centre-province relations, 1988-1993: a case study of the
TRANSCRIPT
Centre-Province Relations, 1988-1993:
A Case Study of the Punjab
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO
THE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
By
Syed Tahir Hussain Bukhari
Quaid-i-Azam University
Islamabad, Pakistan
2016
Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History
Department of History
Quaid-i-Azam University
Islamabad, Pakistan
2016
DECLARATION
I hereby declare that this thesis is the result of my individual research, and
that it has not been submitted concurrently to any other university for any
other degree.
_____________________
Syed Tahir Hussain Bukhari
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
QUAID-I-AZAM UNIVERSITY
ISLAMABAD
Approval for Thesis Submission
Dated: 2016
I hereby recommend the thesis prepared under my supervision by Syed Tahir
Hussain Bukhari, entitled “Centre-Province Relations, 1988-1993: A Case
Study of the Punjab” in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in History.
__________________________
Dr. Razia Sultana
Supervisor
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
QUAID-I-AZAM UNIVERSITY
ISLAMABAD
Dated: 2016
FINAL APPROVAL
This is to certify that we have read the thesis submitted by Syed Tahir
Hussain Bukhari, entitled “Centre-Province Relations, 1988-1993: A Case
Study of the Punjab” and it is our judgment that this thesis is of sufficient
standard to warrant acceptance by the Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad,
for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.
_
____________________
External Examiner (1)
__________________
External Examiner (2)
Dr. Razia Sultana
Supervisor
Dr. Sayed Wiqar Ali Shah
Chairman
Contents
List of Contents
List of Abbreviations
Glossary
Acknowledgements
Introduction………………………………………………………………………..1
Chapters
Chapter 1
Federalism in Pakistan...............................................................................................21
Chapter 2
Centre-Province Relations in Pakistan, 1947-1988………………………………...81
Chapter 3
Centre-Province Relations: The Case of Punjab, 1988-1990....................................149
Chapter 4
Cordial Relations, 1990-1993………………………………………………………254
Conclusion................................................................................................................312
Bibliography.............................................................................................................320
Appendices...............................................................................................................336
ABBREVATIONS
AIML All-India Muslim League
AL Awami League
AML Awami Muslim League
ANP Awami National Party
APC All Parties Conference
BBC British Broadcasting Corporation
BCCI Bank of Credit and Commerce International
BOP The Bank of Punjab
CCI Council of Common Interest
CM Chief Minister
COAS Chief of Army Staff
COP Combined Opposition Parties
DSP Deputy Superintendent of Police
GHQ General Headquarters
IG Inspector General
IJI Islami Jamhuri Ittehad
INC Indian National Congress
ISI Inter services Intelligence (Pakistani Secret Agency)
JUI Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam
JUPN Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan
JWP Jamhuri Watan Party
KSP Krishik Seramic Party
LDA Lahore Development Authority
MCB Muslim Commercial Bank
MQM Muhajir Qaumi Movement
PKMAP Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party
ML Muslim League
NA National Assembly
NFC National Finance Commission
NDA National Democratic Alliance
NICFC National Industrial Cooperative Finance Corporation
NWFP North West Frontier Province
NPP National People’s Party
OSD Officer on Special Duty
PDA Pakistan Democratic Alliance
PDA People’s Democratic Alliance
PDA Punjab Development Authority
PIDA Punjab Industrial Development Board
PKNP Pakhtun Khwa National Party
PML Pakistan Muslim League
PNA Pakistan National Alliance
PNP Pakistan National Party
PPP Pakistan People’s Party
PPSC Punjab Public Service Commission
PRODA Public and Representative Office Disqualification Act
PTV Pakistan Television
PWP People’s Works Program
SAARC South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
SCCI Services Credit Corporation Investment
STN Shalimar Television Network
USA United States of America
USSR United States of Soviet Russia
WAPDA Water and Power Development Authority
NAP National Awami Party
JUP Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan
JUI Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan
EPML East Pakistan Muslim League
IJI Islami Jamhuri Ittehad
SMLC Sindh Muslim League Council
SML Sindh Muslim League
MNA Member of National Assembly
MPA Member of Provincial Assembly
BPCR Basic Principles Committee Report
SMC Sindh Mahajar Conference
PMLWC Punjab Muslim League Working Committee
RP Republican Party
PM Prime Minister
ICS Indian Civil Service
RAW Reserch and Analysis Wing (Indian Secret Agency)
TI Tehrik-i-Istiqlal
JUI (F) Jamiat ul Ulema-i-Islam Fazlur Rahman
PDP Pakistan Democratic Party
JI Jamaat-i-Islami
PIA Pakistan International Airlines
MQM Mohajir Qoumi Movement
BNP Balochistan National Party
FATA Federally Adminstered Tribal Areas
MRD Movement for Restoration of Democracy
IJT Islami Jamiat Talaba
GLOSSARY
Asabiyya Group feeling a sort of prejudice
Bhuttoism Philosophy and attitude based on Z. A. Bhutto’s thoughts
Faujdari Criminal
Horse Trading Sale and purchase of politicians to change their affiliations
Idhar Hum, Udhar Tum I enjoy power here and you enjoy there
Jag Punjab Jag
teri pag nu lag gia dagh Beware Punjabi your honour is at stake
Meray gaon mein bijli aai
hae Electricity came to my village
Pir Sahib Spiritual Guide
Rabi and Kharif crops Rabi crops are cultivated in spring season whereas Kharif
crops are cultivated in autumn season
Riba Interest
Sajjada Nasheens A superior category of Spiritual Guide
Wazeer-i-Azam Prime Minister
Ziaism Philosophy and attitude based on General Zia ul
Haq’s thought
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am highly indebted to Dr. Razia Sultana, Professor of History and Vice Chancellor,
Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University Peshawar under whose kind guidance and
supervision this doctoral dissertation has been finalized. Her caring attitude, whole
hearted support and continuous encouragement were vital for its completion. Without
her scholarly feedback and precious suggestion it would not have been possible to
achieve the task. I am also thankful to all the faculty member in the Department of
History, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, particularly, Dr. Sayed Wiqar Ali Shah for
their encouragement and help. The staff at the Department has always been helpful in the
research hazards. I am also grateful to my colleagues particularly Prof. Aslam Javed,
Prof. Hafiz Aslam Awan, Prof. Syed Masiha Ahmad and Prof. Muhammad Zamir Janjua.
I would like to pay my gratitude to the Staff of the Seminar Library, Department
of History, National Institute of Historical & Cultural Research, National Institute of
Pakistan Studies, Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations and DRSM Library, Quaid-i-
Azam University, Islamabad. I would also like to express my gratefulness to the staff of
Central Library of International Islamic University, Institute of Policy Studies, National
Archives of Pakistan, National Documentation Centre, Election Commission of Pakistan,
National Assembly of Pakistan, Punjab Provincial Assembly Library, Senate of Pakistan
Library, National Library of Pakistan, Department of History, Allama Iqbal Open
University and Reference Cell of Press Information Department, Islamabad. I also owe
gratitude to Prof. Dr. Javed Haider Syed, Prof. Dr. Iqbal Chawla, the staff of the
Department of History and Central Library University of the Punjab, Research Society of
Pakistan, Punjab Public Library, Punjab Archives, Lahore.
I also wish to acknowledge with thanks the help numerous scholars and
intellectual who shared their insight and experience with me during my research; (Late)
Benazir Bhutto, Prof. Dr. M. Rafique Afzal, Ghazi Abdullah, Prof. Ghafoor Ahmad,
Javed Ashraf Qazi, Haider Abbas Rizvi and Raza Rabbani. I am also thankful to Kamran
Chishti, Nadia Mujahid, Shah Farrukh, Muhammad Zulqarnain Akhtar, Tauqeer Ahmad
and Ahmad Bakhsh for their help in understanding Sindhi text, editing and technical
support.
I am deeply indebted to all my friends and well-wishers who were a constant
source of encouragement throughout my work particularly Abdul Basit Mujahid, Dr.
Syed Akmal Hussain Shah, Dr. Tariq Mehmood, Dr. Abdul Aziz Sahir, Dr. Malik
Tauqeer Ahmad Khan, Muhammad Tayyab and Rashid Masood Kalyami, Syed Nasim
Taqi Jaffary and Qari Muhammad Rafiq Shakir.
My all achievements in life would not have been possible without the prayers and
spiritual guidance of my father, Syed Gul Imam Shah (Late), my mother, my brother
Syed Ijaz Hussian Shah my nephew Syed Waqas Hussain Shah and Aiziz Syed, my sons-
in-laws Syed Awais Asghar and Syed Zain-ul-Abideen. My wife Roohi and children
Roheen, Rida and Ali also deserve special thanks as they spared me to concentrate on my
work while they needed my attention the most. I am also grateful to all my family and
friends for their constant encouragement and good wishes.
1
Introduction
Statement of the Problem
Pakistan has multi-cultural society with social and historic norms developed through
evolutionary stages over centuries. The society in Pakistan is not homogenous. It has
multi-ethnic society in four provinces governed under federal principles. Federal form of
government comprises different cultural, social and racial groups. These groups co-exist
in harmony.
The political system of Pakistan is based on parliamentary system with federal
structure and constitution. Under the system, centre works in coordination with the
provincial units. In the ideal situation, mutual cordial relationship is obligatory. However,
in actual practice the centre-province relations had never been normal in Pakistan. The
centre-province tussle had been a perennial feature ofsuccessive governments. Federal
system works on the basis of give and take, i.e. centre and provinces have to voluntarily
draw certain rights for the common good of the federation.
The political landscape of Pakistansince inceptionhas been turbulent. The
institutions based on this system were also unstable. As the system was inherited from the
British who had their own designs to control the land and the peopleby giving them
limited authority, there was no harmony between the centre and provinces. As a result,
power-politics remained the main feature of national politicsthat resulted in strong and
powerful civil and military governments in the country. The principle of sharing of
authority was not adopted. The centre was not ready to transfer power at the lower levels.
The story of bitter centre-province relations started with the tussle between Liaquat Ali
2
Khan and Mumtaz Daultana with reference to the Punjab. Nawab Iftikhar Mamdot, being
a provincial leader, played a key role in this conflict by favoring centre, i.e. Liaquat Ali
Khan. The conditions in other provinces were also not satisfactory as well. The ministries
were not allowed to work independently. The centre was interested to have provincial
ministries of its own choice which was against the spirit of federal system.
After the implementation of One Unit system, the formula of parity further
aggravated the situation. Due to this system,both central and the provincial governments
remained at logger head and as a result Martial Law was imposed in 1958. General Ayub
Khan ruled the country till 1969 on the basis of strong centre by neglecting the provincial
rights which resulted in the separation of East Pakistan.
The One Unit system was annulled on April 1, 1970 by General Yahya Khan and
the Punjab, NWFP and Sindh regained the status of separate provinces as before 1955.
The effect of One Unit and Ayub’s centralist regime created extremeeffects on provincial
autonomy of all provinces especially East Pakistan. Despite some conciliatory steps by
the Yahya regime, the issue and demands of East Pakistan could not be addressedthat
resulted in the separation of East Pakistan and creation of Bangladesh.
Similarly, Balochistan was given the status of province in 1972. It was 25 years
after the independence. The way it was dealt before and after becoming province was the
clear example of Centre’s domination. During Bhutto’s rule the dissolution of provincial
government of NWFP and Balochistan, army action in Balochistan and authoritarian rule
in the Punjab and Sindh were clear indicators of centre’s authoritarian stance.
3
As a result of elections in 1970, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto emerged as savior of the new
Pakistan. The main achievement of Bhutto government was the unanimous acceptance of
the constitution of 1973 by the Parliament. It was hoped that under this constitution
different provincial issues could be resolved and there would be a mutual cordial
relations between the centre and the provinces. However, Bhutto after getting absolute
power became an authoritarian and dealt opposition ruthlessly at all levels especially in
provinces where PPP was not in power.
During Zia regime (1977-1988), the government remained under Martial Law till
1986. The provinces were also governed under Martial Law regulations. However, from
1986-88 a pseudo democracy was installed in the country. Initially, Zia ul Haq adopted
the pattern of Ayub Khan. He revived local bodies system to create his support at lower
level. Under the system, the elections were held first in 1979 and later on, in 1983 and
1987. These elections were held on non-party basis. The local governments established at
that time became helpful for pro-Zia elements to be elected in elections of 1985 which
were also held on non-party basis. Therefore, Zia became successful in getting elected his
hand-picked Parliament, first, in the shape of Majlis-i-Shoora and later on National
Assembly. All provincial governments worked under the new federal government of
Muhammad Khan Junejo. Ironically, Zia had to dissolve the government of his own
choice of Junejo on May 29, 1988 due to power-tussle.
After Zia’s death on August 17, 1988, the caretaker government conducted the
general elections of 1988. General Zia has announced the schedule. Consequent upon the
elections, Benazir Bhutto was elected as Prime Minister. On the other hand, Nawaz
Sharif who was head of Pakistan Muslim League (PML) and Islami Jamhorri Ittehad (IJI)
4
became successful to get control of Punjab as Chief Minister. Both political figures were
poles apart in all walks of life. Inspite of working in coordination with each other under
federal system, both adopted non-accommodating political attitude. Even the working
relations could not to be developed between the two due to rigorous difference at federal
and provincial level. The centre-province relations were mainly dominated by centre due
to upper hand but the Punjab Government also retaliated strongly. It was for the first time
that the Punjab raised voice against centre’s domination and interruption in provincial
affairs.
The study at hand deals with the state of centre-province relations during 1988-93
with reference to the Punjab. An effort is made to explore the causes of disagreement
between the two in historical perspective. The study explores, how the relations became
bitter between the two? Why Nawaz Sharif had to call for ‘Punjabi identity’ and
provincial autonomy? How constitutional provisions were violated by the both, i.e.
Centre and the Punjab.
Scope of Study
The present study deals with developments during 1988-93 at national and provincial
level. It is basically focused on the mutual relations of federal government and Punjab
government. It covers the strategy and policies of PPP in comparison with IJI. The
performance of both as a result of 1988 and 1990 elections is also highlighted. It shows
the attitude and nature of strategy of both the governments toward each other with
reference to their political background. The strategy, manifesto and results of elections
1988 and 1990 are duly covered as they settled the future course of national politics.
5
The study covers the issues of Centre-province relations in its background since
1947. In fact, it had been the desire of every government to have the complete hold over
Punjab because without the control of this province, it was not feasible to govern at
Islamabad. Therefore, the Centre-province relations with special reference to Punjab have
been an important field of study which this dissertation underscores. There is no detailed
study on the topic so for. It is first attempt to analyze this issue and purpose precautionary
measures for future consideration.
Significance of the Study
The study is significant both from theoretical and empirical stand points. Theoretically it
discusses the centre-province relation under the federal, constitutional and democratic
framework. It is of special attention when a grand alliance was established to compete
with a single political party. Empirically, the study examines the nature of centre-
province relations in Pakistan on the whole. The study of interaction of federation and
provinces is important to analyze the mutual sharing of rights and responsibilities. It has
been tried to investigate the factors that led to bitter centre-province relations which
caused division of the country in 1971. These relations had always been overshadowed
by centre’s domination. The relations are the main source of strengthening and
weakening of political and administrative setup of country. The study is also helpful for
the onward smooth running of democratic process. It also covers the strategy of both
Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif for capturing power and dominance over each other
which at last derailed democracy on November 12, 1999.
6
The significant role of IJI during 1988-93 in National politics is focused because
the effects of economic policies of IJI are still functional in our national economy. It is
important to note that mutual relationship of political parties under IJI had a decisive role
in determining their relations at present. The leadership which came in limelight after the
formation of alliance is playing important role in national politics and holding important
positions at the national level.
Context of the Analysis
The Centre-province relations during 1988-93 were mainly overshadowed by right and
left wing political parties i.e. IJI and PPP. IJI was an electoral alliance which worked
effectively till 1993 whereas PPP contested elections on single party basis. The political
parties developed their strategy according to the demands of their effective
constituencies. The division among political parties took place due to their manifesto and
ideology and their role in the parliament as treasury and opposition benches. This ideal
situation can only be achieved in homogeneous societies. The two-party system is not
applicable in heterogeneous societies like that of Pakistan. Due to differences and variety
of culture, language and social norms, the multi-party system flourishes. The multi-party
system may develop an alliance on either side i.e. right or left depending upon the interest
and strategy of constituent parties.
On the same pattern, the IJI was in coalition with right wing parties against PPP in
the elections of 1988. Both IJI and PPP planned to implement their strategy to secure the
membership of the parliament. The coalition had to adopt manifold strategies. The results
of elections 1988 created a hung Parliament according to which PPP took hold at centre
7
whereas IJI established its power base at Punjab by establishing its government. IJI and
PPP tried to improve the bargaining position in national politics. It is a common practice
under authoritarian regime that political alliances are formed under their influence. Same
was the case with IJI which was the idea of General Hameed Gul, the then ISI Chief.
The period of 1988-93 consisted of confrontational politics primarily to degrade
PPP in all manners. The period remained under the shadows of Ziaism and Bhuttoism.
The parties under the banner of IJI had only one common that was to be anti-Bhutto or
anti-PPP. There were a lot of internal differences among constituent parts of IJI. Its
performance during 1988-90 was more effective but after the removal of Benazir Bhutto
it apprehended achieving the goal, for which differences started to come in limelight
during 1999-93 and the alliance broke with the dismissal of Nawaz Sharif government.
Many Asian countries claim to follow the Western standard of democracy but due
to huge difference in democratic norms and values, the civil liberties, citizen partnership,
the elections on the basis of open competition could not be held. Therefore, it is difficult
to maintain western democratic systems in Asian states due to multi-ethnic multi-cultural
societies. The differences and divisions become prominent in the provinces. When a
federation is established by following western system, the federal units do not feel at ease
to coordinate with federation with respect to their own circumstances and as a result the
centre-province relations become bitter. The regional and provincial politics is shadowed
by regional pressure groups or parties which are unable to get national stature. The
repeated military rules also created hurdles in the political development of masses and
political parties. They allowed selective development to the different pressure groups at
8
regional and provincial level which were unable to participate at national level and so
created difficulties for federal setup.
Review of Literature
There is no extensive work so for which deals with the complete exposition of the topic.
However, some books have superfluously discussed it. Most of the works on the period
are insufficient and one single scholarly book about the period 1988-93 is not available.
Authors have expressed about the issues of their own choice. Although a lot of literature
is available about Pakistani politics on variety of issues but there is no exclusive work
available under the title of Centre-province relations. The available sources deal with the
different fields of knowledge which concentrate on the general political changes in
specific perspective. A bulk of work is available about different political parties and
governments but inner view of provincial and central governments has never been
elaborated in connection with their mutual relations under the narrative of federalism.
The relevant information has been obtained from primary and secondary sources.
The primary sources include Constitution of Pakistan 1973, Constituent Assembly
Debates (1948, 1951and 1952)National Assembly Debates(1988,1989and 1993), Senate
of Pakistan Debates(1989) Punjab Provincial Assembly Debates(1988,1989,1990 and
1993)Election Commission Reports about 1988 and 1990, official and unofficial record
and manifestos of PPP and all constituent parties of IJI and IJI’s manifesto on the whole.
Other than these books, journals, reports, periodicals and newspapers have provided
important information. Some information has also been gathered from the interviews of
prominent personalities.
9
Most of the scholarly works cover the issues regarding elite politics, performance
of the government or political economy. The basic ideas of federalism and democracy
have been ignored in certain cases. The internal issues and conflicts of caretaker
governments and election campaigns remain undiscovered.
Available literature with reference to the topic has been placed in different parts.
The first part contains scholarly works, the second part contains work written by retired
civil military bureaucrats and politicians and the third part contains popular literature
about certain important national and political issues. The scholarly works are specific
about the topic and written in authors own perspective. The works written by retired civil
and military bureaucrats and politicians is mostly about their achievements. Some of
them are personal records in the biographies and autobiographies which at certain time
unfold important secrets.
The scholarly works which provide some relevant information about Centre-
province relations in general since 1947, includes Lawrence Ziring’s Pakistan in the
Twentieth Century (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 2003). This book generally
covers the political history of Pakistan but does not focus on any specific era.
Safdar Mahmood’s book Pakistan Political Roots and Developments (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2003), describes about the politics of Pakistan with reference to
its base and gradual evolutionary growth in it. The book provides information about
provincial politics but the relations among provinces and Centre have not been
pinpointed.
10
Muhammad Waseem’s book Politics and the State in Pakistan(Islamabad:
National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1994), has explained the political
activities of political parties about certain issues of federation explaining the importance
of federal system.
Khalid Bin Sayeed’s book Political System of Pakistan (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin Company, 2000) describes the state of affairs of Pakistani politics and
administration of early years up to the period of One Unit. It narrates the provincial
affairs in general.
Saeed Shafqat’s book Civil Military Relations in Pakistan: From Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto to Benazir Bhutto (Colorado: West View Press 1997) explains the nature of civil
military relations with special emphasis on the periods of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to Benazir
Bhutto. It provides information regarding Centre-province relations, electoral process of
PPP and IJI during 1988 and 1990 elections.
M. Rafique Afzal’s book Political Parties in Pakistan, volume 1, 1976 volume 2,
1987 and volume 3 (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research,
1998), is a comprehensive narrative of different political parties and their activities. It has
analyzed the political events but up to Bhutto period.
Ayesha Siddiqa’s Military Inc. inside Pakistan’s Military Economy (Oxford:
Oxford University Press,2007) explains about the role of army in economic development
of the country while concentrating on different phases of political development including
1988-93, during which PPP and IJI were at loggers head against each other, especially,
with reference to the Centre and Punjab.
11
Werinder Grover’s edited work entitled Political System in Pakistan (New Delhi:
Deep & Deep Publications, 1995) contains articles which mainly focus political parties,
elections and regional politics in Pakistan. The article of Hassan Mujtaba,“Mian and
BiBi” contains brief comparative analyses of both with regard to Centre-Punjab tussle.
Muhammad Aslam Syed’s edited work Islam and Democracy in Pakistan
(Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research 1995) explains the
Centre-province relations with reference to Benazir Bhutto’s performance in Saeed
Shafqat’s article.
Shahid Javed Burki’s work Pakistan, Fifty Years of Nationhood (Lahore:
Vanguard books, 2004), explains the conditions of political developments of Pakistan by
giving comparative analyses with reference to all governments of Pakistan which
remained almost failed to tackle the Centre-province differences. The work lacks in
providing proposals for the resolution of these differences.
Muntzra Nazir’s Federalism in Pakistan: Early Years (Lahore: Pakistan study
Centre University of the Punjab, 2008), is more relevant regarding the theory of
federalism which deals the Centre-province relations from 1947-58 which proved to be
the role model for the years to come. The book has historically explained the Centre-
province relations with the necessity of federal system but lacks the discussion about
after effects of strict centralist approach.
Syed Mujawar Hussain Shah’s work Federalism in Pakistan Theory and Practice
(Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University, 1994) is
12
also a related study about Centre-province relations under the theoretical and practical
approach of federalism. The book has explanation of problems and future of federalism.
Among other noteworthy scholarly books which are generally written on
Pakistani politics, political system, administration and provincial politics include
Lawrence Ziring’s works Pakistan the Enigma of Political Developments (Colorado:
West View Press, 1980), Ayesha Jalal’s book Democracy and Authoritarianism in South
Asia (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications. Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political
History of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press 2009), Hassan Askari Rizvi, The
Military and Politics in Pakistan 1947-86(Lahore: Progressive Publishers 1986), Ian
Talbot,Pakistan a Modern History (New Delhi: Oxford University Press 1998), G.W
Choudhary, Pakistan: Transition from Military to Civilian Rule (England Scorpion
Publishing Limited 1988), K.K Bhardwaj, Pakistan’s March to Democracy and
Liberalism (New Delhi: Anmol Publication Private Limited 1996), Louis Hayes, The
Struggle for Legitimacy in Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard books limited, 1986). Although
these works do not provide direct information about Centre-province tussle but the
explanation of political scenario of national politics provide considerable information
about mutual relations of federation and units. However, these works lack comprehension
about Centre-Punjab relations.
The works written by retired civil and military bureaucrats and politicians are
considerable important. The biographies, autobiographies and personal memoirs
published are also helpful in collecting information. Yusaf Raza Gillani’s Cha-e-Yusaf Se
Sadda (Lahore: Nigarshat Publishers, 2006) is an autobiography of Yusaf Raza Gillani,
former PM of Pakistan and renowned PPP politician. The author mainly has explained his
13
family history and also focused on political developments of Pakistan. This book is a
firsthand knowledge of the period from 1988-93 and can be considered as primary
source. The work lacks information about the political approach of IJI.
Javed Hashimi’s work Haan Mein Baghi Hon (Lahore: Sagar publishers, 2005)
can also be considered an autobiography of Makhdoom Javed Hashmi, a prominent
political leader and parliamentarian, former federal minister. The author while explaining
the personal political achievements have reviewed ups and downs of our national political
history. As an eye witness and part of the system, he has overviewed the Centre-Punjab
tussle but lacks the explanation of different critical events of the age. This can also be
considered as primary source.
Suhail Warraich’s, The Traitor within; the Nawaz Sharif Story in his Own Words
(Lahore: Sagar publishers, 2008) is Nawaz Sharif’s biography. The book is mainly
focused on the life history of Nawaz Sharif. The book is based on the information
provided to author by Nawaz Sharif. It has information about the political effort of
Nawaz Sharif. The book lacks information about the performance of IJI as a political
alliance in power and opposition.
Muhammad Ali Sheikh’s work Benazir Bhutto: A Political Biography (Karachi:
Orient Books Publishing house, 2000), narrates the political struggle with special
emphasis to IJI and civil military bureaucracy has been explained. The author being PPP
worker seems more sympathetic with the party leadership.
14
Makhdoom Syed Ghayoor Abbas Bukhari’s work Benazir; Beiti Se Quaid Tak
(Lahore: Multi Media Affairs, 2004), covers the life of Benazir Bhutto as a daughter, a
leader, first woman Prime Minister of Muslim World and lastly as an opposition leader.
The book explains about historical and political developments in Pakistan especially
during 1988-93. The works seems to be one-sided view.
Saleem Younas’s work Siyasi Ittehad aur Pakistani Siasat Par Un Key Assrat,
1947-90 (Lahore: Jang publishers, 1993), contains analyses about political alliances in
political history of Pakistan till 1990. The author has given an overview of political
developments in Pakistan but has not provided the internal politics of alliances.
Hamid Khan’s 8th AmendmentConstitutional and Political Crises in Pakistan
(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1995), Mushataq Ahmad’s Nawaz Sharif Politics of
Business (Karachi: Royal Books Company, 2001) are also important sources about the
time period 1988-93 regarding the politics of PPP and IJI.
Munir Ahmad’s Pakistan Mein Intelligence Agencion Ka Kirdar (Lahore:
Takhleeqat, 2001) and Jurnail Shahi (Lahore: Gora Publishers, 1997), Ahmad Saleem
and Muazzam RazaTabassum’s work Mamdot Se Wattoo Tak Markaz Punjab Tanazia
(Lahore: Zahid Basheer Printers,1996), are books written in journalistic style but provide
information about political changes from 1988-93 with reference to the working of PPP
and IJI. These works do not provide information with regard to references to check their
authenticity. The accounts lack the condition of internal politics but information provided
is helpful to conceive knowledge about the study.
15
The work of Azhar Suhail, Sazishon Ka Daur (Lahore: Feroz Sons Private
Limited, 1990), Prof. Sajid Hassan’s book, Bhutto, Zia, Benazir Talkh Haqqaiq (Karachi:
A.S Publishers n.d), Adeeb Jawidani’s work Benazir Aur Fauj (Lahore: Moon Publishers
n.d), are works about Benazir Bhutto’s politics as PM and opposition leader. Her dealing
and policies with civil and military bureaucracy are also highlighted. These books lack
the critical information.
Abdullah Malik’s Benazir Teen Warastain (Lahore: Maktaba Fikr-o-Danish,
1990), explains the political struggle of three generations of Z. A. Bhutto by explaining
rise and fall of Bhutto’s relation with civil and military bureaucracy and Centre-Punjab
tussle in its historical perspective. The book lacks narration of events. Muhammad Hanif
Ramay’s work Punjab Ka Muqadma (Lahore: Jang Publishers, 1985), effectively
explains the issues of Punjab with federation. The author also stresses the responsibilities
of Punjab and says that it is the responsibility of federation to create inter-provincial
harmony by removing the fear of Punjab’s domination through safeguarding rights of
smaller provinces.
Aqeel Abbas Jaffari’s work Pakistan Ki Intikhbi Siyast provides the information
about the elections held in Pakistan till 1993 by explaining and analyzing the results and
effects of elections with special reference to 1988 and 1990 elections. The book has been
written in journalistic style. Tariq Ismail Sagar’s work, Election 90 (Lahore: Maqbool
Academy, 1990), Muhammad Yasin Rizvi’s accounts of 1988 and 1990 elections are
important sources of information about IJI’s and PPP’s strategies during the period.
16
Tanvir Zahoor’s compiled work, Nawaz Sharif Shakhsiat Aur Karnamay (Lahore
:Fazal Haq and sons publishers, 1991) and Muhammad FarooqQurashi’s work Nawaz
Sharif Qauid-i-Hizab-i-Ikhtalaf Ki Siayat (Lahore: Gora publishers. 1995) contain the
political achievements and his politics struggle as PM and opposition leader. The book
seems to be based on journalistic information.
The internal views from some other important sources include Prof. Ghafoor
Ahmad’s Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto Namzadgi Se Bartafi Tak (Lahore: Zahid Basheer
Printers, 1995), provides comprehensive information about the working of government
with detail discussion of Centre-province problems created during 1988-90. Another
book of Ghafoor Ahmad, Nawaz Sharif Ka Pehla Daur-e-Hukumat (Lahore: Zahid
Basheer Printers, 1996) explains the role of Nawaz Sharif as PM along with the details of
mutual confrontation of PPP versus IJI. These works can also be considered as primary
sources because Prof. Ghafoor Ahmad also had been the General Secretary of JI and IJI
and had insider’s information.
Air Martial (Retd.) Asghar Khan with reference to personal diaries had
compiled,My Political Struggle (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). He was
actively involved in politics during 1988-93 with reference to his own political party,
Tehreek-e-Istaqlal. His other work We’ve Learnt Nothing from History(Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 2005) explains overall historical narrative of Pakistan. The book lacks
detail and focused information regarding political alliances. There are certain other works
about the partial narration of Centre Punjab differences such as, Wakil Anjum, Daultana
Dastan: Mumtaz Daultana ki AapBeati (Urdu) (Lahore: Jang Publishers, 1996),
Tajammal Hussain Anjum, Pakistan: Tarikh-o-Siyasi Jaizay, 1947-1992 (Urdu) (Lahore:
17
Nazir Sons Publishers, 1993), Mushtaq Ahmad, Benazir Politics of Power (Karachi:
Royal Book Company, 2005), Kalim Bahadur, Democracy in Pakistan: Crisis and
Conflicts (New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd., 1998), etc.
Hypothesis
Due to bitter centre-province, particularly centre-Punjab relations had been the root cause
of fragile-democracy in Pakistan. Since independence the issue of bitter center province
relations resulted in the failure of various ministries in Punjab i.e. Mamdot-Dultana tussle
which dragged center in the shape of Liaquat Ali into the provincial affairs. It ultimately
resulted into the dismissal of ministries and imposition of Governor Rule as well which
paved the way of Martial Law and failure of democracy in 1958. The issue basically was
root cause of dismemberment of the country in 1971.The same story was again played by
center in 1988 as well as in1993 without learning any lesson from the past. In real federal
structure, provincial and central governments work in participatory environment, no one
has superiority upon other. It is necessary for the establishment and sustainability of
democracy to have cordial center province relations in any federation.
Methodology
Federalism being an important framework of federal system has not been given due
importance. It could help to maintain cordial relations between centre and provinces as
well as inter-provincial level which might reduce the regional and nationalist tendencies.
Inspite of it the tactics of centralism were adopted which denied the coordination and
participation of provinces with centre with regard to important issue of power sharing and
maintenance of law and order. While writing contemporary history, it is very difficult to
18
find the facts, due to inaccessibility to official record which is confined as classified data.
The important participants’ i.e. political leaders and political parties do not make any
effort to maintain proper record. The others which maintain record are hesitant to share it
with researchers i.e. nature of their electoral politics, their manifestoes, mutual
agreements or details regarding important meetings. Most of such information is gathered
from newspapers and other sources.
The study is descriptive as well as analytical and investigative. It has been
completed after the consultation of a variety of sources. The primary sources have been
supplemented with unpublished and published sources such as National and Provincial
Assembly debates, the constitution and constitutional amendments, Courts Verdicts,
Gazette Notifications and other relevant secondary sources. The available record of
different political parties, newspapers, periodicals and books has been consulted. The
first-hand knowledge has been collected through interviews, biographies and
autobiographies.
The study adopts a chronological approach which has been helpful to explain the
issues comprehensively. Mostly, it focuses on the description of events which have
played decisive role in national history of Pakistan. The study describes the establishment
of federal and provincial governments as a result of 1988 and 1990 elections, formation
of IJI and centre-Punjab confrontation. The investigative approach has been adopted to
gather the correct information after going through different explanations and versions of
the same event.
19
Organization of Study
The study is divided into four chapters. The first chapter covers federalism in its
theoretical and practical perspective. It also provides comparative study of some federal
countries and the role of federation and its supremacy over provincial affairs.
Chapter two explains the historical background of centre-province relations since
1947 with reference to all provinces. It classifies that how federal principles were
violated for which the country had to bear heavy loss of separation of Eastern wing. The
failure of civilian rule and parliamentary democracy were the after effects as well.
Chapter three covers the centre-province relations during first tenure of Benazir
Bhutto 1988-90 as Prime Minister (PM), especially with Punjab where Nawaz Sharif
ruled as Chief Minister (CM). An effort is made to discuss the economic, financial and
political matters which became main cause of difference between both governments i.e.
centre and Punjab and deteriorated onward political process and presented negative
models for future. This chapter also provides information about the elections of 1988 and
resultantly the politics of PPP and IJI at federal and Punjab level. The constitutional
issues of CCI, NFC and Provincial autonomy have also been analyzed with reference to
centre-province relations. The performance of IJI in National Assembly as opposition, its
relations with government and its efforts to dissolve the PPP government are of special
attention. The differences of Benazir with President Ishaq and finally, the dissolution of
her government and Assembly have been analyzed in this chapter.
The fourth chapter covers the centre-province relations of first tenure of Nawaz
Sharif as PM (1990-90). It explains the nature and role of caretaker government
20
established after Benazir’s dismissal, the election 1990, role of IJI, its manifesto,
formation of government of IJI and its internal differences, the standpoint of government
over Gulf issue etc., the constitutional, administrative and financial issues especially
Cooperative Scandal. The issue of difference with President Ishaq and finally dissolution
of Assembly and Nawaz government are worth mentioning. The third and fourth chapters
envisage comparative analysis that how both governments had to face identical situation
which resultantly led to their dissolution. Finally conclusion and bibliography are
presented.
23
Chapter One
Federalism in Pakistan
The system of government in the centre and its units collaborate and cooperate on
voluntary basis may be called federal system. The theory or principles that contain
necessary constituent parts are called ‘Federalism’.1 It deals with the relations between
centre and provinces for the smooth state of affairs. According to K.C. Wheare, federal
principle is the principle under that there is a division of authority so that regional and
central governments may maintain relations on equal basis while remaining independent
in their defined limits.2 Livingston has defined federalism sociologically. He says that the
“Real spirit of federalism is not in its constitutional or institutional structure, but is found
in society”.3 There are varieties of definition of federalism, R.L. Watt’s definition is very
clear. He defines federal concept as,
…a compromise is achieved between concurrent demand for union and for territorial
diversity within a society, by the establishment of a single political system; within that
general and regional governments are assigned co-ordinate authority such that neither
level of government is legally or politically sub-ordinate to the other.4
All scholars agree to the point that distribution of authority is the basis of
federalism. According to Livingston,“…irrespective that how any person defines
federation? The central element of federation is the distribution of authority between
different levels of political authority.”5 The experts of federalism agree upon the fact that
basic elements of federalism is distribution of authority and on the other hand there is
difference of opinion in them regarding the nature of relations between central and
regional governments. The concept of dual federalism and cooperative federalism reflect
these opposite practices. K. C. Wheare argues about the equal status of government at
both levels. He says that the real spirit of federalism is that, both central and regional
24
governments should be mutually coordinated along with being autonomous in their
respective spheres. The concept of dual federalism has been taken from the principle of
K.C. Wheare. It is important for the independent existence of government at both levels.6
A.H. Brich rejects the concept of independent existence of central and regional
governments. He defines the federal system as the system in that there is distribution of
authority between one general (central government) and many regional governments.
There is sense of cooperation and responsibilities in every government while maintaining
its identity and authority. Every government works directly for its people through its
administrative institutions.7
Livingston says that the real spirit of federalism does not lie in its constitutional
and institutional structure but is the part of society itself. He elaborates that the nature of
federation is depicted under the principle of devolution of powers. According to him, the
limit of authority, both at provincial and central levels has been specified by
constitution.8The British constitutional expert Dicey stresses upon the dominant feature
of federalism that also means distribution of authority. He is of the view that the main
objective of establishment of federal states is the distribution of authority between
national government and separate units.9According to him the distribution of authority is
among equivalent units that exist in a country and controlled through a constitution10.
Various scholars defined federalism according to their own point of view but all agree to
the basic essential features of federalism. The distribution of authority is not only the
prominent feature of a federation but also creates new traits of cooperation.
25
Generally, federalism can be considered a system to associate different and
divergent units or regions on the basis of demography, culture or ethnicity into a common
chain. It may be possible under an acknowledged constitution that safeguard the rights
and allocates duties to the units or regions. The authority for that the units surrender their
certain rights to operate on their behalf at central level is called federal authority.11At
present, about twenty eight countries are running their state affairs under the federal
system. Mostly, the countries having large population or vast area adopt the federal
system.
The federal countries are diverse for their social, economic, culture and political
nature. These include small or big countries. Despite of diversity, the federal countries
have common salient features. There are two government systems; one for the whole
country and the other for its sub-regions. Every government is having direct connection
with its citizens for their representation, i.e. the elections.
The sub-regions may be named differently. Nonetheless, they are called federal
units. These are called ‘states’ in Ethiopia, Brazil Australia, India and U.S.A, ‘provinces’
in Pakistan Canada, South Africa and Spain, ‘Cantons’ in Switzerland and ‘Lander’ in
Austria and Germany12. Most of the federal states are ruled under a written constitution.
Federal Government cannot amend its certain parts without the consent and approval of
respective units or provinces. The federal system, under a written constitution clearly
allocates the legal and constitutional authority to the provincial and central governments
respectively.
26
The federalism provides real autonomy to its constitutional units that are
answerable before the Electoral College. The salient features of every federal state depict
its institutional tradition and nature of its autonomy. The democracy and rule of law are
essential ingredients of federalism13. Usually, the undemocratic governments do not
allow the real autonomy to its constitutional units. However, federal countries ensure
autonomy to its federating units. Some of them are strong federations than others. A real
federal country provides real autonomy at both levels i.e. central and provincial. Some
countries avoid the use of word federal for their historical and symbolic political ideals.
They are of the view that it damages their national identity and symbol of colonial
system.
Initiation of Federalism
Most of the federal countries did not exist in present status a century ago. Every country
is diverse with respect to its geographical and political evolution that includes wars,
revolutions, imperial states or peaceful democratic changes. Different autonomous and
reliant federations had common factors of mutual interest and identity due to that they
qualified to survive under federal system. The choice for federal system was due to the
reason that it allows to retain any state or province a sort of autonomy to some extent14.
The countries established with unitary and centralist tendencies could not perform
better in comparison with federal states. Most of them were under dictatorship or
authoritarian rule. They gradually came under the federal structure due to anti-centralist
pressure of democratic and political forces. It was due to the reason that these countries
had cultural, religious, and racial diversity along with economic conflicts.
27
The emergence of federal states during 18th to 20th centuries was due to the
experiences of different countries for building new-system of governments. Switzerland
and U.S.A. emerged as confederation in the beginning of this era. This confederation
worked from 1781 to 1789 when first modern federation of the world emerged having
weak Centre.15 The Swiss confederation passing through the evolutionary changes of five
centuries, at last resulted in the establishment of federal structure in 1848, following the
pattern of U.S.A.16 The first federal constitution of Germany was constituted in 1871
when its administrative structure diminished. Canada initially came in to being in 1827
due to union of three colonies of ‘British Northern America’ that expanded with the
inclusion of more states. It divided its big units in to two provinces that resulted in real
devolution of powers at gross roots level. The six colonies of Australia established
federation in 1901. During the Twentieth Century, many federal countries emerged after
liberation from colonial system such as India, Pakistan, Malaysia and Nigeria.17
Second large tide of emergence of new federations came as a result of decline of
Communism. There was generally federal constitution in Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia,
and Soviet Union. However, in fact, these were under the administration of centralist one-
party system. Gradually, they adopted democratic ways and their relative federal
frameworks became politically important. Bosnia Herzegovina emerged as a separate
federation after its break up from Yugoslavia.18
Meanwhile, new federal countries emerged from unitary states i.e. Belgium that
adopted federal constitution in 1993. South Africa also adopted federal structure after the
end of racial-inequity and introduction of democratic system. The countries like Italy,
Indonesia, Peru and Britain took step forward for transfer of authority to regional
28
governments; however, still they are unable to adopt federal system entirely. Philippine is
also favouring to adopt the new federalism19.
The important example of federalism is European Union that can be considered as
a unique political institution. It is a confederation in nature rather than a federation.
However, it has some federal fundamentals as well, i.e. one currency, no visa requirement
for any European and a sort of common defense, i.e. NATO. Despite of all these facts,
there is still a debate in Europe about the complete adoption of federal system.
Evolution of Federal Countries
The federal countries undergo ‘federal-process’ with the passage of time. Some federal
countries have passed through basic and customary constitutional changes whereas others
have changed under strong constitutions. The formation and development of federal
experience became possible due to the formation of new constituent units, the formation
of civic society, the large demographic and economic changes, the local and international
political development and new democratic experiences.
The most eminent federation, U.S.A carries two hundred years old constitution
that has been amended twenty seven times only, whereas Mexico and Venezuela framed
six and twenty six constitutions, respectively. On one hand, some federal countries
maintained their constitutional continuity; on the other hand some other states
experienced the interruption of dictatorial regimes and revolutions in their constitutional
process. Every federation has passed through gradual changes in due course because of
changes in quantity and nature of constituent units. USA has become centralist despite of
being anti-centralist federation.
29
All politically conscious people have come in mutual contact due to latest
development in communication and information technology. The activities around the
globe have been highlighted. The western parts of U.S.A and Canada and inner areas of
northern Brazil have become more important in this regard. The world wars that were
started for more important national interests of respective countries strengthened the
central governments of different federal countries and they emerged as welfare states.
Different experiences of democracy are of special importance in connection with
the stages of change and formation of ‘federations’. The democracy has created new
power centres in the states such as India though sustained to some extent its identity as
the largest democracy of the world but it went through various experiences in the context
of centre-province relations.20
Federal system is a suitable system though not the only best system. It has
become successful in solving controversial issues of large democracies where there are
cultural, social, ethnic and economic diversities at large. Moreover, it is suitable for the
democracies where large population sought to survive together in different geographical
regions. It is necessary for federal system to provide sense of identity to its units along
with the sense of recognition at regional level in all aspects. Federalism deals with
democratic system of government that has its deep roots in the rule of law and
constitution. It is un-successful in non-democratic countries. The democracy and liberty
can be witnessed where federal frame work is prevalent.
The Federalism and Democracy
Federalism and democracy can survive together and are supportive to each other but the
centralist tendencies of any government damage the spirit of federalism. The Soviet
30
Union, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia were not real democracies during communist
rule, although they had federal constitutions. In those states, the real powers vested with
communist party. There was also complex situation in Latin America that may be
observed in Brazil and Argentina who witnessed dictatorial military style of government
at centre but some time provided free elections in provinces and states. The Institutional
Revolutionary Party controlled elections for many years in Mexico but lost it lost
importance gradually.21Pakistan and Nigeria also experienced the Federal Governments
and dictatorial regimes that replaced each other. Countries like them can be considered as
non-democratic countries federal claimants just for lip-service. However, these countries
became democratic when federal constitutional arrangements flourished. The constituent
units become more powerful at that time.
Generally, the democracies having population more than one Billion are federal.
However, Japan and Indonesia are exceptions that are non-federal democracies, having
regional approach. It is evident that volume of geography and population has its impact
on the successful performance of the governments. In the same manner, the democracies
having demographic diversity often demand for autonomous governments in their
respective regions. Therefore, the states having unitary system are transforming into
federal states because of efficient performance of already existing federations. The
federal democracies also demand rule of law, respect of equal identity, minority rights
and mutual cultural and regional respect. There is emergence of more democracies at
present as compared to twentieth century. For example there were suspicions about
Indian democracy, whether it would sustain as a successful state that has proved it by
surviving fairly otherwise.
