums%20and%20the%20Millennium%20Development%20Goals.pdfhttp://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/63CE71098C416943432575DF00319B5E-UNHCR_July2008.pdfhttp://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/63CE71098C416943432575DF00319B5E-UNHCR_July2008.pdfhttp://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/63CE71098C416943432575DF00319B5E-UNHCR_July2008.pdfhttp://www.undp.org.lb/communication/publications/downloads/fullstudy-InverstigatingGreyAreas.pdfhttp://www.undp.org.lb/communication/publications/downloads/fullstudy-InverstigatingGreyAreas.pdfhttp://www.undp.org.lb/communication/publications/downloads/fullstudy-InverstigatingGreyAreas.pdfhttp://www.undp.org.lb/communication/publications/downloads/fullstudy-InverstigatingGreyAreas.pdfhttp://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=1156http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=1156http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=1156http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=1124http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=1124http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=1124http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=1156http://www.undp.org.lb/communication/publications/downloads/fullstudy-InverstigatingGreyAreas.pdfhttp://www.undp.org.lb/communication/publications/downloads/fullstudy-InverstigatingGreyAreas.pdfhttp://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/63CE71098C416943432575DF00319B5E-UNHCR_July2008.pdfhttp://www.unhabitat.org/documents/media_centre/APMC/Cities,%20Slums%20and%20the%20Millennium%20Development%20Goals.pdfhttp://www.unhabitat.org/documents/media_centre/APMC/Cities,%20Slums%20and%20the%20Millennium%20Development%20Goals.pdfhttp://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(11)60215-8/fulltexthttp://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2008/03/24/000333037_20080324021722/Rendered/PDF/430280NWP0Glob10Box327344B01PUBLIC1.pdfhttp://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/pub/2010/access-to-justice.pdfhttp://www.fmreview.org/urban-displacement/FMR34.pdf


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ANNEX 2. Maps of the Current Kabul City according to the Master Plan

Source: Kabul Master Plan, 2009.


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ANNEX 3. Maps of the Kabul New City according to the Master Plan

Source: Kabul Master Plan, 2009.

cfc thematic report - rapid urbanisation and displacement: the case of kabul city, 24 september 13

Documents