31
The Political Dynamics of Federal System
Federations are constituted by different states, provinces or units according to their size,
demography and resources. They may have two or more than two units, the size of units
may vary in respect of population or area that plays an important role in the context of
status and importance in federal affairs. It can also affect efficiency and political motives
of governments.
The factors of population and areas of units included in federation formulate and
determine the politics of federation. USSR and USA had maximum number of such units
i.e. 86 and 50, respectively. None of the units has to consider itself as bigger to curtail the
centralist tendency. Whereas, there are certain federations having superiority of a unit
practically, this causes weak political system, ultimately producing separatist tendencies.
Bosnia Herzegovina consists upon two units having a unit with61% population,
i.e. Bosnia. Comoros consists of three Islands however 51% population lives in Grand
Comoros. Belgium consists of three regions with 58% population in Flanders. Pakistan
consists of four provinces and 56% population lives in a unit, i.e. the Punjab.22
The structure of federation having unequal demographics determines the
performances and policies. Some federal countries have a clear dominant language, i.e.
Argentine, Austria, Australia, Brazil, Germany, Mexico and U.S.A. However, there is
religious and racial equilibrium in the countries. Although, there might be existence of
some significant regional differences yet the federal units are not established on the basis
of race, religion or language. The countries where there is diversity, the citizens feel
proud of their particular identities. The differences among political life gain importance
and come in lime light. The countries where sub regional groups live together, the role of
32
constituent units and shape of federal system, is of prime importance. The structural
diversity of constituent units is over-sensitive as it depends on the co-existence of
federating units. Switzerland consists of twenty complete units and six semi units and one
mountainous rural area having three main languages and two religions. In every unit
either Protestants or Catholics are in majority.
India resisted the existence of states on racial and linguistic basis because of the
potential threat of separatist tendency. Most of the French population of Canada is
concentrated in Quebec whereas in other nine provinces majority of British population
are inhabited. New federal state of Ethiopia was established on racial basis, there is
variety of population still in some states due to those different sorts of problems emerge.
The development of Spain towards federalism encourages the emergence of historical
nationalism in to political units. Belgium is unique in the sense that there is two-tier of
federalism that depicts both geographical and cultural parts. Thirty six states of Nigeria
represent linguistic, racial and religious diversity. There are many racial and linguistics
groups in many constituent units of Russia. The dominant race and language is Russian.
Some federal countries have multi-lingual and multi-ethnic population with
clearly a large minority, i.e. Belgium and Canada or some small minorities, i.e. Spain and
Russia. Majority of the linguistic or racial population are there but none of them is found
in clear majority. Mostly racial, lingual and religious differences counter each others’
intensity that decreases social division like in Switzerland. However, it is very difficult to
solve the mutual intense differences between a dominant group and a weak as compared
to major ethnic groups with almost similar population.
33
There may be any dominant majority group in federated units. Sometime all
dominant groups are neither so much large that they can constitute a unit nor completely
homogenous population to reside in a geographical unit. Therefore, minority rights in
units and minority groups become more important. Hence, it can be calculated that
federalism is helpful in understanding the diversity.
The Distribution of Authority in Federal System:
There are two different ways of distribution of authority in federal system that is Dual
Model and Integrated Model. Dual Model specifies working procedure for every system
of government, whereas, Integrated Model produces common properties and the
constituent units control the Administrative and constitutional affairs. In federalism both
central as well as provincial legislatures have duel authorities, i.e. in some specified
matters one has superiority and on other matters individual government has upper hand.23
According to Integrated Model of federalism some special affairs are prescribed
for one government system e.g. defense that is responsibility of Federal Government.24
Mostly, there are common affairs between centre and units, where Federal Government
perform the duty of constitution making and the constituent units have to follow it. These
units run the affairs under concurrent list. In the Myanmar, the Central Government has
less authority of civil service in its sub-regions. It is limited to special affairs. It is so
called administrative federalism because the authority of constituent units is of
administrative nature. Under such model the policy makers at centre have to specify the
limits of their authority so that constituent units may perform constitution making process
within their limits.
34
The Constitutional Sources of Power
The distribution of authority is vested with the federal and provincial governments under
a specified constitution. The issue of distribution of authority is clearly elaborated in the
constitution of all federal countries for example under American constitution the Federal
Government has power over eighteen subjects and the residual subjects rest with the
provinces. The Indian constitution has three detailed lists according to that the central list
has seventy nine subjects, the state/provincial list has sixty six subjects and concurrent
list has seventy four.25 In most of the federal countries, the judicial explanations and steps
have snatched the real power of distribution of authority e.g. Pakistan. As a result the
federal systems have become more centralist.
The Mechanism of Federal Authority
Although the federal countries have common and important factors that determine the
distribution of power yet there are differences as well. The constitutions vary in their
nature of distribution of power and other authorities. All the administrative matters of a
state that consist of masses reflect the system of government over there. People are not
machines; therefore their temperament may vary after different experiences. The use and
abuse of authority is also exercised by people, therefore, the federal system may be
balanced or imbalanced. However, in any case it depends on equal participation of units
and centre simultaneously. The written constitution specifies the rules of federal system
and there may be flaws in constitution making. Therefore, federal system may not be
completely successful in constitutionally imbalanced countries.
35
Differences and conflicts emerge on the distribution of authority and these are
tackled with the support of judiciary, implication of emergency powers, constitutional
amendments and elections. The traditional way of solving conflicts regarding distribution
of authority is judicial method but other alternate solutions are also there i.e. resolution at
Upper House or referendum. The ultimate step is implementation of emergency that
empowers Federal Government in special conditions to suspend the general authority of
governments of constituent units. The best way to resolve the conflict is the dialogue
through that an acceptable agreement can be achieved. In case of having disagreement yet
the elections are ultimate solution.
The Importance and Kinds of Central Institutions
The political institutions help in elaboration of features of federation and its structure.
The Central Government in a federation consists upon formal and informal institutions
and actions. These affect not only the behaviour and performance of Central Government
but overshadow the federation entirely. Such institutions may be parliamentary or
presidential in their structure, may give importance to the representation of regional or
prominent groups, utilize majority or proportional electoral system in practice and may
give prominence to a dominant political party, two mutually interchangeable parties or
coalition parties of different sizes.
To flourish a healthy federation, the Central Government should fulfill its
constitutional duties to maintain its effectiveness and rights of governance. The national
identity must be in active form and the rights of minorities must be protected. Federal
countries adopted same pattern for administration and constitution making, meant for
presidential and parliamentary system.
36
The Parliamentary-Presidential System and Coalition Governments
The parliamentary-presidential systems and collation governments are multidimensional
with respect to their mutual relations and reactions. The power may converge or diverge
under two administrative branches where executive and constituent institutions may play
meaningful role. There may be congress or coalition, parliamentary or presidential
government systems in federal countries. The cabinet is taken from constituent assembly
and gets confidence from lower house to maintain and perform its responsibilities. In
presidential form of government, president is directly elected by the people and he
nominates cabinet. In this situation neither cabinet nor president requires the confidence
of constituent assembly. There are important differences in such forms of government in
Russia, South Africa and Switzerland.
Presidential structure is laid down on the basis of separation between executive
and legislature whereas parliamentary structure coordinates with both. The parliamentary
system provides strong premier when one party is in exclusive majority in the legislature.
In coalition government the party leaders of cabinet clearly dominate over its members.
Under presidential system even the president’s party may not have domination over
legislature and if it is so the members may become more independent as compared to
parliamentary party government.
The Concept of Upper House in Federalism
The central legislature of federation has balance in representation through representative
population of constituent units. This issue of representation in federal states is normally
redressed in upper houses though it can be presented in lower houses as well. The
election of members and procedure of authority for upper house is vital for the real
37
implementation of federal system. It can be adopted differently by individual country or
state. Mostly federal countries have two parts of legislatures. Both of these houses have
different electoral colleges, i.e. equal representation for every state or unit in upper house
while in lower house representation is population wise, though in parliamentary system
of government most of the time lower house has prerogative to formulate central
government.26
Almost all federations have upper house whose membership represents the
constituent units. The population and area of a constituent unit ensures the formation of a
federation. In central legislatures both aspects have to be considered. The representation
in upper house is based on equal proportion whereas the members of lower house are
elected directly. These members have comparatively more tenure as compared to lower
house. Their electoral district is the whole unit. In federal countries the members of upper
house are indirectly elected by the legislatures of constituent units of federation. In
federal countries process of legislation is performed both by lower and upper houses
especially the legislation that affects provinces.27
In some federations the upper house has equal number of members from their
respective constituent unit i.e. Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Nigeria, Mexico, Russia,
South Africa, Pakistan and United States of America. The Representation in Austria,
Belgium, Canada, Ethiopia, Germany and India is not equal with respect to difference in
population. The representation in Spain is equal for all large size provinces
(Administrative units) but with respect to population there is variation in representation in
some cases. Mexico also gives equal representation to states but elects one fourth of the
senators on proportional representation at national level. Many federations elect the
38
members of this house directly but some federations elect the members of upper house
indirectly e.g. Austria, Belgium, India and Spain etc. In Russia and South Africa the
representatives for upper house are nominated both by the administrative heads and
legislatures. In Germany the provincial governments (Landers) send their delegations to
senate. In Malaysia 38 % members are nominated by state legislative institutions and rest
or nominated by minorities. Canada has non-elected senate whose members are
nominated by governments that serve till 75 years of age.28
There is no permanent procedure to delegate power to upper house in federation.
There are two extremes; in some cases upper and lower houses has equal authority on
important issues like agreements, declaration of wars, appointments at higher level etc.
On the other extreme upper houses only review the bills and having nominal formal
procedural authority. But in federations the existence of upper houses is essential. For
example the senate of United States of America has all powers of House of
Representatives. It can itself approve agreements, appointments and declarations of war.
The upper house in Australia, Argentina, Brazil and Switzerland has absolute power of
rejecting any legislation.
The Political Parties
The structure of federation is based upon political parties. The political parties and the
whole political system is the essence of collective political experience of the society and
realized by electoral laws and constitutional arrangements. Federation is having one-
party, two-parties or multi-parties system. Generally, the parties working at federal level
are expanded to unit or province level though there can be some exceptions. The political
parties and electoral laws play decisive role in practical implementation of a written
39
constitution.29The political parties having representation in legislatures can amend the
constitution if required.
The Constitutional Foundations of Federalism
The necessity of a written constitution is of pivotal importance for the specification of
authority between central and regional governments without mutual interference.
Therefore, the constitution is the supreme law of a state from that power is derived by
both governments. The governments based on federalism always give prime importance
to constitutions.30 Effective federal system must be safeguarded by constitution. The
framework of authority for federal and provinces is specified by constitution. A
constitution may be the symbol of a country’s integrations. Constitution may be different
with respect to its periods and features. The written constitution is necessary for federal
system so that responsibilities of each governmental level may be specified. A
constitution should at least constitute such basic institutions that may strengthen the
federal system. The federal constitutions may vary at large with each other. The
constitutions of old federal states were very brief as compared to modern states. The
classical constitutions were written before modern government systems and they are
either silent or indifferent about important government responsibilities of present age.
The brief constitutions are more flexible as compared to those that have long lists
of powers of governments. It is very important that what should be in written constitution
and what in moral obligations or traditions. The law makers may legislate for
strengthening their symbolic status or may arrange extraordinary safety for constitutions’
security or both options may be exercised. The factors of constitutional probability,
accepting the status of minorities, language rights and religion may play an important role
40
in the union or division of any population some represent constitutions having focus on
economic and social rights. There must be consensus about sanctity of constitution.
The autonomous government systems in federations create the necessity of any
constitutional mediation way for resolving an issue regarding constitutional capability
between centre and its units, such character is specified for courts of law. Federal
constitutions should give solutions to possible complications regarding constitutional
authority between centre and province. Whenever there is a bone of contention regarding
authority on an issue constitution must specify the supremacy of one upon the other.
There must be strong and independent judiciary for the rule of law. In most of the federal
systems the apex code has ultimate authority for the solution of constitutional
controversies.
There is a special procedure for amendment in federal constitution, i.e. consent of
specific majority of legislatures or the units. It is a difficult process and the federation has
to seek for alternate ways of constitutional amendment. It is also suitable for such
federations where federal principles are practiced for constitutional amendments. It is
important to note that sustainability of federations depends upon flexible constitution.
The politic regarding amendments may lead to disorder and chaos. Consequently,
federations are ever in search of alternates for constitutional amendments. The necessity
of a written constitution is of pivotal importance for the specification of authority
between central and regional governments without mutual interference. Therefore, the
constitution is the supreme law of a state that derives power for both governments. The
governments based on federalism always give prime importance to constitutions.31
41
To ascertain the powers of central and regional governments, there is need to have
jurisdiction of power of the both. If there is explanation of powers of federal units in
constitution then its objective is to strengthen the federal sovereignty and limit federal
units. Secondly, when the powers of Federal Government are mentioned in constitution
then rest come under discretely powers of states or provinces. Subsequently, its object is
to limit Federal Government’s authority.32
The Rights in Federal Constitutions
Federations are established on the basis of division of authority between central and
provincial legislature. Such powers are especially framed in constitutions. There are
many types of written rights in constitution that are elaborated in different ways. The
basic rights are political, legal, economic and educational. In some constitutions social
and economic rights are put forth to be attained and hence become objectives rather than
implemented rights.
The Role of Judiciary
Another important feature of federalism is the existence of a supreme federal court that
may elaborate different sections of constitutions and may decide controversial
constitutional issues. That may be created due to use of authority between central and
regional governments. The legal status of courts is very much important in judicial
interpretation of constitution. The appointments of judges and their time limit play
important role in this connection. The judges are not answerable to people directly. The
judicial procedure for the decision of controversies is kept balanced by political means33.
The judicial interpretation is sought in case of any controversial issue regarding
constitution.
42
All central and provincial governments working under federation must have
written constitution under which the powers are explained in such a way that no
government can interfere in to others’ affairs. The constitution is a supreme law of a
state. It is necessary to acknowledge constitution as supreme power if any state follows
the rules of federalism. Another important feature of federalism is the existence of
supreme federal court whose duty should be to explain the clauses of constitution and
decide the controversies that may arise between central and provincial governments due
to exercising these powers.34
The Emergency and Unlimited Powers in Federations
There may be deviation from the principles of federal system due to emergency situation.
The Central Government in Canada can prevent Provincial Legislature to perform such
responsibilities that are federal but withheld practically. In India, provincial government
can be dissolved by Presidential Ordinance whereas this presidential authority was meant
for emergency situation. In Nigeria the President can suspend government for a specific
period by declaring emergency, it has happened once over there. The President has the
powers of declaring emergency in Russia and even he has the authority to suspend such
sections of the laws of its units that he considers contradictory to the Federal
Constitution, agreements, human rights or liberty. Argentina has witnessed federal
intervention in provincial affairs for 175 times due to that many governments were
toppled over there. The courts had avoided to give any verdict considering the decisions
as political. In Pakistan, Federal Government can appoint Provincial Governors, can
endorse Governor’s decision of dissolving provincial assembly and can nominate the
interim provincial governments and give them directions on important issues. The
43
constitution of South Africa empowers Central Government to command the provinces
and even take over the charge directly.
The Federalism in Pakistan
Federal system has gained popularity in developing countries. Mostly it has become
effective in Pakistan, India, Nigeria and Malaysia. According to M. Beloff, “Federal
system is getting such an importance that was not possible before.”35Federalism is
considered as a political solution of those Asian and African countries that remained
under foreign yoke.36
In 1935, British Government introduced an extremely centralist federal system in
India. The British Indian laws did not show any tilt towards federal system. The
opposition of Indian National Congress (INC) and All-India Muslim League (AIML) also
proved to be a hurdle in practical implementation of federal system. The Hindu-Muslim
differences were very much deep-routed and could not be solved even under All-Indian
Federation. At last British Government had to accept the demand for partition. After
independence, Pakistan introduced the federal scheme. During the struggle between the
forces of unity and diversity, federalism was the only applicable system that could keep
united, different cultural groups under one central government.
The elaboration of limit of authority in a federation is to check the ruling authority
of central and regional governments. The elaboration of authority also specifies the limit
of federal units along with strengthening federal sovereignty. In the second case, the
elaboration of authority of Federal Government along with residual powers with
provinces specifies the limits of Federal Government e.g. USA and Australia.
44
The Federal Society
Federalism is a way that unites divergent ethnic, linguistic and cultural groups under one
central government. Through it the opposite forces can be put together in a homogeneous
way. This is the federal society that enables government to adopt federalism. Any state
adopts federalism when nature of its society is federal. Micheal Stean calls that society
federal that has multi-cultural and multi-racial features as its constituent parts.37
Livingston considers different groups that are organized geographically are a necessary
feature of federal society.38
On the basis of these definitions, Pakistan can be declared as a state having
federal society. It is multi-racial and multi linguistic state. Its constituent units are the
Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. None of its area can be declared as
composition of one ethnic group. Therefore, a pluralistic society is the pre-requisite for
the establishment of a federation. The federation is the demand of such a divergent group
that wishes to be organized in to a political entity, while maintaining their separate
individual identity. According to R. L. Watts’s federalism is a system that bestows
authority to regional and central governments equally by creating homogenous conditions
in all the circumstances.39 According to constitutional aspects such groups should be
united for the attainment of common goal under a central government40 and these groups
wish to be organized for other objects under regional governments. Both the governments
are independent and cooperative with each-others in this specific sphere.41 The element
that is necessary for the establishment of a Federal Government is the units’ desire of
integration without leaving their cultural identity. The establishment of federal system in
Pakistan and India is not due to any conscious effort. The people of both the countries
45
became habitual to live under this system under British Rule, inadvertently. The federal
units of both the countries remained under imperial control and were not in a position to
adopt any system of their own choice. Under the act of 1935, the clause of provincial
autonomy provided a logical federal base for future leadership of these countries. The
Lahore Resolution 1940 provided the blue print for federal tendency for the future state
of Pakistan.
The regional leaders collectively fought the war of independence against the
British. Hussain Shaheed Suharwardi and Maulvi A.K. Fazlul Haq from Bengal and G.M
Syed from Sindh collaborated with AIML for the attainment of common cause. The
federal system in Pakistan can be declared the result of conscious efforts on the basis of
common religion and threat of common enemy. This common conscious effort was made
by the regional and national leaders of that time. There was no resistance in the
establishment of federation. Only Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan objected and boycotted the
plebiscite in NWFP. Later on, he adjusted himself with the ideology of Pakistan. He
attended the first session of Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and demanded NWFP to
be named like other provinces i.e. the Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan.42 Therefore, it can
be assumed that keeping in view the existence of pluralistic society in Pakistan; federal
system was not only adopted in the Interim Constitution of 1947 but sustained by all the
future constitutions.
The ruling elite in Pakistan had no clear vision about system of governance. It
continued to experience different shades and designs to continue their own policy based
governance through the parliamentary and presidential system, direct and indirect
elections, party or non-party base elections just to maintain their writ. The present
46
political system has become so much confused that many people considered the autocrats
and dictators as visionary leaders because they provided some sort of continuity and
sustainability in the country. The political maneuvering continued during all regimes and
no effort was made to change unitary like system in to federal structure under
constitution. The tendency for peace and polarization is different in all societies.
According to Raiker, the fear of common enemy and the leaning towards regional
expansion are the factors that persuade national as well as regional leaders to adopt
federal system.43
The common historic experiences, desire to get liberation from imperialism,
economic interest, regional autonomy and common religion are the binding elements,
whereas the ethnic and linguistic differences are opposing factors.44 As for as Pakistan is
concerned the common historic experiences, Islam, the fear of Hindu domination,
economic interest and the leadership of Jinnah were the binding factors in early days of
Pakistan that later on faded out because of geographic, ethnic and linguistic issues and
their mishandling.
The Foundation of Federalism in Pakistan
The federal system was the only way of action in Pakistan through that the balance could
be maintained between diversified challenges and pressures. These pressures were of
geographical, cultural, linguistic, historic, religious and military in nature.
The main reason for adoption of federalism was the demand for provincial
autonomy. Provincial autonomy has historic background. The Muslims of India during
British rule demanded provincial autonomy for the reason that they would be able to form
their own government in Muslim majority provinces.45 This demand could be fulfilled
47
under federal system only. Under the Government of India Act 1935, such federal system
was introduced first time in India in which limited provincial autonomy was granted. The
federal scheme was exhibited in the Elections 1937 that brought INC Ministry in power.
The working of Ministry further enhanced the desire for liberation among Muslim that
was later on fulfilled by the Lahore Resolution.46 “The areas where Muslims are in
majority as is in the north western and north eastern parts of India may together form
Independent States whose constituent units should be autonomous.”47
Later on, the resolution was amended in 1946 in AIML Legislature’s Convention
through that the establishment of a Muslim state comprising of north western and north
eastern provinces was put forth.48The members who were demanding more provincial
autonomy for provinces in Constituent Assembly stressed that provincial autonomy was
guaranteed in the Lahore Resolution, 1940. After the creation of Pakistan, the Act of1935
was amended. However, the efforts were made to bring out consensus for the formation
of first constitution of Pakistan, in which the question of provincial autonomy was most
important. The draft of constitution was objected by certain leaders that it had violated
the sprite of Lahore Resolution that had given the concept of autonomous provinces.49
Same type of explanation was also given in the Twenty One Point Agenda of United
Front in 1954; in that it was stressed that East Bengal would get complete autonomy
according to Lahore Resolution, 1940.50
The statement of Quad-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah in an interview in 1946
also strengthened the view of regional autonomy. Jinnah explained that the federal units
in Pakistan would have the same type of autonomy as was found in the constitutions of
48
USA, Canada and Australia. Only some powers would remain with the Central
Government as finance, defense and other federal responsibilities, Jinnah declared.51
However, an extremely centralist federal system was established in Pakistan
having amendments in the Government of India Act 1935. The Central Government had
strong control over constitutional, financial, administrative and political affairs due to
which the administrative frame work of country was hardly federal in nature.52The
condition of centre-province relations has always remained bitter due to absence of
federal concepts. The federal system has not been implemented in letter and spirit. In
practice centralism was working. The people in power in Pakistan since 1947 have
tendencies of centralism. In this context it can be calculated that federal system in
Pakistan is an agreement between forces of unity and separation.
The Balance of Power in Federation
This is a must for the smooth running of affairs between centre and provinces that the
balance of power exist, otherwise, units or provinces feel deprived and when their
deprivation leads to optimum level the ultimate result is separation from the federation.
The factors of unity and disintegration that act opposite to each other must be in balance
for the survival of system. According to Stein, the balanced mutual conscience and
balanced social and economic affairs can lead the units to form federal union.53 The
balance among conflicting forces can be maintained through interdependence in national
and regional affairs. In Pakistan, the federal balance could not be maintained due to
stronghold of centre upon provinces as well as superiority of bigger province over the
others. The balance between centripetal and centrifugal tendencies is a herculean task and
sensitive affair too. Therefore, the nature of federal system does not remain the same in a
49
society where there would be severe cultural and linguistic differences. The forces of
conflict always continuously pressurize the implementation of real system. Therefore, the
system remains always in tumbling condition between centralism and regionalism.
There are four elements of centralistic tendency;
a) The over-whelming authority of centre is envisaged in constitution as in Canada,
India and Pakistan. The constitutions of USSR and West Germany have also the
concept of strong centre.
b) The federal lust for power that is found at different stages in federal states, as in
USA, India and Pakistan.
c) The absence of constitutional safeguards because of that federal interruption
cannot be checked in several affairs. There is an apparent deficit of such
safeguards in constitutions of India and Pakistan that causes the need for strong
centre.
d) The provinces lack the ability to save their rights from interruption of centre as in
case of Germany and USSR.54
The regionalism and provincialism flourishes under the following conditions;
a) The presence of staunch racial differences in federal society as in Canada,
Pakistan and India.
b) Centralism beyond limits with dictatorial style of governance is the main element
in propelling regionalism in Pakistan that is the most dangerous trend for
federation. As the regionalism exceeded limits in the cases of USSR and
Yugoslavia resulted in disintegration.
50
c) The weakening of mutual binding forces, like the threat of foreign aggression and
religious fraternity are the spirits of living together as political entity. However,
the Wide range of economic imbalance between federal units causes frictions.
d) The superiority of one region on other due to political, economic or administrative
factors e.g. the domination of Punjab in Pakistan and Northern States in India
ignite feelings of regionalism.
e) The existence of regional or racial based political parties as found in Pakistan also
promotes required tendencies.55
f) The huge economic imbalance between the provinces as the case in India as well
as in Pakistan has overwhelmingly damaged the foundation. The case of East
Pakistan is in point.
If the centralism beyond its limits is not checked and bound constitutionally, it
develops in to unitary system or collapses itself as in Soviet Union. The system may
collapse itself if the constituent units start resisting constitutionally as was in East
Pakistan in 1971.If the rise of regional powers is not checked politically and
constitutionally then it is dangerous for the administrative solidarity of a state. The
emerging movements of provincial autonomy in Pakistan and India reflect the increasing
trends of regionalism in federal states. In case of Pakistan the political institutions have
not been allowed to work under democratic process and the constitution have also not
provided proper safeguards against undue interruption of the centre, therefore, the
disturbing trends flourished due to federal encroachments.56
51
The Federalism in Sub-Continent
The constitutional reforms of 1919 were an initial step towards the implementation of
Federalism. It was meant to acknowledge such steps due to that province would be
autonomous in their affairs. The essence of Montagu-Chelmsford reforms depicted the
British inclination for the establishment of federal union in any shape under British
Empire.57 Under the reforms, the initial steps had to be taken for the gradual
establishment of a responsible government.58 Therefore, the provinces were given
maximum autonomy in their provincial affairs that could be suitable for fulfillment of the
responsibilities of government of India. Before the Act of 1919, the British Government
maintained its rule in three ways over provinces by;
a) Controlling financial affairs
b) Controlling legislation
c) Interfering in daily administrative affairs
The law pointed out the establishment of responsible government in provinces by
limiting the role of centre in above mentioned issues. The authority of legislative process
was classified into two parts i.e. central and provincial. Due to that, such affairs were
called central that needed unanimous legislation or that were concerned about two or
more than two provinces. The provincial affairs dealt with particular provinces. The
Diarchy System was also introduced in provinces and subjects were divided into two
parts i.e. reserved subjects and transferred subjects. Practically, this division consisted of
three steps i.e. central, reserved and transferred. The reserved affairs were actually under
the federation because these were under the control of Provincial Governor who acted as
representative of Central Government.
52
The dependency of Provincial Government on Central Government in provincial
affairs was reduced apparently. The financial affairs were divided between Central and
Provincial Governments. The base of proposed policy to liberate provinces financially
from centre was Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms that clearly mentioned that the provincial
autonomy would be meaningful when provinces would not depend on government of
India for their developmental resources.59
While keeping in consideration the authority of Governor General and Provincial
Governor, it can be said that autonomy given to provinces was limited; the Governor
General had vast authority for transferred rights to supervise and regulate the Provincial
Government whereas for reserved rights Governor General along with Council was
answerable to British authorities at London. The Governor General had special powers
under that he had authority to interfere in provincial administration that were branded as
safeguards.
The Provincial Governor was answerable only to Central Government that was
his appointing authority. Therefore, he could reject the decisions regarding law and order,
provincial interest or any part of it. The 1919 Act did not introduce a responsible
government at centre. The status of Government of India was subordinate or slave like
that always worked as subordinate to Central Government under His Majesty and
Governor General was always answerable to British Government at London for control
and administration of government at India.
The real weaknesses of these reforms were reveled when these were implemented.
The Minority Report of the Reforms Inquiry Committee 1924 pointed out that in absence
of principle of collective responsibility of ministries and dominancy of Governor had
53
checked the process of evolution of government in provinces. The Governor desired to
deal the issues individually in spite of dealing collectively at ministerial level that
weakened the position of government60.
The 1919 act could not meet with the expectations of Indians because they were
demanding self-government. The Indian government established a commission in 1927
called Simon Commission to review the Indian affairs. It was the result of gradually
increasing Hindu Muslim differences and general political unrest. The Simon
Commission was established under section 84-A of Government of India Act 1919.
According to the Commission the Federal Government was the only government under
that different state or provinces could be united to maintain their internal autonomy
despite having vast differences. The recommendations of Simon Commission became the
base of Round Table Conferences of 1930-32 and Government of India Act 1935.
Keeping in view the multi ethnic population of India and Hindu Muslim confrontation,
the British Government considered federalism as practicable solutions of all issues. The
federal pattern was the only solution to join both entities through a common
constitution.61By adopting the federal system a new kind of legislative powers emerged
those were different as provided in the Act of 1919. The Government of India Act
presented three lists;
a) Federal list (consisting of 59 affairs)
b) Provincial list (consisting of 54 affairs)
c) Concurrent list (consisting of 36 affairs common for both)
There was no such prior example of distribution of powers like this. Both
governments were empowered to legislate in concurrent list. In case of contradiction the
54
federal law was considered supreme and provincial law was being considered null and
void. Regarding residue powers no special powers were given. However, the Governor
General could use the discretionary powers with regard to any provincial or federal
legislature that was not mentioned in all these lists.
INC and AIML had contradictory views about centralism. INC favoured it while
AIML demanded ‘weak centre’. AIML was afraid that Hindus could capture Central
Government due to their majority and it was expected that Muslim would be able to
establish their government in Muslim majority areas. INC favored strong centre due to its
numerical strength therefore the proposal of three lists was a conciliatory effort between
the colliding interests of Hindus and Muslims.
The safeguards for special responsibilities and discretionary powers of Governors
and Governor General reduced the federal features of Government of India Act 1935. The
British Government was not prepared to withdraw from Indian affairs. The limitations
implemented in federal and provincial legislations were its proof. The clear objective of
establishing extremely centralist federal system under the act of 1935 was to hold India
under imperialistic designs of the British.62
The federal section regarding Central Government could not be implemented.
Firstly, the ruler of states (Rajas or Nawabs) were not agreed to join federation. Secondly,
INC and AIML rejected federal section due to extraordinary powers of Governor
General. Although, AIML was ready to cooperate with the British Government regarding
implementation of provincial autonomy so that it could get a chance to establish its
governments in Muslim majority provinces. INC firstly condemned the both parts of Act
of 1935; that is federal and provincial but later on agreed to join the government.
55
The provincial scheme of Act of 1935 was introduced and resultantly elections of
1937 were held in the provinces. INC established its ministries in the eight provinces.
Muslims suffered badly during this period. The sense of suspicion and threat regarding
culture, language and religious identity was strengthening. Federalism is a popular
formula to curb social differences but it cannot work where communal differences are of
severe and basic nature.63 The Indian federation was not capable of decreasing the gulf of
communalism between Hindus and Muslims. According to Jinnah the Hindu-Muslim gulf
could not be bridged, hence Indian federation would become the basis of civil war.64
The experience of INC Ministries 1937-39 forced the Muslims to think that their
future would not remain safe under the proposed Indian Federation. Sindh Provincial
AIML rejected the federal scheme of 1935 in a resolution passed in 1938. It stated that
the concept of united India could not flourish due to sever differences of religion,
language, dialect, culture, social laws and ways of life of Hindus and Muslims.65
AIML passed a resolution in 1939 regarding the federal scheme of 1935 that
stated that AIML would opt for other alternate schemes due to failure of provincial
scheme to safeguard Muslim interest.66In another resolution passed in 1939 AIML
opposed any other federal object that might have resulted in the rule of majority.
Moreover, it stressed British Government to review the provincial constitutional
problem.67
There was a prominent change in AIML’s policy after 1938. AIML was pleading
previously for a week centre and rest of powers for provinces but then it started
demanding the establishment of separate Muslim state.68 The regular demand of a
56
separate homeland of Muslims was made in Lahore Resolution in 1940 by All India
Muslim League. The reaction of AIML about the British proposals for constitutional
issues of India in coming years showed a radical change e.g. demand of complete
independence instead of provincial autonomy. While rejecting the concept of United
India Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah stated in 1946 that “We are opposite to their
concept of United India where there is a Central Government in the name of Federal
Government or by other name. It will mean that we will shift from British Raj to Hindu
Raj. United India will be the racial and cultural domination of Hindus on Muslims whose
civilization, culture and life style are totally different.”69
The British Government made many efforts to reach any settlement between INC
and AIML. In 1942 Sir Stafford Cripps visited India and submitted his proposals to the
British Government. He proposed to establish All Indian Union comprising the provinces
and Indian states. The constitutions of union were proposed to be prepared by a
Constituent Assembly consisting upon the nominated representative of Indian states and
elected members of provincial constituent assemblies. He further explained that the
provinces must be empowered to get separation from Indian union. Both the AIML and
INC rejected the proposals due to their own reasons.INC rejected on the basis that it
considered the right of separation of provinces from union as a severe blow to the unity
of India. For AIML these proposals were un-acceptable for the reason that it was not
possible to establish Indian Union due to failure of conciliatory efforts between Hindus
and Muslims. The only practicable solution was the division of India into two separate
entities according to the Muslim League.70
57
After the failure of Cripps Mission, British Government once again made
conciliatory efforts to reconcile on the issues between Hindus and Muslims. In 1946,
after having long deliberations with INC and AIML Sir Pathic Lawrence, the then
Minister for Indian Affairs, who was heading Cabinet Mission presented his plan. The
Mission under the leadership of Sir Pathic Lawrence proposed for All India Union
consisting of provinces and Indian states having powers of foreign affairs, defense and
communication. The all residuary powers were given to the provinces. According to this
scheme a Constituent Assembly was to be established consisting upon the nominated
representative of Indian states and elected members of the provinces. Three groups would
be constituted comprising all the provinces;
Group A consisting of Hindu majority areas
Group B consisting of North Western Muslim majority provinces
Group C consisting of North Eastern Muslim majority provinces71
The Cabinet Mission Plan can be called an effort to bring about a viable
consensus between INC demand of retaining United India and AIML demand for
partition. The grouping of provinces was aimed to maintain the unity of India to certain
limit along with the acceptance with self-autonomous government of Muslims in Muslim
majority areas. AIML announced to accept the plan because it contained their demand of
centre with limited powers. Furthermore, AIML was expecting that the proposed
grouping of provinces would transform into a separate state because it considered the
grouping proposal as an essential part of the scheme. However, the INC was against the
proposal of essential grouping, it tried to explain the proposal not as irrevocable part.INC
and AIML had clear differences on the report of Mission. INC’s justifications were self-
58
concocted, whereas the Cabinet Mission clearly explained the reasons for including
proposal of grouping. Any amendment to the draft could only is made with the consensus
of the concerned parties.72
AIML joined Interim Government but refused to participate in the proceedings of
the Constituent Assembly. British Government and INC were of the view that the
constitution approved by the Constituent Assembly would be un-acceptable for the
Muslim majority provinces without the participation of AIML. The only solution for the
communally divided India was the partition of India. To materialize the partition, British
Parliament approved Indian Independence Act 1947.
With the establishment of two independent dominions, the British Rule came to
an end in India including states. The unlimited powers given to Governor General and
Governors were withdrawn under the Act and then they were unable to exercise
discretionary powers. From constitutional point of view, establishment of the state of
Pakistan was a fruit of Indian Independence Act 1947. The Government of India Act
1935 that was adopted as Interim Constitution of Pakistan proposed the federal type of
government that continued to be practiced later on.
The Interim Constitution of Pakistan remained applicable until the introduction of
the Constitution1956. According to the 1947Act, the federation of Pakistan comprised of
the following areas; four provinces, i.e. East Bengal, Western Punjab, Sindh and North
West Frontier Province and Balochistan. Moreover, it would also include the capital
Karachi, and all those areas and states that would join Pakistan later on.
59
The Legislation and Dominance of Centre
The federal structure established under the Interim Constitution was extremely centralist.
The centre had absolute powers to amend the Interim Constitution. The amendments
done after independence increased the limit of central authority. The provinces really
became subservient to the centre for financial and other resources. This process negated
the federal principle about interdependence of regional and central governments.73Under
section 9(1) of Indian Independence Act 1947, the Governor General had discretionary
powers to amend the constitution that were delegated to the Constituent Assembly in
1949.
After amending section 102 of Government of India Act 1935, the emergency
powers of Governor General were increased. Under the section, he could impose
emergency incase of any threat to solidarity of the country, whereas, under amended
section 102, he could announce emergency in case of threat to economy of Pakistan as
well. The context of the amendment was influx of six million people from India to
Pakistan. The objective of the Amendment Bill was to extend the authority and power of
centre but due to gravity of the situation most of the assembly members did not oppose
it.74 Khwaja Nazimuddin favoured the bill and stated that influx of a great number of
Muhajirs to Pakistan was a serious issue. The centre came forward to cooperate for the
solution of issue.75 According to another amendment in 1948, a central police force was
established to deal with specific crimes in the jurisdiction of provincial and central
governments.
60
Following the precedent, in 1952 the issuance of preventive detention order was
included in the concurrent list and excluded from provincial list.76The clear objective
behind was to make centre more powerful to legislate and maintain law and order.
According to Abdul Sattar Pirzada, the increase in smuggling and black-marketing
created shortage of commodities; therefore, it was necessary to take the power of
legislation with reference to preventive detention from provinces.77 The section 102 of
the constitution had curtailed provincial autonomy. Under the same section Quaid-i-
Azam declared emergency in August 1948 due to heavy influx of Muhajirs to tackle the
situation that might have created problem for the solidarity of country. As a result centre
directed state and provinces also to settle Muhajirs in their provinces. Pakistan was
passing through very sensitive period of its history. According to the Dawn the ruling
elite must have in the mind, welfare of people and solidarity of state at large.78
There was another powerful tool with the centre to control provinces through that
centre’s rule could be imposed on provinces, i.e. Section 92-A. Prime Minister Liaquat
Ali Khan, while introducing the said section, stated that the centre was empowered to
take control of the provincial authority. By exercising the powers, Mamdot Ministry was
dismissed and provincial control was being taken by the centre. Later on, this power was
being used many times.
By suspending constitutional machinery, this power was first time exercised in
1951 in Sindh, second time in 1953 in Punjab and third time 1954 in East Bengal. These
steps had sound reasons in both the cases, i.e.in Punjab during anti-Qadiani movement
and in East Bengal the failure of provincial administration due to that murder of 400
61
people took place in May 1954 in a day.79 Centre mostly poked in provincial affairs to
achieve ulterior motives as it happened during 1954-1955, in Sindh, Punjab and NWFP.80
The Centre’s Dominancy in Financial Affairs
In a real federation the states or provinces should be autonomous in their financial affairs.
In this regard K.C. Wheare states that, the grants if they are rank as independent sources
of revenue must not depend, of course upon the good will of contributing government.
They must be obligatory contributions about that the contributing government has no
discretion.81
The Government of India Act 1935 clearly explains the provincial and central
areas in the context of revenue. Main sources of revenue were given under the control of
centre, whereas provinces had the right to keep the income generated from taxes under
their custody. Moreover, in some cases both centre and provinces were shareholders.82
The extraordinary conditions and increasing defense expenditures made it necessary to
review the financial arrangements of pre-independence period. It was decided in a
conference held in November, 1947, of provincial and central representatives that centre
would not specify the share of provinces in taxes until the extra ordinary defense situation
continues. The centre would take directly the sales tax also and it would be distributed
between centre and provinces.83
Due to extraordinary conditions of that period and financial difficulties confronted
by centre, the provincial representatives agreed that the provinces would withdraw their
rights in the favour of centre. Therefore, the policy of giving provincial share was
postponed. The income of sales Tax was temporarily given under the custody of central
government. According to the Government of India Act (amended 1948) the Central
62
Government could collect and implement Sales Tax and its proposed share could be
given to provinces. The Government of India Act was amended fourth time in 1950 and
the extension was given in time limit till March 1952. It was also decided that the 50% of
the export duty of jute would be given to jute producing provinces, but according to
Governor General’s order the section was amended and centre’s share out of export duty
was increased to 62.5%.84
During the initial years, Pakistan faced the issues of solidarity of state, provincial
and national reconstruction. Under those conditions centre had to stop provincial grant
and provincial sources of income like collections of Sales Tax and succession duty were
transferred to centre. The temporary shifting of Sales Tax was declared permanent under
the Government of India Act, 1935(amended in1952). Because of the arrangements,
during the financial years 1951-52 the Federal Government had surplus amount of 290
million rupees. The Chief Minister of East Bengal Nur-ul-Amin agitated against the
permanent domination of centre upon the financial revenues of the province.85Due to
adverse relations with India since the emergence of Pakistan, it has become need of the
hour to strengthen country’s defense. It increased defense expenditures enormously; as
the situation prevailed at that time the main chunk of budget went to defense. The
solidarity and survival of country was so important and vital that provincial financial
requirements were sacrificed and as a result the domination of federation was established.
The Centre’s Domination in Administrative Affairs
The Centre’s domination was ensured in administration by many sections of the Act
1935. Under section 122, it was made compulsory for federating units to ensure the
implementation of federal laws in their jurisdiction. The federal executive was
63
empowered under section 126 to issue instructions to provinces regarding the use of
administrative powers. In the name of law and order the centre was interfering in
provincial affairs that created distrust among federal and provincial governments. The
weapon of PRODA86 was misused against provincial leaders that increased the hatred for
centre. It was the duty of provincial administration to maintain law and order in its
jurisdiction but Federal Government could control the situation through civil servants.
The judicial inquiry regarding riots of 1953 in Punjab clearly depicted the situation, Chief
Secretary of the Punjab used to send fortnightly reports to the Central Government
regarding law and order situation of the province.87
To control the public representatives and officials under central control Public and
Representative Offices Disqualification Act (PRODA) was enacted. This law was
approved in 1949 that remained implemented till 1954. Under that act Governor General
could deprive any public representative or government officer from his office for ten
years, if found guilty of misconduct or corruption. The proceedings could be initiated
when Governor General or Governor send reference to court or Special Judicial Tribunal.
During the period of five years from 1949 to 1954, seven cases were sent to Special
Judicial Tribunal against four former Chief Ministers. Four former provincial ministers
were disqualified under PRODA.88The second largest tool of federal control was
provincial governor, who was appointed by Governor General and could work till his
pleasure. Under section 51, the Governor acted as agent of Governor General to maintain
relations with his ministers. The Governor had to work according to the instructions of
Governor General regarding the selection, performance and dismissal of ministers under
sub section 5 of rule 51.The power was used twice by centre; Dr. Khan Sahib Ministry
64
was dismissed in NWFP and Khuhro’s Ministry in Sindh, subsequently Federal
Government imposed its own candidates upon the provinces in such cases e.g. Feroz
Khan Noon in 1953 in the case of Punjab who was not even the member of provincial
legislature. In the same manner Sardar Abdul Rasheed, former IG Police was appointed
Chief Minister NWFP in 1953.89
Another element that encouraged federal authorities was extremely centralist
mindset of ML. Liaquat Ali Khan and Khwaja Nazimuddin remained presidents of ML
even after becoming Prime Ministers. Both of them accumulated all powers to control
and supervise provincial affairs. The centre ran the provincial affairs without any
hesitation because ML was in power at centre and provinces at the same time. Moreover,
the Prime Minister himself was President of the party. ML dominated the provinces and
centre’s till its defeat in 1954provincial elections of East Bengal.90
The Constitutions of 1962 and 1973
The 1962 Constitution further gripped federal control over provinces. This constitution
was prepared by technocrats, during a series of meetings with President Ayub Khan.
Even the recommendations of constitution commission were not considered.91 On one
side, there were vast powers of president without any check and on other side the weak
status of indirectly elected National Assembly that had minimized the federal aspect of
constitution.92
Under Presidential System Governors were all powerful in the provinces;
therefore, the provisions of provincial autonomy subscribed in constitution became
ineffective. The National Assembly was also empowered to legislate about provincial
affairs in national interest regarding solidarity of Pakistan, planning and unanimity. Ayub
65
Khan believed that a strong centre could keep the provinces united that were otherwise
culturally different and geographically far away. Ayub Khan believed in centralization of
power. His regime proved to be more centralist practically as compared to the past. He
ruled as a constitutional dictator till 1969 with the support of Army, Civil Bureaucracy,
feudal lords and disorganized opposition93.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s rule was also stained with the domination of centre and
administrative dictatorship. The constitution of 1973 was approved with consensus of
national leadership of all shades. The provincial leaders’ acceptance of federal and
regional boundaries was a good start for attaining provincial autonomy. The transfer of
residual powers to provinces and justified distribution and participation of resources was
a good start, but the constitution did not provide any guarantee in case of violation of the
constitution by federation. The executive was made more powerful as compared to other
institutions, thus the trend of centralism flourished. The Prime Minister was given
preference over President in a way that Prime Minister was given the right to verify
presidential orders and the right of no confidence of National Assembly was limited
against cabinet. It was amazing that Bhutto himself was not satisfied with the
constitutional sections and certain amendments were done in the constitution. He
strengthened his control over Assembly through these amendments but weakened the
status of parliament and judiciary. Bhutto adopted dictatorial style of government. This
was clear from his amendments to limit the authority of judiciary, continuity of
emergency conditions, defense of Pakistan rules and many such ordinances that curtailed
civil liberties. Bhutto adopted several steps to keep himself in power on the basis of
centralist tendency because he believed like Ayub Khan that strong centre is inevitable
66
for political strength and national unity. He wanted to curtail the Punjab’s political and
economic powers through a strong centre.
The intervention of federation in provincial affairs time and again caused
opposition and agitation in provinces. The advent of this episode in Pakistan took place in
1949, when the Punjab Ministry was dissolved and section 92-A was implemented in the
province. Second attempt in Punjab was made during the Anti-Ahmadi Movement, 1954.
That step could be justified because the provincial governments failed to control the
situation effectively. Furthermore, the implementations of Presidential rule twice in East
Pakistan and once in West Pakistan during 1956-58 had no justification. The provincial
ministries were also dissolved; the Atta-ur-Rahman Ministry in East Bengal was
dissolved and on the other hand the Federal Government under Isikandar Mirza neglected
the will of Provincial Assembly members and maintained the ministries of A.H Sarkar
Ministry in East Bengal and Dr. Khan Sahib’s Ministry in Punjab. To keep all the
provinces of West Pakistan under One-Unit was also un-just and controversial. The
opponents of this scheme were victimized severely. It continued even in Ayub Khan’s
rule. The Presidential system relieved the Governor from the pressure of provincial
legislature who acted as President’s agent in the province.
Bhutto also adopted and continued the same policy to get rid of the ‘unwanted
provincial ministries’. The step to dissolve the National Awami Party (NAP) and Jamiat
Ulema Islam (JUI) coalition Ministries in Balochistan and NWFP had no justification.
That step aggravated the tussle of Baloch and Pashtun verses Centre. The Central
Government took the plea that a separatist movement was launched by the NAP. In fact
Bhutto wanted to establish PPP ministry in the provinces. The personalities of Ghaus
67
Bakhsh Bizinjo and Attaullah Mengal became the cause of Bhutto’s anger. Bhutto did not
assess the sensitivity of the situation. He ordered Military action in Balochistan and
arrested the leaders of NAP as well as banned the party.
Most of the governments formed in Pakistan remained centralist. The regional and
provincial autonomy was either violated or not allowed to be implemented effectively.
The continuity of emergency under the elected government of Bhutto made the ‘federal
democracy’ a joke. If there would be proper opposition and hurdle then the government
would not have violated the federal principle repeatedly. During the reigns of Iskandar
Mirza and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the weak national assemblies, under powered judiciary,
limited freedom of press and absence of strong opposition were the sources of strong
unjust federal authority. This situation strengthened the demand of regionalists that there
must be any mechanism to secure provincial autonomy.
The undemocratic pattern of the rule of Ayub and Bhutto or their predecessors,
who deprived provinces, particularly, small ones from their effective participation in
national affairs, declined their interest to maintain federal unity. This aroused severe
regional reaction against centralism because it rested political power in the centre. As has
been mentioned earlier, the national unity cannot be attained forcibly in a multicultural
and multiethnic society where different races live together nor can it be strengthened by
centralist tendency. It can be created by mutual confidence, spirit of goodwill and
participation of provinces in federal policy and equal participation in decision making
process. In the absence of that, anti-centre forces became strong.94
68
The Regional/ Provincial Pressure and Federal Reaction
Due to the centralism and authoritarianism, sense of insecurity developed in the
provinces regarding safety, autonomy and law and order. It had become root cause for
group feeling i.e. asbiya or ethno-nationalism that increased provincial pressure on the
centre. Furthermore, regionalism enhanced in Pakistan due to; racial, factional and
linguistic differences, economic disparity, tilt towards the centre instead of a province
and ignoring others as well as absence of a real national party. Regionalism is a normal
phenomenon in a multi-cultural and multi-lingual society. It gradually flourishes and
dominates the centralist forces at last. Hence disturbs federal and state balance when such
regional sentiments are suppressed, e.g. resistance in Balochistan and former East
Pakistan are cases in point.95
It is necessary in a plural society to recognize each one’s identity and strength and
to develop a democratic federal setup comprising of those features. Since 1950’s,
regionalism had influenced the efficiency of federation. It had also challenged
sustainability of the system. To accommodate the regionalism, the Federal Government
offered concessions to regional powers and sometime used force against them. During the
reign of Ayub Khan, regional sentiments increased as it is obvious during anti-One Unit
campaign and Sheikh Mujeeb’s Six Points. Initially, Ayub Khan tried to satisfy
regionalists of East Pakistan by taking different measures. Certain sections were included
in the constitution of 1962, to end the economic disparity between the provinces.96 Even
Ayub Khan adopted soft policy for the recruitment of Bengalis in Army.97
69
However, the disparity being created in a long period could not be settled down
abruptly. The main reason for unrest among Bengalis was the principle of parity and
presidential form of government.98 These sentiments had become helpful for ALin
leaning toward rigorous demand of maximum autonomy.99 The situation in West Pakistan
also deteriorated. The One Unit being created to develop harmony had also contributed
toward regional prejudices. The smaller provinces felt that unified province of West
Pakistan was over-shadowed by Punjabi Feudal and bureaucratic elite. Sindhis severely
criticized the distribution of Guddu Barrage land among non Sindhis and hence growing
number of Punjabi settlers in the region.100
Due to increasing challenges from regionalists the government changed its
strategy of reconciliation and adopted the use of force. Many regional leaders, who were
demanding maximum provincial autonomy and dissolution of One Unit, were arrested,
i.e. Shaikh Mujeeb, Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Wali Khan and Nawab Akbar Bugti.101 The
Army contingents were deputed in Balochistan to control disorder against centre and
tribal feuds as well.102 The high headedness of federation further aggravated the situation.
Ayub Regime was unable to resolve the issue due to authoritative and centralist setup and
dynamic movement for the restoration of democracy.103
Yahya Khan’s Martial Law regime adopted accommodative attitude for West
Pakistan by dissolving One Unit and restoration of all the provinces in their previous
form. The Government was least accommodative to East Pakistan and Bengali leaders
considering Six Points as a separatist agenda. After the success of AL in 1970 Elections
in East Pakistan and the failure of Mujeeb, Yahya and Bhutto talks, the Regime opted for
the use of power. The military action in East Pakistan further deteriorated the already
70
flamed situation and Bengalis started armed resistance with the foreign support.
Consequently, Bengalis separated from the federation in 1971 and established their own
separate state Bangladesh.104
Even after the separation of East Pakistan in 1971, the federal-regional tussle
continued in rest of the provinces. The party position in the ‘New Pakistan’ further
distressed the political scenario. During the Elections 1970, PPP secured 81 out of 138
seats in West Pakistan. It had majority only in Sindh and Punjab.105 National Awami
Party (NAP) and Jamiat Ul Ulama-i-Islam (JUI) dominated in NWFP and Balochistan.
Under those circumstances, the regional and national leadership agreed to accommodate
each other. Bhutto also consented to deliver more power to provinces. The NAP and JUI
Ministries were established in Balochistan and NWFP. On the other hand, the regionalists
accepted the defined Provincial Autonomy under 1973 constitution. Unfortunately, the
atmosphere of cooperation and reconciliation could not last long. Bhutto dissolved the
NAP-JUI Ministry in Balochistan and used power in the province. According to Bhutto,
it was necessary to curb a ‘separatist’s movement’. The NAP central leadership was
arrested and party was banned on the charge of ‘anti-state activities’. The centre did not
show patience to tackle the issue of provincialism. Due to use of force, the Federal
Government had to face severe opposition from provincial and regional forces. As a
result the later developments were clear expressions of regionalism106, i.e. Baloch
rebellion, armed resistance of Baloch Popular Front, the reactivation of Pakhtun Students
Federation (PSF)107 Urdu-Sindhi language issue and Punjabi-Pakhtun tussle in Sindh.
71
The Martial Law Government of Zia-ul-Haq took some measures to pacify
regionalism. Pakhtun and Baloch leaders were released along with other political
prisoners’108 and Hyderabdad tribunal was dissolved.109 The Baloch rebels were given
general pardon by ending military action in Balochistan. The new developmental plans
and schemes were introduced to improve the economic conditions.110 These steps reduced
the tension but it was too difficult to check wear and tear process. The then existing
conditions found the Military Rule more suitable than the democratic where political
participation from different regions was necessary. The Regime made efforts to unite all
different segments through the bond of Islam.
However, the regionalism could sustain even in that time as an effective force.
The process of Islamaization and Islamic solidarity could not affect the situation at large.
The sentiments of unrest were also evident in Sindh. Sindhi regionalism spread
extensively. The Sindhu Desh Movement of GM Sayed, the movement for revival of
democracy, collision between Sindhi students and law enforcement agencies at
Nawabshah and demand for confederation system by some Sindhi leaders were clear
signs of Sindhi regionalism.111
The most troublesome aspects of this regionalism were the anti-Punjabi
sentiments in smaller provinces. During the times of united Pakistan inter-regional
differences were considered between Eastern and Western wings of Pakistan. However,
after the separation of East Pakistan the tussle shifted toward Punjab verses smaller
provinces.112
In a pluralistic society the fear of smaller units to be dominated by larger unit is
not an extraordinary phenomenon. This feeling is found almost in all federal societies at
72
different levels e.g. in British Canada verses French Canadia, Serbs verses non-Serbs in
Yugoslavia and Northern India verses Southern India. These sentiments become a threat
to system when smaller units or provinces feel insecurity and danger of being included or
sub-merged into culturally and linguistically bigger units or provinces. This fear may
arise because of the command of a unit in centre or economic disparity.113 The supremacy
of a unit over centre becomes more acute when the dominant unit might be economically
stronger than the others.
The population and area of any province are not the only factors that dominate or
affect the centre but the skilled man-power, natural resources and sound economic base
may also excel a province over the others. The political and economic superiority of a
province may produce suspicions in smaller provinces about the domination and
exploitation of the federation due to that centre-province tussle emerges as it can be
observed in India and Pakistan. In the case of Pakistan, Punjab has dominant role over the
others, due to high literacy rate, economic development, large number in civil and
military services and holding key positions. On the other hand, the Pakhtun also occupy
key positions in country’s bureaucratic setup as compared to Baloch and Sindhis. In case
of large industries, rests of the provinces are lagging far behind in comparison to Punjab
and Sindh. Generally, youth in the country and particularly in Balochistan have been
agitating against exploitation by the elite. They strongly agitated against the supremacy
of the centre over provincial resources, i.e. natural gas, minerals and rapidly growing
seaport Gawadar. Sindh have same type of reservations. By and large, the smaller
provinces accuse centre for their economic backwardness.114
73
The dissolution of representative-institutions and long episodes of military rule
and minimum representation even in the civilian governments were detested in the
smaller provinces. A large number of armed forces i.e. almost 60% are taken from the
Punjab. Therefore, the long tenure of Martial Laws created sense of aloofness in smaller
provinces. They also felt that Punjab has not ever opposed Martial Law due to its share in
army and it has always made half-hearted efforts for the rights of smaller provinces.
The Imbalance of Forces
Conflicting forces of unity and opposition could not be balanced due to intensity of racial
and linguistic differences and deficiency in mutual reliance of federal and provincial
systems. Due to mutual conflicting pressure of pro and anti-centre forces, the federal
system established under the constitutions of 1956, 1962 and 1973caused continuous
pressure and tension. The federal verses provincial and intra-provincial crises emerged in
series, i.e. the East Bengal Linguistic Issue in 1952, One Unit Act 1955, the Pakhtun and
Baloch movement for maximum autonomy, and crises like Urdu-Sindhi Issue in Sindh
constantly disrupted the federal balance. During the process, the ruling elite leaned
further toward centre to maintain harmony. They also tried to unite people of different
cultural and ethnic entities on the basis of ideology, i.e. Islam. No doubt that the appeal
motivated Indian Muslims for the creation of separate Muslim state, Pakistan. The slogan
of ‘Islam in danger’ had also activated Indian Muslims in favor of Khilafat Movement.
AIML and its supporters approached Muslims on religious basis to rally round Jinnah in
1940’s. Referendum in NWFP in 1947 is evident for the effective religious role. This
strength remained prominent and active even after partition at internal and external
levels. During 1965 war the same spirit was at its climax in West Pakistan.115 On the
74
other hand, the religious sentiment also became a source of delay in the constitution
making process. The staunch religious scholars’ persuaded for the implementation of the
concept of Islamic state, whereas Muslim League, wanted a balanced and broad-minded
democratic constitution having Islamic principles of social justice and economic system.
General Zia-ul-Haq also attempted to build harmony among multi-cultural
communities in every walk of life through Islamic ideology. Islam had remained a
potential political force in Pakistan due to slow pace modern political culture. Islam can
become binding force in a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic society by adopting economic
parity among all federal units and due share in decision making process. However,
economic imbalance and ignoring power sharing had resulted separation of East Pakistan,
though Islamic ideology was intact.116
Due to the lack of organized political institution and the existence of inter-
provincial friction, the civil bureaucracy had become dominant in policy making and its
implication. In fact, bureaucracy filled the vacuum created by the weak leadership and
during the process had become the part of policy-making. Moreover, it had been over-
shadowed by a province since very outset. Therefore, its policies created more resentment
in the areas that were having less percentage in jobs in spite of quota system. The
members of National Assembly time and again raised objections regarding the
issue.117Balochistan demanded increase in Civil Superior Services quota according to the
census of 1981.118 Same type of demand was made by the Muhajirs,119 who claimed for
being a separate community in comparison to other regional groups. In such conditions
75
bureaucracy could hardly work as a uniting force without giving justified representation
to federal units.
Surely, the role of political parties’ is remarkable in the enhancement of solidarity
and harmony, in the country having multi-culture and multi-ethnicities, on the basis of
party ideology. It is also worthwhile that the parties’ play constructive role to gather
divergent groups on party platform and organize them at national level. This
methodology makes the democracy easy and pleasant. The role of party-system in USA,
Canada and Pakistan is evident for escalating solidarity and harmony in the country. The
status of ML declined as uniting-force after its division and defeat in the1954 Elections,
in East Pakistan. After that many other parties had emerged but none could become
representative of majority. The regional approach of parties had become evident from the
1970 election results i.e. The PPP and AL could not occupy a single seat from East
Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The PPP focused only in the Punjab and Sindh
during election campaign whereas AL in the East Pakistan. Although, PPP had the
potential to emerge as a national party due to its public appeal, socio-economic program
and charismatic personality of Bhutto, however after taking over the reins of government
on December 20, 1971, he was not in favour of organizing PPP on democratic lines and
instead had become authoritative. Bhutto’s dealing with other parties was not less
authoritative. In this context, the steps taken against NAP and JUI governments of NWFP
and Balochistan are relevant example. That was due to having no representation of PPP
over there.
Pakistani federal system remained in doldrums due to continuous changing
pressure of unity and opposition. Imbalanced forces create hurdles in its better
76
performance. For a sustainable federal system, the political atmosphere and existence of
political parties is of prime importance. There should be a political balance in state that
provides congenial atmosphere for the efficient working of the federal system. The
political centralization is of much importance in a federal system.120 The structure and
working of the political parties’ affect the federal system of a country.121 According to
the statement of W. H. Riker, the federal systems can be classified as; party discipline at
national and provincial level in legislation and administration and the preference of
Federal Government over provincial government.122 If the ruling parties at federal level
have no representation in provincial government, the political imbalance is created.123
The PPP’s rule during 1972-1977 under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was affected due to
the same reason when NWFP and Balochistan were ruled by opposition parties. Same is
the case during PPP’s rule in 1988-1990 under Benazir Bhutto, when Punjab was being
governed by IJI and PPP devoted all efforts to control only one province. The federal and
regional inter-dependence could not be created and it was difficult to maintain federal
and regional balance in the mid of centripetal and centrifugal forces.
To understand Centre-Province relations in Pakistan during 1988-1993, that is the
thrust of this study, it is necessary to peep through the experiences and traditions of
centre-province relations since the inception of ‘federal’ state of Pakistan. There were
most of the time bitterness prevailed though more bitterness was in between smaller
provinces and centre but even the biggest province that is otherwise called ‘big brother’ is
not an exception. In the upcoming chapter the effort will be made to present an analysis
of the tale of federalism in Pakistan, 1947-1988.
77
References & Notes
1Muntazra Nazir, Federalism in Pakistan (Lahore: Pakistan Study Centre, University of the Punjab, Lahore,
2008), p.1. 2K.C Wheare, Federal Government (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), p.23. 3 W.S. Livingston, Federalism and Constitutional Change (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), p.6. 4 R.L. Watts, New Federations: Experiments in the Commonwealth (London: Oxford University Press,
1966), pp.93-95. 5 W.S Livingston, Federalism in Commonwealth (London: Cassell,1963), p.16. 6Wheare, Federal Government, Chapter 1. 7A.H. Brich, Federalism, Finance and Social Legislation in Canada, Australia and United States (London:
Oxford University Press, 1955), p.306. 8 Livingston, Federalism in Commonwealth, p.10. 9 A. V. Dicey, Introduction to the Study of Law of the Constitution (London: Oxford University Press,
1964), p.151. 10Ibid, p.157. 11Ibid, p.166. 12 George Anderson, Federalism: An introduction (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 3. 13Lisa L. Miller, The Perils of Federalism: Race, Poverty, and the Politics of Crime Control (Karachi:
Oxford University Press, 2010), p.3. 14Enid Slack, Rupak Chattopadhyay (ed.), Thematic Issues in Federalism, Vol. I: Finance and Governance
of Capital Cities in Federal Systems (London: Forum of Federations, 2009), p.308. 15Anderson, Federalism: An Introduction, p. 8. 16The Direct Legislation Record and the Proportional Representation Review: A Non-partisan Advocate of
Pure Democracy (New Jersey: National Direct Legislation, 1894), p. 67. 17Anderson, Federalism: An Introduction, p. 9. 18Peter Haggett (ed.), Encyclopedia of World Geography,Vol. 13 (New York: Marshall Cavendish Corp.,
2001),p.1761. 19Federalism in Asia, Edward Elgar Publishing, 2009 165. 20 N. U. Gupta, Indian Federalism and Unity of Nation: A Review of Indian Constitutional Experiences
(Allahabad: Vohra Publishers & Distributors, 1988), p. 280. 21Gordon F. Ewell, Mexico: Migration, U.S. Economic Issues and Counter Narcotic Efforts (New York
Novinka, 2005), pp. 56-57. 22Ann L. Griffiths, ed., Handbook of Federal Countries, 2002 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's Univ. Press,
2002), p.245. 23Jonthon A. Rodden, Hamilton’s Paradox: The Promise and Peril of Fiscal Federalism (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.33. 24Michael Burgess, Comparative Federalism: Theory and Practice (London: Routeledge, 2006), p.142. 25George Mathew, “Republic of India”, in Akhtar Majeed, Ronald L. Watts and Doulas M. Brown, eds.,
Distribution of Powers and Responsibilities in Federal Countries, 155-180 (Kinston: McGill Queen’s
University Press, 2004), p.162. 26Kenneth Janda, Jeffrey M. Berry, Jerry. Goldman, The Challenge of Democracy (Cengage Learning,
2012), p.107. 27Saskatchewan Law Review, Volume 48, Barkeley: The University of California, 1983, p. 45. 28Time Life Books, Canada (New York: Time-Life Books, 1987), p.104. 29Dan Hough and Charlie Jeffery, Devolution and Electoral Politics (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 2006), p.41. 30Wheare, Federal Government, pp.53-55. 31Ibid. 32Ibid. 33Janda, Berry, Jerry. Goldman, The Challenge of Democracy, p.154. 34Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.6.
78
35Quoted in Mehrunnisa Ali, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan (Karachi, Oxford University press,1996),
pp.2-3. 36Ibid. 37MichealStean, “Federal Political; Systems and Federal Societies”, in J. Peter Meekison (ed.), Canadian
Federalism: Myth and Reality (Toronto: Methuen,1968), p.34. 38W.S. Livingstone, “A Note on the nature of Federalism”, in Political Science Quarterly, New York, Vol.
LXVII, No. 1, March 1952, 83-84. 39Livingstone, Federalism and Constitutional Change, p.6. 40Wheare, Federal Government, p.23. 41Ibid. 42See his speech, Constituent Assembly of PakistanDebates, Government of Pakistan, March 5, 1948,
Karachi. p.241. 43W.H. Riker, Federalism: Origin, Operation and Significance (Boston: Little, Brown and Company,
1964), pp 73-133. 44Wheare, Federal Government, Chapter 3. 45For details see chapter 2, Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Debates, Government of Pakistan, March 5,
1948, Karachi. 46See, G Allana, Pakistan Movement: Historic Documents (Karachi: Paradisa Subscription Agency, 1968),
pp. 217-218. 47Debates (Vol. 16, Number 31, September 21, 1945), pp. 552-553. 48Ibid. 49Raj Kumar Chakarwarti and Abdu Al-Mansur Ahmad, who were from East Bengal, objected Draft
Constitution was not according to Lahore Resolution, that meant for provincial autonomy. 50United Front was the alliance of six political parties, i.e. Awami League, Nizam-i-Islam Party, Krishak
Sramik Party, Gantantri Dal Youth League and Communist Party. It defeated Muslim League in East
Pakistan during provincial elections based on its manifesto that demanded provincial autonomy of East
Pakistan, official status for Bengali Language to limit central authority up to defense, currency and foreign
affairs and Naval Headquarters at East Pakistan and General Headquarter at West Pakistan. 51Jamiluddin Ahmad, Speeches and Writings of Mr. Jinnah, Vol. II (Lahore: 1964), pp.232-233. 52G.W. Choudhry, Pakistan: Transition from Military to Civilian Rule (Islamabad: National Book
Foundation, 1997), p.224. 53Stein, Canadian Federalism, p.43. 54Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.14. 55Ibid., p15. 56Ibid. p 16 57Eddie and Latin, India’s New Constitution (London: Oxford University Press, 1953), p.4. 58C.H. Philips, The Evolution of India and Pakistan, 1947-58: Select Documents (London: Oxford
University Press, 1962),p.264. 59Ibid., p.596 60Ibid, pp. 258-285. 61Watts, New Federations: Experiments in the Commonwealth. p.17. 62Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.28. 63Ibid. 64Ibid. 65Allana, Pakistan Movement, p.196. 66Ibid, pp.206-207. 67Ibid, pp.217-218. 68The idea of separate Muslim state in North-West of India was presented by Allama Muhammad Iqbal in
1930 at All-India Annual Session Allah Abad, that became a clear aim and objective of AIML after 1940. 69Jameelul Din Ahmad, Speeches and Writings of Mr. Jinnah, Lahore: Vol. 2 6th ed., 1960, p.279. 70Allana, Pakistan Movement, pp.404-408. 71Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.30. 72Ibid., p.31. 73Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan,p.36.
79
74Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Debates, Government of Pakistan, Vol. 3, No., 3, May 22, 1948,
Karachi, pp.46-49. 75Ibid. 76Government of India Act, 1935, List III, IA, Government of India Act, Second Amendment 1952. Ibid. 77Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Debates, Government of Pakistan, Vol. 11, No., 4, April 15, 1952,
Karachi, p.53. 78Dawn, Karachi, August 29, 1949. 79Ibid., May 22, 1954. 80Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.40. 81Wheare, Federal Government, p.23. 82Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.40. 83Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Debates, Government of Pakistan, Vol. 1, No., 4, March 24, 1951,
Karachi, pp.271-272. 84Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.41. 85Ibid. 86Public and Representative Office Disqualification Act (PRODA) was introduced by Liaqut Ali Khan in
1949. 87See report of the court of inquiry on Punjab disturbances, Lahore: Government Printing Press, 1954,
p310-328 88The four disqualified ministers included Hamid ul Haq Ch (East Bengal), Qazi Fazalullah (Sindh) Aagha
Ghulam Nabi Pathan (Sindh), Muhammad Ayub Khuhro (Sindh) 89Mehrunnisa, p.49. 90Ibid. 91Recommendations given by the given under the Chairmanship of Justice Shahab-ud-din regarding direct
elections, provincial form of government, bicameral legislature, federal system along with three lists and
restoration of democratic process. 92Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.110. 93 Ibid 94Ibid., p.113. 95Ibid., 96The East Pakistan’s share in national resources was increased from 36% to 47% in 1963-64. In the Third
Five Years Plan 27 billion rupees out of 52 billion rupees were reserved for East Pakistan. It was decided
that first steel mill would be established at East Pakistan, the quota system regarding the recruitment of
civil servants was also increased to benefit East Pakistan. The Civil Servants belonging to East Pakistan
were appointed in their own province and their numbers was increased in Pakistan Civil Service. Until the
year 1969; all key posts of the province were occupied by East Pakistanis. Ibid, p.114. 97 K.B Saeed, Political System of Pakistan, The Political System of Pakistan, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1967), p.78. 98 The Bengali elite were of the view that they could get more benefits from parliamentary system on the
basis of their numerical strength. 99NAP Debates, Karachi, Vol. 1, No 1, March 8, 1963. pp.29-31. 100Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, pp.114-15. 101Ibid, 115. 102 Herbert Fieldman, From Crisis to Crisis Pakistan 1962-69 (London: Oxford University Press, 1972),
pp.205-208. 103These circumstances were the cause of decline of Ayub government in 1969 that was evident from the
‘Press’ of that time. 104Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.115. 105Ibid. 106 The Punjabi Pakhtoon tussle was evident from a public meeting of MAP at Liaquat Bagh, Rawalpindi
during march 1973 under the directions of Ghulam Mustafa Khar the then governor of Punjab. 107 Bhutto blamed Wali Khan that he instigated the Pashtuns to join Pashtun Student Federation and then
merged them in Baloch Movement. Wali Khan forcefully negated the baseless allegations. Lawrence
Ziring, Pakistan: The Enigma of Political Development (Kent: WmDawson& sons. Ltd, 1980), p.156.
80
108About eleven thousand political prisoners were released by Zia government. Lawrence Zering, the
Enigma of Political Development, p.165. About eleven thousand political prisoners were released by Zia
government. 109The Hyderabad tribunal was setup to run a case against leaders of NAP for their alleged anti-state
activities. 110Dawn, Karachi October 28,1984 speech of Zia ul Haq for the uplift of Balochistan. 111There was a clash between JSF, some alleged criminals and law enforcing agencies that caused human
loss of five deaths and many wounded. A tribunal was set by Sindh government to inquire into the matter.
Dawn, October 18 18, 25, 1984. 112Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.117. 113Ibid. 114Ibid, p.118. 115Mehrunnisa, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, p.119. 116Ibid. 117 NAP debates, Vol 1, No. 3, March 11, 1963. pp.156-157. 118It was 3.5% according to 1972 census and as per 1981 census it would have been 5.14%. Dawn, Karachi,
August 30, 1984.
A letter of Baloch student was published to provide jobs to all 21 candidates who passed the FPSC
competitive examination in 1983. 119They demanded increasing quota in jobs according to their population i.e. 23 percent. Dawn, Karachi,
August 27, 1985. 120Mujawar Hussain, Federalism in Pakistan (Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies, 1994),
p.33. 121Ibid, p.34. 122W.H. Riker, Federalism: Origin, Operation, Significance (Boston: Little, Brown, 1964), pp.139-145. 123Hussain, Federalism in Pakistan, p.35.
81
Chapter 2
Centre-Province Relations in Pakistan, 1947-1988
Pakistan opted for federal form of government since its inception. The country inherited
this system from the British Government which had implemented federal system under
different constitutional schemes. Although, British were not in favour of federal system
in India but it was adopted for having grip on provinces and states which was possible
through federal system e.g. imposing emergency, involvement in provincial affairs etc.
Firstly, the Act of 1919 i.e. Montague-Chelmsford Act envisaged the mutual sharing of
authority between Central and provincial governments of India.1
At the inception and during the World War I, the British Government made
numerous political promises with the people of India to get their support. In this context,
the people of India had high hopes for the effective and solid participation in Indian
government under British crown. They presented their demands in the Lucknow Pact
1916, which later on was presented before the government to get more security.2 The
British had their own diplomacy hence the promises had never been realized, which
ultimately resulted in the shape of Home Rule League. At last British Government felt
the sensitivity of the situation. Montague the minister for Indian affairs announced in
Parliament on August20, 1917 that it was the policy of the British Government and
Government of India was completely agreed with it that Indians should be given
maximum representation in all spheres of administration and the institution of self-
government should be developed to establish such a responsible government which
should be the integral part of the British Empire.
82
After visiting different provinces of India and consultation with the political
leaders, Montague had become aware of the views which were proposed about self-
government in India. After the joint efforts of Montague and Lord Chelmsford, the Act of
1919 was passed by Parliament and approved by the King.3
Among other clauses, it was vital that provinces were given importance and to
have effective control and a separate list was incorporated for central and provincial
affairs. The system of Diarchy was the main feature of Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms
according to which a clear cut limit for central and provincial authority was introduced.
Under the system, provincial administration was disseminated in the two separate parts.
One part was referred as reserved and the other as transferred. The Reserved Affairs
would have to be looked after by the Provincial Governments with the help of councilors,
whereas the Transferred Affairs were run by the same with the help of ministers.
Therefore, it can be calculated that the Federal control overall the affairs was ensured.
Although, the system prevailed for sixteen years and was considered better than the
previous one, yet could not be proved successful. It sustained in nine provinces of India
until the introduction of 1935 Act.
After these reforms there was a struggle for constitutional rights which resulted in
Delhi Muslim Proposals, Nehru Report, and Jinnah’s Fourteen Points, Allahabad Address
of Iqbal, Round Table Conferences and Government of India Act 1935. All of those
proposals from either side could not resolve the issue properly because they were very
idealistic. The government was only trying to have strong hold of affairs and was not
concentrating on real issues. The same attitude had been carried out after independence as
well which proved fatal.
83
To make the system really federal, the provincial autonomy is pre-requisite, so
Central Government cannot interfere in the provincial matters and the provinces may
safeguard their rights properly. During the British era Hindus were not in favour of
provincial autonomy and demanded that residuary powers should be given to centre
whereas residuary powers were for provinces in federal system. Obviously, the Muslims
would have been affected because they were in weak position in the centre.
The Federal Form of Government
The Federal form of government is based on the concept of mutual cooperation between
federal units i.e. provinces and centre. In this system centre patronizes the federal units
and coordinates between the provinces whereas provinces voluntarily withdraw certain
rights for strengthening of the centre. In this system, the provinces feel stronger as
compared to any other system. This system can be ideal for both, centre and provinces, if
they work in collaboration and in accordance with the federal constitutional framework.
Practically federalism can be considered as a device to unite different regions or
units having different ethno-cultural background. The state system has to be federal when
it is composed of different ethnic, cultural or linguistic groups, therefore, federal system
suites polytechnic and multilingual societies. According to this explanation, it can be
stated that Pakistan is a federal state. Its provinces or regions are based on ethnicity,
culture and indigenous identity. The Punjabis, Pakhtuns, Baloch and Sindhis have
indigenous identities and in such a plural society only federal system is suitable.
Federal structure is the strength of different groups united under a political
unifying set-up and by maintaining their identity at the same time. It provides a congenial
84
and independent atmosphere. Federal system in Pakistan or other Common Wealth
countries is not the outcome of conscious efforts by federating units (provinces)because
being part of British Empire they had no other choice.
Different provinces experienced limited provincial autonomy under the act of
1935. This provided a clue to the leaders who were working against their colonial masters
to get independence. That inspired Muslim League leaders to opt for the federal system in
1940’s Lahore Resolution, thus Lahore Resolution became the basis of federalism in
Pakistan. Political leaders concerning different regions despite having differences
willingly favoured federal system. The common bond was religion and fear of common
enemy. The leaders like Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardi, Maulvi A.K. Fazl-ul-Haq and
G.M. Syed from Bangal and Sindh respectively cooperated for the achievement of
common goals. Other regional leaders also had supported the system, Khan Abdul
Ghaffar Khan also agreed to the idea of Pakistan while addressing the first Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan. He demanded the name for Frontier province as Pakhtunistan on
the pattern of Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan. That was a just demand and remained a
source of differences between federating units till it is renamed as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
under 18th constitutional amendment. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan made that demand by
recognizing the existence of plural society based on federal structure at the time of
establishment of Pakistan.
After the establishment of Pakistan the state had to develop despite all differences
by acting truly on the principles of federalism which were based on the idea of ‘live and
let live’. However, unfortunately the Centre made it more powerful and had strong hold
over provinces. Federal structure is also outcome of certain democratic experiences. In
85
Pakistan the democratic principles laid down by its founders were put aside and different
personalities in power emerged as godfathers of the newly born state.
Pakistan at the time of its inception faced a lot of problems. Most of the problems
were tackled and managed but the problem of distribution of power and authority
remained unresolved. Although, it could be managed under federalism and democracy
but these rules were put aside. The personalities became more powerful than the
institutions. The politics of vested interest prevailed. Differences among provinces arose
severely and the issues which could be redressed under federal structure by setting aside
of the same led to the deterioration of conditions.
The Federation and Provincial Politics
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah had little time after the establishment of Pakistan
as he died on September 11, 1948. He tried his level best to control and administers the
affairs of the state. During his lifetime, different controversial issues remained
suppressed. Since the last days of Quaid-i-Azam the reins of country practically came in
the hands of Liaquat Ali Khan, who remained successful to control the forces of
disintegration. He managed the divergent affairs himself and worked hard for the said
purpose. The conditions were not completely satisfactory, even the federal ministers were
at loggers head with each others. The differences between ministry of Refugees and
ministry of Finances were serious. Similarly the differences on the issue of devolution of
Rupee between Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Commerce became the news even
for foreign press. Such differences were suppressed by the effective involvement of
Liaquat Ali Khan.
86
Malik Ghulam Muhamamd, who considered himself an economist, gradually
started neglecting others’ views and limitation of cabinet system. He became the head of
particular faction and used to give derogatory remarks about his colleagues. The
ministers from East Pakistan became deadly against him. At the time of budget session,
this tension used to become prominent and Liaquat Ali Khan had to hold special meetings
to settle the issues.
The East Pakistan
PML, in the wake of strong centre, wanted to establish its hold in all the provinces
irrespective of its popularity. In 1947, Maulana Muhammad Akram was appointed as
Provincial Organizer of East Pakistan Muslim League (EPML).Under him the League
was organized at grass-root level. It was planned that when membership campaign would
start then every district organizer and other prominent leaders would be provided
membership forms so that membership might be enhanced at maximum level. Like other
provinces, organizers took benefit of their position and started membership campaign
focusing their followers only. The object was to maintain hold of ‘single ruling party’.
The opponent groups were not provided Membership Forms on the false plea of shortage
of papers.4Actually, the forms were only provided to selected people. Resultantly, it
proved the first stroke on the unity and solidarity of EPML. It provided a chance to the
progressive group within EPML to establish a separate party. Actually, it was the policy
of centre to maintain supremacy of PML in all the provinces. PML itself was maintaining
its hold in centre hardly. In the wake of having hold on the provinces opponent groups
were not allowed to flourish which was necessary for the balanced representation and
healthy politics.
87
The ‘progressive group’ being disappointed with the policies of EPML, called for
the session of likeminded workers in April 1948. In that session, no confidence resolution
was passed against the Provincial Governments5 and the centre’s undue domination on
provincial governments was criticized. The next session was due in Narain Ganj,
however, the Provincial Government took severe steps to ‘maintain law and order’ and
imposed Section 144. After it, Ch. Khaliquzzaman, President PML, was approached by
Attaur Rehman and Khairat Hussain. The two member delegation met him but was
disappointed due to Ch. Khaliquzzaman’s weak and incredible personality. Although,
Ch. Khaliquzzaman was aware of the un-democratic steps of provincial organizers but
was giving them undue cover. He knew that he was at the mercy of provincial organizers
and their governments to become President of PML. He was a weak person in the sense
that he had no electoral constituency in Pakistan. For these reasons, he neglected the
unjust and undemocratic steps taken by them and consequently PML divided into factions
rapidly.
To curb the opponents in provinces, PML with the help of Central Government
took strict steps. There were different ways and techniques available according to the
situation. The members of the progressive group, who had sacrificed a lot for the party,
found themselves stranger after meeting with Ch. Khaliquzzaman. At the moment there
was no other solution than to establish a new party.
In a gathering of these disappointed members at Nasir Bagh Dhaka Awami
Muslim League was established in June 1949.6Maulana Abdul Hamid Bhashani was
elected its First President. PML having power of Central Government was not ready to
accept any other party emerging at any level. With the help of Central Government it
88
maneuvered to hold its sway at provincial level. It created unexpected results. The
difference of opinions became quite evident which was suppressed earlier. Awami
Muslim League had somewhat emotional attraction for people due to blend of its name.
Earlier in 1948, conflict started within League which gradually transformed the
shape of a movement. The ruling group of PML wanted to maintain law and order.
However, the progressive group of EPML favoured it. The EPML adopted diplomatic
policy due to which it was defamed. The Government could not curb the movement
although it was handled strictly. Due to inefficiency and inability of the Government the
movement became people’s movement. Quaid-i-Azam himself visited Dhaka to settle the
issue and addressed a public meeting at Dhaka. He announced that, “the people of East
Pakistan may adopt a language they wish through their representatives to fulfill
provincial demands but the national language would be only Urdu.”7 The Quaid’s
explanation pacified the situation for the time being.
It was the first occasion when people became confused about PML on the issue of
language. It paved the way for the establishment of Awami Muslim League (AML). Non-
Muslims were also allowed to join it and the party was renamed as Awami League
(AL).The party strengthened more due to the inclusion of non-Muslims who were about
20% of the provincial population. On the other hand, Maulana Muhammad Akram Khan
remained President of EPML till 1951, who could not contribute worth-while to make
EPML effective and active organization in the province. The EPML soon lost its status as
public organization for becoming mouth-piece of PML. It could not bridge the
differences among its ranks and was unable to communicate between government and the
people. During the language problems in 1948, its approach was limited and hence it did
89
not try to influence public opinion. It might have been the policy of PML, for which
language problem was not of prime importance. It just maneuvered to keep itself in
power. The Central Government’s policies had different approach for the issues of East
Bengal. Being the majority party, its provincial branch had opted for the easy way; it did
not even react or clarified the situation. It used power and arrested and suppressed the
opponents.
The PML was only interested to maintain its power in East Pakistan in any case. It
was completely indifferent with the local issues. On the other hand, the disappointed
workers of the progressive group who later on established Awami League were being
patronized by the Hindus. According to the census of 1951, the population of Hindus in
East Bengal at that time was twelve million out of 41.9 million.8 They had the
representation of thirteen members in the Central Assembly.9 It is quite clear that the
Hindus were taking advantage of the situation and were spreading hatred against ML and
Pakistan because it was one and the same. It was the inefficiency of both central and
provincial governments that they were unaware of those anti-state elements, which later
on proved fatal for the country.
Ultimately, Maulana Akram Khan resigned from the presidentship of EPML in
January 1951 due to differences and conflicts within party. Although, Party elections
were due in August 1951 but were postponed many times due to internal differences of
the party. At last session of EPML held in January 1952 in which Nurul Amin was
elected as its President.10 Liaquat Ali Khan became President of PML in 1950 after the
resignation of Ch. Khaliquzzaman. In this way the party and government leadership
vested in one and the same personality. This example was also followed by all the
90
provincial heads of governments. Consequently, Muslim League was officially captured
by the government.
In the context of resentment, there were mainly three popular demands in East
Bengal i.e Bangla should be declared as national language, maximum provincial
autonomy and the land lord system should be abolished. The last two demands were also
popular in other parts of the country whereas the first one was only limited to East
Bengal. It was the inefficiency of the centre that it did not redress the provincial
demands. The first two demands could have been fulfilled to some extent. The issue of
provincial autonomy aggravated so much which later on took the shape of a movement
and resulted in the separation of East Pakistan. Bengalis demanded provincial autonomy
according to the spirit of Lahore Resolution; they were of the view that East Pakistan
should be completely independent with reference to its internal affairs because it was
about one thousand miles away from the capital. On the contrary the rulers at centre were
in the favour of strong centre.
In the context of those policies of PML the tendencies of centralization
aggravated the situation. The involvement of Central Government in provincial affairs
reached at optimum level due to which strong reaction was observed later on. Nurul
Amin, an important PML leader, even reacted while addressing in Assembly and declared
the undue involvement of Central Government as unjust and unconstitutional. He also
called for complete provincial autonomy for the province.11
The differences between centre and provinces could also be seen in constitutional
issues. The Basic Principle Committee Report was objected generally in the whole
91
country and particularly in East Bengal. The Chittagong ML also objected the report and
presented such demands which were later on negated by Khawja Nazimuddin. Those
demands were from local level which reflected the Bengali mindset at that time. The
demands were that there should be only one house in centre and its representation would
have been population based, the president would be elected through adult franchise and
the federal court would be free from the President’s control. It also recommended that the
Constituent Assembly would have established a confederation and all taxes and revenue
be collected by the provinces and the appointments and transfers be under the control of
units.12
Those demands and recommendations were not appreciated in the West Pakistan.
Khawja Nazimuddin strongly criticized the demands and clarified that those views of
Chittagong Muslim League did not reflect the aspiration of East Bengali People.13 People
were generally satisfied by the clarification and due to complex political situation no
body felt it necessary to understand the gravity of the demands. Obviously, the demands
clearly depicted the emerging mental approach in East Bengal.
Central Government and Pakistan Muslim League could not assess and identify
the drastic political approach which was developing in the masses of East Pakistan that
incurred irrecoverable loss to Pakistani Nationalism later on. The decline of PML in East
Pakistan was due to Central Government’s immature policies. In those circumstances,
‘United Front’ emerged comprising of anti-Muslim League politicians, Hindus,
Communists and Left Wing Elements.14 Complete provincial autonomy was the main
demand of twenty one point agenda of the United Front. The agenda even negated
Muhammad Ali Bogra’s formula. The decline of PML in East Bengal was a proof of
92
worst centre-province relations. Centre, in the wake of patronizing Muslim League only,
lost its credibility at provincial level, particularly in East Bengal. The main defeat of
Muslim League was the expulsion of Fazl-ul-Haq who had joined the United Front.
United Front elected him as its Parliamentary Party Leader. The Front won elections on
the basis of anti-centre policy. Two out of four points of Fazlul Haq’s government were
anti-state even i.e. to accept Bangla as national language, and without visa travel between
East Bengal and India.15
United Front was established in 195316which was clearly hostile to the centre. It
emerged rapidly on the political scene of East Pakistan and targeted Central Government
and West Pakistan particularly, during the election campaign. It also promoted the
sentiments of Bengali nationalism. As a result soon after winning the elections, hatred
increased against non-Bengali population which transformed into open rivalry.
Consequently, anti-Bengali riots started from Karnafuli Paper Mills where nineteen
people were killed including a non-Bengali Khurshid Ali who was burnt alive. At that
particular time, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was a cabinet member of East Pakistan
Government. The riots spread out to Narain Ganj and Khulna where hundreds of people
were killed.17 About five hundred deaths were reported but exact figure exceeded more
than thousand.18 The attacks on non-Bengali industrialists and Capitalists were meant for
their harassment so that they might leave East Pakistan.
Maulvi Fazlul Haq, who was at Calcutta for treatment, stated at a newspaper that
he was against the partition of India. He declared that he was unaware of two words,
India and Pakistan, therefore, when he talked about India, it meant both. After the
interview Fazlul Haq’s loyalty with Pakistan had become suspicious. Later on, under the
93
pressure of public opinion, he deviated from the critical statement. Another interview by
him further provoked the political environment in which he stated that East Pakistan
wanted to become an independent state.19Fazlul Haq even negated the second interview
and clarified that he meant provincial autonomy rather than total independence. It would
be very interesting to examine the causes of deviation of Fazlul Haq from his former
viewpoint.20 Actually, it was PML’s lust for power in centre in which provincial
grievances were not being redressed. In the issue of May 27, 1954 daily Dawn also
commented that centre had to play its role because Fazlul Haq then had not accepted
Pakistan whole heatedly.21
Fazlul Haq along with some member of cabinet arrived at Karachi to hold
negotiation with the Central Government. On their return, on May 30, 1954 the
delegation stated that they wanted provincial autonomy rather than independence.22 On
the other hand, the Central Government took a drastic step to dissolve Fazlul Haq’s
cabinet and imposition of Governor Rule before the delegation reached Dhaka. Ch.
Khaliquzzaman, the then Governor of East Pakistan, was called back due to differences
with the Central Government and Iskander Mirza was appointed new Governor of East
Pakistan.
In those circumstances, severe differences emerged between the Centre and East
Pakistan. The option to use power was exercised and door of negotiation was closed by
the Centre. About six people were arrested including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The
Communist Party was declared unconstitutional and was banned on July 5, 1954. The
Prime Minster Bogra charged Fazlul Haq for anti-state and rebellious activities regarding
94
his interviews. He mentioned that his government had failed to maintain law and order
and there was no option other than the imposition of Governor Rule.
It was the start of widening of gulf between the two parts of Pakistan. The Centre
was not visualizing the real problem, whereas the sense of deprivation was being created
by indifferent behavior of centre and especially by ‘unseen elements’ working against the
solidarity of Pakistan under Indian influence.
It is worth-mentioning that majority of political leaders tried to cash the issue of
provincial autonomy. The constituent parties of United Front had different point of view.
It was the alliance having just the objective of defeating the PML which they achieved.
Hence, after the elections alliance dismembered and tussle started among the former
coalition parties with which general unrest multiplied in East Pakistan and riots erupted
in every nook and corner.
The policies of Governor Raj were disliked in the East Pakistan exclusively. It
was also due to unsuitable nomination of Governor by the Centre. Governor General
Iskander Mirza, having bureaucratic background was handling the situation with
authority. He ignored the negative consequences of the suppressive policy. Iskander
Mirza had strange views about limited democracy due to which he negated political
process which was disliked in East Pakistan. On the other hand, the Prime Minister Bogra
was also not having far-sightedness. Consequent upon the Governor Rule, hatred
extended at massive level in East Pakistan against the centre.23
The demand of East Pakistan was materialized about the status of Bangla as
national language in April 1954 when PML parliamentary party declared both Urdu and
95
Bangla as national languages in Constituent Assembly.24 The Constituent Assembly
added a new chapter of eight sections in the Basic Principle’s Committee Report under
the title of ‘Languages of Republic.’25
The main causes of PML’s defeat in other words was the unpopularity of the
centre, deviation from its own Manifesto, centralization of authority in the party as well
as in the Government, language issue, student politics, provincial autonomy, Hindus’
anti-centre and anti-Pakistan attitude, cultural differences, economic disparity and
exploitation and the combined front of political parties against PML, i.e. United Front.
The Centre-Sindh Relations
The relation between Sindh and Centre were also affected by the atmosphere of distrust
and suspicion. The Sindh Muslim League Council (SMLC) was more courageous as
compared to other provincial leagues because it recommended for socialist constitution of
Pakistan.26 It was also demanded in the resolution that every province should have
complete freedom to run internal affairs according to the Constitution of Pakistan.
Provinces should have equal representation in legislature and administration. The
resolution of SMLC strongly reflected the trend of provincial autonomy. At that time,
Pakistan was facing critical situation due to initial problems of state building and
consolidation. Such trends and demands were considered against national interest. On the
other hand, it was clear cut example of center’s domination over the provincial demands
which were justified up to a certain limit under the ideal principles of Federal System.
SML was having prominent features of maneuvering and constant deviation in political
loyalties because of the prevailing political conditions. The role of Mohammad Ayub
96
Khuhro was a classical example of maneuvering. He, at the same time, was
simultaneously President of SML and CM. He was a big landlord and an influential
person but had no far-sightedness. The internal differences in Sindh Cabinet were shaped
into scandal and Ministers started mudslinging against each other. Due to gravity of the
situation Quaid-i-Azam directed Governor to interrupt and on whose directions Ayub
Khuhro was dismissed by Quaid-i-Azam. Khuhro was blamed for sixty two charges of
severe irregularities with reference to the performance of his duties and responsibilities.
According to the report of ‘The Economist’, London, “Ayub Khuhro would prove an
obstacle for centre”.27
Due to such chaotic situation Governor Sindh recommended the Governor
General to disqualify Khuhro under PRODA for seven years, which in other words meant
that he should be banned to participate in politics, Khuhro was disqualified under
discretionary powers of Governor General for four years. In another Faujdari case, he
was penalized for two years against which he appealed in High Court, he continued with
his peculiar kind of politics.
SML elected its new leader Pir Ilahi Bux who took oath on May 3, 1948.
Meanwhile, Ayub Khuhro got a chance to launch a movement against government and
get an opportunity to prove his leadership qualities. In May 1948, the Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan declared Karachi as part of Central Government and handed over
its control to Central Government directly.28 Khuhro took advantage of the situation and
severely opposed the decision of Central Government on the issue of separation of
Karachi from Sindh and declared it against provincial interest. SML passed a resolution
according to which the decision of Constituent Assembly was condemned. The SMLC
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directed Governor and Ministers to resign and to be re-elected on the issue of separation
of Karachi. SMLC also directed Ministers not to withdraw in favour of Central
Government from their right. That’s how Ayub Khuhro became the first leader after the
establishment of Pakistan who rose and encouraged provincial sentiments to get
popularity.29 Those issues got firm base with the passage of time and produced new
avenues in politics of early years of Pakistan.
The provincial leadership was at loggers head with the Centre. In such
circumstances Provincial Muslim League Council planned for ‘Protest Day’. Hashim
Gazdar proposed to meet Quaid-i-Azam before taking any further step.30 Due to the
severe situation Quaid-i-Azam himself had to interfere and advised SML Leaders to
accept the decision of Constituent Assembly and stop agitation, otherwise the foundation
of Pakistan will become weak. The country at that time was already passing through an
age of crises.
Quaid-i-Azam assured that development of Karachi would ultimately be
beneficial to Sindh so he satisfied the delegation. The SML Parliamentary Party decided
in favour of advice of Quaid-i-Azam with 26 votes while five votes were against. Ayub
Khuhro was helpless at that time despite agitation campaign.31 At that stage, Quaid-i-
Azam’s advice was favoured by the resolution of SML Parliamentary Party, though it
was against the will and desire of the people of Sindh. It was the wisdom of SML
Parliamentary Party to endorse Quaid-i-Azam’s advice with open heart because the tussle
might have been dangerous for Centre-Sindh relations.
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At the time, Ayub Khuhro maneuvered and got elected as President of SML
unopposed; Pir Ilahi Bux became CM of Sindh.32However, Ayub Khuhro was a seasoned
politician and was aware of the pros and cons of local political system and was prepared
well before time. During membership campaign of SML, he directed his supporters to
become Muslim League members; as a result he got power in party. After becoming the
President of SML, he resigned until the case against him was decided.
In addition, Khuhro started his game to dissolve Pir Ilahi Bux’s Ministry. He got
resolution of no confidence approved by the Working Committee against newly formed
ministry. He asked the members of parliamentary party to withdraw their favour for the
ministry. He blamed the Provincial Government for bribery, corruption, nepotism,
maladministration and irregularities in rehabilitation of refugees. In the resolution, the
CM was threatened that if he disobeyed the party decision, disciplinary action would be
taken against him as a result he would also be deprived of the Muslim League
membership.33Those were the “democratic traditions” which were being laid down by the
Muslim League leadership in the early years of Pakistan. In fact, Khuhro himself was
accused for the same charges. In the preceding years such style of politics proved fatal for
democracy and country both.
The Feudalism might be the main root cause of power politics throughout
country. In Sindh, the situation was adverse because the feudal lords were more powerful
and influential as compared to other provinces. They had more land and tenants
comparatively, and were unaware with the threat of defeat. They had their personal Jails
and force to control the tenants. The independence of country even did not bring any
change in the lives of the tenants because the land lords themselves became rulers after
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the British and occupied about eight lac acres of land out of 13,50,000 acres of land left
by Hindu Feudal Lords with the help of revenue department.
The Feudalism was a strong institution in Sindh and they always used to be
engaged in maneuvering against each other. They were unaware of the democratic
principles and democratic traditions. They have proved themselves as useful tool of
administrative machinery of country. At last Pir Pir Ilahi Bux had to resign. The reason
behind was an Electoral Reference of Qazi Muhammad Akbar (MPA Sindh Assembly)
was under consideration before establishment of Pakistan. It was decided in January
1949, in which Qazi Akbar and his election agent Pir Ilahi Bux were disqualified. Khuhro
could not become candidate due to court cases. Therefore, he brought Yusuf Abdullah
Haroon in limelight and he was elected as leader of SML Parliamentary Party. He was
third CM after one and half year of independence.34 Due to such intrigues, personal
enmity and fragility of ministries started damaging democracy.
An important reason of centre-province differences with reference to Sindh was
the strong desire of provincial autonomy in the province. Most of the resolutions passed
after independence contained the demand for provincial autonomy. For the same reason
when government proposed to submerge all provinces of West Pakistan into One Unit
Scheme, it was severely opposed in Sindh. The proposal was acted upon later in October,
1955 when Chaudhry Muhammad Ali was PM of the Country. According to that law the
separate status of all provinces and states was faded out after establishment of One Unit.
There were certain changes and developments due to which Yousuf Haroon’s fate
was in danger. Khuhro withdrew his pending resignation and became the President of
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Provincial Muslim League. Now he was in better position to control and command CM,
who was in awkward position due the changed scenario. He openly opposed Khuhro and
expelled ministers nominated by Khuhro, on the other hand Khuhro was fully prepared to
bring move of no confidence motion but Pirzada Abdul Sattar patched up the situation
between Yusuf Haroon and Khuhro. According to the agreement Yousuf Haroon’s
position was weak and vulnerable and he had to make changes in his Cabinet due to
which he accepted two ministers each nominated by Khuhro and Pirzada. That showed
the immaturity of incapable leaders of Muslim League at that time. That might be one of
the reasons of disappointment of masses from Muslim League.35 The political leaders
were so much after their vested interests that Khuhro conspired with Yusuf Haroon
against Pirzada and planned to expel ministers nominated by him. According to the
mutual confidential agreement, Yusuf Haroon again resigned and resumed again by
constituting cabinet of six ministers, nominated three each by him and Khuhro. Sindh
Assembly Party showed confidence on Yusuf Haroon. Sindh Muslim League
occasionally passed the resolution but those were considered as routine matters. The case
of Qazi Mujtaba against Qazi Fazlullah, Home Minister was of critical nature. The way in
which CM favoured Qazi Fazlullah was the misuse of authority. Qazi Mujtaba was
threatened for dire consequences; therefore, he had to resign from the post of
parliamentary secretary.36
That was the age of power politics; the political leaders were unable to set any
good example which had to be followed in the times to come. The constitutional status of
Special Tribunal came under doubts of Sindh Chief Court, under which proceedings of
the case under PRODA against Khuhro initiated. The court decided further that the
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tribunal was not constitutional so the proceedings and PRODA decision against Khuhro
was declared as null and void. The disqualification threat was then over and Khuhro
appeared as more authoritative as compared to the past. Consequently, Yusuf Haroon
resigned and left for Australia as High Commissioner in May 1950.
Qazi Fazlullah was appointed CMof Sindh who was nominated by Khuhro. The
new government was directed to constitute a law for the abolition of Feudalism. The
campaign against feudal system started with establishment of the country. SML and
working committee had repeatedly demanded the abolition of the system. Sindh Hari
Conference also agitated for the same but provincial government of Sindh did not follow
the directions of Centre.Yusuf Haroon during his tenure took much interest in the
agricultural reforms on the stress of Liaquat Ali Khan but Revenue Minister of Sindh Mir
Ghulam Ali Talpur was against those reforms. That was based on personal differences
with his fellow landlords. At last, Sindh Assembly passed ‘Sindh Tenancy Bill’ which
was considered vague.37Even that lenient law was not acceptable to landlords of Sindh.
Therefore, Khuhro presented amendment bill which was passed by the Assembly.
According to the amendment the action on the law was delayed for a year. Due to the law
those tenants were to be given the rights of ownership who were occupants of the
respective land for continuous three years or more. The landlords jointly acted against the
poor haries and tenants.
Khuhro had complete control of SML and most of the time, Sindh Government
worked under his command. Another improper example set by Muslim League leaders
was that the constitution of Muslim League was amended and ban was lifted on ministers
who held party offices. As a result, PM Liaquat Ali Khan also became the President of
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Muslim League. The example was followed and adopted by the provinces also. In Sindh,
Qazi Fazlullah was directed by Khuhro to vacate the post of CM and he himself became
CM and Fazlullah became Minster of Revenue in the new Cabinet.38 During the period
power strings were practically in the hands of Khuhro. He had favour of certain sovereign
powers in the Central Government and Muslim League’s high command. In fact, Khuhro
played a role of a king-maker in the politics of Sindh. He was expert in political
adjustments. Khuhro, Qazi Fazlullah, Mir Ghulam Ali Talpur, Agha Ghulam Nabi Pathan
and their other companions of cabinet enjoyed power for the time being. Soon after that
differences appeared between them and the Provincial Cabinet was divided into two
factions.39The parliamentary party was also not clear to favour whom but at last favoured
Khuhro. The Party did not supported openly due to which the reputation of Khuhro was
destroyed. There was another application under PRODA against Khuhro in which he was
charged for corruption, bribery, nepotism and un-due interference in the administration.
The Governor Din Muhammad asked Khuhro to resign, so that the charges might be
inquired. Khuhro agitated against the decision that without giving the chance of defense
to him, the Governor was not authorized to set up a tribunal. Therefore, the Governor
gave him chance of defense about the allegations leveled against him.40
The politics of vested interests again started in the province. As soon as Khuhro
became aware of the forth-coming menace, he made it clear on his opponents that if he
had to withdraw from the office of CM then he would advise the Governor to dissolve the
Ministry under section 92-A. All the Provincial Assembly members would have suffered
in that case. In contradiction to that secretary Sindh Muslim League, Muhammad Hashim
Gazdar proposed that League Parliamentary Party had already shown its confidence on
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the Ministry. He opposed the imposition of section 92-A, and declared it a step against
the democratic principles.41Amazingly, after few days twelve members of Sindh Muslim
League demanded the imposition of section 92-A in a joint statement.42 It was difficult to
decide which step should be declared as democratic or otherwise.
The drop scene of this tussle was in the shape of demand from the Governor that
both Khuhro and Qazi Fazlullah were being prosecuted under PRODA. According to
initial investigation the charges in the second application under PRODA against Khuhro
were correct. On the other hand, five charges were leveled against Qazi Fazlullah.43 It
was expected that Khuhro would become successful in delaying the investigation against
him due to his influence. However, the centre intervened and the PM Khwaja
Nazimuddin announced that the decision to lodge case against Khuhro would not be
cancelled.44 To solve the ministerial crises there was another meeting held by the Sindh
Muslim League Parliamentary Party which started with the difference of opinion on
presiding over the session. The controversy developed between Fazlullah and Khuhro
about heading the meeting and, ultimately, Khuhro postponed the meeting and left the
session along with his eleven members. The rest of members remained at their seats and,
unanimously, elected Mir Ghulam Ali Talpur as their leader.45It is interesting that the
same Assembly had shown complete confidence in Khuhro a day before. The vision and
temperament of the Assembly members could be observed how they were changing their
loyalties. Same was also the case in the Punjab where internal grouping of Muslim
League provided irrecoverable loss. Such undemocratic legacy of Muslim League
developed due to which the real dream of democracy could not be materialized.
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It is obvious that the centre’s interruption became frequent because of the
incapability of the provincial administration and political leaders to solve those issues.
Due to the same reasons bureaucracy and the establishment became involved in politics
which, later on, blocked the onward smooth functioning and development of political
processes required for smooth running the affairs of state.
Surely, Khuhro was a dynamic leader in Sindh who could maneuver and make
political adjustments of his own choice. On the choice of Ghulam Ali Talper as party
leader, Khuhro summoned the meeting of Muslim League Working Committee. He,
through his influence managed to expel Mir Ghulam Ali Talpur from the party for ten
years on the charges of unfair politics.46The scenario totally changed as Khuhro was
elected the Parliamentary Leader of the League. Such activities clearly depicted the
severe differences and lack of coordination between main components of Muslim
League.
The President of Muslim League and PM Khawaja Nazimuddin took notice of the
situation and withheld the action upon the resolutions of Sindh Muslim League Working
Committee against Talpur. He mentioned that the final decision would be made by the
central working committee. The Muslim League had to face severe loss of its reputation
and fame due to internal differences and tussle of Sindh Muslim League. The then
prevailing circumstances introduced bribery and corruption in the politics. The
government officials divided in to two groups and resultantly the rate of crimes in Sindh
increased. There was no practicable constitutional or political formula in Sindh to control
the situation. All the efforts to control the circumstances became fruitless except the
imposition of section 92-A. Hence, the Central Cabinet discussed the situation and finally
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decided to impose Governor Rule in Sindh.47 The official declaration announced the
holding of new elections as soon as the circumstances allowed. On the whole, the
performance of the Assembly was not up to the mark.48
In a true democratic system the collective interest is preferred over personal
interest and after the resignation or dismissal of a ministry the formation of the other
ministry is routine matter but the attitude and character of political leadership in Sindh
exhibited that they were followers of some other type of ‘democratic theory’, to fulfill the
wishes of a few. Khuhro was of the view that power strings should remain only in his
hands other than him no one other deserved it. Khuhro was responsible for deteriorating
condition of politics and governance in Sindh his thoughts were called ‘Khuhroism’. The
political leadership created problems not for itself but for the centre also which was
forced to take unpopular decisions. That was the responsibility of political leadership to
behave properly. The bureaucracy and establishment were blamed for every ill in
Pakistan, like interruption but such opportunities were provided by politicians themselves
and gradually bureaucracy and establishment developed the taste for power.
The Federal Government was also facing same situation with other provinces i.e.
Punjab, NWFP and East Pakistan. After the imposition of Governor Rule in Sindh, it was
demanded that SML should be overhauled and fresh party elections be announced. That
was a public cry, based on the fact that SML had lost public support. A convention of
SML workers was held in February, 1952 in which delegates from all parts of Sindh
participated. There was a strong demand before President SML, to take steps for the
improvement of party’s internal conditions. It was also demanded to dissolve Sindh
Provincial Muslim League and to hold new elections.49 The demands of convention were
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also supported by Sindh Mahajar Conference (SMC) and local newspapers.50 There was
another development in January, 1953, that discussions and differences had started on the
Basic Principles Committee Report (BPCR), Khuhro got another chance of maneuvering
and appearance into lime light. Khuhro had political alliance with some influential
leaders of central government, being the opportunist that was a golden chance for him to
offer his support on the issue from SML and reciprocally sorted to support the Prime
Minister. According to the plan, he summoned the session of SMLWC and got the
resolution passed accordingly. It was a serious joke with the system and democratic
values. Quite interestingly less than half members of working committee participated in
the session because he expelled other half members one by one and nobody had the
courage to challenge him.51 Despite all those efforts, Khuhro could not get the fruit in the
shape of favours of the central government.
Khuhro and Fazlullah were punished under PRODA for four years and six years
respectively and were disqualified to hold any public office for that period.52 Khuhro did
not take any serious notice of the punishment. Soon after the start of disqualification
period he summoned a session of Sindh Muslim League and became party President. The
whole political career of Khuhro was a show of power politics; the tactics adopted by him
clearly showed that how provincial leaders of Muslim League were playing with the
party, country and nation. All the issues were quite sufficient for the interruption of
centre and the action taken by the centre was justified. Khwaja Nazimuddin who himself
was a thorough gentleman took action against Khuhro as President PML and declared the
steps taken by Khuhro highly objectionable and cancelled the whole proceedings of
Sindh League Council as they were against rules and regulations.53High headedness of
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provincial leaders created the atmosphere of distrust between center and provinces. The
two important and essential components of the federation started behaving against each
other as political opponents, although they belonged to the same political party. The
result was that Muslim League became an opponent of itself. The whole environment of
the country and specially administration was badly affected and the feelings of provincial
issue started flourishing.
Meanwhile, general elections were due in Sindh and PML was making
preparation at large scale. The parliamentary board of Central Muslim League nominated
election committee which was headed by central food minister Pirzada Abdul
Sattar.54SML issued the election manifesto whereas its leaders were totally unaware
about it practically; each of them had his personal agenda. The election manifesto
contained program about defense, agriculture, administrative reforms, refugee issue and
other constructive programmes. The main point was the holding of free and fare elections
along with the assurance to end corruption. It was expected that President PML and PM
Khwaja Nazimuddin, himself would make a visit of Sindh during election campaign but
in the meantime he was dismissed from the post of Prime Minister by Governor General
Ghulam Muhammad and the office of Presidentship of Muslim League was also
withdrawn subsequently. Muslim League proved itself successful in elections as per
expectations. Pirzada Abdul Sattar became the head of Muslim League Parliamentary
Party and thus became CM also.55 Soon after the decision, Qazi Fazlullah became active
against Pirzada with the support of Khuhro. The parliamentary party quite amazingly
passed the resolution regarding confidence in the leadership of CM with the support of
forty members.56 All of that was being done under the supervision of leaders of different
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factions of Muslim League. They had again started playing negative tactics; therefore, the
Assembly still remained deprived of true leadership and political stability. Three CMs
were charged seriously and despite of all those charges their political status remained
unharmed. In such conditions the expectation of any positive change or stability was
totally out of question.
The political leadership did not take notice of the adverse conditions of the
province rather they remained involved in intrigues against each other. The positive
features of the British were not adopted, although the whole pattern of governance was
dependent upon colonial system. By frequent toppling of governments, the Assembly
members were completely at honey moon delights because of their involvement with
different groups of SML. Qazi Fazlullah himself was not able to hold any public office,
despite of that he was very influential person and became successful in bringing his
friends into Assembly. Pirzada Abdul Sattar did not have full support of Provincial
Assembly members; therefore he had to be in compromise with political giants to get
support for his ministry. As per agreement with Fazlullah, Pirzada had to take two
ministers from Fazlullah group to save his ministry.57Thus, Pirzada saved his ministry
and the number of ministers became twelve. That was irrational burden on provincial
government because the province having just six districts contained so huge cabinet. The
agreement did not remain long lasting because Pirzada was suspended from CMship on
the directions of centre on the charges of being an opponent of ‘One Unit’. Again Ayub
Khuhro became CM to get the support of Assembly members for One Unit by hook or by
crook. According to the settlement Khuhro was later on sworn in as Minister in the
central cabinet.
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The centre seemed to be helpless at that time before the provincial political
leaders; each of them had certain level of relations with central authorities. It was
observed that the conflicting interests played role in hindering the flourishing of the true
democratic values. The provincial as well as central politics were under the clouds of
factionalism and personal interest. Those were main causes of decline and defame of
PML in early years of the creation of Pakistan.
The Centre-NWFP Relations
The North West Frontier Province (NWFP) was more troublesome in the outset for the
Central Government as well as for PML leadership to deal with. At the time of
establishment of Pakistan, NWFP was governed by the Congress Ministry and Dr. Khan
Sahib was CM. The center-province relations were not cordial since the beginning
because opponent parties were in power at both levels. Muslim League was the founding
party of Pakistan and Congress was its rival in the context of partition of India.
Therefore, loyalty of Congress with Pakistan was considered suspicious by the centre and
PML. The view was proved correct to some extent when national flag hoisting ceremony
was not attended by CM of NWFP along with his allies on August15, 1947.58 On the
other hand, it was a general feeling that Abdul Ghaffar Khan had not accepted Pakistan
wholeheartedly because Khan Brothers continued hoisting flag of Pakhtunistan in the
public meetings.59
As a result atmosphere of mistrust between center and NWFP government
prevailed. The situation aggravated so much that Governor General had to dismiss the
Ministry within the period of eight days. That was considered a clear interference of
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centre in provincial affairs. The consequences were graver as Abdul Qayum Khan was
appointed CM in place of Dr. Khan Sahib without having majority in assembly. He was
considered ‘Iron Man’ according to Muslim League and it was expected that he would
manage the majority. That was also the violation of democratic principles to a person
after taking oath of CM was being asked to manage majority which had to be proved
before oath taking according to rules.
The style of governance adopted by Abdul Qayyum Khan earned bad name for
centre as well as Muslim League because he used power tactics to get majority and to
maintain authority. Differences were created within provincial Muslim League by Abdul
Qayyum Khan to prolong his tenure as CM. There were three other popular Muslim
League leaders who were known at national level for their services. Those included
Sardar Abdul Rab Nishtar, Pir of Manki Sharif, and Yousaf Khattak. It was considered
by the centre that Abdul Qayyum Khan would be more suitable to tackle the situation in
NWFP. After assuming power Abdul Qayyum Khan started considering Pir of Manki
Sharif as his opponent. There was no match of both because Pir of Manki Sharif was a
most popular Muslim League leader who had rendered unforgettable services in the
Freedom Movement. Abdul Qayyum Khan’s political career started from Congress and
was Deputy Parliamentary leader of Congress. In his book, Gold and Guns Abdul
Qayyum criticized Quaid-i-Azam and Muslim League. It was miscalculation of centre to
nominate a controversial leader like him in power in NWFP. After the formation of
Muslim League Ministry, he attracted some Red Shirt members and suppressed the. PML
leaders of the province, who were not willing to support him, were also dealt with iron
hand. His attitude was very much authoritative. Pir of Manki Sharif, a Muslim League
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stalwart in the province, was strictly dealt with showing interest in provincial affairs.
Therefore, political rivalry emerged between the both, and consequently factionalism
became evident within PML politics in NWFP.60
CM, Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan was much powerful and had complete hold on
provincial ministers and the Assembly. Pir of Manki Sharif was candidate for the office
of President of PML NWFP Chapter but CM had strong reservations against an equally
popular leader in power sharing. He was of the view that after being elected, Pir Sahib
would create problems for him and he would not have free hand in running the affairs of
government affairs. Therefore, Khan Abdul Qayyum maneuvered the higher ups and
managed to nominate Badshah Gul, a loyal follower of Ch. Khaliquzzaman, as organizer
of Provincial Muslim League.61 His name was not familiar with reference to Pakistan
Movement. He had neither political influence nor much working experience in any
political party until that time. Badshah Gul did not possess much attributes of leadership
which were necessary for the re-organization of the party in NWFP. His appointment at
that important office was due to Abdul Qayyum Khan’s support as he was in search of a
loyal man whereas an active organizer or active leader might have created problems for
him.62 Here the vested interests of both, i.e. Khan Abdul Qayyum and Ch.
Khaliquzzaman lied because Ch. Khaliquzzaman also wanted to become President of
PML after its reorganization and the wish could have been fulfilled only with the help
and cooperation of CM of NWFP, Abdul Qayyum Khan. He was at the mercy of
Provincial CMs and had no courage to oppose them in matters of importance. After
Badshah Gul became organizer of Provincial Muslim League the party came under direct
control of Abdul Qayyum Khan.63 After re-organization, Badshah Gul was President of
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Provincial Muslim League and enjoyed the office till 1951 when CM Abdul Qayyum
Khan himself became President of provincial branch of the League. Abdul Qayyum
Khan’s political maneuvering and gains were made possible by favouritism of central
leadership of PML.
In the early years, PML premiership was occupied by the leaders who were not
having far-sightedness and were short of leadership qualities. AIML was not popular in
Sindh, Punjab and NWFP before the Elections of 1946 and resultantly, regional low
profile leadership got chance to occupy key positions. Therefore, the leaders like Ch.
Khaliquzzaman, who had no electoral constituency in Pakistan even and who also came
late to Pakistan, maneuvered to become President of PML. He promoted factionalism in
almost all the provinces and the committed Muslim League leadership was put to the
walls. The frequent change of ministers in Punjab and Sindh was due to the same reason.
The membership campaign in NWFP became evident of vested interests as it was
also patronized by the central leadership of PML. The campaign, which started in 1948,
showed full zeal and spirit of NWFP Muslim League. Abdul Qayyum Khan and Pir of
Manki Sharif both wanted to enroll more and more supporters as members of PML to get
support in the elections of office bearers.Ch. Khaliquzzaman, who was Chief Organizer
of PML, got prior approval of Abdul Qayyum Khan, for the establishment of PML,
NWFP Organizing Committee. In the wake of conspiracy, the committee managed to
restrict membership only to the supporters of provincial administration i.e. Abdul
Qayyum Khan. Even, the membership forms were not delivered to the supporters of Pir
of Manki Sharif and general excuse was made that one person could get only one
form.64To judge the factual position, Pir Sahib toured throughout the province and
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warned the authorities about the consequences. His all meetings and gatherings were
obstructed and banned by imposing Section 144. Pir Sahib demanded to set up an inquiry
committee to review the circumstances. Ch. Khaliquzzaman eye-washed the facts and
ignored all allegations leveled against Abdul Qayyum Khan. The differences between
both the groups became so much severe that Pir Sahib walked out as a protest against the
policies of the provincial CM Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan.65
After the death of Quaid-i-Azam, Liaquat Ali Khan tried to bridge the gap
between Pir Sahib and Abdul Qayyum Khan. He became successful for the time being
and Pir Sahib agreed to collaborate with the government absolutely. Later on, the
differences again came to lime-light due to the charges of Pir Sahib against Qayyum
Khan who, according to Pir Sahib, was getting undue benefit from his official post and
was getting his followers elected in urban and district leagues and as a result his hold on
party became stronger. Pir Sahib felt a sense of loneliness in the then prevailing situation
in an organization for which he had done the best and dedicated most part of his
age.66Although Ch. Khaliquzzaman again consulted both the factions but differences yet
prevailed. In that way, grouping and intrigues started in Provincial Muslim League. The
Muslim League leadership at that time was not wholeheartedly involved in the party
affairs. Pir Sahib was an ideological worker of Muslim League and had worked under the
leadership of Quaid-i-Azam for the uplift of Muslim League in NWFP. The Pakistan
Muslim League under Khaliquzzaman became a group of uncommitted leaders because
he selected those leaders from all over Pakistan who were not a challenge to his authority
and leadership. In the context of Ch. Khaliquzzaman’s involvement, the actual and
sincere workers and leaders were neglected, which damaged the image of PML. That was
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not just in the case of just NWFP but all over Pakistan. The centre was in line with Ch.
Khaliquzzaman, his involvement in provincial party affairs as President PML was
justified, but his propagation for center’s interest in the garb of Muslim League politics
was questionable. The rise of Abdul Qayyum Khan in provincial politics of NWFP was
of special concern; he had no background of Muslim League politics in NWFP. His
lineage traced back to Kashmir, so he was not son of the soil and was not considered as
pure Pakhtun. He had once joined All Indian National Congress and authored a book
Gold and Guns which included matter against Quaid-i-Azam. Later on, he disowned the
book after joining Muslim League and claimed to be a loyal Muslim League leader and
an effective representative of the centre. He gradually pushed the provincial stalwarts of
the League off-scene which provided an irrecoverable loss to the party.
The second target of Qayyum Khan was Ghulam Muhammad Khan, a prominent
PML leader in the province. He was house arrested by the provincial government but
Sindh High Court declared the act of NWFP Government as illegal and unjust. As a
result, he was released from the jail.67 He organized a group against Abdul Qayyum Khan
and demanded for the dismissal of his ministry. Meanwhile, elections for central
organization of Muslim League were held in April 1949 at Karachi. Ch. Khaliquzzaman
and Yousaf Khattak were elected President and General Secretary respectively. At that
moment, Pir Sahib Manki Sharif became totally disappointed because Yousaf Khattak
had old relations with Abdul Qayyum Khan and Ch. Khaliquzzaman had no sympathy
with Pir Sahib. Due to such steps of Abdul Qayyum Khan Pir Sahib reached at the result
that Muslim League was backing Abdul Qayyum Khan.68After that Pir Sahib and his
supporters decided to establish a new political party. Sardar Abdul Rab Nishtar arrived at
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Peshawar for reconciliation between both the groups and Mian Jaffar Shah, the education
Minister of NWFP contacted Pir Sahib personally but the effort did not bear fruit.
The ruthless treatment of the leadership by Qayum Khan created hatred both for
provincial and central government. The Pir Sahib of Manki Sharif, Pir Sahib of Zakori
Sharif and other Muslim League workers had first became indifferent from the politics
and then left Muslim League. In September 1949, Pir Sahib of Manki Sharif established
“Awami Muslim League” which later on became “Jinnah Awami League” after joining
the party by Momdot and Suharwardi. Later on, the party gave tough time to AIML at
national level. The annoyed elements could have pacified and the controversial issues had
settled down if the Central Government had shown vigilance. But due to immature
attitude, an opposition party came in to being besides Red Shirts. The law and order
deteriorated in the province and political situation became much complicated. The
provincial government took the support of Public Safety Act with which opponents were
suppressed and treated brutally. Then, there was no opposition existed in the province
against PML. Due to non-existence of any system of accountability, PML became
unpopular and declined rapidly.
The Constituent Assembly passed a bill to hold General Elections in NWFP in
March 1951.69 The then NWFP Assembly was elected on the basis of 1945 Elections
under United India. The Assembly was dissolved under the 1956 constitution after the
expiry of its time limit. The elections of PML NWFP Chapter were also due before the
General Elections which were already under the control of Qayum Khan who himself
was a candidate. The contestant against him was Ibrahim Khan Jhangra, a member of
Parliamentary Board of PML, who had the support of Yousaf Khattak. Once Qayum
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Khan and Yousaf Khattak were politically allied but after 1949 rivalry emerged between
the both due to the authoritative attitude of Qayum Khan.70At that time, factionalism was
at its peak and the power politics was visible. The Central Government was well
informed about the elements that were weakening PML.71 In the wake of those
circumstances, Liaquat Ali Khan visited Peshawar to settle issues. However, Ibrahim
Jhangra could not be convinced by Liaquat Ali Khan declaring his inclination toward
Qayyum Khan. On the other hand, Qayum Khan was given free hand by the Central
Government. Resultantly, Qayum Khan maneuvered to win the elections by close margin
of just eighteen votes.72 Most of the supporters of Jhangra were not even allowed to enter
the hall where elections proceedings were being held. Despite, Qayum Khan’s success
under the patronage of Central Government, the PML NWFP had strong differences
within its ranks.73
Central Government can be blamed for the adverse situation in NWFP, because
Qayum Khan enjoyed free hand with the support of centre and was not accountable for
his ‘deeds’ before anyone. It might be due to the reason that ML had no strong footing in
the province after Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan. Muslim League utilized the
potentials of Qayum Khan as he was a new entry in political arena of NWFP and also had
strong desire to earn name and fame at any cost.
After becoming President of MLNWFP, Qayum Khan toured the whole province
to defame and pressurize his political opponents. He dominated provincial politics as
well as had grip on the party so much that at times he dared to differ with the decisions of
centre.74The procedure and tactics which were adopted to expel Yousaf Khattak and
Ibrahim Jhangra from the Provincial Muslim League were a step to get rid of those high
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profile leaders at provincial level. Yousaf Khattak was General Secretary of Pakistan
Muslim League whereas Ibrahim Jhangra was member of Central Parliamentary Board of
PML. Due to the confrontation of both the factions of Provincial Muslim League,
differences had also emerged in the PML leadership at the central level.75General
elections were due in NWFP in December 1951, Qayum Khan maneuvered to reject the
applications for tickets of Yousaf Khattak, Ibrahim Jhangra and their supporters on the
plea that the respective candidates were unable to win the elections. These candidates
appeared before Central Parliamentary Board which granted tickets to Yousaf Khattak,
Ibrahim Jhangra and their six supporters.76Qayum Khan became annoyed on the decision
of Centre and contradicted with the decision and instead he nominated his own
candidates against the candidates of PML Central Board, which created constant tussle
between centre and the province. Qayum ensured the success of his candidates by all
‘possible means’. Observing the situation, Yousaf Khattak, Ibrahim Jhangra and their
companions withdrew from the elections. The candidates nominated by Qayum Khan
were so called ‘independent’, and later on they joined PML.
The condition of centre-province relations was also deteriorated due to those
undemocratic steps. It had become precedent in the early political era that leaders even
after maneuvering the political power by ‘all means’ had become spokesman of party
discipline later on. They would become unaccountable and undefeatable until enjoying
power. Same traits of power politics were legacy of all the ranks. It not only disturbed the
political and administrative setup of country but damaged the fine fabric of the social,
cultural and religious values.
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Qayum Khan enjoyed the post of CM and the President PML NWFP Chapter till
1953. He was included in the Central Cabinet after the dismissal of Khawja Nazimuddin.
He was considered as an ally of Khawja Nazimuddin. Qayyum Khan was reluctant to join
Federal Cabinet but he was threatened that if he would not accept the post of Minister at
Centre then NWFP Ministry would be dissolved and he would have to be accountable for
all his previous ‘deeds’. As a result he agreed and compromised. It is important to note
that the period of Malik Ghulam Muhammad as Governor General and Qayum Khan as
CM coincides with each other. It was a unique pair of same mind set. After joining the
Central Cabinet by Abdul Qayum Khan, Sardar Abdul Rashid became CM of NWFP,
who had no political background but was appointed by the mutual consent of Governor
General Ghulam Muhammad and Abdul Qayyum Khan. In the context of his
appointment as CM, it was considered that Abdul Qayyum Khan would be able to
continue his hold in the province. However, in spite of all his efforts, Qayyum Khan
could not prolong his hold on the province and had to withdraw from the Presidentship of
PML, NWFP.
The amalgamation of both the powers, i.e. premiership and the party presidentship
had become the tradition of Pakistani politics since the combination of both designations
by Liaqut Ali Khan. Hence, the Presidentship of PML, NWFP by Qayyum Khan was
objected and consequently in October 1953 NWFP ML passed a resolution according to
which Qayyum Khan was asked to withdraw in favour of Sardar Abdul Rashid for
provincial Presidentship. He was considered as ‘outsider’ at that time. Although Qayyum
had worked for PML for a long time but after all, he had to resign. On the other hand,
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after about one year he was expelled from Central Ministership and he started practice at
Lahore High Court.
Mostly the leaders of PML of that particular period had no personal opinion. They
were following the views and policies of their leadership irrespective of their personal
opinion or belief. It was quite strange to accept a retired I.G Police as CM and President
of Provincial Muslim League who had ‘imperialistic mind set’.77After the dissolution of
the Constituent Assembly, Malik Ghulam Muhammad had become much stronger. He
directed Muhammad Ali Bogra to take rapid steps for the establishment of One Unit of
West Pakistan. As a result, Bogra as PM announced on November22, 1954 on Radio
Pakistan that the whole West Pakistan would be one province with the approval of all
provincial assemblies. Governor General exploited his exceptional way for the approval
of the One Unit proposal from the assemblies. On his pursuance, the CM of NWFP got
the One Unit proposal passed from NWFP Assembly on November25, 1954. On
November30 1954 Punjab Assembly also passed the same sort of resolution.78
The Centre-Balochistan Relations
Balochistan did not have the status of province at the time of partition. It was divided into
two parts at that time i.e. British Balochistan which was under the control of Governor
General’s Agent and second part consisted of states of Kalat, Lasbella, Makrran and
Kharan. The states were under the rule of respective Nawabs. The most important state
was Kalat. Muslim League had already its existence in the British Balochistan. At the
time of establishing the branches and organization of Muslim League in the states, Qazi
Esa, the Chief Advisor of Agent to Governor General, was appointed President of
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Balochistan Muslim League. The party became a symbol of factionalism due to personal
rivalry of its leaders.
Qazi Esa’s, vice-president objected that he was holding two offices at a time i-e
Presidentship of Provincial Muslim League and Chief Advisor of agent to Governor
General. Qazi Esa suspended him from the post of vice-president of Muslim League.79
The opponent group reached Karachi, met Liaquat Ali Khan and Ch Khaliquzzaman and
requested for the action against Qazi Esa on the basis of charges of targeting the other
leaders within party.80Qazi Esa had become reactionary on the issue and expelled all the
prominent members of delegation to Karachi including Mir Nabi Bakhsh, the joint
secretary of Provincial Muslim League.
Ch. Khaliquzzaman remained indifferent on the issue and adopted the policy of
‘wait and see.’ Qazi Esa encouraged victorious group after it. Ch. Khaliquzzaman himself
wanted to become President of PML at any cost. He wanted to be in close contact with
everyone. He issued two contradictory statements. Firstly; he said that Qazi Esa was not
authorized to expel leaders from the party, secondly; he said that every type of action was
at the discretion of Council of PML.81 That was due to the reason that the president of
PML was helpless in taking any step against provincial presidents. The leaders enjoyed
sovereign position in local governments; secondly Ch. Khaliquzzaman also needed their
help for PML in the elections. Ultimately, the tussle ended when Qazi Esa resigned from
presidentship of Provincial League.
It is quite strange that Qazi Esa was again elected as president of PML,
Balochistan Chapter. Since then the movement against provincial autonomy started in
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Balochistan for the first time. In May 1951, the session of Balochistan Reforms Inquiry
Committee was held. The members of committee negotiated with provincial leaders of
PML and demanded for reforms in Balochistan under the Act of 1935. They stressed that
the future of Shahi Jirga and Lamberdari System and other affairs should be left for next
Assembly. They expressed the views that the province had entered in the stage of
political maturity and was capable of autonomous government.82
The Inquiry Committee presented the report to Khawaja Nazimuddin in which it
was recommended that PML was not popular in the masses, its formation was
unconstitutional, and therefore, it should be dissolved. As a result, Provincial Muslim
League was dissolved.83An Ad-hoc Committee was constituted for new membership and
afresh party elections were arranged. Meanwhile, a forty eight member delegation from
Balochistan met Khawja Nazimuddin and complaint that they had not been given an
opportunity to present their point of view and clarify objections.84 However, the efforts
could not be materialized; Khawja Nazimuddin announced the formation of three
members Ad-hoc Committee in October 1952. The decision was welcomed by every
walk of life in Balochistan.
The Centre-Punjab Relations
In Punjab, Muslim League Ministry took oath under the premiership of Iftikhar Hussain
Mamdot on August16, 1947.85 The other members of cabinet were Sardar Shaukat Hayat,
Sheikh Karamat Ali and Mian Mumtaz Daultana. At that time Punjab government was
facing severe problems of rehabilitation of refugees and to maintain law and order. Mian
Iftikhar ud Din was appointed minister for refugees and rehabilitation. He worked as a
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minister for about two months. That was the start of internal conflict in Punjab ministry
which provided a chance for centre’s interruptions later on.
After the creation of Pakistan, Mamdot was president of Punjab Muslim League
and Mian Abdul Bari was general secretary. The session of Punjab Muslim League was
held on November 17, 1947 in which Mian Iftikhar ud Din was elected as president and
Maulana Ala-ud-Din Siddiqui as general secretary. Mian Iftikhar had resigned from
ministry a day before. He had ideological differences with Chief Minister (CM); secondly
he was not satisfied with the style and performance of provincial government. His main
complaint was that he was not given the complete control and authority in his own
ministry. The differences between Mian Iftikhar and Mamdot were based on principles
and ideology.
Although, CM Iftikhar Hussain Mamdot was against Mian Iftikhar-ud-Din yet he
became president of the Punjab Muslim League after resignation from ministry. It is
noteworthy that just after three months of the creation of Pakistan, Punjab Muslim
League Council showed un-satisfaction about provincial government. Mian Iftikhar was
an active and untiring person; he worked sincerely for making Muslim League a people’s
organization. He worked for the manifesto of Muslim League. He also stressed upon
three points in his speeches:
a) That people should make Pakistan a great country according to Islamic teachings
b) Feudalism should be abolished and industry should be nationalized
c) Increasing corruption in government offices and officials should be stopped
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If the principles were followed than true democracy might have flourished in
Pakistan. If all avenues of corruption, nepotism and power politics had been checked the
country might not be very high on the list of most corrupt countries in the world. Mian
Iftikhar was an out spoken person and his membership of Muslim League was cancelled
in 1950. He established a new political party named Azad Pakistan Party which though
could not emerge as an effective political power.86
Until that time, Punjab Ministry had divided into two factions; one faction was
headed by Mamdot and the other by Daultana. There were differences between both even
before partition but afterward it really became a regular tussle between the two of them.
Their differences were not principle based but were just clash of personalities. Its basic
motive was lust for power and superiority complex. Before partition they were not openly
against each other, they worked for the achievement of common cause under the
guidance of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
After the establishment of Pakistan the hidden opposition became open. The
distribution of ministries and lust for power was main cause of their mutual differences.
Other than that Daultana had to work under Mamdot which was unbearable for Daultana,
because he considered himself more capable and better leader than Mamdot. The fame of
Muslim League was affected a lot and Muslim League divided into two factions
throughout Punjab. That drastic situation provided a chance to centre for interference in
provincial affairs. Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan visited Lahore to tackle the
drastic situation. He advised ministers not to take any step without the advice of Quaid-i-
Azam. Despite that Daultana handed over his resignation to Mamdot on April 12, 194887,
the resignation was kept secret.
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Sir Francis Moodi, the Governor Punjab informed Prime Minister in a letter dated
March 26, 1948,that situation in Punjab was becoming worse day by day under Mamdot.
The Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan had formulated a plan to resolve the crises under
which Daultana was to be appointed CM of Punjab and Mamdot had to be included in
central cabinet. Both Daultana and Mamdot did not accept the plan because Mamdot
refused to resign from CMship and Daultana wanted to become party leader at provincial
level before becoming CM. Quaid-i-Azam himself intervened at that occasion and
advised Governor Punjab telegraphically that Prime Minister’s formula should be acted
upon to resolve the issue. It became clear that Prime Minister formula was already in
Quaid-i-Azam’s notice. Due to severe political turmoil, Quaid-i-Azam summoned
Mamdot, Daultana and Shaukat Hayat at Karachi on April 24, 1948. Governor Punjab
Moodi was also present on the occasion. In the meeting Quaid-i-Azam advised Mamdot
and other ministers to resign and to act upon the Prime Minister’s formula. The meeting
did not bring rapprochement and eventually Governor Punjab was instructed by Quaid-i-
Azam for the resolution of the issue. At last Daultana and Shaukat Hayat resigned from
Mamdot’s ministry. On May 20, 1948, Mamdot got vote of confidence due to which no
option left with Daultana except resignation. Daultana proclaimed for having differences
with Mamdot on certain fundamental issues i.e. rehabilitation of refugees, economic
injustice and unjust use of administrative authority. He said that there was an
understanding between him and Mamdot that if they could not satisfy Quaid-i-Azam,
they both would resign, however, the CM Mamdot had deviated from the promise but
Daultana abided by the word and resigned.
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The situation of power politics remained prevalent even at ML parliamentarians’
meeting. Meanwhile, Quaid-i-Azam died on September 11, 1948, therefore, the situation
aggrieved further. Khwaja Nazimuddin, who was then acting CM of East Bengal, became
successor of Quaid-i-Azam as Governor General. After, Quaid-i-Azam Liaquat Ali Khan
was considered a reliable and trustworthy leader. Due to the prevailing political chaos in
the provinces, Liaquat Ali Khan had to intervene. However, the subsequent events proved
that repeated interference in the provincial affairs earned bad name for the centre.
Liaquat Ali Khan patronized Daultana against Mamdot in the Punjab for having
personal differences with CM and secondly he considered Daultana more capable.
Liaquat Ali Khan started tour of West Pakistan on September28, 1948 to muster up
courage of the people in the backdrop of Quaid-i-Azam’s death. He also aimed at
resolving all the provincial controversies in the country. However, in case of the Punjab,
in fact it seemed that Liaquat Ali Khan wanted Daultana to be the CM.
On October6, 1948Liaquat Ali Khan made an effort to have compromise between
different political factions of the Punjab. Mamdot also had sittings with the Prime
Minister in which it was settled that CM Punjab would expand his cabinet by including
Daultana and Feroz Khan Noon in the cabinet.88 Ultimately, compromise was reached
between Daultana and Mamdot and he promised to include both in the cabinet. According
to the settlement Governor General wrote to Governor on November 3, 1948 that
Karamat Ali be excluded from the cabinet and Daultana and Noon be taken in ministry.89
On the other hand, Mamdot was so much afraid of Daultana and Noon that he
deviated from the promise. The step of Mamdot insulted Daultana and Noon and chances
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of reconciliation ended. It was the second time that Mamdot had deviated from his
pledge. Governor Punjab Francis Moodi was much annoyed with the political triangle i.e.
Daultana, Noon and Mamdot. He considered Mamdot as lazy and inefficient, Daultana as
trustless and atheist whereas Noon as weak personality.
Mamdot Ministry had to resign under Governor General’s orders in November,
1948. The new Ministry was established under Governor’s directions in which Mamdot
was still CM. Meanwhile, Daultana and Noon formed a political alliance against
Mamdot.90 Daultana started utmost efforts to become President of Muslim league. He
was of the view that by achieving the status he might be able to create an environment to
bring Mamdot in hot waters. Daultana became successful to achieve the slot of President
of Punjab Muslim League by securing twenty two votes. He toured the whole province
and addressed a meeting of all presidents and secretaries of district branches of Muslim
League and made it clear that provincial ministry of the party is answerable before
Muslim League Council. The political campaign was started to oust Mamdot from power
corridor by Daultana, soon after becoming President of provincial Muslim League. This
impression was common in Muslim Leagui workers that Daultana had got the patronage
of Liaquat Ali Khan. The Daultana-Mamdot tussle resulted in open and consistent
demand of Mamdot’s withdrawal from Chief Ministership
. In fact political norms and values declined so much that political maneuvering
reached at very mean level. All walks of life in Punjab especially Government servants,
political workers and press were divided. Daultana group requested the leader of house
with signatures of 41 members to move no confidence motion against Mamdot.
According to rules of business, it was necessary for the leader of house to summon
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Assembly session on 8th day of receiving such notice for discussion on no confidence.
The leaders of both sides considered themselves stalwarts and their thoughts were self
centered.
Prime Minister after feeling totally disappointed on the row between the both,
directed Governor to dismiss the ministry and impose Governor Rule in Punjab. Prime
Minster was thinking on those lines since August 1948, but it was Governor Moodi who
insisted that the political structure should be given another chance and system should be
allowed to work by replacing Mamdot with Malik Feroz Khan Noon. It showed that the
bureaucrats at that time were sincere with the national cause. Those were the
irresponsible politicians who grinded their own axes. The Governor General, Governor
and provincial bureaucracy controlled the situation. There was no leader of the stature of
Liaquat Ali Khan who could be able to tackle such crises.
At last Governor General issued orders for the implementation of Governor’s
Rule. The Assembly was dissolved and cabinet was stopped to work. Over the track
record of the Punjab Assembly was not impressive, it worked only for thirty days in the
period of one year. The official order issued regarding Governor Rule showed that
ministry had lost confidence of the house. The discipline in government departments had
declined due to intrigues and groupings. Many factors were responsible for such
situation. The main reason was the failure in performance of duties by members of
Assembly.
The dissolution of Punjab Assembly and implementation of section 92-A for
imposing Governor Rule was welcomed and praised by political circles. Only the Punjab
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Muslim League Working Committee (PMLWC) stated that imposition of section 92-A is
undemocratic step. However, PMLWC accepted it without hesitation that Punjab
Ministry became unsuccessful because Muslim League’s existence was nowhere in the
province. It is note-worthy that PMLWC was nominated by Daultana and he was
supported by Prime Minister, therefore it seems that PMLWC played a double role.
The politicians had become suspicious in the eyes of public because they were not
men of words as they did not follow any set principles. If provincial ML would have
taken stand against this undemocratic step and if the majority group would have given a
chance to form an alternate government then the democracy would have sustained and
the loss of democratic values in Punjab and ML would have been avoided. That selfish
attitude proved fatal and cost heavy price for the province and its politics.
Governor Moodi used his authority impartially and kept the political prejudice
aside due to which administrative performance ascended towards better level. Due to his
impartial role, the Assembly members were not happy with him as he used to of interfere
in provincial administration though for good reasons. By the close observation of Moodi
papers it became clear that he was main obstacle in the way of corrupt politicians and
Assembly members. He started a new series of inquiry against some officers on the
charges of misconduct and corruption, to improve administrative performance. Moodi
used to write against them to Prime Minister in advance and had collected evidences
against them as well. The inquiry could not be concluded because those people were blue
eyed boys of CM. After the imposition of Governor Rule the inquiry was held against
those officers and at the same time Mamdot was also interrogated and punished under
PRODA.
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In that episode it was evident that centre used to interfere in the provincial
matters. The PM wanted to give Momdot a safe passage in that regard Moodi was
informed telephonically on April 19, 1949.91 In which he was informed that careful
investigation had to be conducted and only relevant matter be reproduced. Moodi
informed |Prime Minister that he was aware of the propaganda against him at Karachi and
he also revealed that a case was lodged against Mamdot already. Liaquat Ali Khan
clarified the situation by replying that he had confidence in him and would not give
refuge to any criminal. Afterwards some planned steps were taken against Moodi by
some newspapers of Lahore on the basis of nationality in which daily Nawa-i-Waqt and
‘Safina’ were included. They emphasized that any Pakistani should be appointed
Governor not Moodi who was the British. In that campaign Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman
and Shahab-ul-Din were also involved according to Moodi. Their main object was to get
the favour of press against centre because Governor represented centre. It was quite
strange that after removal from CMship Mamdot was nominated in PMLWC. It might be
the part of that planning under which Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman wanted to control
Punjab. At the time Prime Minister did not take any notice of the situation.
Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman migrated to Pakistan after 1948. Although he was
sincere Muslim League member as he sacrificed all of his property and constituency in
East Punjab. Though he was given due respect but had no political influence. The step of
Mamdot’s favour might be taken for getting stake in provincial politics.
Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman tried his best to get control of administration and
provincial politics to assert a stronghold. The involvement of Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman
in the tussle between Pir Sahib Manki Sharif and Abdul Qayyum Khan in which he
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favoured Qayyum Khan, is evident in this regard. Secondly, in East Pakistan where
progressive groups of East Pakistan Muslim League (EPML) intended to establish
Awami Muslim League, the provincial organizers and provincial rulers were in
coordination with each other. Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman was unable to interfere in
undemocratic steps of provincial organizers because he wanted to keep himself safe from
any opposition from either side. He had no electoral constituency or followers like in
Lucknow. At the same time he wanted to be the President of PML and was at the mercy
of provincial organizers
The Politics of One Unit
The important issue after the decline of PML was to maintain the centre’s authority. The
provinces were dissatisfied with the centre. They, particularly, East Pakistan was
demanding provincial autonomy ‘beyond limits’. There was another crucial problem that
permanent constitution could not have been formed. Therefore, resolution of the
controversial constitutional issue was too difficult. At that time the most important hurdle
in the constitution-making process was the issue of representation of different provinces
in the Constituent Assembly. East Pakistan contained fifty six percent of the total
population of country. The remaining forty four percent comprised of four provinces and
the states. If population would have been declared as criterion of representation then East
Pakistan had clear cut permanent majority. The provinces of West Pakistan and states had
severe reservation on East Pakistan’s permanent supremacy.
To resolve the issue Muhammad Ali Bogra formula proposed bi-cameral
Parliament containing Upper House and Lower House. In upper house, there were total
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fifty seats which were equally distributed among the provinces. As a result, East Pakistan
had ten and West Pakistan had forty seats according to the said proposal. In Lower House
it was agreed upon to give one hundred and sixty five seats to East Pakistan and one
hundred and thirty five seats West Pakistan.92 The newly emerging parties of East
Pakistan did not accept the formula.
Another effort was being made by Governor General Malik Ghulam Muhammad
to resolve the issue. He proposed that different units of West Pakistan might be unified
and the representation in Constituent Assembly be given on the principle of parity
between East and West Pakistan. It was a difficult task to amalgamate different units of
West Pakistan. However, it was considered an ideal situation at that time. It was also
proposed to establish a sub-Federation.
Due to the dissolution of Constituent Assembly, Malik Ghulam Muhammad had
become much stronger. He persuaded Bogra to take especial steps for the establishment
of One Unit. He, as a Governor General had especial influence to get the proposal passed
in the provinces. Therefore, PM Bogra announced on November 22, 1954 from Radio
Pakistan that whole of the West Pakistan would be made a province with the approval of
different provincial assemblies.
On November 25, 1954 the NWFP Assembly passed the resolution on the
proposal of CM Sardar Abdul Rashid that all provinces of West Pakistan should be united
into One Unit. On November 30, 1954 Punjab Assembly also passed the resolution in that
regard. Abdul Sattar Pirzada CM Sindh was opponent of the proposal, therefore, his
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ministry was dissolve on November 8, and Ayub Khuhro was appointed CM, who got the
resolution passed in the favour of One Unit on December11, 1954.
To settle the detail of One Unit system of West Pakistan a high level conference
held on December 14, 1954 which was attended by Central Ministers, Provincial
Governors, CMs, Walies of different states and their ministers. The conference endorsed
the decision of One Unit of West Pakistan. The executive council of PML also approved
it on December 16, 1954. Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gormani was appointed head of Sub-
Committee to settle the details of One Unit. In February 1955, the Committee presented
its report to the Governor General, who through an especial Ordinance constituted an
Administrative Council. He further announced that the Governor of West Pakistan would
be Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gormani and Dr Khan Sahib would be the CM.93The
amendment which was made by Governor General to get especial powers to establish
One Unit system was challenged in federal court which declared it as unjust from
constitutional point of view. In this way the issue was delayed up to the formation of new
Assembly.
The role of National Assembly was also important for the approval of One Unit
Bill. Huseyn Shaheed Suharwardy was Minister of Law in second ministry of Bogra. He
prepared a draft of the Bill for One Unit which was presented in the Constituent
Assembly. According to the Bill, Punjab was given only forty seats having fifty six
percent populations in One Unit system. The surrender of seats by Punjab was to satisfy
the smaller units. It was proposed that until the new election held for West Pakistan
Assembly, the members of present assemblies would elect members for West Pakistan
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Assembly according to their quota. The provincial quota was further distributed on
district basis.94
There was an interesting situation when debate on One Unit was held in the
Constituent Assembly and Choudhry Muhammad Ali was PM and Suhrawardy, who
moved the Bill, was leader of opposition. Among the important opponents of the Bill
were also the ex-CM of NWFP who himself got the resolution passed for One unit.
Interestingly, Suhrawardy who was mover of the Bill also opposed it on the floor.95 The
Bill was passed on September 30, 1955. There were forty three votes in favour of the Bill
and thirteen against, which included five from the West and eight from the East Pakistan.
The One Unit came into existence on October 14, 1955.
The Phases of One Unit Politics
The One Unit politics passed through different phases. During the period PML was in the
process of decline. The Republican Party (RP) was established through horse-trading of
PML Assembly Members. Therefore, the support of Dr. Khan Sahib was sought which
resulted firstly in the establishment of One Unit Party which was later on renamed as
Republican Party.
This was the worst example of vested interests and power play which set a
negative model for future politicians. The first constitution of Pakistan which enabled
Governer General Iskander Mirza to become President lasted only for two years. The One
Unit system also could not enable the system to lessen the provincial differences. As a
result the situation deteriorated so much that Martial Law of October 1958 was imposed
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which was clear cut sign of failure of democratic system due to centre-province
differences.
The new ministry of One Unit always remained in doldrums. Gormani and Dr
Khan Sahib were accommodated by getting the favor of ML members forcibly. Khan
Sahib was not ready to join ML as he had his own political background so Iskandar Mirza
kept him on the post of CM of West Pakistan to tackle the issue of Pakhtunistan,
amicably. Consequently, RP was constituted to defend and protect Dr. Khan Sahib’s
ministry. Apparently it was showed that they were together for the safety of One Unit.
When the budget session of West Pakistan Assembly was being held, ML offered
National Party (NP) of GM Syed that if he cooperates with ML to break Republican
Ministry then ML would take appropriate steps to establish sub-federations of provinces
of West Pakistan. ML also got the support of such candidates who were against One Unit.
Political chaos was created again when Dr Khan Sahib was asked to take vote of
confidence from the Assembly by Sadar Bahadur Khan of ML.
The ministers under changing conditions recommended President Iskandar Mirza
and Governor Gormani to dissolve the Assembly but Governor after consultation with
President suspended the Assembly and Ministry both under section 193 of the
constitution. It was a clever step to avoid the danger of new elections so that Republican
Ministry could be reinstated after some time. The Central Government under Iskandar
Mirza was fragile which always sought the support for its survival.
The Central Government was not ready to hand over power to ML, Iskandar
Mirza even extended the duration of Governor Raj. However, the RP again got majority
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due to repeated change of loyalties. After that Governor Raj was over and Sardar Abdul
Rashid was appointed CM and Dr Khan Sahib was offered the party leadership. Hence
new ministry took oath on 17th July 1954.
Iskandar Mirza was continuously postponing the elections. He was staunch
supporter of presidential form of government under which he himself would be the
President. He also did not favour provincial autonomy. Suharwardy used the slogan of
provincial autonomy in last elections but after assuming power he did not bother. He, in
fact, wished that real power should be with centre instead of Lahore or Dhaka.
The situation of unrest was created in East Pakistan and the opponents of Awami
League (AL) became also of the view that power should be with the centre. Iskandar
Mirza was not sincere in the implementation of Constitution1956 in letter and spirit
which could resolve the issue of provision of authority to provinces. Implementation of
such sections was intentionally delayed to provide a basis for the failure of constitution.
The Constitution1956could resolve the issue related to centre and provinces despite all of
its drawbacks. It could be improved more with certain amendments. It would have
provided a good start but the opportunist group took supra constitutional steps. It might
be due to the reason that most of the ruling elite after Liaquat Ali Khan had bureaucratic
background; they just wished their policies and orders to be implemented. Secondly most
of them were ex-ICS (Indian Civil Service) officers having British mindset.
The role of National Awami Party (NAP) was also important in destabilizing One
Unit. It had ten members in the National Assembly whose position was decisive. In
September 1956, G.M Syed stated that “both ML and republicans has offered us to
136
dissolve One Unit”.96 They decided in the favour of Republican Party under an agreement
to dissolve One Unit and establish sub-federation of West Pakistan. The signatories of the
agreement were G.M Syed, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Mian Ifikhar ul Din, Malik Feroz
Khan Noon and Sardar Abdul Rashid.97Huseyn Shaheed Suharwardy was prime minister
at that time who did not accept any proposal against One Unit. He started mass contact
movement in the favor of One Unit. However in the course of these events his ministry
was dissolved.
Iskandar Mirza was not working against Gormani and Suharwardy he was a
nominated person and wanted to strengthen his position for political gains in the future.
He played double game with Suharwardy on one hand he encouraged him for One Unit
and on the other hand he advised ministers of RP to create hurdles for his public
meetings. Suharwardy had a vision for solution of political issues of the country but
could not be successful in his mission. Iskandar Mirza was creating provincial hatred and
polarized atmosphere against Suhrawardy. He was in power due to support of Republican
ministers who were demanding removal of Gormani, a potential threat to Mirza for the
slot of president therefore, Suharwardy had to accept him. After the removal of Gormani,
Suhrawardy also became the victim of Mirza because then Mirza had no need of him.
Suharwardy was an intelligent person he wanted to bring AL at national level. He was the
only leader from Eastern wing of the country supporting One Unit; he was victimized
politically by Iskandar Mirza and his team.
Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar was the next prime minister with the support of ML,
Krishak Seramic Party (KSP) and RP. That was an unnatural alliance all of the parties
had divergent interests. RP wanted to get rid of ML to form independent ministry.
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Iskandar Mirza, himself was afraid that ML and RP might not unite against him. Thirdly,
the inclusion of KSP in power at centre threatened AL ministers in East Pakistan. The
future politics turned such that AL, assured Feroz Khan Noon about their support and RP
refused to support ML on the issue of separate electorates and dissociated from ministry,
due to which Chundrigar had to resign just after 59 days in power December 16, 1957.
The ministry lasted from October 18, 1957 to December 16, 1957.
Iskander Mirza managed to control the government and politics by using tactics at
that time and he held the strings of all political puppets in his hands. After the dismissal
of Suharwardy, Iskander Mirza was in favor of RP to form ministry. The governments of
Ch. Muhammad Ali, Suharwady and Chundrigar depended on the support of Iskander
Mirza and Republicans. After dismissal of Suhrawardy cabinet, he invited Feroz Khan
Noon to form ministry. Actually the RP was not in majority in the Assembly and Noon
ministry was formed in such a way that Suharwardy assured him that AL would not join
ministry and part of opposition would support ministry when required. Iskander Mirza
wanted to be super prime minister in that way.
Feroz Khan Noon was unable to form ministry without the representation from
East Pakistan. AL favored Noon but was not ready to accept any ministry, KSP was
staunch opponent of AL. Noon adopted the middle way and included ministers from KSP
on “personal level”. In that Suharwardy supported the government by recommending
names of five ministers from AL. The number of cabinet members reached to 25 in the
house of 80 members. The departments and portfolios of ministers could not be decided.
It created chaos at central as well as provincial level. There was no administration and
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law and order, anarchy prevailed. On the controversy of distribution of ministries, all AL
ministers resigned unanimously.
The year of 1958 was very volatile in the early politics of both wings of Pakistan.
Much of the trends for the future politics were carved, which continued throughout the
coming years. The political instability was at peak in East Pakistan as compared to West
Pakistan. KSP, NAP and AL were not ready to accommodate each other. The disturbance
was occurred in East Pakistan Assembly which was the first ever such incident, Deputy
Speaker; East Pakistan Assembly Shahid Ali was wounded badly on the floor who later
on died.98
Due to failure of democratic experience, Martial Law was imposed and all had to
go home including Iskander Mirza and his allies. All of that did not happen in one day, it
was the continued process, since 1947. The centralist forces were very much strong who
did not allow provinces to have their due share in politics. The compulsive centre leaning
tactics created hatred among masses. The whole system was dismantled on the main issue
of provincial rights and representation.
The Martial Law regime under Gen. Ayub Khan remained in power till Mach25,
1969; he tried to justify his rule by introducing Pseudo democracy. He introduced the
basic democracy system for indirect representation and participation of masses in
Assembly despite strong and direct control. Ayub khan failed to reduce the feelings of
provincial hatred and provincial autonomy under One Unit. The imposition of one man
rule in the form of Constitution of1962 further deteriorated the situation which resulted in
the rapid decline of Ayub Khan. He maintained strong hold on provinces
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administratively, but the differences between East and West Pakistan widened more the
gulf of hatred. The incident which took place during the declining period of Ayub Khan
i.e. Agartala Conspiracy Case99 and rise of Mukti Bahini100 were clear cut anti-state
activities. The champions of provincial autonomy were unable to counter the tracks of
those elements which later on culminated in the separation of East Pakistan. It was clear
cut result of provincial differences against the centre at the cost of bitter Centre Province
relations.
The early year of Ayub Khan passed under the strict control of Martial Law. As
soon as he started proving himself legitimate for power and politics, the objections and
criticism arose due to his certain political steps. The situation under the One Unit
remained somewhat better as compared to East Pakistan. All of the constituting parts of
One Unit were at ease with centre for the exception of some relatively minor issues.
In East Pakistan it was the AL since its beginning, which had the anti-centre
tendencies. After the War, 1965, Sheikh Mujib remained successful in creating anti-
centre feelings in East Pakistan. He was in favour of a loose confederation instead of a
federation. He formulated his famous Six Points101 in that regard. Those points were
unacceptable even for Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, the head of AL West Pakistan.
Besides extremist parties of East Pakistan and provincial leaders, who had anti-centre
tendencies, propagated against Ayub Khan and his position became weaker day by day.
Throughout the rule of Ayub Khan the sentiments of centralism remained active
which provide irrecoverable loss to federation. That weakened the state structure and
democratic fabric internally. The strong centre created inter-provincial as well as centre-
140
provinces differences at optimum level. The so-called revolutionary Constitution of 1962
provided a strong Centre. The central legislative authority had complete grip on all
affairs. The president had also strong hold on provincial matters through his governors.
As soon as the “facts” regarding provincial autonomy revealed, the reaction against
centralism in provinces also became severer. That created provincialism which resulted in
the form of six points of Mujeeb. The general masses in both the wings got against Ayub
Khan also.
The Dissolution of One Unit
The experience of One Unit badly failed. Its basic intentions were to tackle the majority
of East Pakistan and to maintain strong hold of Western wing on national affairs. It came
into being on the principle of parity. That was an unsuccessful plan from the very outset,
and it did not meet the local demands. The people in power arena utilized it for keeping
their hold on respective offices. The main reason of failure of One Unit was due to the
concentration of power in the centre. Actually, at the start it was decided that the powers
of Divisional Commissioner would be increased to facilitate the people at local level and
they would hardly need to go to provincial secretariat. But Isikandar was a dictator by
temperament and wanted centralization of authority. Therefore, the authority of District
and Divisional officers was not increased. Ayub Khan also followed the same line of
action; it was very much difficult for people from remote areas of West Pakistan to reach
Lahore to settle their issues. The Lahore Civil Secretariat was also under pressure and
policy of Red Tape that further increased public difficulties. In such circumstances the
experience of One Unit became unsuccessful. The slogan of dissolution of One Unit was
141
the most popular during anti-Ayub movement and after his downfall it was not possible
for anyone to defend it.
The line of action of politicians of East Pakistan was sterner and staunch than
politicians of West Pakistan. They were totally against the principle of Parity and wanted
a formula on the basis of “one vote” according to which East Pakistan might get
representation according to its 56 percent population therefore they were far ahead of
Sindhi and NWFP leaders against One Unit. The One Unit scheme was annulled during
Gen. Yahya Khan’s regime on April 1, 1970. According to it the previous status of
Punjab, Sindh and NWFP was revived. The issues regarding Concurrent List were given
under the control of President. Separate High Courts were established for provinces. The
order of President could not be challenged in any court of law and only the President had
powers to explain it.
During Yahya Khan’s regime the centre province relations in the context of East
Pakistan were poles apart. The Six Points agenda having background of Agartala
Conspiracy was totally against the integrity of state. The agenda of Shaikh Mujeeb was
so much drastic according to his Six Point that, he wanted loose confederation under
which all provinces should act as separate states. He called it provincial autonomy which
was actually “dismemberment plan of Pakistan”. Under those conditions Nawabzada
Nasarullah resigned from AL which only confined to East Pakistan afterwards. After
1965 under the cover of centre-province differences the secret plan of separation was
being acted upon with cooperation of Indian secret agency RAW.102
142
The elections of 1970 were decisive in a way that it divided the nation for the first
time on political grounds between PPP and AL. The political leader-ship did not show
their vision to bridge the differences. Bhutto and Sheikh Mujib seemed to be the leaders
of two opponent countries and both took advantage of each other’s weak points. Punjab is
the province which had provided almost all parties and leaders to flourish on its soil. It is
fertile land in real sense for toleration, non-violence and inter-communal harmony other
than agriculture. PPP was established at Lahore in November, 1967 and launched its anti-
Ayub movement which met with success. The party was more successful in Punjab as
compared to other parts of country in the1970 Elections. Due to internal and personal
differences, the leaders like Meraj Muhammad Khan, Mian Mahmood Ali Kasuri and
Ahmad Raza Kasuri left cabinet and party in 1974. The staunch persons like Rasul Bux
Talpur, the Governor Sindh and the Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Governor Punjab also left
party by 1973 and later on contested bi-elections against PPP. In Punjab and Sindh, PPP
managed to form its government independently but in NWFP and Balochistan formed
coalition governments. On January 29, 1973 an agreement was signed between Abdul
Wali Khan and Bhutto to remove the constitutional deadlock but on February 15, 1973
Balochistan was put under president’s control and later on Nawab Akbar Bugti was
appointed Governor who unveiled the conspiracy of Russian weapons in the Embassy of
Iraq. On the same day JUI government in NWFP headed by Maulana Mufti Mahmood
resigned, which led to another deadlock. Initially, the issue was tackled shrewdly and in
both provinces PPP ally Ministries were established. In NWFP, Inayatullah Gandapur
and in Balochistan, Jam Ghulam Qadir of Lasbela formed the Government.
143
On the other hand, the internal condition of the Government was going on quite
smoothly. The internal condition of Balochistan was such that Jam Sahib was unable to
control the circumstances as certain tribes launched armed revolt. Therefore, military
action had to be taken onMay22, 1973. Nawab Akbar Bugti the then Governor of
Balochistan considered it interference in provincial matters. He refused to support PPP
government in Balochistan and resigned in November, 1973 as a protest. Mir Ahmad Yar
Khan became Governor in January, 1974 till July 4, 1977. The situation under him was
also not satisfactory. The armed struggle became common and hatred among ethnic and
tribal groups spread which further worsened the atmosphere. The conflict of the Baloch
and Pakhtuns came into limelight. The most important incident was the murder of Abdul
Samad Achakzai on December2,1973. The writ of centre became weak in the province.103
The Central Government justified army action by declaring the public reaction as
rebellion on the dissolution of the NAP Government in the province. Two Baloch
organizations Pakhtun Zalme and Baloch Varma were banned. Despite all those steps the
situation was not under control in NWFP and Balochistan. By the end of 1974, terrorists
started bomb blast and taking advantage of the situation other terrorist activities became
frequent.
In early 1975 Hayat Muhammad Sherpao Senior Minister of NWFP was killed in
a bomb blast at department of History, University of Peshawar. Central Government
declared NAP responsible for it and imposed bane on it furthermore its important leaders
were sent to jail. Afterwards, Central Government consulted Supreme Court to impose
bane on the NAP which was decided in the favour of government after observing the
144
secret documents. Wali Khan and his companions were charged and case started against
them in Special Tribunal at Hyderabad. They remained under arrest till July 5, 1977.
The bitter centre-province relations also resulted in the decline of PPP. The year
1976 was the optimum of PPP power, when it was totally difficult to have difference of
opinion with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto for anyone. Ghulam Mustafa Khar, who was the
backbone of PPP power in Punjab left party on differences with Bhutto. Later on,
Muhammad Hanif Ramay also left party on the ‘injustices being done with the Punjab’.
Ahmad Raza Kasuri was victimized and taken under pressure. Khwaja Khair ud Din an
important ML leader hailing from former East Pakistan was kidnapped. Bhutto had
reached to a level of power phobia that he did not care about anyone and was not ready to
bear opposition at any level. Even founding General Secretary J.A. Rahim was tortured
due to difference of opinion. Those were the clear cut signs of ‘love’ of Bhutto for the
Punjab which enabled him to enter in power corridors.
The condition of centre-province relations during Zia rule could be called normal.
Gen. Zia actually banned all political parties and political activities. Therefore small
regional pressure groups emerged based on ethnic and nationalist grounds. Those groups
had vested interests; all of them remained active at local level. Under Martial Law and
later on under controlled democracy the provincial governments were in coordination
with centre. That period passed through the legitimization of Martial Law through the
induction of Islamizaton process to divert people from the real issues. He, later on, lifted
Martial Law and introduced controlled and limited democracy. The whole period
witnessed postponement of elections many times and victimization of PPP and its
workers.
145
It is the nature of autocrats and dictators that they never wish to see their downfall
and they want to see their policies to be continued even after them and for that purpose
they have their allies who facilitate them as facilitated by dictator himself. Zia was a
soldier with no political background so he saddled the hired politicians and planned to
impose his policies through them. It is very much important to note that every military
ruler in Pakistan was provided base and support by right wing politicians mostly by ML.
General Zia followed the pattern of Ayub Khan and introduced limited democracy
based upon Local Body System. Gen. (R) Ghulan Jilani rescued Zia from political crises.
He discovered a team to legalize military rule and to support Zia. The parliament based
upon non-party elections of 1985 was changed into party colours. The party system was
evolved by setting up political administration at central and provincial levels. The first
provincial government of Punjab under Zia was headed by Gen. (Rted) Jilani and his
handpicked CM Nawaz Sharif who enjoyed the rule without fear of any interruption till
the decline of Zia.
References & Notes
1M. Rashiduz Zaman, Pakistan: A Study of Government and Politics (Dacca: Ideal Library, 1967), p.11. 2John Mcleod, The History of India (Westport: Greenwood Press 2002), p.102. 3Montague was minister for Indian affairs and Lord Chelmsford was Governor General of India at that
time. 4Mehmood, Muslim League, p.150. 5Pakistan Times, Lahore, April 30, 1948. 6 It was named as Awami League in 1955. 7Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad, Speeches and Writings of Quaid-i-Azam, Vol.II (Lahore: Sheikh Muhammad Ashraf
Publishers, 1964), p.490. 8Census of Pakistan, Vol. 1, Table No. 7, 1951 9Safdar Mehmood Muslim League ka daur e Hukumat, p.153 10Dawn, Karachi, August 24-25, 1952. 11Malik Feroz Khan Noon, From Memory (Lahore: Ferozsons, 1960), p.225.also see, Dawn, Karachi, April
20, 1951. 12Dawn Karachi, January 11, 1953. 13Ibid, January, 13, 1953. 14The Economist, London, March27, 1954 p.957.
146
15Pakistan Times, Lahore March 27, 1954. 16Ghulam Mustafa, “Alliance Politics in Pakistan: A Study of the United Front” in Pakistan Journal of
History and Culture, Vol. XXXI, No.1, 2010, National Institute of Historical & Cultural Research, p.112. 17Inam ul Rehman, Public Opinion and Political Development in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University
Press, 1982), p.35. 18 Stanely Marol, “The Problems of East Pakistan”, Pacific Affairs, Vol.28,1955. p.134. 19New York Times, May,23.1954. 20 Fazl-ul-Haq was the AIML leader who presented ‘Lahore Resolution 1940’. 21Rafique Afzal, Political Parties in Pakistan (Islamabad: National Commission on Historical and Cultural
Research, 1976), pp.35-129. 22Dawn Karachi, May 31,1954 23 Ibid June,21,1954. 24 Safdar Mehmood, Muslim League Ka daur e Hukumat, p161 25 Ibid 26Pakistan Times, Lahore, October 22, 1947. 27The Economist, London, September 24, 1949, p.678. 28Daily Mashriq, Lahore, March 19, 1964. 29Ibid. 30Syed Nur Ahmad, Marshal Law se Marshal Law Tak, p.364. 31 Safdar Mehmood, Muslim League ka Daur-i-Hakoomat, (Lahore: Jang Publisher, 2002), p.128. 32Pakistan Times, Lahore, May 4, 1948. 33 Pakistan Times Lahore, February 2, 1949. 34The Economist, London, September 24, 1949, p.678. 35Ibid., January 14, 1951. 36Ibid., April 17-18, 1950. 37 Ayesha Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia: A Comparative and Historical
Perspective, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p.160. 38Pakistan Times, Lahore March 26, 1951. 39Dawn, Karachi, December 5, 1951. 40Ibid., December 8, 1951. 41Ibid., December 12, 1951. 42Pakistan Times, Lahore, December 12, 1951. 43Dawn, Karachi, December 19, 1951. 44Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, December 25, 1951. 45Ibid., December 27, 1951. 46Dawn, Karachi, December 28, 1951. 47The section 92-A was imposed on December 29, 1951 in Sindh, the ministry was dissolved and Sindh
Assembly was banned to work. Ibid., December 30, 1951. 48 The assembly lasted for three years and only six sessions could be held and as a whole sixty five days
work could be done. 49Ibid., February 12, 1952. 50Ibid., April 24, May 21, 1952. 51Ibid., January 8, 1953. 52Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, January 27, 1953. 53Pakistan Times, Lahore, March 28, 1953. 54The other members of the committee were Pir Mehfooz Elahi, Sardar Amir Azam Khan, Pir
Pagaro and Syed Ahmad Nawaz. Dawn, April 9, 1953. 55Ibid. May 23, 1953. 56Mian Zia-ud-Din, Memoirs of a Pakistani Diplomat (Peshawar: University Book Agency, 1976), p.80. 57Dawn Karachi, June 23,1954 58Mehmood, Muslim League, p.183. 59 The other story was that Dr. Khan had reports of expected attack on his life, therefore, he restrained
himself to attend the ceremony. Ibid 60 Zia-ud-Din, Memoirs of a Pakistani Diplomat, p.80.
147
61 Badshah Gul came to Pakistan in 1947.Mehmood, Muslim League, p.141. 62Ibid. 63Ibid. 64Ibid,p.142. 65Pakistan Times, Lahore, December 9, 1948. 66Syed Nur Ahmad, Marshal Law se Marshal Law Tak, p.382. 67Pakistan Times, Lahore, April 20,1949. 68Syed Nur Ahmad, Marshal Law se Marshal Law Tak, p.383. 69Pakistan Times, Lahore, March 18, 1951. 70Mehmood, Muslim League, p.144. 71Pakistan times, Lahore April 27.,1951 72The main objective of Liaquat Ali khan’s visit of Peshawar was to review the organizational matters of
NWFP League. The local leader of Muslim League were complaining about the attitude of Qayum Khan
who was maneuvering to hold both posts i-e party’s head and government’s head at the same time. Dawn,
Karachi, April 29, 1951. 73Mehmood, Muslim League, p.144. 74Ibid, p.147. 75Ibid, p.145. 76Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, March 5, 1973. 77 Sardar Abdul Rashid was retired IG Police, who was being appointed as CM NWFP and President PML
NWFP. 78 Pakistan Times, Lahore December,1. 1954 79Pakistan Times, Lahore, Jaunary,22,1951 80 Ibid January,27,1951 81Nawai Waqt, Lahore, February,24,1950 82Pakistan Times, Lahore, May13,1951 83 Ibid, February,7,1952 84Dawn Karachi, March,21,1952 85G.W. Choudhary, Constitutional Development in Pakistan (London: Longman Group Ltd., 1959), p.107. 86Fauja Singh and Chaman Lal Datta, Who's Who: Punjab Freedom Fighters, Vol. 1 (Patiala: Department
of Punjab Historical Studies, Punjabi University, 1972), p.Ixxxii. 87Safdar Mahmood, Pakistan: Rule of Muslim League and Inception of Democracy, 1947-54 (Lahore: Jang
Publishers, 1997), p.62. 88From Martial Law to Martial Law: Politics in the Punjab, 1919-1958 (Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1985),
pp. 298-300. 89This agreement became open for public as it was published in Newspapers. 90Khalid B. Sayeed, Pakistan: The Formative Phase1857-1948(Karachi: Pakistan Publishing House, 1960),
p.433. 91Dawn, Karachi, April 20, 1949. 92 Muhammad Asif Malik, Ideology and Dynamics of Politics in Pakistan (Lahore: Publishers Emporium,
2001), p.75. 93 Doctor Khan Sahib brother of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was Chief Minister of NWFP at the time of
division. At the moment he was in Bogra Ministry. 94 The Assembly was proposed to be constituted indirectly elected members. For details see, Syed Nur
Ahmad, From Martial Law to Martial Law (London: Westview Press, 1985), p.346. 95 Z.A Suleri, Liaqat Ali Khan Se Sadar Ayub Tak (Rawalpindi: Noor Art Press, 1964), p.96. 96 Khadim Hussain Soomro, The Path not Taken: G.M. Syed Vision and Valvour in Politics (Sehwan
Sharif: Sain Publishers, 2004), p.178. 97Ibid, p.183. 98Arabia: The Islamic World Review, Issues 50-61, Islamic Press Agency, 1985, p.28. 99Agartala Conspiracy Case was registered by the Government of Pakistan in 1967 against Awami League
chief Sheikh Mujibur Rahman along with army personnel and government officials. They were charged of
hatching a conspiracy to separate East Pakistan from Pakistan with Indian. 100 The Mukti Bahini was Bengali resistance organization that fought against the Pakistan Army during the
War of 1971 to separate East Pakistan.
148
101For details see, Syed Humayun, Sheikh Mujib's 6-point Formula: An Analytical Study of the Breakup of
Pakistan (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1995). 102 As per Pakistan government allegations against Mujibur Rahman, Indian involvement was over there.
Hamoodur Rahman Commission of Inquiry Into the 1971 India-Pakistan War, Supplementary Report
(Islamabad: Government of Pakistan, 2007), p.72. 103Jang, Karachi, December 3, 1973.
149
Chapter 3
Centre-Province Relations: The Case of Punjab, 1988-1990
Certain important developments took place during the middle of the year 1988, which
changed the scene at governmental level. The differences between General Zia-ul-
Haq and the PM Muhammad Khan Junejo erupted and as a result the assemblies were
dissolved on May 29, 1988.1 The other important development was a plane crash on
August 17, 1988, due to which Zia-ul-Haq with General Akhtar Abdul Rahman,
Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, Brigadier Siddique Salik, Arnold Raphel,
and US Ambassador to Pakistan, General Herbert M. Wasom, the Head of US
Military Aid Mission to Pakistan and many other important officers died.2 Due to the
incident a crisis emerged in the country but the situation was tackled amicably by
General Aslam Baig, Vice Chief of Army Staff and Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Chairman
Senate of Pakistan. General Baig became Chief of the Army Staff and Ghulam Ishaq
Khan became caretaker President.3 There were chances of the imposition of Martial
Law but General Baig kept himself and army away from politics.4 The caretaker
Government assured holding of elections as per decision of the Late President Zia, on
November 16, 1988. The elections were going to be held on non-party basis.
However, the Supreme Court gave the verdict in favor of party-based elections on the
petition of Benazir Bhutto. Due to that, political activities started in the country.5
Prior to the decision of Supreme Court and death of General Zia, the holding
of the elections in-time was suspected by the political circles, as he delayed elections
several times in the past. Besides, due to non-party political trend introduced by
General Zia, the national-level politics were damaged. The organizational structure of
certain political parties shattered, because many representatives of political parties
participated in the non-party elections of 1985, following the decisions of their
150
respective political parties. It was a change of political culture that General Zia was
successful to bring during his regime. In such atmosphere the political leaders were
just to speculate about the re-imposition of Martial Law.
The sudden demise of General Zia-ul-Haq in air crash on August 17, 1988
near Bahawalpur, created problems of legitimacy because he had certain powers in
hand. Consequently, the vacuum created was filled by the Chairman Senate Ghulam
Ishaq Khan and General Mirza Aslam Baig.6 General Zia had announced general
elections to be held on November 16, 1988. Earlier, he had delayed elections many
times and introduced Local Bodies System, on the pattern of Ayub Khan, to prove
himself a legitimate ruler. The holding of non-party Elections of 1985 was another
step of his authoritarian rule. He prepared a full team of his ‘viceroys’ who could run
the government and implement his policies even after him. It was the desire of
dictator, autocrats and authoritarian rulers to implement the policies and system of
their own choice, and they also like to see their policies be continued after them. The
regimes of Ayub, Zia’ and Musharraf are identical in cases in this connection. The
important figures and champions of politics and democracy emerged under the
umbrella of those three. So, they were responsible to create authoritarian system for
the reason that they could not be challenged. The lot of politicians, who claimed for
change and democracy under them, had the same mindset and despite all vision,
claims and plans for democracy, they had the designs of authoritarianism in their sub-
conscious.
It can be judged mostly in all political parties with the exceptions of a few that
the dynasties are made. It is the case not only with Pakistan but throughout South East
Asia, including India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka etc. Ayub Khan emerged due to the
early autocrats’ rule of Ghulam Muhammad and Iskandar Mirza; Bhutto emerged
151
under the patronization of Ayub Khan who thought that Bhutto would continue his
thoughts. In the same patterns and style, Nawaz Sharif was handpicked by Zia who
very quickly passed the evolutionary stages of political development which could
only be possible in Pakistan in that short span of time.7
The sudden emergence of those sorts of leaders could not ascertain their vision
as was expected. They adopted the same style of power politics in a new disguise. In
Pakistan it is a bad luck that due to in-efficiency of political system and political
leaders, bureaucracy and establishment always found free hand to act upon their own
designs. So the hidden elements always remained under cover and unaccountable. The
powerful bureaucracy was always in power and never got controlled. Only the faces
and regimes changed the same designs and patterns continued in a chain. Ghulam
Ishaq Khan was part of the same chain that remained as pawn on the political chess
board despite being a retired bureaucrat. He had strong influence in power circles. He
managed to become Chairman, Senate of Pakistan and later on became President
under the constitutional provision after the demise of Zia. According to Quaid-i-
Azam’s idea of Pakistan, such type of democracy was to be created whose
foundations would be established on Islamic principles. Unfortunately neither Islam
nor democracy was established in its real form. The politicians for their own
objectives provided many chances to bureaucracy to go beyond its limits and
bureaucracy became the real ruling elite in Pakistan. Most of them became President,
members of cabinet etc. The Pakistani bureaucracy is so much tactful that it had the
capability of creating situations of its own choice. It had strong influence in certain
political parties, organizations and personalities. It could establish new political
parties by breaking down old parties. Observing the power show the real power i.e.
military bureaucracy also paved its way. Therefore, the Commander-in-Chief of Army
152
General Ayub Khan was made Minister of Defense and, later on, he also worked as
PM for three days w.e.f. October 25-27, 1958, though that is not allowed in any
democratic system. The military remained real power in country mostly in all
times, in different shapes i.e. as sleeping partner, as remotely controlling power and as
real ruling power. The military benefited from the services of fresh, loyal politicians
and feudal. Another unseen but most powerful factor emerged in Pakistani politics is
called ‘establishment’. It is the group of high ranking civil and military bureaucracy
which is responsible for the rise and fall of different regimes. It criticized severely the
political parties and dismantled the political set up several times. It remained mostly
successful to establish an official political party comprised of such politicians who
raise slogans to strengthen hands of President or “to elect an Army General in
uniform”. Sometimes non-party elections were hold for the purpose and sometimes
successful candidates were gathered under one umbrella. The non-party elections
were also held under a military ruler, Zia. The President made PM of his own choice
by the consultation of military and political advisors i.e. Muhammad Khan Junejo. He
was considered the most gentle PM of Pakistan. He also formed a political party and
the nonparty assembly was changed into party based assembly under instructions of
President though it later on upheld democratic values, when the PM demanded end of
Martial Law and neglected the real ruling group but then he was dismissed. That was
the clear example of type of action of establishment which had strings in its hands.
The establishment sometimes worked under foreign instructions, when the ruling
groups remained no more useful for foreign power.
In case Zia remained alive the elections of November, 1988 might have
postponed as per his previous record, because the situation would have gone out of his
control, if elections were held. Ghulam Ishaq Khan the important member of
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establishment became President and the bureaucracy got active to establish or
reorganize any party against PPP. To continue the policies of Zia, after him Nawaz
Sharif was considered most appropriate person. Different opponent parties of PPP
including PML gathered at one platform. An alliance named Islami Jamhori Ittehad
(IJI) was formed under the President ship of Nawaz Sharif. The power base of IJI was
in Punjab.
The Elections 1988
General Zia-ul-Haq after dissolving the Junejo ministry on May 29, 1988 was paving
public opinion for the implementation of ‘Islamic System’ and was working whole
heartedly for the preparation of ‘Shariat Ordinance’. The political scene was
developing in accordance to the prevalent political norms. The preparation of
elections started since June, 1988. Due to certain activities of Election Commission,
like provision of staff at regional offices and facility of hotline, the political parties
and groups also became active.
Due to the previous experience of non-party elections the political parties were
showing their interest for party based elections. The government had to accept the
demand. It had made compulsory for all political parties to register with Election
Commission. Benazir Bhutto, Chairperson PPP had submitted a writ in Supreme
Court against the ‘Registration Act’. On June 20, 1988 Supreme Court declared
certain amendments of Registration Act of political parties against the constitutions.
Due to that, PPP achieved much political and psychological benefit. It started
preparation for elections. A prominent group of PML was active to create such
conditions that General Zia had to announce and hold elections in time. Different
political leaders contacted each other; Benazir Bhutto herself was active to create
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harmony among diverse political leadership of country for holding elections.
Therefore, Benazir herself invited PML for negotiations, Rana Naeem Mahmood held
meeting with Benazir which was severely opposed by Nawaz Sharif and Ghulam
Haider Wyien. Under increasing pressure, General Zia announced that elections
would be held on non-party basis on November 16, 1988.
General Zia wanted to take advantage of internal conflicts of PML and PPP.
Until the decision of Supreme Court regarding Registration Act, PPP was divided
internally. Some of its members were ready for registration. However, the decision of
Supreme Court secured PPP from internal conflict.8 On the other hand, PML had also
become the victim of ‘grouping’. The Chief Ministers of all the four provinces were
making efforts to remove Junejo from Presidentship of PML, except Pir Pagara. Mian
Nawaz Sharif was in an effort to hold meeting of Junejo and Zia to end the party
conflict but he failed to arrange that meeting. On August 13, 1988 a joint session of
PML held at Islamabad Hotel which was dominated by the supporters of Junejo. The
session proceedings could not be carried out smoothly as there was exchange of harsh
word and disturbance between supporters of Junejo and Nawaz Sharif, which created
the imbalance in national politics.
The sudden death of General Zia provided a chance to many suppressed and
victimized groups to reorganize them. The supporters of Zia wanted to establish
‘Ziaism’. The supporters of PML aimed to unite the party during a meeting of
supporters, provincial CMs and League’s Council in which Fida Muhammad Khan
was appointed President and caretaker CM Punjab Mian Nawaz Sharif was appointed
as General Secretary of the party. On the other hand, the supporters of Pir Pagara
elected Junejo as President and Iqbal Ahmed Khan as Secretary General in there
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Central Council’s session.9 Therefore, by the end of August 1988, PML had divided
into two factions.
The decision regarding the dissolution of Assembly by Zia also created
uncertain condition. Lahore High Court’s Full Bench had declared the step of May 29,
1988 of dissolution of assemblies as unconstitutional in response to a writ petition of
Haji Saifullah. Hamid Nasir Chattha, the Speaker National Assembly and Manzoor
Ahmad Watto announced to summon the meeting of National Assembly and the
Provincial Assembly, respectively. It created chaos by obtaining ‘stay order’ against
the decision of National Assembly. Lahore High Court clarified the situation that
although Presidential Ordinance was unconstitutional but assemblies could not be
revived because the new elections were announced.10 Hamid Nasir Chattha
summoned the session of National Assembly on October 2, 1988. Junejo, being a
legitimate PM, conveyed to Secretary National Assembly to open his office. It created
a probability of two parallel governments which was later on nullified with the
Supreme Court decision on October 4, 1988. It saved the nation from a serious
political chaos. Supreme Court also made it clear that elections would be held on
party basis. PPP, being the most organized party gained much popularity and so was
the main beneficiary of the decision.
The Elections 1988 were held under uncertain conditions, however, had
certain unique features. The assurance of President Ishaq Khan and General Aslam
Beg about holding polls in time, impartial and just elections and assurance of
impartiality of caretaker governments are worth-mentioning. Caretaker Government
made all necessary arrangements for the forthcoming elections. The independent
candidates, political parties and political alliances were enthusiastically participating
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in the election process. The army, judiciary and caretaker government remained
impartial and hence, the political maturity and participation of the public increased.
The Elections 1988: An Over-view of Electoral Alliances
The formation of electoral alliances at the eve of elections is a routine matter in
democratic countries where multi-party systems exist. Different political parties,
organizations, political groups, pressure groups have to be active for their survival.
They have to cooperate with other political parties for alliances. Many small parties
get ready to cooperate with each other. Small parties get much benefit from the
alliances. Their interests are safeguarded and they easily get public support for their
candidates. People can easily chose and identify the candidates.
During October 1988 elections, many electoral alliances came into being,11 i.e.
Islami Jamhori Ittehad (IJI), Pakistan Awami Ittehad, Left Hand Democratic Front,
Pakistan National Democratic Alliance, NPP (Khar GP) with Jamat Ahl-i-Sunnat,
Confidential Seat adjustment between PPP, JUI (F), Awami National Party Sindhi
Baloch-Pakhtoon Front, Balochistan National Alliance, Punjabi-Pakhtoon Ittehad.
The most prominent alliance was IJI which was mainly formed against PPP. The
alliance emerged successfully in the Punjab which became its power base. Later on,
the alliance got active part in confrontation with PPP’s federal government. The
nature of centre-province relations remained stained with lawlessness and disorder
which weakened the democratic setup.
The Formation Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI)
Mostly the electoral alliances come into existence at the eve of Elections. Often they
are established against ruling party. The ruling party is already strong as it establishes
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ministry after the elections and makes every possible effort to popularize its name and
fame. Most of the time the opposition parties make alliances against ruling political
party but the case of Elections 1988 was different where IJI was an electoral alliance
comprised of the ex-ruling stalwarts against PPP.
PPP, at that time was considered as strong party, came forward for the defense
and development of democratic forces. The allied-parties were not in a position to
challenge it individually. At the end of eleven years of Zia regime, PPP had emerged
as a country-wide popular and organized party. Hence, it was only possible to make
an alliance against it to contest election with the chances to win in the forth-coming
elections. Therefore, the mutual contact and consensus between the leaders of
rightwing parties increased immensely. The apparent situation was favorable for PPP
because PML had divided into two parts practically after the dismissal of Junejo
government. One group was in favor of Junejo and the other in favor of Zia under the
leadership of Nawaz Sharif. One was equal partner of power and other totally
deprived of power. During their mutual tussle General Zia, died in an air crash. After
that sad incident, the mutual understanding between both became out of question.
Junejo group was continuously criticizing the caretaker provincial governments. Both
groups sought alliances separately to multiply the effect of disintegration. On one
hand Fida Muhammad Khan12 laid the foundation of IJI and on the other Junejo group
made alliance with Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani, Jamiat ul Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP)
and Air Martial (Retd) Asghar Khan13 Tehrik-i-Istiqlal (TI) under there name of
Awami Ittehad.14 Maulana Noorani was nominated as Convener of the Ittehad and Lt.
General (Retd) M.A. Ansari15 was nominated as General Secretary. Maulana Noorani
while talking to the press stated that “this is an electoral alliance for the time period of
five years. It will nominate its joint candidates.”16 Jamiat ul Ulema-i-Islam Fazlur
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Rahman (JUI (F)) and Pakistan Democratic Party (PDP) and Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) were
also contacted to join the alliance.17
The initial negotiations for the formation of alliance were held at National
People’s Party’s leader Dr. Sarfraz Mir’s residence at Islamabad. The first session was
also attended by three leaders of JI i.e. Prof. Ghafoor Ahmad, Prof. Khurshid Ahmad
and Ch. Rehmat Elahi.18 JI had reservations having their own point of view; it
presented five points for cooperation which included assurance of holding of
November 16, Elections, release of Islami Jamiat Talaba (IJT) workers, withdrawal of
cases against them and to reinstate the workers of JI in different trade unions. JI did
not attend the second session due to some reservations, but later on it joined IJI on
October 10, 1988.19
Following the early negotiations, IJI was announced to be established on
October 5, 1988. After the inclusion of JI and other groups Prof. Ghafoor Ahmad of
(JI) was nominated General Secretary and Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi as President.20 Mian
Nawaz Sharif stated that JI joined the alliance unconditionally.21 To give an
impression of alliance at larger scale initially eight parties and later on eleven parties,
organizations and political groups joined it. Those included; Jamat-i- Islami (JI),
Pakistan Muslim League (F) (Fida Group), National People’s Party (NPP), Markazi
Jamiat Ahl-i- Hadith (Lakhvi Group), Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Islam (Darkhwasti Group),
Hizb-i-Jihad, Jamiat Al-Mashaikh Pakistan, Azad Group (Fakhar Imam), Nizam-i-
Mustafa Group, Khaksar Tehreek, Pakistan Muslim League (Junejo) which joined
later on.22
The efforts of forming alliance and reunion of both the factions of PML also
became fruitful on October14, 1988. The differences between both the factions ended
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and Junejo group joined the alliance. It was a face saving for PML which was victim
of internal differences. It revived the identity of PML. If the chaos would not have
been controlled in time, conditions and history would have been different. The parties
under alliance belonged to right wing, though were different from their ideological
and social leanings. IJI contained two main political parties i.e. PML and JI, other
were small groups. In fact to gain the public popularity united these parties under one
banner.
The Election Campaign
The real objective of IJI’s election campaign was to target PPP. According to IJI’s
point of view, PPP wanted to create disturbance with the support of Hindu and Jewish
lobby.23 It propagated that PPP was responsible for the dismemberment of country in
1971. It alleged that Bhutto had under hand deal, on the basis of ‘Idhar Hum, Udhar
Tum’ and on Kashmir issue also after the debacle of East Pakistan. They also
propagated that it was the PPP’s militant group ‘Al-Zulfikar’ which hijacked PIA
plane. IJI appealed to people not to bring PPP into power again.
The Military Patronization
According to Prof. Ghafoor Ahmad, Chief of Army Staff, General Mirza Aslam Baig
invited him on a dinner at his official residence. The other participants were all the
four Chief Ministers, Federal Interior Minister Naseem Aaheer, ISI Chief, Lt. General
Hamid Gul, NPP Chief Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, Dr. Sarfraz and others.24 During
conversations, Hameed Gul presented his analysis of the political situation including
special focus on IJI, although unification of PML was materialized but disputes
remained, Party lacked discipline also. The candidates, who had not been given
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tickets, were contesting elections as independent candidates, instead of withdrawing
their candidature.
Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi had also expressed that NPP was not satisfied about the
distribution of tickets. JUI (D)’s anger further aggravated due to non-issuance of
tickets to Maulana Ajmal. JI complained about the promise of required seats which
had not been fulfilled yet. The student wing (IJT) of JI had complaints from Punjab
government also; due to that JI was not able to get cooperation of students and youth.
Independent group was also unsatisfied because Syeda Abida Hussain was not
allotted ticket. Jamiat Ahl-i-Hadith was also angry on tickets related issue. Hizb-i-
Jihad was also angry due to non-issuance of ticket from Islamabad to Agha Murtaza
Poya. After the general analysis, Hameed Gul stated that according to his survey till
then PPP had edge against IJI. In a province-wise analysis he said that PPP was in a
better position to bag more seats from NWFP, Punjab and Sindh. It lagged behind
only in Balochistan. According to his survey, PPP was in a position to get 94 National
Assembly seats and IJI 68 seats.25
Lt.Gen. Fazal Haq26 and Naseem Aaheer disagreed with the analysis but the
flaws which were pointed out were based on facts. PML (J) joined alliance at the last
moment when the process of ticket distribution had almost been completed. Some
concessions were granted to Junejo as he was President of united PML but Nawaz
Sharif remained dominant regarding ticket distribution.27 The participant parties of
alliance had lack of confidence, important figures had mutual tussle e.g. Junejo and
Jatoi.
According to Prof. Ghafoor Ahmed, he had contacts with Gen. Aslam Beg
and Lt. Gen. Hameed Gul at different levels regarding the performance and working
of IJI Prof. Ghafoor met second time with Gen. Aslam Beg at his residence on
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November 6, 1988. Lt. Gen. Hameed Gul, Federal minister Naseem Aaheer, Ghulam
Mustafa Jatoi and Nawaz Sharif. During the meeting Gen. Hameed Gul informed
about election campaign and expected election results. According to him the position
of IJI improved in NWFP and IJI would be able to get about 69 seats as compared to
90 seats of PPP. He proposed that IJI should establish a separate cell to tackle the
post-election situation which should be in a position to contact successful candidates
of FATA, independent candidates, Pakistan National Party and Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-
Islam. He stressed to contact Maulana Fazalur Rehman, Pir Pagara, Haji Hanif
Tayyab28 and Mohajir Qoumi Movement (MQM). Balochistan National Party (BNP)
was in a better position to get success in Balochistan and JUI in NWFP. It became
clear that how military and ISI patronized IJI in its role in future government making
and downfall of next PPP government.29
General Hameed Gul had very keen observation and analysis of the facts as
ISI Chief. The anger of IJT was not limited to Punjab only but many students were
imprisoned in jails of Karachi and Hyderabad. The provincial governments were
using delaying tactics to fulfill their promises. MQM was dominant in urban area of
Sindh, which had not joined alliance despite all efforts. IJI candidates had to face
tough electoral competition with MQM candidates. Despite that Interior Minister
Naseem Aaheer was in direct contact with MQM. It was difficult for parties of IJI to
work in those areas. It was unexpected but after the formation of alliance anti JI and
anti IJT activities were increased. A prominent leader of JI Liaquat Baloch30 was
attacked at Lahore. Due to the internal disturbance IJI could neither establish its
central or provincial offices nor published its manifesto.
Comparatively PPP was better prepared for the situation and had circulated its
manifesto.31 The common cause in the establishment of IJI Despite internal
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differences was to stop PPP to come into power again. All political parties and
opposition leaders had suffered severely during its last rule. Many political leaders
were murdered, workers were tortured, basic rights remained suspended, emergency
was imposed, judiciary’s authority was decreased and the constitution was amended
single handed. The political parties were stopped to work. Due to all those bitter
experiences all leaders and parties were worried about the possibilities of PPP’s
coming into power again.32
November, 1988 was an important month in the country’s political history.
The election activities were at its peak. The overall analysis of election campaign
ensured that IJI would give tough time to PPP; however, it could only partially
materialize. IJI was established only three weeks before the elections. Its main
objective was to prevent PPP to come into power again. The public meetings of IJI
were heavily crowded more than expectations. The alliance had created confidence
and enthusiasm between mutually divided workers on party basis. On the other hand
PPP was also active, its workers got an open chance after a long time, and their
attitude was aggressive. At different places there were conflicts between workers of
both contesting groups IJI and PPP. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, Pir Pagara, Muhammad
Khan Junejo and other IJI leaders criticized PPP for its policies and performance with
reference to its last regime. The role of Mian Nawaz Sharif was of prime importance
in IJI election campaign.
The Elections of 1988 were mainly contested between PML and PPP.
Although PML was supported by JI and other parties of IJI, but each party had its
own preferences. The opposition of PPP remained prime propaganda tool of IJI
leaders. In spite of propagating its manifesto IJI leadership became personal against
PPP leadership. However, Nusrat Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto were confident about
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PPP’s victory. Benazir stated that many big leaders of party left the party to become
PM during Martial Law regime but party would come into power with public support.
Begum Nusrat Bhutto severely criticized the leaders of Sindh National
Alliance while addressing to a public meeting at Dadu on November 8, 1988.33 She
said that they were the advisors of dictators and then they were motivating Sindhi
people to support them just because of their vested interests. On the same day,
Benazir claimed during a meeting with foreign magazine that, PPP would get more
seats than any other party. No other party could compete with PPP. Important,
changes and development occurred after Zia’s death of which the party based
elections and separation of military from politics were of much importance.
Benazir questioned during a public meeting on November 15, 1988, at
Rawalpindi, that who were the people to bring Kuldeep Nayar (an Indian journalist)34
to meet scientist of Kahuta Plant. She challenged an open TV debate on the issue.
Benazir also objected the attitude with India during Martial Law Regime. She toured
the whole country and analyzed the political situation very concisely. During an
address to public meeting at Lahore on November12, 1988,35 she stated only PPP
represented the whole country rather than Junejo, Jatoi or Nawaz Sharif, who were
not popular enough to win over election other than their native province.
While addressing at Jinnah Park Peshawar on November 14 1988, she
declared that interim leader had endangered the solidarity of country by encouraging
provincialism and raised differences. Mohajir, Pakhtoon and Punjabi, were at
loggerheads against each other. It was the need of the hour to end their differences.
PPP was symbol of federation of four provinces. According to a poll of Pakistani
newspapers, Benazir and Nawaz Sharif were favorite candidates for becoming PM by
the ratio of 30 and 28%, respectively. 36
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The Election Manifestoes of IJI and PPP
Every political party and political alliance formulates its point of view in all important
national and international affairs on the eve of elections. A strategy is adopted for the
solution of issues at that time. It reflects the ideological framework of political parties
and alliances. People also get politically trained due to the issuance of the manifestoes
and their strategies. If the respective political parties and alliances do not act upon
their manifestoes and the strategies do not match the respective manifesto, then it
becomes a deceiving act and becomes a meaningless exercise.
In Pakistan people are sentimentally attached with political leaders and parties.
They do not care about manifestoes. Therefore, people even do not care about the
contradiction of political leaders and their manifestoes. The political parties are also
the off-shoots of political personalities and a single leader is the recognition of his
party. For the same reason our politics is not getting rid of self-centralism.37
The PPP’s Manifesto
The Co-Chairperson of PPP Benazir Bhutto issued party manifesto on October 13,
1988. The important points of the manifesto were; PPP believed in liberty, dignity and
economic progress. It would attempt to eradicate exploitation, discrimination, poverty
and social injustice. PPP firmly believes in its basic principles that “Islam is our
religion, democracy is our politics, socialism is our economy and martyrdom is our
aim.”38 PPP also aimed at keeping the Islamic ideology high and to create sentiments
of national interest based upon equality and justice. Party wished to revive the
people’s representation through constitution and parliamentary mode of system,
which guarantied the provincial autonomy. PPP demanded equal social status and
safeguard of human rights for all. It wanted to strengthen democratic process through
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political system and with public participation. The defense system would be made
more effective to protect the geographical boundaries. The regional peace would be
strengthened by logical foreign policy.
PPP’s manifesto consisted of attractive statements. It did not contain the
strategy to resolve the controversial issues. There was no clear solution about the
issues regarding foreign policy, Islamizaton, economy and the provincial autonomy.
Party encouraged private sector to invest enormously. The policy of nationalization
was avoided despite that PPP leaders continued announcing the nationalization of
large industries.39 The manifesto did not even contain the promise to revive in letter
and spirit the Constitution, 1973 for which Movement for Restoration of Democracy
(MRD) had launched the agitation.
The party could not present any clear policy about provincial autonomy,
despite serious unconstitutional, unlawful and undemocratic interruptions. There was
no mention of Kalabagh Dam issue. Pro-American policy was announced in foreign
affairs. There was no line of action declared regarding the solution of Afghanistan
issue. Moreover, the lawlessness on the basis of ethnic discrimination in Sindh was
not addressed. All of those were the burning issues of the time during Elections, 1988.
The IJI’s Manifesto
IJI issued its manifesto on November 5, 1988, a few days before the elections. The
Manifesto Committee consisted upon, Agha Murtaza Poya (Hizb-i-Jihad), Masheer
Ahmad Pesh Imam (ML), Barrister Kamal Zafar and Abdul Sami Khan (NPP) and
Prof. Ghafoor Ahmed (JI).40 The Preamble of Manifesto was of much importance. It
consisted of nineteen points covering fewer than ten subjects. The main points
consisted; the complete implementation of Shariah, safeguard of peoples’ rights,
maintenance of law and justice and to maintain society free from fear, economic
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disparity and backwardness. It also aimed to save country from any foreign
domination, internal conflict, provincial or linguistic disparity.41
The manifesto also aimed at maintaining the balance between the centre and
provinces. It proposed to keep the offences regarding defense, nuclear energy, foreign
affairs, currency and finance, external trade and foreign affairs and other subjects
about which centre and provinces had mutual agreement with centre. The other
subjects were handed over to provinces along with complete provincial autonomy
which was being delayed since long.
The Distribution of PPP Party Tickets
Due to non-popularity and internal conflicts of ML, ‘seasonal sparrows’ were looking
toward PPP for tickets. Therefore, as compared to the previous record, PPP had more
pressure for party tickets. About eighteen thousand political workers applied for party
tickets.42 The PPP leadership was also very much worried because it had to make
choice or preference between landlords and feudal and along with some dedicated
workers. The party keeping in view the previous experience of Local Bodies’
Elections 1987, decided to issue tickets to already practiced candidates along with old
workers.
The PPP leadership affected the party manifesto and its ideological identity
inadequately. It was rather a change in its programme me and philosophy. On the
other hand, the genuine workers also became annoyed and agitated.43 Surely, if PPP
would have allotted tickets to its heartfelt workers it would have become successful
on more seats. In fact, discretion of party leadership is more important in Pakistan
rather than democratic norms.
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The Distribution of Tickets (IJI)
The distribution of tickets under IJI was done in the haste. On one hand, there was
conflict on the distribution of tickets among allied parties, on the other JI, NPP, JUI
(Darkhwasti Group) wanted to get more seats and recommended some unpopular
candidates who earned no seat and resultantly caused defame for IJI. About twenty
candidates were issued tickets instead of availability of experienced candidates.
The General Secretary of IJI Prof. Ghafoor Ahmad had authorized the Chief
Ministers to provide the list of their respective candidates to election commission. All
of the process was completed at the nick of the time and many candidates of IJI could
not have the symbol of IJI because the Election Commission was not informed well in
time. Therefore, those candidates had to contest elections as independent candidates.
The Election Commission had already announced the final list of candidates. Another
reason for the delay in the distribution of the tickets was the CMs powers and
authorization regarding distribution of tickets who adopted the policy of favoritism.
There was no check and balance and any technique to review their decisions, i.e.
Parliamentary Board. The situation in the Punjab and NWFP became more
complicated. In the Punjab many companions of Junejo insisted for tickets besides,
due to favoritism and nepotism many influential candidates’ slipped from IJI. PPP
was comparatively in better position which was observing and analyzing the situation
constituency wise. It had finalized the candidates of NWFP and Balochistan till
October 7, 1988, whereas the candidates of the Punjab were finalized by October 13,
1988. The leaders of allied parties of IJI had great concern over the popularity of PPP.
In the wake of distribution of tickets to non-popular candidates both PPP and
PML had to suffer later on. PPP could not maintain its political legacy and PML could
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not remain effective being a part of IJI. The main beneficiaries were those influential
families who had links in both the parties and hence became successful in obtaining
tickets of their own choice, and ultimately won the seats. The impact of that strategy
regarding distribution of tickets and absence of any effective framework was the
severe resentment of the workers of both the parties. The undemocratic attitudes of
political parties, and ideological differences proved the causes of discontent for the
masses. As per democratic norms, the leaders and office holders are considered party
workers irrespective of their status. However, according to Pakistani political culture
the common party member is called worker whereas wealthy workers become party
leader. This is true regarding all the popular political parties of Pakistan.
In fact, the disparity is due to non-existence of any structural frame work in
the political parties from lower to higher level. The case of distribution of party
tickets and solution of tussle between workers and party leaders is to accept the
political parties as political institutions. The list of candidates from every constituency
should be prepared with reference to the will of party members of respective
constituency. The candidates should be nominated by party members in the
constituency, Tehsil, District and lastly on provincial level. The highest leadership
must have the power to approve the nominated candidates at different levels. In this
way, participation of party workers from gross-root level would be possible.
The manifestoes of almost all the parties depict that the participation of masses
in the party affairs is only possible through their involvement at Tehsil, District and
Provincial level party decisions instead of imposing decisions by the central authority.
Their concerns can be accommodated at local level through transfer of authority. The
biggest contradiction is that on one hand it is pledged in all party-manifestoes to end
the centralist tendency but on the other the parties themselves are centrally
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authoritative. Therefore, the gulf widens between upper and lower level and becomes
constant source of clash. Unless the political parties become worker-oriented instead
of leader-oriented, the workers will remain unsatisfied and unhappy on the party-
decisions.
The Elections Campaign
The election campaign was launched under the ideologies of Ziaism and Bhuttoism
which mainly were considered as right and left, respectively. The campaign started
with a slow pace initially because participants were suspicious that whether it was a
false promise or actually the elections would be held. The elections were going to be
held after a long period of eleven years, hence had no excitement like of the Elections
of 1970 or 1977. There were some other tangible reasons for the postponement of
elections which included flood, ethnic violence and the chaos due to Zia’s death.
However, the commitment of caretaker government and army made possible to hold
elections in time.
Unlike the previous elections none of the party had clear manifesto. All
manifestoes were amazingly similar enough that they could be hardly distinguished
from each other such as moderate. The catchy words of Islam vs. Socialism were no
longer acceptable to people. The principal contestants’ were communicating
differently to the masses. The PPP had renounced the slogan of Socialism and right
wing under the banner of IJI claimed for Islamic system of Zia’s thoughts.
The campaign was mainly divided between Punjab based IJI and PPP. IJI
within short span of time with its contestant parties managed to get fame in other parts
of the country. The opponent parties had very little to disagree during the campaign.
Both major leaders i.e. Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif were going through the
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electoral process first time and were careful, but both were following different
mindset under the influence of Bhuttoism and Ziaism. Bhutto left a fully fledged party
to propagate his philosophy. Zia tried in the same manner and a faction of PML under
Nawaz Sharif PML (N) did so.
Zia’s removal from the scene was a disadvantage for PPP because he himself
was a vulnerable target for PPP, then the villain had gone but hero was on the stage.
The loyalists of Zia i.e. IJI benefited from the slogan of Ziaism. Besides, each side
had a Shaheed in its account logically “Bhuttoism” versus “Ziaism” became popular
slogans of election campaign. Both of them symbolized the two main forces on
national level. Ziaism was not acceptable to all parties of IJI and so, despite a grand
alliance PPP gathered success in elections.
The election campaign was of prime importance in the electoral process which
directly affects the election results. It is very important to keep people aware about
their problems and to lead them to participate in electoral process through their votes.
The party-leaders try to acquire maximum support of the public opinion through
public meetings and processions. The press and electronic media also played
important role and there was written and pictorial war for advantage of recognition
over the others.
The election campaign of 1988 remained peaceful as a whole. Approximately
all political parties showed responsible attitude. The government also managed to
facilitate both the parties and the public. The people’s confidence enhanced due to
their increased participation in the electoral process. The negative aspect of the
campaign of 1988 was that the parties had not raised any national issue. Therefore, the
impression prevailed that there was no problem in the country. The issues like foreign
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policy, economic conditions, Islamizaton, the nature of centre-province relations and
constitutional issues were never ever mentioned in the election campaign. During the
elections of 1988 two major opponents, i.e. PPP and IJI were in direct competition
with each other whereas the small political parties and Pakistan Awami Ittehad were
not in the main-stream contest.
The PPP’s Campaign
PPP was intentionally kept out of power struggle since the imposition of Martial Law
by General Zia. However, gradually it had become psychologically strong due to
constant struggle and hard work of the workers. In those circumstances, it had become
successful to attract suppressed segments of the society such as and women,
minorities and peasants etc. Benazir Bhutto’s charismatic leadership boosted up party
workers and influenced the public opinion due to which PPP had become popular
however there were some other factors which led to the party’s victory. They are as
under;
(1) The dissolution of assemblies and government on May 29, 1988 by General
Zia was act to show himself all powerful and nothing could be done without his will.
He targeted Muhammad Khan Junejo but ML also suffered indirectly and PPP was
encouraged as an effective political force.
(2) Under an amendment in Registration Act by National Assembly in 1985,
the Election Commission had declared the registration of political parties’ necessary
which was challenged by Benazir Bhutto in the Court. The court had declared the
decision as unconstitutional which provided psychological upper hand to PPP.
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(3) ML due to its internal conflicts was divided into two factions in August
1988. The tussle between Nawaz Sharif and Muhammad Khan Junejo created two
opponent groups within the party. The situation created political imbalance and lack
of leadership at national level for ML. PPP was there to fill the gap as an active
political force, and it remained successful in creating a positive impression.
(4) The death of Gen. Zia in an air crash during the same period was also a
blow for ML. The main hurdle in the way of PPP was removed due to which the
party’s morale went up.
(5) The PPP workers and leadership under a strategy adopted pro-Islam policy
and minimized its impression as a secular party. Therefore, the party established roots
in the masses.
(6) The Supreme Court also gave its verdict that the elections would be held
on party basis and every political party had constitutional right to have election
symbol. The decision proved more helpful for the credibility of PPP which already
was of same view point.
PPP also managed to avoid confrontation with the Military Establishment by
stopping issuing statements against that institution. Moreover, the party had tactfully
motivated the public sentiments in its favor. The party flag was prepared in large
number and was hoisted everywhere. It had created psychological dominance of PPP
over IJI which could not prepare its flag till that time.
The major component of media was also in favor of PPP. Majority of foreign
media analysts were looking forward to PPP’s rule which created an impression that
PPP was coming into power with Benazir Bhutto as Prime Minister. To sustain the
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impression further in the minds of people the train in which Benazir Bhutto was
travelling for her elections campaign was named by PPP as Prime Minister express.44
Moreover, the PPP workers often used to raise slogans “Wazeer-i-Azam Benazir”
even before and during the elections.
PPP also had to suffer a lot during the election campaign. Main loss was the
parting ways with MRD which are a companion of PPP in the eleven years long time
of trial. PPP bypassed MRD in the elections of 1988, due to which a major component
of political workers and leaders went against the party. The leaders like Maulana Fazl-
ur-Rehman and Meraj Muhammad Khan stated that Nusrat Bhutto had sold out the
blood-stained coffin of her husband.45
The other main loss was on the issue of distribution of tickets. The party
tickets were allotted to the influential people rather than dedicated party workers and
ideological people. It destroyed party’s ideological stance and resultantly, a lot of
workers became annoyed with the party. In the context of party’s decline in fame,
PPP reviewed the list of provincial candidates and allotted tickets to old and loyal
workers.
Another serious blow for the party was the statement of Mrs. Nusrat Bhutto to
get the sympathies of the foreign powers that “We will open Kahuta Plant for
inspections after coming in to power.”46 The opponents particularly IJI condemned
the statement and highlighted the point during the elections campaign. It affected
public opinion at large though Nusrat Bhutto had justifications of the statement.
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The IJI campaign
IJI remained unsuccessful to emerge as an effective political force and could not even
launch an organized and effective elections campaign, because it’s every step was
delayed. The distribution of tickets, selection of candidates, preparation of manifesto
and end of internal conflict of ML could not be handled properly at that time. IJI
leadership was capable of using different political tactics but was suffering from the
situation of uncertainty.
Akhtar Ali Kazi, a right wing politician and CM of Sindh, was reluctant to run
the election campaign effectively in Sindh because of the possible inclusion of MQM
in IJI, whereas MQM was running elections campaign with full zeal and strength.
Prof. Ghafoor Ahmad of JI was looking forward for his political survival. Ghulam
Mustafa Jatoi, head of IJI was so much busy in his constituency that he could hardly
spare time for IJI campaign at large. Muhammad Khan Junejo was suffering with
same circumstances and both the leaders were having resemblance though they were
opponents of each other. Therefore, in Sind neither candidate could run worth-
mentioning campaign except the President and General Secretary of IJI who devoted
themselves for the elections.47
Fazl-ul-Haq in NWFP and Zafarullah Jamali in Balochistan worked hard to
save the IJI reputation. At national level Nawaz Sharif and Qazi Hussain Ahmad
toured for the elections campaign. However, it can be assessed that in real sense
campaign only was launched in the Punjab. Leaders of both the parties, i.e. IJI and
PPP, severely criticized and even had propagated personal and family matters during
the campaign.48
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The Election Results
Although, the precedent of influencing elections results in Pakistan is very much
stained but the 1988 elections results were finalized in independent and impartial
atmosphere. The nation showed the sense of maturity and responsibility in the
electioneering. Collectively many facts were revealed with the elections results at
National and provincial level were; many stalwarts including certain party leaders
could not become successful, several big-wigs were defeated by ordinary candidates,
independent candidates won the elections in bulk, many rural, regional and sectarian
based parties vanished from the political scene and the national solidarity
strengthened by discouraging the slogans of provincialism.
Another pleasant aspect was that the precedent of alliances at national level
emerged which nullified the effects of petty political parties, groups and
organizations. Such model was the need of the hour for the country like Pakistan. It
could develop the political system and political institutions by creating system of
check and balance between opposition and the government. Many educated, middle
class candidates were elected at provincial and national level in contrary to the feudal
and industrialist approach.49 With regard to negative effects such factors proved
damaging for the survival and sustainability of the political system, i.e. success of
independent candidates in bulk and personality-centered politics.
The independent candidates were elected in the provincial and National
Assembly’s elections in very large number. Its main reason was the local bodies
system introduced in 1979 after a long gap. General Zia used the system to have direct
connection with the masses which was helpful in legitimizing his government. During
Zia’s regime, the elections for local bodies were held thrice i.e. in 1979, 1983 and
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1987, however, on non party basis, resultantly, proved helpful for the emergence of
independent candidates. They had the credit of all development in rural and urban
areas. Many independent candidates, who were in close contact with the masses won
the elections. At National level twenty seven and at provincial level fifty four
candidates were elected collectively. Even, a large number of unsuccessful
independent candidates secured thousands of votes and produced discrepancy for
political parties. In some constituencies there were so much independent candidates
that some candidates had become successful just with less than10% of total votes,
because vote bank was divided due to large number of candidates.
The independent candidates are always elected on regional, family and tribal
basis and play very risky role to upset the national political atmosphere. Mostly,
independent candidates choose their personal interest at the cost of national interest.
As per previous precedent, many independent elected members were ready to be sold
as commodity. Due to non-political behavior of independent candidates’ political
parties were severely affected.
The Role of Charisma and Personality in the Elections
The personality factor also played an important role in the national politics. The
Personality worship trend shows the sentimental condition of society. People have
their personal feelings and attachments with particular parties’ insight of receiving the
political parties’ manifestoes, performance and ideological base. It has very deep-
rooted and far-reaching consequences, e.g. Bhuttoism, Ziaism etc. The Bhutto factor
generally in national politics and particularly in Sindh cannot be negated.
The success of PPP in Sindh especially in 1988 elections was due to the
personality and charisma of Z.A. Bhutto. The people could not forget his personality
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despite all efforts of Zia regime. As a reaction the anti-PPP forces, especially, PML
which was main beneficiary of Zia regime adopted the theory of Ziaism, which is
quite evident after 1986 elections. IJI got votes, mainly, under the slogan of Ziaism
also. The later situation of centre-province relations between centre and the Punjab
was also due to the same approach. The success of PPP in Sindh was the certificate of
acceptance of Bhuttoism.
In urban Sindh, the Muhajirs organized themselves under the leadership of
Altaf Hussain. Muhajir Qaumi Movement and later Mutahida Qaumi Movement gave
tough time to its competitors in Karachi and Hyderabad. Another important factor was
sectarian politics. The people of different sects organized their respective political
parties which were at loggers head with each other under the guidance of their
mentors and leaders. The Sajjada Nasheens and Pirs also played a major role in
national politics; their followers were having great respect and submission to their
leaders. The circumstances in the Punjab, NWFP and Balochistan were different as
compared to Sindh. Therefore, these provinces produced different election results.
The national level political parties remained less successful in the provinces, instead
regional and local leadership was victorious.
In the Punjab, it was general perception that in the same constituency if the
NA and PA IJI nominated candidates had not been from the same party, were not
helpful to each other’s campaign. Despite the existence of major and popular political
parties, the personality factor played central role. The parties were not organized
enough and were unable to propagate their programme s efficiently. Mainly, the
parties remained in search of influential candidates. Such candidates were guarantee
to success of their parties. The personalities having influence in their particular areas
won the elections, i.e. Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, Maulana Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi,
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Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Mian Ghulam Haider Wain, Zafarullah Jamali and Abdul
Wali Khan, etc.
Regarding the performance of different parties, PPP successful secured 93
seats despite its suppression in the previous regime. The party enabled itself to form
government at federal level with the cooperation of 12 members of MQM and 12
women seats. PPP emerged as federal party because its members belonged to all the
provinces of Pakistan. The election results were very much important for PPP, JI and
ML. On one hand PPP had awarded tickets in large number to former Muslim League
members and on the other JI made alliances with remaining groups of Muslim
League. ML was deprived of power in the centre as well as in provinces. All the four
care-taker CMs were of Muslim League and despite that it could not form government
at centre, Sindh and NWFP. In fact, internal conflict of ML had drastic affects on
election results.
Elections 1988 Result of National Assembly
Province Punjab Sindh NWFP Balochistan Tribal
Areas
Islamabad Total
Total
Seats
115 46 25 11 08 01 205
PPP 52 31 07 01 - 01 92
IJI 44 - 08 02 - - 54
Awami
Ittihad
03 - - - - - 03
JUI
(Darkhaw
sti Group)
- - 01 - - - 01
179
JUI (
Fazlur
Rahman)
- - 03 04 - - 07
BNA - - - 02 - - 02
ANP - - 03 - - - 03
PDP 01 - - - - - 01
NPP(
Khar
Group)
02 - - - - - 02
Ind. 12 15 03 02 08 - 40
Election Result of Provincial Assembly
Political Parties Punjab Sindh NWFP Balochistan
IJI 109 01 28 01
33.02% 07% 25.01% 23.00%
PPP 94 76 20 04
32.02% 45.00% 19.09% 10%
JUI 01 - 02 11
0.4% 0% 7.5% 9%
Independent 32 31 15 02
21.7% 41% 28.6% 23.9%
Source: Tariq Ismail, Election 88 (Lahore, Mataba-i- Nawa-e- Waqt, 1988), p.427.
The Election Analysis
PPP secured 93 seats in the National Assembly elections due to which it became a
single majority party, whereas its major rival party IJI could occupy only 54 seats.50
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In that scenario, PPP emerged as a Federal Party which had representation almost in
all parts of the country. The IJI had become limited to the Punjab having no
significant representation in NWFP, Balochistan and Sindh. However, PPP had the
edge over others of contesting elections against grand alliances, e.g. PNA and IJI
enhanced the position of PPP in the national politics because both times i.e. 1977 and
1988 Elections PPP single handedly faced both the alliances. The IJI which was the
product of agencies and establishment consisted of parties with divergent interests.
They gathered under one banner temporarily. The alliance received distrust of voters.
The largest party of IJI was victim of its own internal conflict. It was the bad
luck of PML that often it had remained divided into sub groups. In fact, establishment
forced to gather parties of different manifestoes and programme s under IJI. The main
difficulty for IJI before elections was the issue of distribution of tickets. The
candidates who were not given tickets did not withdraw nomination papers and
contested elections as independent candidates. Most of the precious time for election
campaign was wasted in distribution of tickets. Due to adjustment policy between
different parties some weak candidates got tickets and consequently lost seats. For
example IJI could not secure the capital city seat. The performance of alliance was
Zero in Sindh. PPP got all rural seats of Sindh whereas MQM won the urban seats.
Punjab was the main centre of IJI, even then it got just 44 seats as compared to PPP
which bagged 52 seats. According to an estimate of General Hammed Gul before
elections PPP could get 90 and IJI 69 seats but IJI got 54 and PPP 93 in actual
practice.
Election results elevated PPP in National Assembly which disturbed the anti-
PPP elements in Punjab. Firstly PPP was the target of alliance publicity campaign but
now the voters of Punjab were alarmed about the danger that if PPP succeed in Punjab
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Assembly, it would take revenge from Punjab. Nawaz Sharif himself toured
extensively different parts of the province; the anti-PPP element became active.
Meanwhile, an evil practice was done that a catchy slogan of “Jag Punjab Jag teri
pag nu lag gia dagh”51 was raised. An effort was made to provoke provincialism and
move against PPP. It became so much effective that PPP could not form government
in Punjab. Therefore the centre province relations had become bitter. If observed it
could be found that tolerance level of both i.e. Centre and Punjab was below standard.
Results of Successful Candidates Provincial and Party Wise
Party
Name
NWFP Punjab Sindh Balochistan Fata Federal Total
PPP 08 52 31 01 - 01 93
IJI 08 44 - 02 - - 54
Ind. 03 12 02 02 08 - 27
MQM - - 13 - - - 13
BNA - - - 02 - - 02
PDP - 01 - - - - 01
Pakistan
Awami
Ittehad
03 - - - - - 03
JUI
(Darkha-
wsti)
01 - - - - - 01
JUI (F) 03 - - 04 - - 07
ANP 02 - - - - - 02
NPP Khar - 01 - - - - 01
25 113 46 11 8 1 204
Source: Ghafoor Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto: Namzadgi se Bartarfi Tak (Lahore: Al-
Qamar Enterprises, 1995), p.119.
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After the elections, PPP managed to form government at Centre with the
cooperation of MQM, FATA members and certain other independent members. In
Sindh, PPP’s score was 67 out of 100 and Syed Qaim Ali Shah came in power with
the cooperation of MQM. Mir Zafar Ullah Khan Jamali came into power with the
cooperation of PPP, in Balochistan. He and his opponent got equal votes i.e. 21 vs.
21. The speaker used his casting vote in his favor. Hence, Zafar Ullah Jamali became
CM.
Party Position In National and Provincial Assemblies
Assembly PM/CM Party Speaker Party Deputy
Speaker
Party
National
Assembly
Benazir
BHUTTO
PPP Meraj Khalid PPP Ashraf
Ghani
PPP
Punjab Nawaz
Sharif
Islami
Ittehad
Mian
Manzoor
Wattoo
Islami
Ittehad
Sardar
Hassan
Akhtar
Islami
Ittehad
NWFP Aftab
Sherpao
PPP Barristor
Masud
Kausar
PPP Abdul
Akbar
PPP
Balochistan Zafarullah
Jamali
Islami
Ittehad
Muhammad
Khan Barozai
PPP Abdul
Majeed
Bazenjo
Islami
Ittehad
Sindh Qaim Ali
Shah
PPP Abdullah
Shah
PPP Abdul
Razaq
Khan
MQM
Source: Ghafoor Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto: Namzadgi se Bartarfi Tak (Lahore: Al-
Qamar Enterprises, 1995), p.159.
Punjab – Centre Tussle
It was the Punjab only where PPP was out of power and Nawaz Sharif was elected
CM, PPP objected that election of CM should be on the basis of secret ballot but it
was held by the show of hands. The tussle between Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto
started from the day one. Both were believers of different ideologies. It was observed
that Zia-ul-Haq flourished and planted a power structure which was carried over by
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the beneficiaries of that structure i.e. Nawaz Sharif. With the arrival of PPP in power
the beneficiaries of Zia made a try to maintain their power and influence.
Nawaz Sharif adopted double policy to tackle with PPP government, which
brought severe consequences. The Punjab CM, Nawaz Sharif tried to promote
Punjab’s cause which was raised for the first time after ‘New Pakistan’.52 After Zia’s
death the supporters and beneficiaries were seeking the umbrella of Martial Law. The
whole attempt of Punjab versus Centre confrontation was to weaken PPP government
on one hand and to weaken the federation on the other. That was the period of severe
differences between centre and a province. As a result of elections 1988 created PPP
could not form government at the Punjab. It was necessary for the smooth running of
affairs at Islamabad to have strong hold in Punjab. It was power struggle and in the
process of appointing ministers all tactics were used.
The real conflict started between Punjab and Centre when the heads of both
governments charged each other for rigging elections. In the first press conference on
December 3, 1988, PM Benazir Bhutto said that “There had been our government in
Punjab also if the election were held without rigging; a group is making intrigues
against PPP. I have not yet received any message of congratulation from Nawaz
Sharif. Let’s see about our meeting.”53
Contrary to that Nawaz Sharif said on December 4, in Lahore that rigging had
not taken place in Lahore but it had been occurred in Sindh. The polling staff and
administration had openly supported PPP. The status of free and fare elections in
Punjab had been acknowledged internationally. Nawaz Sharif advised Benazir to
adopt positive attitude in the best interest of country as well as democracy and to
remain above regional and party preferences.54
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With the same pace the series of statements and counter statements started
which made the scene bitter. The provincial President of PPP, Punjab, and Jahangir
Badar stated that he was ready to contest Nawaz Sharif from any constituency. There
was proof of rigging in Punjab and the political opponents had been tortured. He was
of the view that, Nawaz Sharif should accept the reality that he had lost elections.
That was the time when both parties started blame game which aggravated the
situation. There were many countries where governments of different parties at centre
and provinces existed and they worked under the principles of Federation smoothly. It
was bad luck in Pakistan that elections were taken as issue of life and death. Generally
it is the trend in South Asian countries particularly in Pakistan, India and Bangladesh
that violence becomes rampant during elections. In fact, under the mindset of hatred
and intolerance PPP and IJI started practical show, both leaders did not spare any
moment to blame and target each other.
Prime Minister stated in an interview that our majority had been changed into
marginal minority. She said that, there are two big issues i.e. Economic crisis and
Punjab’ hostility, “I am a leader not a dictator and shall not destabilize any provincial
government.”55 The media policy was specially controlled and monitored. The
opposition was not given proper importance, even as on December 4, 1988, when
official T.V. telecasted News about the engagements of newly elected Chief
Ministers, the chief minister of Punjab Nawaz Sharif was neglected.
The Vote of Confidence in Punjab Assembly
On December 8, 1988 Nawaz Sharif got the vote of confidence in the Punjab
Assembly. He got 147 votes versus 73 votes. Farooq Leghari56 stated that “…
confidence notice has been presented all of a sudden and we have been deceived in
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this regard and we will be able to form our government in the Punjab very soon.”57
That was the aim of PPP leaders to destabilize the provincial government of Punjab,
what they had disclosed openly.
When Farooq Leghari was nominated as PPP’s parliamentary leader at Punjab
Assembly it was considered a serious threat for Punjab Government at that time he
was the Sardar/Chief of a strong Baloch tribe and an important figure in the politics of
Punjab. He was imprisoned several times during Martial Law regime and had served
PPP whole-heartedly. Leghari was basically a bureaucrat; he was unable to tackle
with the task because of his personal approach. The “Horse Trading” was a common
term used for purchasing the loyalties and support of legislators to form government;
he was not able to deal such trading.58 Despite all claims, so much distrust and
confrontation had emerged in political culture that both PPP and IJI were not ready to
accommodate each other.59That was the main cause of uneasy relationship between
centre and provinces especially Punjab. Zia and his allies had done every possible
effort to crush PPP. Benazir Bhutto was afraid that Nawaz Sharif had connections
with former Zia regime and obviously with security forces.60
The Centre-Punjab tussle started since PPP could not get majority in Punjab.
The central leadership of PPP handed over the responsibility of Punjab affairs to
Farooq Leghari, he withdrew from National Assembly seat and became active at
provincial level. He had also performed the task of delivering party tickets with great
responsibility but later on, he became helpless to gain favor and support of provincial
members, whereas, Nawaz Sharif proved himself as more compatible leader. The
Elections of 1988 resulted in a split mandate and due to charges and counter charges
Punjab was at forefront of Centre- Province tussle. The issues of contention between
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both governments wasted much of potential of both sides, which could have been
beneficial if used for public interest.
Zia’s removal from the scene brought the affairs on constitutional path. Many
people became beneficiaries due to the accident. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Chairman
Senate became President and General Mirza Aslam Baig, took over as Chief of Army
Staff. Another important development for Benazir Bhutto was that Supreme Court
gave its verdict; on October 2, 1988 that General Elections on November 16 would be
held on party basis. Actually Benazir Bhutto had filed a petition during life time of
Zia-ul-Haq regarding non party election decision by the then government. She
pleaded that such steps would be against the spirit of democracy and violation of the
Constitution of Pakistan.
The attempt of PPP to remove the Opposition Leader from the province was
retaliated and Nawaz Sharif became determined to show down to Benazir Bhutto at
every step. It was propagated that Benazir Bhutto was unable to work with any
provincial leaders except at her own terms.61 It was a very disturbing situation for her
because she was already under the pressure of army and establishment. She had to
tackle the opposition and differences with the provinces with such backdrop.
Due to confrontational atmosphere, day to day developments were occurring.
Federal Government appointed General (Retd) Tikka Khan as new Governor of the
Punjab. The step was taken just to create problems for Nawaz Sharif. That was not a
wise step because to take vote of confidence from Assembly was a constitutional step.
The challenge of Farooq Leghari about the formation of PPP government in Punjab
and the appointment of Tikka Khan were the steps to create difficulty for provincial
government of the Punjab.62 PPP’s those steps could create difficulty for itself.
187
Despite all that, Nawaz Sharif met Tikka Khan before Oath Taking Ceremony of the
Governor and assured his cooperation and later on attended the ceremony.63
The appointment of Tikka Khan as Governor of Punjab was an attempt of
Federation to prove its superiority and teach lesson to Punjab government which
aggravated the situations. When President took some time for consideration of
appointment of Tikka Khan as Governor of Punjab then PPP filled the nomination
papers of Tikka Khan as presidential candidate. It was against that settled agreement
made at the establishment of government. Its main object was to get Tikka Khan
appointment as Governor Punjab which was fulfilled. This appointment was a wrong
step on the part of federal government. During the reign of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto when
NAP and JUI ministries were established in NWFP and Balochistan then the
Governor belonging to same parties was appointed so that there should be maximum
coordination in administrative affairs. This time federal government appointed such
person who was General Secretary of PPP and was defeated in elections by Sh.
Rasheed Ahmad from Rawalpindi City. This decision of federal government was clear
sign of confrontation. The ultimatum which PPP gave him months before, it was first
step in that connection.
Tikka Khan issued two statements at Lahore after his nomination. Firstly that
he would put the ruling party in Punjab on right path and secondly he would give
special attention to Law and order situation.64 Both of these statements were
unconstitutional and undemocratic. Under constitutional provision it was the duty of
provincial government to maintain law and order and the said statement was a
political threat. After taking oath Tikka Khan started interruption in provincial affairs.
He started supra-constitutional activities. He started increasing contacts with
government officers and issuing orders. He also started organizing youth and women
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against Punjab Government and agitation started outside CM house. The
constitutional and legal irregularities were noticed by Nawaz Sharif through a letter to
Governor Punjab which was also published in newspapers.65 Governor replied it very
much diplomatically that the return of files sent by Punjab government could not be
predicted.66
The public image of Tikka Khan was tarnished. There was a general
impression that Tikka Khan had come to conquer Punjab after East Pakistan. The
confrontation spread more as both governments were taking steps against each other.
On December17, Establishment Division issued transfer orders of Chief Secretary
Punjab Anwar Zahid, Chairman Planning Board Khalid Javed and Additional IG
Special Branch Sardar Muhammad without taking any prior approval from Punjab
Government.67 This step of federal government of PPP was a clear violation of
Constitution of Pakistan, code of conduct of Pakistan Civil Service and settled
traditions. The most authoritative Prime Minister ZA Bhutto also used to keep in
consideration the will of Chief Ministers in case of Chief Secretary.
The CM of IJI Nawaz Sharif took a principle step regarding transfer of officer
and appointed Chief Secretary and other officers of his own choice. Benazir Bhutto
visited Lahore on December25 1988 first time as PM she was welcomed by Nawaz
Sharif unwillingly. On December26, she visited CM house but coordination could not
be created between both leaders. After December25, Benazir many times visited
Lahore but Nawaz Sharif had not welcomed her.
Ghulam Ishaq Khan was elected seventh President of the country on
December11 1988. On the oath taking ceremony of President on December13, both
Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif were present and did not talk to each other. After
189
the ceremony President while talking to press explained that the misconceptions
between Centre and Punjab would come to an end very soon and that he had no
preferences and he was only the custodian of constitution of Pakistan. On the same
occasion, Mirza Aslam Beg stated that transfer of power was unconditional. There
was no difference in army about it and they had adopted democratic and constitutional
way. He said that he was under pressure to take power instead of transfer of power.
The differences between Punjab and centre were political. Only the responsible
people could comment about it.
Gen. Aslam Beg clarified about the transfer of power to remove doubts that
Benazir Bhutto was given power conditionally among which included the favor for
Ghulam Ishaq Khan for the post of President, safety of 8th amendment. No decrease in
number of army and continuity of Sahibzada Yaqoob as foreign minister was
included.68
The Federal Government in the lust of complete hold on provinces had to take
certain drastic steps. The Balochistan Assembly was dissolved on December15,1988
by Governor Musa on the advice of Chief Minister. Apparently it was declared that it
is purely a provincial matter and there was no interruption of Federal Govt. in this
regard. All national leaders retaliated on this step because Governor would not take
such step without the help of Federal Government according to comments of BBC.
The main objective of dissolution of Balochistan Assembly was to harass Punjab
Government because only Punjab was out of control of the centre. The Prime Minister
remained concerned about the dissolution of Balochistan Assembly. She commented
on the issue and said the step for dissolution of Punjab Assembly was unexpected but
according to constitution. That was the decision of provincial administration and
190
federal government was not its part. She said if anybody considered it wrong he might
consult courts.
Punjab Assembly passed a resolution against the dissolution of Balochistan
Assembly on December17, the PPP members walked out of the session. It was quite
amazing that all representatives of Federal Govt. were locally unconcerned about the
dissolution of Balochistan Assembly. Governor Punjab Tikka Khan commented that
Balochistan Assembly has been dissolved under constitution. The Home Minister
Aitizaz Ahsan stated that he got the news of Assembly dissolution from Radio and
T.V Different other political leaders were of the opinion about the PPP wanted strong
hold on provinces. It did not have its share in Punjab and Balochistan. Therefore the
Assembly was dissolved to take the revenge of elections’ defeat. On December18,
central Majlis Shoora of Jamaat Islami demanded the revival of Balochistan
Assembly and dismissal of provincial governor. Meanwhile after a series of meetings
with different leaders, Benazir Bhutto addressed a press conference on December 22,
1988 and was of the view that leaders of MRD including Maulana Fazal-ul-Rehman,
Wali Khan and Nawabzada Nasar Ullah Khan understood their position regarding
Balochistan Issue. A conspiracy had been initiated to create a serious condition the
country. It was the plan to dissolve NWFP Assembly after Balochistan Assembly and
in next stage members of Assembly from Punjab should resign, but due to bad luck of
conspirators such situation could not be created. Benazir further told that all of those
three leaders were in favor to remove 8th amendment from constitution but IJI does
not want.
Zafar Ullah Jamali, previous CM stated that dissolution of Balochistan
Assembly was not any intrigue against Federal Government or PPP. He said that he
would have resisted if Federation had interfered in the provincial affairs. He said that
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his critiques were against the Governor Balochistan in 1973 due to an unconstitutional
act. Maulana Fazal-ul-Rehman disowned his words. When I wanted to be leader of
opposition, then it was considered as Punjab’s right. Nawaz Sharif remained
maneuvering for prime ministership till the last moment. Junijo also had not quit the
presidentship of ML even after defeat in elections.
The Revival of Balochistan Assembly
Four constitutional applications were submitted for the revival of Balochistan
Assembly in the High Court. The full bench of Balochistan High Court ordered to
revive Balochistan Assembly on January 23, 1989. According to the order the
dissolution order of Assembly was unconstitutional because according to the short
order, Zafar Ullah Jamali and his opponent got the equal votes i.e. 21vs 21. Speaker
used casting vote in favor of Jamali. According to the article 130 (3) CM had to get
vote of confidence from Assembly within 60 days of his appointment which he could
not get. According to the article112 of the Constitution he had not the powers of the
post of CM under which he would be able to recommend the dissolution of Assembly
and nor Governor of province had any legal or constitutional power to issue order of
Assembly dissolution on his recommendation. Under the conditions the order was
against law and the Constitution. Therefore the order was cancelled and Balochistan
Assembly was restored.
The Centre-Punjab Confrontation
Despite the desire of pleasant relations, the confrontation and differences
continuously increased between PM Benazir Bhutto and CM Nawaz Sharif. In fact,
the fear factor was behind it. Benazir Bhutto initiated the odd statement by declaring
Nawaz Sharif, G.M Syed of Punjab and blamed him for separatist sentiments. The
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blame game was at its peak. The opposition leader in Punjab Assembly Farooq
Leghari stated that certain elements were advocating for provincialism to provide a
cover to their crimes to be safe from accountability. He further stressed that no one
whether powerful he or she could not be escaped from accountability and particularly
the payment of Zakat Fund would be scrutinized. The provincial PML leaders Ch.
Pervez Elahi, Sardar Zulfiqar Khosa, Sardar Nasrullah Dreshak and Shah Mahmood
Qureshi protested strongly for calling Nawaz Sharif as G.M Syed by Benazir
Bhutto.69 The minister for Local Bodies Ch. Pervaiz Elahi issued a circular to all local
bodies in Punjab that no cooperation should be extended to any Enquiry Committee of
Federal Government and if they need some information then they had to consult
provincial government instead of Local Bodies.
Both stake holders in federation had gone at optimum level. It was dangerous
for the system because third party could interfere to mend the situation, which would
have proved fatal for the country. The Punjab cabinet in its session of December 13,
1988 expressed the view that PM Benazir Bhutto and CM Nawaz Sharif should have a
meeting in pleasant atmosphere Benazir Bhutto had already accepted the right of
majority party in Punjab to rule and Nawaz Sharif had also expressed the sentiments
of gratitude on the election of Benazir Bhutto as PM. It seemed that apparently there
was no confrontation. Mian Nawaz Sharif expressed the good will sentiments on
Radio and TV on the same day and stated that democratic decisions should be
accepted open heartedly. However, it had been to the personalities of Nawaz Sharif
and Benazir Bhutto the matters could have settled at earliest stage. It was due to the
political mind set of both political forces were not in reconciliation mood.70
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The Council of Common Interest
Under article 153, 154 of the Constitution of Pakistan there is clear injunction about
establishment of jurisdiction of Council of Common Interest (CCI). It is such a
constitutional institution through which the issues and differences of provinces can be
resolved.71 The importance of the institution was felt seriously during Centre-Punjab
tussle. The federal government continuously delayed to summon and hold session of
the constitutional institution. That was the serious demand of provinces which could
not be materialized till the end of PPP government 72
There was another important responsibility of CCI to frame policy about other
departments and affairs such as Electricity, Railway, Minerals, Natural Gas and
development of Industries etc. It was a clear violation of the Constitution not to
summon the CCI meeting which was also violation of provincial rights. Punjab
demanded to hold the session of CCI to resolve the constitutional issues especially
economic matters between the centre and provinces.73 Nawaz Sharif repeatedly
demanded to hold session of CCI as CM Punjab, he was confident of his position due
to the support of CM Balochistan and CM Sindh.74 The main issues for which the
session of CCI was demanded were construction of Kala Bagh Dam, distribution of
electricity and royalty of natural gas among the provinces.75 Nawaz Sharif intended to
bring the issue of water distribution in the meeting of CCI to get the support of other
provinces.76
Under Article 157 central government had power that it could construct
building and electric grid stations to produce and distribute electricity, but along with
that provinces were also empowered under Article 158(2) to obtain electricity of its
share from national grid station and then use it in its jurisdiction under its discretion.
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Moreover, the provinces were also empowered to implement tax on the use of
electricity.77 Despite all the clear cut constitutional sections the practical situation was
totally opposite; the federal government itself was distributing electricity directly.
Only those areas or villages were provided electricity which was recommended by
PPP’s leaders, while distribution of electricity had to be done on the recommendation
of provincial governments.78
Council of Common Interest was a constitutional mechanism for the resolution
of controversial issues between federation and provinces or between provinces. It had
been constituted under Article 153 of the Constitution which consisted of four Chief
Ministers and equal number of members nominated by the federal government.79 It is
important to note that federal government did not show any interest to conduct its
session; therefore it was the neglected part of constitution.
The IJI Chief Mian Nawaz Sharif called upon the federal government on
August 12, 1989 to summon a meeting of CCI80. The parliamentary group of IJI met
the chief of Inter services Intelligence (ISI) on February 8, 1990, in connection with
the demand of holding meeting of CCI immediately81. A delegation of Combined
Opposition Parties (COP) under the leadership of Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi held a
meeting with the President, requesting him to direct the federal government to
summon the CCI.82
The opposition also demanded to conduct CCI meeting. It mentioned that
Provincial Coordination Committee had no legal status whereas the CCI was
constitutional body. Its main function was to resolve disputes and controversial issues
between Centre and provinces and also between the provinces in connection with
federation and commonly shared resources such as water, power and transport and so
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on. The decisions of CCI handed down by joint session of parliament on CCI
reference had binding force.83 Nawaz Sharif remarked on the occasion of meeting of
National Economic Council as
The meeting of National Economic Council held today has unfortunately led to
serious deadlock between the provincial and central positions of issues of vital
economic significance. I am personally very disappointed since I had come to the
meeting in a positive and constructive spirit, hoping for a consensus in national
interest. Since the National Economic Council is only an advisory body, under article
156(2) of the constitution, it becomes imperative that a meeting of Council of
Common Interest should be immediately convened under article 153 and 154. A
solution to the present deadlock could be found within the framework of the
Constitution. I suggest that such a meeting should take place before the presentation
of forth coming budget which is dependent on the decisions to be taken in the
Council of Common Interest.84
The formation and activation of constitutional bodies National Pioneer
Commission (NPC) and CCI also became the causes of dissolution of Assemblies on
August 6, 1990 by Ghulam Ishaq Khan.85
There was a country wide demand to summon the session of CCI. Federal Law
Minister Iftikhar Hussain Gilani explained in response to the demand that holding the
session of Council would be disastrous for country. According to him the provinces
were mutually in conflict with each other and they might not agree at the end of
session and disturbance might have been created. He advised Prime Minister not to
ring the death bell. NWFP and Balochistan were demanding royalty from the
production of Electricity and Gas respectively. If Electricity and Gas would have
stopped for Punjab then it would be disastrous. It would destroy the economy of the
Punjab; though no province had requisition in written to call the session. Mr. Ghulam
Haider Wayin stated that calling the session of CCI as death bell showed that PPP was
not ready to render its unconstitutional and dictatorial policies.
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Chaudhry Nisar reacted that constitution was violated. Royalty of resources
was the right of Provinces which would be delivered to them. More than twenty five
percent of the national oil is produced by the Punjab.86 CM Punjab Nawaz Sharif also
stated that royalty was the right of a province and the same problem would be created
if the session of CCI was summoned. The CM Akbar Bugti stated that he had written
many letters to PM. The Council of Common Interest was a constitutional way to
settle the provincial affairs. He further said that federal minister had negated
constitution by declaring it as cause of trouble.
The federal government was using delaying tactics to summon the session of
CCI. IJI demanded to hold the joint session of Parliament regarding the issue of CCI.
The delay of federal government was a step towards freezing the accounts of Punjab
which could negatively affect the economic growth of the Punjab.87 IJI’s stress on
joint session was due to its majority in Senate. All other opposition parties were
supporting the demand to summon CCI meeting.88
In connection with the observation of Chief Justice, Supreme Court of
Pakistan that CCI was a solution to settle disputes between centre and provinces, the
federal government was unable to play conciliatory role. The session of CCI could not
be held while Sindh, Balochistan and NWFP demanded the session under
constitutional provisions. The polarization and confrontation increased gradually
between the centre and federating units. The delay to summon the session crossed all
limits and the Punjab and Balochistan government had to file a suit against federal
government in the Supreme Court requesting for CCI meeting.
The Federal Law Minister of PPP Syed Iftikhar Gillani directed the opposition and
specially IJI to adopt the required procedure for calling the session and just the
demands based on newspaper statements were insufficient. At last the federal
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government agreed to summon the session of CCI but meanwhile the assemblies and
government of PPP was dissolved by President Ishaq Khan.89
The National Finance Commission
The money collected through import and export duty, income export and money
collected through taxes is collected by central government. The provincial
governments have also there due share in that regard. The share is specified by
National Finance Commission. Article 160 of the Constitution clearly elaborates the
appointment of Commission, rules and regulations and duties in detail.90
The provinces appealed to PPP government for setup of NFC to meet their
constitutional demands. There was no hurdle in establishment of NFC practically
from Federal government but its session was not summand, only its establishment was
announced, the notification regarding the establishment of NFC was issued on July
24, 1990 and President of Pakistan had approved its establishment on July 11, 1989.
The PPP government delayed the issuance of notification for one year. The federal
ministers blamed President that he did not constitute commission according to the
recommendations of Prime Minister. The baseless blame game widened the gulf
between PPP and President also which was not visualized in time. It was a settled fact
that if federal government would have established Commission one year earlier, the
confrontation between centre and provinces would have settled down but federal
government was not serious in that regard.91
The Balochistan government demanded royalty from the income of natural gas
and excise duty. It was the right of Balochistan under Article 161 of the Constitution.
The federal government was not decisive in that regard also. In the same manner the
profit which central government would get from the electricity generated through
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Hydro Electric Stations that income would be given to the province where in the
installation was situated.92 The NWFP remained deprived from its due share. When
Chief Minister, NWFP raised the question, regarding the share of profit from income
of electricity, he was advised to raise the question in Council of Common Interest
whose session was not summoned. The federal government and its units should have
cooperated with each other to solve the problems to the advantage of common man
and for economic growth as well development at large in the country. The period
1988-90 was an example of opposite situation when the federal and provincial
governments were in disagreement with each other. In such atmosphere the
distribution of state funds became more difficult. The hostile attitude of central and
provincial governments for each other made the process of sharing funds more
complex.
Last NFC award was announced in 1974.93 So, the provinces were demanding
the revision and renewal of the award.94 The federal government was not paying heed
to any such demand especially of Punjab and Balochistan.95 Both of the governments
were stressing for fresh award of NFC. The provinces were dependent on federal
government for financial assistance to cope with their public welfare projects and
development. Therefore, it was dire need to revisit economic relations between the
provinces and the centre.96 The issue did not come in consideration during past
because the federal and provincial governments under Zia regime were in complete
cooperation with each other. The period 1988-90 witnessed the opposite parties
governments at centre and the Punjab province. The provincial funds were reduced
which created problems for provinces.97
Due to those steps of federal government, The Punjab was the province which
suffered the most. The Punjab government was in hot waters due to federal
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government’s rivalry against it, which included reduction in the development budget
of the Punjab, non- payment of interest of Punjab loan and refusal to pay the budget
deficit to Punjab by federal government. Under the situation Punjab demanded due
share of its income from federal government.98 However, due to complex situation
between centre and provinces the share of any province in national income was very
difficult to decide. The national resources were shared by all federating units of
Pakistan according to an agreed formula. The prevalent formula was based upon the
population according to which the taxes were to be distributed among the provinces.
The formula had been working effectively. Any sort of effort to review it might have
led to aggravate the differences among provinces.
There were certain issues which were of concern to the provinces according to
the Constitution. The control and management of such issues by federal government
might have increased problems for federal government. It was proposed that sales tax
and some other taxes should be handed over to respective provinces. The departments
of local Government, Rural Development, Education, Health and Agriculture should
also be under the control of provincial governments. It could decrease pressure of
federal government and expenditures at federal and provincial levels could be
minimized. Nawab Akbar Bugti, Chief Minister of Balochistan also favored the
demands for rights of the provinces. He also asked for share of revenue of oil and gas
and quota in jobs for the people of Balochistan.99
The People’s Works Programme (PWP) of PPP was a main cause of
interference in the provincial affairs. The most effected province was the Punjab,
whose funds were frozen by federal government. For the same reason the Punjab was
asking for fresh allocation of NFC award. PPP government had agreed in principle but
the matter was much delayed i.e. up to eighteen months and then within two months
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the government was dissolved. Therefore, NFC award could not be awarded during
Benazir Bhutto’s regime.
The Revival of Constitution 1973 and Eighth Amendment
With the advent of reign of PPP the constitutional discussions started in country. One
of such was Eighth Amendment in the Constitution 1973. The Amendment was
unprecedented legislation. Its main objective was to provide constitutional cover to
certain steps taken during the eight years of Zia’s Martial Law. Those included the
powers of President and Prime Minister, separate electorates, age limit of voters and
continuity of quota system. The amendment was passed by non-party based Assembly
of 1985. According to Junejo and his companions the revival of democracy was
impossible without the consensus on 8th Amendment. The arguments of opposition to
the amendment became true by dissolution of assemblies on May 29, 1988.100
The 8th Amendment became major issue of national politics with the
establishment of elected governments at centre and provinces. There were three
opinions regarding discussion on 8th Amendment i.e. PPP, IJI and other political
leaders and parties. PPP was severely against 8th Amendment and making serious
efforts to remove it. It claimed that their commitment was devoid of any legal
justification because it was approved by such Assembly which was elected on non
party basis and it had safeguarded Martial Law steps. PPP tried to gain support of
opposition parties to remove the 8th Amendment but both could not be agreed on a
point because personal differences were also created due to Centre-Province Tussle.
PPP had created such atmosphere in country which clarified that if 8th Amendment
was not brought to an end the party could not be able to do anything for the people.
The IJI’s verdict about 8th Amendment was that it was not a hurdle in the solution of
people’s problems. The affairs had nothing to do with the constitutional discussions.
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The constitutional process was evolutionary which needed extra ordinary precautions,
whereas people’s issues deserved quick response.
PPP contacted IJI in connection with the annulment of 8th Amendment.
Federal Minister for Law and Justice, Iftikhar Hussain Gilani formally invited
Parliamentary Leader of IJI Ch. Shujat Hussain. The IJI stand point was that
Constitution of 1973 had been completed after 8th Amendment because it could
maintain the balance of power between President and Prime Minister. Due to lack of
balance of power between both the law and order situation was deteriorated in 1976-
77. Riots erupted in country and Martial Law was imposed in country. President Ch.
Fazal Elahi could not dissolve Assembly without the advice of powerful PM Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto.101
The senators belonging to IJI rejected the proposal of annulment of 8th
Amendment and suggested that more suitable amendments could be brought in the
Constitution. The objective of their view was that there was need to strengthen
Islamic part of articles of constitution instead of removing whole amendment.102 In
connection with 8th Amendment government and IJI could not develop a consensus
but the political problems and confrontation between Centre and provinces intensified
so much that attention of political leadership and people was diverted from the basic
issues.
The Blame Game
The Elections of 1988 brought such results that a hung parliament was appeared.
Punjab was such a province whose cooperation was necessary for smooth running of
the Islamabad government. Since the creation of Pakistan, Punjab had been blamed
and on the basis of anti Punjab politics the nationalist and regional leaders got votes in
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their constituencies, though on all important occasions Punjab had sacrificed for other
provinces.
If the speech of Benazir Bhutto during election campaign at Sargodha is
considered the base of anti Punjab sentiment became evident. To abuse Punjab had
become a political vogue. During the reported speech at Sargodha, she was alleged to
have said that how could the Prime Minister from the Punjab be accepted, if they were
not accepting repeatedly the PMs from Sindh? Later on she denied from the remarks
but no one believed. It was a golden opportunity for anti PPP elements to demonstrate
placards and banners all over the Punjab. A poster stated that you did not accept a PM
from Bengal103 and you did not want Punjabi Prime minister but the IJI wants only a
Pakistan and Pakistani PM. Surely, her speech created reactionary response all over
the Punjab. Its immediate effect was that she could not get sufficient seats of NA from
Punjab. In Provincial Assembly she could not get sufficient seats and was defeated by
IJI as the elections results were materialized and the governments of PPP and IJI were
established at federal and the Punjab level. Both governments were in an effort to get
a chance to degrade each other.
The blame game, accusations and counter accusations continued from
November, 1988 to August, 1990. The charges of federal government of PPP against
Punjab government were that there had been rigging in elections in Punjab. The
caretaker Chief Minister, Nawaz Sharif had misused executive power for establishing
government named as Chhanga Manga Operation. Huge amounts were given as
bribery from treasury in the name of development projects. The procedure and law of
show of hand was totally wrong104 Ittifaq Foundry105 obtained the loan of Rs. 250
millions. The series of bribery continued and politics was converted into trade.
Jahangir Badar the then Federal Minister for Housing, Works, Science and
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Technology confirmed the blames of irregularities on the Punjab government and
claimed that he had solid proofs.106
The Punjab government also charged central government that PPP had got
power due to support of Zionist and Indian Lobby, and it was withdrawing from
national principle stand. PPP showed irregularities since its establishment. It made
government despite simple majority at centre and did not allow IJI to form
government in NWFP despite having majority. It made coalition government with
ANP which had been banned previously by PPP itself, whose leader was trialed in
Hyderabad Tribunal. At that time PPP declared that NAP was traitor and anti-state.107
Balochistan Assembly was dissolved on the direction of central government. The
dissolution of Balochistan Assembly was attached with 8th amendment and every
possible effort was made to remove the amendment. PPP government released alleged
terrorists and penalized criminals to gain the sympathies.108
This series of accusation and counter accusation was in process, meanwhile
central government decreased the funds for Punjab development projects in its annual
budget where as funds for NWFP, Sindh and Baloshistan were increased.109 Chief
Minister of Punjab and IJI leader Nawaz Sharif also openly expressed that the
economic difficulties regarding Punjab were due to the steps taken by the PPP central
government. IJI declared the reduction of funds as a mean act and hurdle in the
Punjab Developmental Projects110. The centre- Punjab tussle aggravated more when
Federal Government decided to launch People Works Programme itself in provincial
jurisdictions. Federal government had already blamed that the Punjab Government
was spending Government Funds to save its rule over province instead of spending on
public welfare.
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The decision of federation to start People Works Programme in provinces was
a step for interfering in provincial affairs. Many political leaders like Maulana Fazal-
url-Rehman, Khan Abdul Wali Khan, Nawabzada Nasr Ullah and others severely
criticized the act. People Works Programme became controversial very soon. The
proper way was that the programme should have been started through elected
representatives of people as was done during Junejo rule under Five Point
Programme. 111 PPP appointed such administrator of those programmes, who had
been defeated in the General Elections.112
On the other hand Punjab government directed its local bodies department not
to cooperate with the investigation teams of federal govt. local Bodies minister of
Punjab Ch. Pervaiz Elahi declared local bodies clearly as provincial affair. He stated
that federal government should contact provincial government any time but did not
have the right to directly interference in these departments.113
The Punjab Centre tussle reached at its peak with direct interference of
federal government in the Punjab through people’ welfare programmes. Many
developmental Projects suffered as a result. The developmental projects of provincial
government stopped and federal government projects were also not made successful
because of severe opposition of the Punjab government. The losers in this game were
people who got disappointed. The price hike as other irregularities were at peak
because government machinery at both levels failed to control the situation and both
governments laid responsibility of circumstances on each other.114
The Peoples’ Works Programme
The negotiations regarding Peoples’ Work’s Programme implementation failed to
bear results due to confrontation between centre and Punjab. The centre did not agree
that it should be implemented through provincial government instead it preferred to
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work directly on the programme. Chief Minister Balochistan, Nawab Akbar Bugti
stated that PPP wanted to benefit its workers financially through PWP. As in the past
public representatives of PPP could not justify with development funds, the same was
expected from non-elected and non-popular representatives of PPP. At that time, PPP
was out of government in Punjab and Balochistan and the activation of the project
without the advice and consultation of provincial government would be considered
undemocratic and interference in provincial autonomy. The funds are always national
wealth and must be utilized on public welfare through elected people. Those should
not be utilized under particular interest of any party. The direct running on the
programme had created political and social differences. It had aggravated the already
existing Centre-Province tussle. The funds should have been utilized through
provinces so that people had witnessed the development under democratic system.115
People’ Works Programme was also one of the main causes of Centre-Punjab
tussle. Despite severe opposition and criticism on the programme, Benazir Bhutto
stated “People’s Programme is the fruit of people’s eleven years struggle. Its main
objective is to provide people their rights. Our workers only know to go jail and not to
fill their pockets.”116 In contrast Nawaz Sharif reacted that the only objective of the
programme was the grabbing of the funds by PPP workers. He added, “I am not
Marcos of Philippine. I have earned wealth due to hard work.”117 Due to severe
differences about the programme federation and province of the Punjab were totally
intolerant.
The PWP was a regional development programme of two billion rupees.
Mainly it was introduced in the constituencies where PPP had lost its seat in 1988
elections. The issue of health, rural roads, water supply, sanitation and education were
to be improved under the programme. 118 The condition of implementation of this
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programme varied in all provinces. The implementation was not opposed in NWFP
and Sindh because PPP was in power in both provinces. In Punjab and Balochistan
the situation was different where PPP was in opposition. It might be the mistake or
willful action of PPP government to launch PWP without the consent of respective
provincial governments. The provincial governments were already running different
development programmes and the said PWP was just an additional scheme. It was
clear cut interference in provincial matters by federal government through its
members who had already not been elected by masses.119 This programme was
launched without following the codal procedure and formalities.120 Different leaders
of IJI also objected the programme declaring that the elected representatives, official
procedure, local bodies and all provincial governments were completely ignored.121
It seemed during execution of PWP that two parallel governments were
working simultaneously. The federal government established its own hierarchy from
top to bottom for the implementation of this programme which mostly included PPP
workers and leaders. It was totally unacceptable for IJI that least popular and defamed
people of PPP workers were in charge and members of different committees under
this programme. 122It was just wastage of resources or providing avenues of financial
aid to PPP workers. The federal government introduced a totally new mechanism
instead of utilizing already existing man power and other resources of provincial
governments with mutual consent.123 Punjab government’s stance seemed logical
because federal government was utilizing a considerable amount of development fund
of Punjab.124 Punjab government was of the view that any development programme
including PWP should be launched in provinces through the representatives of
provincial governments otherwise it would be considered an interruption in provincial
matters which was the actual practice at that time. The provincial government of IJI in
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Punjab and PPP’s federal government adopted non-accommodating attitude against
each other and mutual relation could not be improved. In response to PWP IJI also
launched a programme named as “Tameer-i-Watan” programme which became a
source of competition between centre and provinces.IJI provided three million rupees
to its MNAs and even losing candidates also. The PPP government did not allocate
any funds to IJI members; same response was given by Punjab government.125 There
were clear cut clashes between both governments. There were accusations and counter
accusations from both sides. Punjab government stopped many projects of federal
government in its limits. It was stated by IJI that federal government itself suspended
its plan after spending huge amount and the rest was usurped by the PPP workers. The
PPP government declared Punjab government responsible for creating problems.126
The PPP government blamed that due to non cooperative attitude of Punjab
government 964 projects remained incomplete. The provincial administration had
shown cold shoulder to the nominees of federal government.127 The bitter relations
between centre and Punjab aggravated further when Governor Tikka khan threatened
provincial government about imposition of Governor Rule in the province in case of
non-cooperation with PWP128. Both governments were taking advantage of
development programmes themselves. The concentration of PPP regarding PWP was
selective and Punjab government had its own priorities. WAPDA and other federal
departments complained about Punjab’s cold behavior. Federal government irritated
Punjab government several times129. Punjab government demanded the right of
distribution of electricity to be given to provinces because WAPDA under federal
control was creating problems for the province130.
Due to strong opposition of Punjab and Balochistan government PPP could
not effectively launch PWP. At that moment Benazir Bhutto realized that without
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mutual cooperation of federation and units she was unable to serve the nation.
Therefore she stated in March 1990 that PWP would be competed with the consent
and help of provincial government which released the tension between federal
governments and Punjab government.131 The PPP government deputed elected
members instead of non-elected as heads of PWP to redress the objection.
The Government Structure (conditions)
The most adverse situation for PPP government was that no department was
performing its duties satisfactorily. The whole administration and employees were
spectators of Centre-Punjab tussle. Both governments were victim of nepotism,
dishonesty and incompetent people were benefited due to which senior and honest
employees were discouraged. PPP started direct recruitment in Foreign Services,
Office Management Group, Information Group and Police. The officers up to the rank
of Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) were directly recruited in Punjab, Sindh,
NWFP and Balochistan. Such people were even recruited which were previously
dismissed under Martial Law regulations, besides, central government started
promoting junior officials.
For example assistant officer a federal minister for housing Mr Ghulam
Mustafa Shah was promotes to grade 19 from 18 whereas he stood at seniority
number 125 in the list. In the same manner a woman from Sindh Mrs Zafar at
seniority number 140 was also promoted to grade 19, her promotion was carried under
especial quota for women where there was no such quota existed before her
promotion. The senior women officers from Punjab were victimized under
discriminatory attitude and were not promoted132. The Federal Promotion Board was
replaced by Placement Bureau where officers were being promoted on the basis of
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political linkages in spite of merit. It was for the first that the issue of approval of
names from grade 18 to 19 was left for the discretion of prime minister.133
The Placement Bureau
The federal government of PPP established the institution in Prime Minister
Secretariat for creating employment avenues. The institution proved a source of more
tussle between centre and provinces. It was planned initially that data of unemployed
persons at different levels would be fed in the computer and people would get jobs in
concerned department or ministry but that became a dream. Placement Bureau soon
became the centre of corruption and bribery. Only the influential politician or officers
had access to it, the ordinary persons could not get job.134 The institution soon became
the cause of negative propaganda instead of increasing efficiency of government.
According to anti-government elements Placement Bureau provided jobs only to
people from one province. The tussle of Centre and provinces effected law and order
situation for country. Sindh was the most beneficial in that context.
The establishment of Placement Bureau might be a good step for the well-
being of unemployed people but the Bureau became partial for providing jobs to
unemployed persons in government offices. It was reported that there was bane on
jobs and despite ban the Bureau provided jobs only to the applicants from Sindh. In
every government office at Islamabad the people belonging to Sindh were benefited in
abundance. The plea at that time was that in the past they were not provided jobs. The
recruitment out of requisite educational qualifications and merit was questionable. It
was amazing, Prime Minster ordered through a circular that Sindhi candidates should
be provided jobs preferably even out of requisite qualification.135
No doubt, PPP workers suffered severely under Zia regime. Benazir Bhutto
after coming into power provided jobs to PPP workers and their recommended
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people.136 Placement Bureau was established at Prime Minter Secretariat under the
direction of Benazir Bhutto and about 2600 jobs were provided directly without the
recommendation of Federal Public Service Commission.137 According to a statement
of Sartaj Aziz about 200000 PPP favorites were accommodated in different
departments by PPP parliamentarians and party leaders.138 It created an imbalance in
country that employment became the right of only PPP workers and supporters. The
party workers acted like a revengeful Army bent upon conquest, snatching jobs,
contracts of lands and bribes which they could.139
The Differences between President and Prime Minister
The differences between president Ishaq and Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto started
from the issue of retirement of Admiral Iftikhar Ahmad Sarohi, Chairman Joint Chiefs
of Staff Committee. His retirement was due in November 1991 and Benazir Bhutto
wanted him to retire 14th August. President Ishaq resented severely the said issue.
Mian Nawaz Sharif favored the stand point of President and said that President should
inform Prime Minister about the constitutional proceeding in this connection.
The Prime Minister said that according to the rule of business chalked out by
Zia and Junejo the Prime Minster can direct the orders of retirement of any person.
According to that, she was competent as Prime Minister to remove Chairman Joint
Chief of Staff Committee, whereas president did not agree with it.140 According to
Lily Vimotha Columnist of Washington Post, “the prime minister has concentrated
her attention on confrontation with President Ghulam Ishaq Khan in spite of dealing
with the issues of law and order and administration in Punjab, Balochistan and Sindh.
If Prime Minister does not accommodate with President then probably he may hold
new elections by dissolving parliament and Pakistan is ready to support.
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The PM had to go on back foot on the issue of Sarohi due to wrong strategy of
PPP and its political advisors. President George Bush of U.S.A was also called for
help. The response of U.S.A was that “we support system not individuals.”141 The
issue further damaged the political base of PPP government. The result was start of
differences with army and President which was not favorably for PPP in any case.
The No-confidence Motion against Prime Minister
The most severe aspect of centre-province tussle was no-confidence motion against
Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. The IJI and PPP were the stake holders in this
connection. This motion against PPP could be considered as a part of democratic
process. In most of the democratic countries of the world, the elected governments
have to resign as a result of approval of the no-confidence motion. The way in which
the move was presented and tackled in the NA was alarming because the nascent
democracy of only eleven months after the un-democratic regime of eleven years had
to suffer from severe threats which were an un-democratic tradition. The political
toppling, un-certainty and un-constitutional conditions which prevailed were not
observed ever before in any democratic country.
Mainly, the move was launched by Combined Opposition Parties (COP). The
leaders of IJI were very technically maneuvered with COP to get support for the
move. It served the vested interests of many anti-PPP leaders who had gathered
around Benazir Bhutto in the name of centre-province tussle. If observed minutely,
the establishment of COP had become a challenge for the PM. When PPP got vote of
confidence from NA then there was no-existence of COP and later on Ghulam
Mustafa Jatoi142 was chosen as combined opposition leader. Many parliamentary
groups like MQM and ANP (W) etc. joined COP for their vested interests. Mian
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Nawaz Sharif, CM Punjab, patronized the motion and in this way blame-game and
power-politics started. The COP continued its efforts to get the motion approved.
Under the effect, MQM broke down the coalition with PPP and announced to support
the move. Nawab Akbar Bugti and Wali Khan also supported the motion. Ch. Pervaiz
Elahi, a provincial minister, elaborated the causes of no-confidence motion, which
were mainly the view point of IJI. All important issues faced by IJI were highlighted
which could not be resolved by the Federal Government. The charges against PPP
government in the back ground of no-confidence motion were as;
1) Balochistan Assembly was dissolved only after two weeks after coming in to power
because government desired to win the election with the support of the administration.
It was also a threat for the Punjab government.
2) The agreement between PPP and MQM consisted on 39 points and not a single point
was acted upon. The government was trying political tactics with Altaf Hussain and
his supporters. Hence, MQM broke the agreement and joined COP. Although, it was
the biggest supporter of PPP at parliamentary level.
3) The PPP government also damaged its relations with Wali Khan. He was called at
Islamabad and despite waiting for hours his meeting with Prime Minister could not be
managed and so privilege of a MNA was dishonored.
4) In an attempt to proceed against Punjab Assembly, governor started official
correspondence by passing the Chief Minister secretariat, even officers at police
station were directly ordered. He started conducting meetings with different
organizations without security clearance so that the provincial government could be
blamed for any disorder.
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5) Different tactics were used to materialize the cancellation of 8th amendment by a
stroke of a pen. The Islamic laws were also safeguarded in 8th amendment due to
which Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman and IJI became against the PPP government.
6) An attempt was made to dissolve the senate and local bodies.
7) The blame of Centre on Punjab about corruption on reserved seats also went against
the Centre.
8) IJI blamed Central government that it could not frame any solid programme about
public welfare because it was busy in confrontation with Punjab and other political
parties.
9) The Punjab government also blamed that Central government authorities issued
irresponsible statements about budget due to which people hoarded many
commodities. Many classes of country agitated including many federal employees.
10) IJI also blamed that President who was considered as symbol of National solidarity
tried to weaken the house.
11) It was also blamed that an attempt was made to misinterpret the judicial decision.
12) The central government appointed OSDs in large number without any clear reason.
Under article 93 of the constitutions Prime Minister could appoint five ministers. It
was also aimed to appoint advisors at Punjab whose orders were issued by central
government. An Establishment Bureau was created which encouraged violation of
merit, corruption and bribery. Under this bureau the un–employed people of Punjab
were again neglected.
13) An important charge of IJI’s Punjab government was that Ittifaq Foundry was not
provided railway wagons for the transportation of scrap etc due to which Foundry had
to bear a great loss. The central government’s point of view was that government
reserved these bogies for official use. Punjab government was even not providing
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wagons, for the transportation of wheat due to which alternate arrangements had to be
made which cost heavily for Punjab government.
In the light of these blame and threats no confidence Motion was presented against
Benazir Bhutto on 23rd October 1989. It is important to note that there was slight
difference between PPP and COP. The challenge created due to no confidence Motion
became very much severe between PPP and MQM and parliamentary collation of IJI
and MQM took place, and four members of Fata announced to join COP. It was
unexpected because Fata members always used to support ruling party.
The Results of No-Confidence Motion
The No-Confidence Motion presented by COP remained un-successful by 12 votes.
The Motion scored 107 votes whereas 119 were required for its success143. The claims
of ruling party proved correct but it created far-reaching results. IJI aggravated the
tussle between centre and provinces by presenting No-Confidence Motion against
government just after eleven months to destabilize political system. Although it was a
democratic process but it had far-reaching and dreadful results. On one hand, Centre
used all governmental resources to save itself from failure and on the other the Punjab
government spent lavishly to get the Motion approved. Following were its effects
The Horse Trading
During the No-Confidence Motion, the way in which members of National Assembly
became purchasable commodity had no example before in the parliamentary history
of Pakistan. They were kidnapped, pressurized and kept sort of under forced house
arrest by both factions. The officials of law enforcing agencies were misused. It was a
clear violation of the constitution. The funds allocated under budget were misused.
215
The whole of the scene presented a wrong impression of Pakistan at international
level.144
The Decline in Investment
Although the presentation of No-Confidence Motion was a part of democratic
tradition but the way in which it was presented after a long confrontation disturbed the
whole nation. It also created negative effects on national economy. The routine
official work was ceased. The growth of industry and investment became at very slow
pace. Due to decline of trade and industrial activities the government came under the
burden of debt of about 10000 million rupees.
The Money Politics
After the motion the role of money in national affairs increased. Federal government
blamed many times COP after October 23, 1989 that it was attempting to purchase
votes of members of Assembly by transaction of huge amount. On the other hand, IJI
was charging government for the same. According to State Bank of Pakistan there
was transaction of billions of rupees only in two weeks. Heavy amount ware
withdrawn from banks and investments and business at stock exchange suffered a
lot.145 The heavy amount were withdrawn from banks was not used in business or
industry. It was used for ‘political investment’. It was very much clear from the
documentary proofs presented by the CM of Punjab as well as PM, against each other.
The Federal Government’s Careful Attitude
On the failure of No-Confidence Motion careful stance was adopted by Centre. The
federal ministers were warned about issuing any careless statements. Although No-
Confidence Motion was part of democratic process but it was not suitable as Pakistan
could not afford it. Due to this a new age in our national political history started.146
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The Proposal of National Government & Bi-Elections
As a result of failure of No-Confidence Motion the stances of both factions became
harder. To curb down the tussle between different political forces the proposal of
National Government or Grand Coalition was presented but both sides were not ready
for any rapprochement.
The By-Elections of NA 99 became an issue of life and death for both
factions. Both spent their economic, political and human resources in the Election
Campaign. The allotment of plots, distribution of checks, provision of jobs and other
tactics were adopted. A candidate of religious party was offered a seat in Senate and
financial aid for madrassas under his control was announced for withdrawal from
election. PPP also offered the supply of gas and other concession to many people and
even an MNA was promised to be taken as minister.147
The issues like PWP, supply of fertilizers, Bank of the Punjab, T.V station,
transfer and appointment of officers, provision of jobs were bone of contention
between Government of the Punjab and Central Government. Later on the election of
NA-99 widened the gulf between both factions. Both became aggressive instead of
being accommodative. The efforts to get rid from each other intensified.
Benazir Bhutto called Nawaz Sharif as G.M Syed of Punjab and IJI blamed
Benazir for cheating on Kashmir issue. IJI was of the view that PPP government was
working on anti-Pakistan agenda of India and Israel148. Nawaz Sharif also blamed
PPP government for being enemy of the state .149
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The Financial Constraints
Due to severe Centre-Province tussle the country became under financial pressure and
difficulties. The money spent on purchase of Assembly members was unjustified
because it was to be spent on public welfare. According to an estimate the national
economy had to bear the loss of 65 billion rupees. The projects up to 10 billion rupees
had been transferred to the Punjab but could not be materialized. The investment of
about 15 billion rupees was ceased in industrial state. The country had to suffer from
energy crisis and Kala Bagh Dam project was delayed. Because of severe political
confrontation in country the capital of about 1.5 trillion rupees was transferred out of
country where there was about 2.220 trillion of black money in country. The transfer
of capital damaged national economy severely. The illegal transfer of money
frequently took place but in uncertain conditions due to lawlessness or political crises
the trend increased.150
The centre totally remained indifferent and showed cold shoulder to the
complaints of provinces. The complaints were either rejected or delayed. The Punjab
Government was justified in demanding its share from the profit of rice and cotton. It
also showed resentment over unjustified recruitment in Rangers, unjust approval of
loans for the Punjab and non-payment of the Punjab’s share in the construction of
National Highways. NWFP demanded increased share in profit from power sector. In
the same manner Balochistan’s demand of rupees 2 billion rupees from gas charges
was rejected. The session of CCI was delayed. According to the constitutional
requirements there should be at least one session of NFC to be held in the period of
five years but amazingly it could not be held for 15 years due to short tenures of
political governments and long periods of Martial Law regimes. The delaying tactics
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increased the demand of provinces. The Chief Ministers of Balochistan and the
Punjab opposed the policies of federal government.
The Federal Budget 1989
An important issue faced by PPP government in June 1989 was the approval of
budget from National Assembly. It needed 118 votes whereas it had the support of
only 100 members. Opposition wanted to take the advantage of weaknesses of
government, so that budget could not be approved. For the same reason Nawaz Sharif
was in contact with Altaf Hussain. Mutual relations of PPP and MQM were also
tense, therefore opposition hoped that the favor of MQM could be achieved by
dissolving Karachi Accord151 between PPP and MQM. Ghulam Haider Wayien the
Leader of the Opposition stated on June 2, 1989 that there was positive development
in our talks with MQM.152
PM Benazir Bhutto was aware of her weaknesses. She directed her party
office bearers to maintain Karachi Accord at any cost. Azeem Ahmad Tariq of MQM
presented their demands to CM Sindh which was approved by PM Benazir Bhutto and
authorized Khawja Tariq Rahim and Mushtaq Awan to finalize it. Both of them had
meeting with CM Sindh Syed Qaim Ali Shah and Altaf Hussain. After a long
discussion with both factions the formula of amended agreement based upon the
demands of MQM was agreed upon on June 3, 1989.153 The agreement could not last
long however federal government became success full to get the budget approved
with the support of MQM. After budget’s approval Benazir Bhutto revealed that some
defeated element was maneuvering against government who would not be
successful.154
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Establishment of the Bank of Punjab
It was a common practice in the past that heavy loans were only granted to influential
people, only certain political and industrial families benefited from financial
institutions at the interest rates of their own choice. Initially a chain of businessmen
and industrialists was created who had unlimited authority and contacts in power
corridors. They were commonly named as 22 families155 during Ayub Khan’s
regime.156 They became the proprietors rather owners of public wealth. After the
decline of Ayub Khan due to patronization of such illegal steps PPP came into power
which introduced certain reforms to remove the imbalance. For the same reason
Bhutto was disliked by the beneficiary group of Ayub Khan.
When Benazir came into power those beneficiaries were challenged. The
group of 4 replaced 22 families. The four families were;
1 Sharif Brothers
2 Chaudhry Bothers of Gujarat
3 Dr. Basharat Elahi Family (General Zia’s Brother in Law)
4 Saifullah Family (and other relatives of Ghulam Ishaq Khan)157
In fact, the group was the basic stem of Zia’s dictatorship. It once again got control of
the Pakistan’s wealth by obtaining loans of millions of rupees. The loans obtained
from financial institutions were as under:
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Family Loans Obtained
1 Sharif Brothers Rs. 12 Billion
2 Chaudhry Brothers Rs. 3.5 Billion
3 Dr. Basharat Elahi Family Rs. 1.7 Billion
4 Saifullah Rs. 2 Billion
Total Amount Rs. 19.2 Billion
Source: Ahmad Saleem, Mamdot Se Wattoo Tak, p.208.
It is worth mentioning that annual budget of Punjab was about Rs. 8 Billion. It means
that the group of four obtained wealth double then the annual budget of whole Punjab.
The group was ever tactful in getting ‘clearance’ from all banks and other financial
institutions regarding ‘waving off’ their loans through Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Gen.
Zia. The group had adopted the same tactics when they got power again in the
Punjab.158.
At the advent of PPP’s reign in 1988, the federal government ordered all
national commercial banks not to support financially those groups especially Ittifaq
Group of Industries. The alternate was sought out by the experts of IJI; therefore they
required a financial institution of their own.159 IJI on the basic theme of power politics
adopted very much smart decisions. The stalwarts of PML (N) and IJI planned to
establish a separate bank despite severe opposition of federal government, Punjab
Provincial Assembly passed a bill on July 3, 1989 to constitute The Bank of Punjab
(BOP). Whole of the process was carried out without following codal formalities,
because the bill was neither presented before the Cabinet nor the Governor of the
Province was informed160.
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The Bank of Punjab (BOP) was established by government of the Punjab on
November 15, 1989.161 It was inaugurated by Nawaz Sharif being its first account
holder. He warned central government that another No-Confidence Motion against
PPP would be presented soon. The federal government assessed that the step of
establishing separate bank was to control over loans for trade, agriculture and
industry, which were determined by centre prior to that.162
Nawaz Sharif explained that establishment of the bank was misinterpreted by
some quarters. He made it clear that the purpose of establishing bank was to help to
establish a cooperative body for revitalization of economy of Punjab which should be
free from bureaucratic control and capable to cater the growing needs from its
resources163. It was unique example that BOP was not under the control of Banking
Companies Ordinance, neither it was under control of State Bank of Pakistan. The
bank was independent for foreign currency trader at market rate, rather than the rates
specified by State Bank of Pakistan164. The Punjab government clarified that it would
not be operated against the federal fiscal policies and the interest/markup for the
account holder and borrowers would be at equal levels. The bank would spend its
funds at National Investment Plans on priority basis165.
Nawaz Sharif in the wake of opposition to Benazir Bhutto touched every limit
to topple the federal government. His vested slogan was Punjabi identity which could
not move the sentiments of people. The slogan of “Jag Punjabi Jag, teri pag no lag
gia dagh” was based on federal hatred. After coming into power at federal level as a
result of Elections of 1990, his attitude was totally changed. The causes behind the
establishment of the Bank of Punjab were to be financially autonomous at provincial
level. It was drastic step that was taken due to the tussle of Centre and Punjab which
also followed by other provinces and Bank of Mehran, Bolan Bank and Khyber Bank
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were established. While commenting on the situation Malik Muhammad Qasim
political advisor to the prime minster stated;
We have not adopted revengeful politics but Punjab government has started
campaign to defame centre. The Chief Minister is continuously interrupting in the
affairs of other provinces and centre. He was openly discussing about the
establishment of Punjab bank and Punjab Television. If such statements would
have been issued by a smaller province, it would have been declared as traitor and
people of Punjab would have agitated against it. Such statements were not
uttered even by Shaikh Mujeeb. We invited Nawaz Sharif for betterment of the
condition but were rejected.166
The Establishment of Punjab Television
According to the provincial government of Punjab the federal government was using
official media i.e. PTV negatively against the Nawaz government in Punjab. The
exploitation of PTV as propaganda tool and character assassination was not seen
before in Pakistan. It was ruthlessly used against Nawaz Sharif.167 The meeting of
Provincial Cabinet was held under CM Nawaz Sharif. The Revenue Minister Arshad
Lodhi while talking to journalists announced a plan of establishing a separate
television under Punjab government named as Punjab Television.168 He stated that;
Federal government had boycotted to give coverage to provincial government
through PTV. That’s way Punjab government would establish its own television
network but that would be under constitutional rules and regulations. Its purpose
would be to preach Islam and other moral values.169
Therefore, Punjab Television was established at an estimated expenditure of
rupees 2 billion. Punjab TV applied to the centre for a channel allocation and license
but was refused. The federal government allowed a private company to establish TV
stations. It was a parallel permission. The federal government showed cold shoulder
on the issue to Punjab government. According to the Punjab government, it was
authorized to legislate for setting up the station. Many foreign companies were ready
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to invest and provide loans but permission for a channel was not granted by federal
government.170
The Federal Information Minister Ahmad Saeed Awan stated on the issue of
Punjab Television.
Such provincial outlets can become vehicles of divergent policies and propaganda.
The country has disaffection and partisan venom against each other and against the
Centre. The danger if real enough, frankly we have not yet settled down as a nation.
Ethnic strife is still ripe and authorial characteristics have hounded into disruptive
concepts of Nationality.
Through the use of print media alone, East Pakistan’s Awami League played havoc
with national integrity, given access to Radio and Television, the process of
disintegration would have been vastly accelerated. In the current context the
exchange of invectives between ISI and Lahore would have accused a new
dimension with radio or TV added to the available outlets. The import on state policy
projective would be equally disastrous. Pakistan’s voice would be reduced to
cacophony of divisive noises.
The province’s differences with one another and the centre would be aggravated
immeasurably if they acquired radio/TV channels of their own. From that point of
view IJI was justified in advising the Punjab government to reconsider its request for
separate radio/TV setup. However, it was IJI whose media policies have driven the
Punjab government into making the demand.171
According to the Federal Government the move of provincial government could be a
‘propaganda tool’ at the cost of rupees 2 billion. There were other fields where urgent
attention was required. There was a limited and conditional permission in the
constitution in that regard. According to article 159 of the constitution the Provincial
Government was allowed to setup its TV and Radio network along with the
fulfillment of condition under sub-article 2 and 5 regarding financial security and
other requirements.172
The Constitutional Amendments by Punjab for Authority
Punjab government wanted to get rid of federal supremacy and authority. It had
experienced many times the delay of federal will or approval in many issues which
was always delayed and mostly rejected. Malik Saleem Iqbal, provincial minister for
Cooperative and Health stated that federal government had not honored the guarantee
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of provincial government. It did not allow the sanction of loan of Rupees 2350 million
on the 100% guarantee of Punjab government. It was required for the formers and
tenants at small level to cultivate Rabi and Kharif 173crops. Punjab being agriculture
based province having surplus wheat which was also supplied to other provinces. It
was threat for formers because they had not other source for the purchase of seeds and
fertilizers. They had also to bear the expenditures of mechanized farming and its
maintenance to minimize production rate. Due to deadlock over the issue of loans the
provincial government decided to withdraw from its own given powers. Therefore the
provincial government could cooperate under section 48 of cooperative rules to
provide loan facility to small farmers and tenants.174
As both the governments were in confrontation with each other and taking full
advantage of each other’s weaknesses, federal government sought out another clause
of its supremacy. A Federal Cooperative Bank was established under a law passed in
1976 for four provinces uniformly on the subject of cooperation. The federal bank had
the powers to intervene the matters of provincial cooperative banks. By using the
authority the federal bank stopped Kharif’s loans of Rupees 2350 million for Punjab.
The federal government stated that the step had been taken to check the irregularities
on the part of Punjab government.
Under the direction of CM Nawaz Sharif, the Punjab government amended the
law to avoid the federal interruption to stop the loans to cooperatives. Punjab
government on the one side got the sympathies of farmers’ on the other, protected IJI
flaws. Nawaz government in Punjab was ready to take every step. It took another step
to take electricity distribution system in Punjab under its control under article 157 of
the constitution of Pakistan.175
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The Constitutional Tug of War
The constitution of Pakistan does not allow any Provincial Assembly to frame or
exercise law neither it can exercise executive power under article 137. The Governor
of the Province was directed to withhold the proceedings.176 It is an amazing incident
in the constitutional history of Pakistan that word Governor was replaced with Chief
Minister in Punjab Public Service Commission Ordinance in section 3,4,5,8 and 9. In
that connection the Punjab Public Service Commission bill was drafted and passed by
Provincial Assembly on June 29, 1989.177 There were other laws passed by Provincial
Assembly in contrast to the real spirit of the Constitution of 1973. Other amended
laws included Punjab Civil Servant Rules, unlimited utilization of funds by Chief
Minister, University Act and other legislations. Under those self-amendments, the
principle of recruitment was violated seriously in the Punjab.
In different departments Selection Boards were constituted under the umbrella
of Chief Minister’s Secretariat for recruitment of non-gazetted and gazetted posts.
Only the list of selected candidates was sent to Punjab Public Service Commission for
information and issuance of notification.178 The Chief Minister took hold of all power
regarding recruitment. He controlled the management and it worked under his
discretion. The jobs were provided as political bribes and merit was totally
undermined.179 Surely, Nawaz Sharif wanted to give tough time to Benazir. There was
no such example earlier of a CM to confront Prime Minister which was total violation
of the constitution of Pakistan. It was an ugly example at international level; there
were so many other ways to settle centre-province differences in federal countries
such as Assembly discussions or mutual negotiations with facts and figures.
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Nawaz Sharif took another step; he held the powers of Chancellor of all
Universities in Punjab under the provision of bill passed by Punjab Assembly on
January 28, 1989.180 Another bill regarding complete hold on Punjab Public Service
Commission (PPSC) was approved. In the wake of complete hold and authority
Punjab government approved the bill regarding the nomination of Chairman and
members of Public Service Commission. The authority of nomination was transferred
from Governor to Chief Minister. The Punjab government made the recruitments
directly instead of PPSC. It was clear violation of article 6 of the constitution.181
In the context of centre-province tussle Punjab government also decided to
take hold of the generation and distribution of electricity under its control through
Punjab Industrial Development Board (PIDA). It was considered a parallel authority
to Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA) in the jurisdiction of Punjab.
Under the constitution it is clearly mentioned in Concurrent List that generation and
distribution of water and power resources will be under federal control. This step of
Punjab government started a new debate on new controversial issue regarding
legitimacy of power between centre and provinces182. The provincial government
decided to setup Punjab Development Authority (PDA) parallel to WAPDA which
was working under federal control.183
The Wullar Barrage Issue
In most of the federations the federal units or provinces follow the federal policy
regarding foreign affairs, finance and defense. Some are the federal issues according
to constitution of Pakistan and included in federal list. The provincial government’s
interruption or criticism created negative impression out in the world and provided
proofs on sensitive national issues to anti-state elements.
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Punjab government’s involvement over the issue of Wullar Barrage was just to
create embarrassment for federal government. The Barrage was built by India at the
source of River Jhelum in Occupied Kashmir during Zia regime. In case of
completion, it was a potential threat for agriculture of Pakistan184. The concerns of
Nawaz government over the issue were justified with reference to the spirit of
nationalism but Benazir government at Centre had its own limitations who wanted
dialogue with India with reference to Indus Basin Treaty but Nawaz Sharif as head of
Punjab government insisted not to hold dialogues because the matter had been closed
in 1960.185 Punjab government resisted the federal government’s ‘go ahead’ policy to
India. It claimed it as a deal on national interest and acceptance of Indian
superiority.186
Nawaz severely criticized federal government for presenting a draft of
agreement in March, 1989 to India without any understanding with India which was
later on rejected187. Benazir being the expert of foreign policy could not perform well
on the national interests. Nawaz Sharif was of the view that the construction of
Barrage would be a potential threat to Pakistan from India regarding agriculture,
power generation and water supply in future.188 He explained that “there had been no
development or extension in Punjab’s irrigation system for the past 20 years and
agriculture production in the province had reached the saturation point. The federal
government itself should worry about the state of affairs and forbid India to
manipulate Pakistan’s economy.”189
The Perspective of Nawaz Sharif on Foreign Policy
Government in Afghanistan: During election campaign of 1988, Nawaz Sharif was
in favor of government elected by the people of Afghanistan themselves and then
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Pakistan would demand about return of Afghan refugees. The article 24, 26 and 27 of
constitution of IJI were concerned about foreign policy. Article 24 especially dealt
with the relations with Muslim countries, unity of Muslim world and maintenance of
friendly relations with all countries especially with neighboring states on equal basis.
Under article 26 the support to Afghan Jihad was also affirmed.190
Nawaz Sharif while issuing a statement on September 22, 1989 criticized
federal government that it had no commitment regarding Afghan issue and
Mujahedeen. Afghan Jihad which was near to its success was left in the lurch. The
government of Pakistan had not recognized Afghan government. He blamed the
federal government for not taking interest in Afghan issue.191
Pakistan India Relation-ship and Rajive’s Visit: The article 27 of the constitution
of IJI elaborates to secure the right of self-determination of Kashmiri and Palestinian
Muslims.192 Nawaz Sharif criticized federal government for its stance on Kashmir
issue. He while in an interview with Hungarian TV mentioned that PPP government
had not supported the feeling and sentiments of people. Benazir was defensive on
certain issues and important matters regarding Pakistan India relations. The issue was
not discussed during the meeting of Prime Ministers of both countries at South Asian
Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Summit at Islamabad.193
In response to Nawaz Sharif’s statements Benazir accused him for supporting
terrorists in Indian Punjab. India clarified the situation that there was interference in
India Punjab. That was a serious blame by Benazir; its main aim was to malign
Nawaz Sharif194. Nawaz being the leader of IJI had to become involved in national
politics. He also took notice of removing boards of “Kashmir House” situated at Agha
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Khan road Islamabad on the arrival of Rajive Ghandi195. Benazir Bhutto was severely
criticized for giving extra ordinary protocol to Rajive Ghadhi.196
Nawaz Stand on Kashmir Issue: On March 23, 1990, while addressing at the eve of
Golden Jubilee Celebrations at Minar-i-Pakistan Lahore, he announced to withdraw
his unconditional support over Kashmir issue to the central government, due to the
reason that Prime Minister remained unsuccessful to take any practical step about
right of self-determination of Kashmiris. He also blamed federal government to create
situation favorable for the imposition of Governor Rule. Nawaz Sharif criticized
severely the federal government for its Kashmir policy. It was not in accordance with
the aspirations of people of Pakistan.197
The Financial Condition of Punjab
Punjab has always been the province with surplus wealth. Since independence up to
1982-83 Punjab had been providing surplus wealth for its developmental budgets due
to which the federal government’s financial burden was decreased. In Punjab non
developmental expenditures were managed with caution and planning. The way
Punjab used to planned and organized financially was example for other units of the
federation. During the regime of Gen. Zia the pattern of Punjab politics started
changing. Within the period of three years it became the province with deficit budget
of 550 Crores.
Due to non-party based elections there were lack of political atmosphere in
the province, the illegal practices including financial corruption became very
common. The supposed expenditures were met with fake names and entries e.g. MPA
Ch. Wakeel was paid the amount of Rs.45 million in advance as rent for wheat
godowns which did not exist actually.198 Another person Zafar Iqbal who was front
230
man of Sultan of Abu Dhabi Sh. Zayed bin Sultan al Nehayan was the main
beneficiary. He was the Managing Director of Bank of Credit and Commerce
International (BCCI) Abu Dhabi. He used to manage the banking and personal house
hold affairs of Sultan. During Sh. Zayed’s visit to Pakistan Zafar Iqbal often
accompanied him to meet the personal requirement of the Sultan.
Nawaz Sharif also used to approach Zafar Iqbal for contacts with Abu Dhabi’s
ruler.199 Punjab government sold forest land of 343 Kanal area in Murree to Zafar
Iqbal amounting Rs. 1886500, in Masot Reserve forest. The Punjab government
resumed the land for its own utilization from forest, wild life, fisheries and Tourism
Department and sold to Ch. Zafar Iqbal for the purpose of construction of a
farmhouse. That was a major financial and authoritative misuse. The sale of
government land in that way was a unique case as normally such land is allotted on
lease.200 The biggest financial scandal under Punjab government was of Cooperative
and Finance Institutions, in which 17 billion rupees were plundered. The Cooperative
Banks and Finance Institutions were established under Government of the Punjab
Cooperative Act. They were working as parallel banking system. Mostly, the poor,
needy, orphans and widows opened their accounts for their savings which were
wasted and those financial institutions were pretended as bankrupt.
The owners and directors of the Cooperative Finance Institutions were
influential persons who were near and dear ones of Sharif family and Chaudhries of
Gujarat. At that time the Cooperative Registrar under government of Punjab was
Sarosh Sultana wife of Nasarullah Khan Darishak an effective cabinet member of
Nawaz Sharif.201
231
The practice of misuse of power and authority remained very common during
IJI rule over Punjab and later on centre. The way in which Punjab treasury was looted
under caretaker government was a part of the conspiracy. The Federal Finance
Minister Sataj Aziz, senior bureaucrats and above all President, Ghulam Ishaq Khan
were also the part of the plan because the misuse of so much money was not possible
without the support and knowledge of high ups. Nawaz Sharif misused Punjab as his
personal property under the authority of Ghulam Ishaq Khan.
Sarosh Sultana when presented a report regarding irregularities of finance
Corporations, then instead of taking any step against accused persons, the registrar
was removed from her post. Despite proofs and reports about the working and
performance of Finance Corporation no precautionary measures were taken by the IJI
government in Punjab. During August, 1991 Services Credit Corporation Investment
(SCCI) closed its offices and refused to pay amounts to the account holders. The head
of SCCI was Zulfiqa Awan, MPA of IJI who had close contacts with Sharif family.
Immediately after that another important Cooperative bank, The National
Industrial Cooperative Finance Corporation (NICFC) was also dissolved. It was
administered under the control of Ch. Abdul Majeed, MPA, IJI and Ch. Tajmmal
Hussain, MNA, IJI and cousin of Ch. Shujat Hussain. Ch Abdul Majeed was also
given clearance like Zulfiqar Awan because both were main ‘political donors’.
Chauhdries of Gujarat also owned a finance corporation. NICFC issued heavy loans
to influential families especially Sharif and Chaudhry families.
Having advance information of upcoming chaos Sharif brother planned to
save themselves. Therefore on August 22, 1991 Sharif Brothers managed to take loan
of 45 Crores from Bankers Equity. The bank mostly approved loans and investment
232
for new projects but whole of the proceedings for Sharif Brother’s loan were
completed within few days. After paying the amount to NICFC, Sharif Brothers
issued a statement that, “they have not to pay any-thing to NICFC” on the other hand
Chaudhries had taken heavy loans. They appealed to State Bank of Pakistan so that
the loan may be converted to refinancing through local arrangement, so that it could
be paid back to concerned institutions.
In fact, within few weeks the crises became severe and the Punjab
government had to close five Cooperative Banks. About 35000 people were
employees of those Cooperative Societies. The assets of those corporations as savings
of people were worth Rs.17000 million. It was a huge amount double than the annual
development budget of the Punjab. There were more than 3000 people affected. The
amounts were ruthlessly used to secure the benefits of IJI leaders against centre.
According to an estimate the IJI politicians obtained Rs. 25000 million from banking
system. The main beneficiaries were;
1) Sharif Brothers 12000 Million
2) Chaudhry Family of Gujarat ` 3500 Million
3) Senator Dr Bashrat Elahi202 1700 Million
4) Saifullah Marwat family203 2000 Million
5) Ch. Nazir204 1000 Million
6) Senator Ghulam Farooq 205 1200 Million
7) Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi 206 500 Million
8) Mir Nabi Bux Zehri 207 100 Million
9) Nasarullah Dareshak208 450 Million
10) Makhdoom Ahmad Mahmood209 500 Million
11) Senator Pir Pagara Syed Mardan Ali Shah210 600 Million
233
12) Senator Syed Abbass Shah211 400 Million
13) Senator Islam ud Din Shaikh212 700 Million
14) Ashraf Tabani 213 700 Million
15) Senator Mohsin Sidiqui214 600 Million
16) Senator Sultan Lakhani 215 900 Million
17) Senator Zulfiqar Jamote216 30 Million
18) Humayun Akhtar Abdul Rahman.217 800 Million
19) Mir Afzal Khan218 500 Million
20) Jam Mashooq Ali219 500 Million
21) Manzoor Wattoo220 650 Million
22) Muhammad Khan Junejo221 400 Million 222
Total 29000 Million
The Civil Military Relations
Military has always a dominant role in Pakistani politics. Since 1947 military had
played a central role in the defense and administrative affairs of the country. As a
result of default in political and democratic system due to incapable political
leadership, military had to takeover in 1958 for the first time. The pattern of
leadership after Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan was based on feeble framework. There
was no prominent leader who could emerge at national level. All of them were
regional champions who were demanding provincial rights. No doubt that country
was established on the base of federal system but it took some time to develop an
infrastructure into a proper setup. Different political and regional leaders started
discussion on constitution and its nature. Most of them belonged to the parties which
did not favor idea and establishment of Pakistan. It was the main reason that initial
governments of Pakistan consisted and relied upon civil and military bureaucracy.
234
Therefore a ‘supernatural’ element ‘Establishment’ came into being in Pakistan. It is
the pattern of non-representative and dictatorial regimes since the Mughal and British
administration for complete control and hold on affairs. Delay in constitution making
process and failure of parliamentary democracy, the administrative, constitutional,
and financial and law and order situation became adverse. The civilian governments
and administration had to rely upon military. The issue of rehabilitation of refuges,
Anti-Qadiani Movement and even limited Martial Law at Lahore were the examples
of military’s role in administrative affairs of country.
The practical sharing of power started when Major Gen Ayub Khan was taken
in the cabinet as minister. According to Craig Baxter Ayub Khan was justified under
prevalent condition to take advantage of the situation. Ayub Khan with the control
and collaboration over establishment, run the affairs effectively. Many important
leaders came forward, who played their role in controlled democracy. That regime
allowed flourishing feudal and capitalist trends. The military became all powerful. In
the wake of controlled democracy the centralist tendencies were allowed to flourish
which was the total violation of federal principles. Such setup negated provincial
autonomy and other provincial rights, as a result the episode of separation of East
Pakistan occurred which weakened the image of military.
The civilian rule of Zulfiakar Ali Bhutto played its role intelligently. On one
hand he tried to pacify the dejected masses and on the other tried to ‘control’ army.
Though he was a civilian politician but empowered by Yahya Khan with some
important slots and transferred some of his authority to Bhutto. He joined power
corridors on December 7, 1971 as Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister.223
Complete power was transferred to Bhutto on 20 December, 1971.224 Army at that
time was split into two factions, one which started thinking to get rid of the trouble
235
and other was aggrieved of episode of separation and defeat. Apparently Bhutto
praised Army. He mentioned that the policies of previous regimes destroyed all
institutions. He reassured that he would strive to reconstruct all institutions. Bhutto
stated that he had served his best to make Pakistan Army a strong Army.
Bhutto mentioned that Pakistan Army became victim of international intrigue.
According to the conditions at that time Bhutto decided to continue the offices of
Defense and Foreign Affairs other than President and Chief Martial law
Administrator. He further stated that military and civil administration were one and
the same. The problem had been created when an effort was made to create
differences between public and armed forces. The armed forces consisted of people
and people comprised armed forces. He pledged that he would once again bring
people of Pakistan and armed forces on the same page. Bhutto elaborated that certain
important steps had been taken in this regard.
As per decision of the President six Generals were retired from Army
including Gen. Abdul Hameed Khan, Gen. S.G.M Pirzada, Gen. Umar, Gen. Khudaid
Khan, Gen. Kiani and Gen. Mitha.225 Those Generals were retired on public and
armed forces demand. Bhutto clarified that it was temporary arrangement. His
position was also temporary. Lt. Gen. Gul Hassan was appointed acting Commander-
in-Chief permanent arrangements would be made afterwards. He affirmed that Gul
Hassan would work as Lt. Gen. We could not grant unnecessary promotions and we
do not want to put burden on our people. The bad day we witnessed, was due to extra
ordinary luxury. He claimed of having full support of Army. His actions created
sentiments against him. Army officers did not want to show any resentment due to the
sensitive circumstances. Then later on secret developments encouraged anti-Bhutto
236
elements, when he tried to affect the Departmental Selection and Promotion Board of
Army.
By the out of turn promotion of Gen. Zia ul Haq many officers resigned under
protest. He thought that by that step, he would have complete hold on army which
was totally incorrect. Autocratic steps of Bhutto defamed him within party also. Later
on developments occurred like Elections of 1977 and movement of Taherk-i-Nifaz-i-
Nizam-i-Mustafa (SAW) which created problems for Bhutto, Army had played its
professional role. It helped civil administration at many occasions but remained
indifferent at various events. At last on July 5, 1977 the Army Action under the
‘favorite’ of Bhutto, Gen Zia ul Haq managed to take revenge of dismissal of six
generals by Bhutto in early 1972.226
The Zia regime had its own style and ideology which mainly focused on
crushing PPP and Bhutto family and removing them from the scene. Zia made a
successful attempt to realize his position among masses by taking popular actions i.e.
Islamic system and Afghan Jihad. He introduced pseudo democratic system based
upon selection and nomination. After his death in an air crash on August 17, 1988,
PPP emerged as an effective political force. The entire period of Zia regime consisted
of anti-Bhutto and anti-PPP strategy.
Zia’s steps for legitimacy included the Local Bodies Elections initially which
provided leverage to anti-PPP forces having vested interests. Zia was in search of
such people and class who would serve his plan. Among them Nawaz Sharif and his
associates served his purpose. The military regime under Gen. Zia allowed limited
political activities due to demand and pressure of opposition political parties and
US.227 It is the strategy of such regimes to see their policies being acted upon even
237
after their removal, and Gen. Zia was successful in that regard. It encouraged such
political groups who were willing and eager to perform under military control to show
command performance.
After the demise of Gen. Zia, the new Chief of Army Staff Gen. Mirza Aslam
Beg, commanded military in an impartial way. His policy was to keep distance from
involvement in politics and to hold General Elections in the country. During Zia’s
regime military’s potential had increased more on professional basis also. Therefore
after Zia Pakistan Army came out much confident and determined to tackle and
manage the political process.228
The elections of 1988 were held under Army’s supervision. It guided and
streamlined the electoral process and even provided a congenial atmosphere for
transfer of power keeping itself at a distance. The vested interest classes which
accommodated Zia politically and rationalized his legitimacy were not at ease due to
the probability of PPP’s success in General Elections. The political wing of ISI played
an important role in gathering all anti-PPP forces under the banner of Islami Jamhoori
Ittihad. Those political groups claimed themselves as heirs of Zia’s ideological
legacy. The then head of ISI Lt. Gen. Hameed Gul admitted accommodating and
gathering different political leaders under the banner of IJI and founding this alliance
also229.
The Elections of 1988 were announced to be held as per declaration under Zia
by the acting President Ghulam Ishaq Khan. PPP was least prepared for elections but
Benazir Bhutto became successful in mobilizing her supporters. During Zia regime
she had become a leader of resistance movement having severe confrontation with
238
military. When Benazir had arrived to Pakistan in 1986, she openly challenged
military Generals in her public speech.230
Under prevalent conditions it was a challenge for PPP to get considerable
success in 1988 elections, as the interim government, military and state controlled
media were partial during elections.231 Benazir Bhutto managed to nullify the severe
opposing campaign of IJI, despite all resources IJI could not manage to succeed. The
conditions after election opposed Benazir to become majority leader. The authorities
used delaying tactics to provide a chance to Benazir to constitute ministry. The
military desired the power sharing rather than transfer of power.232 As a result Benazir
had to compromise for getting into power corridors. She was not having clear
majority to form government but had more seats as compared to other parties. PPP
with the collaboration of MQM was enabled to form government. Benazir had no
prior experience to run the government affairs. She acceded to the post of Prime
Minister by accommodating Ghulam Ishaq Khan as Presidential candidate, continual
of Gen. Mirza Aslam Beg as Chief of Army Staff and retaining Sahibzada Yaqoob Ali
Khan as Foreign Minister. Despite all those accept abilities and assurances she had to
face the hostilities of these forces along with political confrontation of severe level at
Punjab.
Benazir Bhutto was considered as anti-state and anti-Islam element. It was a
common perception that such a party came into power whose leadership was involved
in conspiracies against military abroad.233 With the initial mutual gestures of good
will both Prime Minister and military handled each other but the later developments
which took place widened the gulf between both.
239
Benazir having taste of authority being Prime Minister took some
irresponsible steps. In spite of taking lessons from the experiences of her father Z.A
Bhutto, she considered herself all powerful. It was an initial sign of incompetence.
She was revengeful about ISI’s role as well in establishing IJI against her. As Prime
Minister she constituted a committee to review and control the working of ISI which
she considered her opponent. She wanted to bring ISI under civilian control. Lt. Gen.
Hameed Gul was replaced by a retired Lt. Gen Shamas ur Rahman Kallu in May
1989. The step was taken against the advice of Chief of Army Staff Gen. Aslam Beg.
That was a clear interruption in military affairs, that a retired person was appointed as
D.G, ISI instead of any serving General. It was against the commitment she made
before coming into power.
The issue of retirement of Admiral Iftikhar Ahmad Sarohi was also
mishandled. It was taken as administrative step but actually it was a constitutional
issue regarding the limits of powers of President and Prime Minister. Due to
assertions of Benazir Bhutto military and Presidency became annoyed and suspicious
about the intentions of Benazir Bhutto. It was the issue of assertion of political
authority and lack of understanding about constitutional issues.
The issue of Pakka Qila incident became a reason of disagreement between
military and the civilian government. It was mishandled by the government and it
became a serious ethnic issue between Sindhi, Muhajir and federal government. The
steps taken by provincial administration of Sindh were objected by military. Pakka
Qila was a dense populated area in Hyderabad. It was suspected that anti-state
elements with unauthorized arms and ammunition were present over there. The
provincial police started an operation to capture the culprits. It was mistakenly
understood as ethnic clash between Sindhi police and Muhajir who were residents of
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the area. Army had its own reservations; Gen. Beg visited the area and was very
warmly welcomed as savior. The incident was misunderstood by both i.e. military and
the government. It created a vast gulf between both institutions. After that Gen. Beg
did not meet PM till her dismissal.
Another misunderstanding took place regarding Army Selection and
Promotion Board. As per commitment Benazir was not following power sharing
formula. In July, 1990 PM Benazir Bhutto made an attempt to influence the procedure
of Army Selection Board. She favored the extension in term of employment of Lt.
Gen. Alam Jan Mahsood as Corps Commander, Lahore which was not acceded by
COAS and considered it an interference in military affairs. In July, 1990 during
meeting of Corps Commanders, it was decided that the supremacy of government in
military affairs would not be accepted and the same was conveyed to the President.234
The massage aggravated the grudge of President against Prime Minister based on
misconduct of power, inefficiency and corruption which led to the dismissal of
Benazir government.235
The Confrontation at Peak
All efforts of conciliation and mediation between PPP government and opposition
vanished by May 24, 1990 when elected members of opposition seriously charged
PPP government and its ministers regarding incompetency and corruption. Begum
Attia Inayatullah moved a resolution in the convention of COP demanding the
resignation of government which was approved. It was mentioned that PPP had no
right to remain in power due to malpractices. The national economy and democratic
process was at stake. The resolution also demanded the establishment of a Judicial
Tribunal to inquire the charges. Opposition also demanded the resignation of
241
Chairman Public Accounts Committee Hakim Ali Zardari and proposed any
opposition member should be appointed as per tradition.236
All of the demands were presented in All Pakistan Convention of elected
member of Combine Opposition Parties, which was attended by majority of Senators,
MNAs, 250 MPAs and about 150 Chairmen District Councils and Mayors237. Prime
Minister Benazir Bhutto rejected all charges and commented that in fact opposition
wanted to divert the attention of people from previous malpractices and corruption.
She called the resolution as ‘constitutional confusion’ and as a planned game of
opposition to bring Martial Law and dictatorship by ending democracy.238 The
confrontation between opposition and government once again increased. Prime
Minister appointed Malik Muhammad Qasim, Head of Federal Anti-Corruption
Committee to inquire into the charges of opposition.
The bitter Centre-Punjab relations created many problems. It resulted because
of weak governments, horse trading and law and order issues in the country. The riots
and disturbance erupted in Karachi due to which Army was called. In most areas of
Punjab and Sindh robberies and lawlessness created sense of insecurity. It was mainly
due to the politicians who were unable to differentiate between opposition and
difference of opinion in a democratic society. All those governments were also
responsible who had other priorities as compared to law and order maintenance.
Centre-Punjab confrontation lasted for one and a half year. To settle the
differences, conciliatory committees were nominated from both sides. It was agreed
upon in the initial session of committees to avoid issuing the bitter statements against
each other. There were such elements on both sides that had their vested interests in
the situation of ever-lasting differences.
242
The Negotiations between Conciliatory Committees of Punjab and Centre
At provincial level both sub committees were formed to review the proceedings
against political opponents and government servants of centre and province. The
committee at provincial level consisted upon Punjab provincial minister Nasarullah
Dreshak and opposition leader in Punjab Assembly Rana Shaukat Mahmood whereas
the committee at central level consisted of federal minister Law and Justice Syed
Iftikhar Hussain Gilani and parliamentary leader of IJI Ch Shujaat Hussain. Both
sides had their own reservations. The criminals against whom Punjab government had
taken steps the PPP leadership called them as their political workers.
The Punjab Government had also serious objections over the procedure of
PWP and taking complete hold of Zakat and Ushar system by the Federal
Government. It was considered as interference in provincial autonomy by Punjab
Government. During the meeting of conciliatory committees it was proposed that the
federal and Punjab Government should avoid the discriminatory attitude with the
elected members. Both governments should provide funds to elected members on
equal basis rather they belonged to treasury or opposition. The line of action by
conciliatory committees regarding PWP, NFC and issues like floor crossing were
finalized and were very close to be implemented that meanwhile assemblies were
dissolved.
The President dissolved National Assembly on August 6,1990 under Section
58(2b)(b) of the Constitution of Pakistan.239Emergency was declared in the whole
country. According to the presidential order Mian Azhar was appointed Governor
Punjab instead of Tikka Khan and Mahmood Haroon was appointed Governor Sindh
instead of Fakkuruddin Gee Ibrahim. Both of the newly appointed Governors
243
dissolved assemblies under Article 112(2) of the Constitution of Pakistan. The
provincial assemblies of the Punjab and Balochistan were dissolved on the advice of
CM Nawaz Sharif and CM Nawab Akbar Bugti respectively.240
The President Ishaq had the complete support of army to dissolve the PPP
government. The army had got hold of Islamabad before the dissolution of
government.241 Five prime ministers had been deposed so far by Army which
included Kh. Nazimuddin, Malik Feroz Khan Noon, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Muhammad
Khan Junejo and Benazir Bhutto.242
The charge sheet prepared by Ghulam Ishaq Khan against Benazir Bhutto was
based on ‘the most solid grounds’ which was very expertly and cunningly prepared.243
The main causes of dismissal of Benazir Bhutto’s government were numerous but the
main issue which derailed the whole political and democratic system was bitter
Centre-Punjab relation. Both governments did not accept each other since the
beginning. The Centre had to accommodate its units in federal system of government
but it came in total collision not only with Punjab but with Balochistan also. By
violating article 97 of the Constitution of Pakistan the administrative authority of
federal government was expanded to the provinces. Due to the tussle of central and
provincial governments the solidarity of the country was damaged.
The Council of Common Interests was not allowed to function independently.
It was made unable to fulfill its constitutional responsibilities. It was answerable
before the Parliament only but forced to be accountable before the government.
Despite repeated and continued demands of provinces the Council was not allowed to
work under sections 153, 154, 155 and 161 of the Constitution. The session of
National Finance Commission was not summoned, because of that the share of
244
provinces in national income could not be fixed which was under article 160, a clear
cut violation of the Constitution.
The provincial affairs were interfered through the People’s Works
Programme. That programme was launched with the huge amount of rupees 5 billion.
There was no transparency in the functioning of the programme regarding payments,
audit of accounts again a clear violation of Financial Rules. The project became a
source of political bribery. The financial institutions working under federal
government suffered badly from malpractices and corruption which included Zarai
Taraqiati Bank, NDFC and PICIC etc. the other detailed and comprehensive charges
were quite sufficient to justify the dismissal of government.
After the dissolution of Benazir government and Assembly the opposition
leader Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi was appointed Caretaker Prime Minister. The President
Ghulam Ishaq Khan assured the nation that new elections would be held on October
24, 1990 upon impartial and independent basis. Initially, four cabinet members were
appointed i.e. Rafi Raza, Ghulam Mustfa Khar, Sartaj Aziz and Elahi Bakhsh
Soomro. Later on cabinet was expanded as Sahibzada Yaqoob Khan, Ch. Shujaat
Hussain, Syeda Abida Hussain, Mian Zahid Sarfaraz, Roedad Khan, Mir Hazar Khan
Bijarani, Lt. Gen (Retd) Abdul Majeed Malik, Malik Naeem and Aziz A. Munshi
were included in Caretaker Cabinet.
Benazir’s response about the dissolution of her government contained
criticism against Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Army. She stated that the step was taken to
bring opposition in power and such a person was appointed who had been defeated in
his own native constituency twice. She further said that she was informed that Khar
was India’s agent and so he might not be sent to the Punjab. Benazir said that she
245
responded that he was a public elected representative. She raised objection that why
the same Khar was included in the cabinet. Jatoi responded that Khar was included in
cabinet under discretionary powers of the President.
The Provincial Caretaker Governments
The structure of caretaker governments had already been finalized like at the centre.
The issue was not dependent on discretion of concern governments. In Sindh and
NWFP where the PPP ministries worked, the assemblies were dissolved, cabinets
were dismissed and caretaker governments were setup. In Punjab and Balochistan
where PPP was not in power the chief ministers were asked to give the proposal of
dissolution of assembly to governor. As a result the assemblies were dissolved,
cabinet dismissed and caretaker cabinet appointed. The policy regarding the setup of
caretakers was imbalanced and the federal government was criticized and blamed.
President Ishaq could not work impartially and derailed democracy. The state was run
under personal choice.
Sindh: The Governor Sindh Fakhar Jee Ibrahim resigned after the dissolution of
National Assembly and federal government, on the plea that he was unable to perform
his duty after the dismissal of a democratic government. President accepted his
resignation and appointed Madmood A Haroon as governor Sindh. He dissolved
Assembly soon after taking oath as well as provincial cabinet.
The same evening Jam Sadiq was appointed caretaker Chief minister of Sindh
and Shafi Jamot and Mir Nawaz Khan Marwat as provincial ministers. The oath
taking ceremony was attended by judges of Sindh High Court, bureaucrats and corps
commander Karachi Gen Asif Nawaz. The government was trying to give such an
impression that civil and military bureaucracy was its back. The President Ishaq was
246
very much choosy about the selection of office holders of caretaker government and
appointed anti-PPP and anti Benazir persons on key posts. The new governor Sindh
had been the member of Zia’s cabinet where as caretaker CM Jam Sadiq remained
associated to PPP for a long time but now he had changed his loyalties.
NWFP: Governor NWFP Amir Gulistan Janjua an old ally of Zia dissolved
Provincial Assembly of NWFP on August 6, 1990 soon after National Assembly. He
appointed Mir Afzal khan caretaker CM who had been elected senator on ML ticket.
All the four provincial ministers appointed later on belonged to ML. these included
Muhsin Ali Khan, Fateh Muhammad Khan, Iftiklhar Muhammad and Shahzada Mohi-
ud-Din. Three of them were also included in Fazal ul Haq’s cabinet.
Balochistan: Balochistan Assembly was dismissed by Governor, Gen (r) Musa Khan
on the advice of CM Nawab Akber Bughti. Mir Humayun Murree was appointed
caretaker CM who was son-in-law of Nawab Akber Bughti. Later on, eight provincial
cabinet members including Jabber Khan, Tariq Khetran, Syed Hashmi, Sardar Tahir
Khan, Sabir Baloch and Sardar Sher Ahmad.
Azad Kashmir: The verdict of Prime Minister Sardar Mumtaz Hussain Rathor was
unique and different. He accused that he was also pressurized for the dissolution of
Assembly but he refused. The President, PM and any other person of Pakistan had no
right to interrupt in Azad Kashmir’s affairs. The President of Azad Kashmir had no
right to dissolve Assembly there. On the direction of President of Pakistan under the
constitution of 1973, his government could only be dissolved by vote of no-
confidence. Rahtor belonged to PPP whereas the president of Kashmir was Sardar
Abdul Qayum Khan at that time.
247
Punjab: Punjab was ML dominant province. It also enjoyed the same situation. The
CM was Nawaz Sharif but Gen. Retd. Tikka Khan of PPP was governor. The
President Ishaq dismissed Tikka Khan from the post and appointed Mian Azhar,
Mayor Lahore Metropolitan Corporation as governor Punjab. He dissolved the
Provincial Assembly on the advice of CM Nawaz Sharif had appointed Ghulan Hyder
Wayien CM Punjab who was also general secretary of Punjab ML and had full
support of Nawaz Sharif. In this way ML was in power even after the dissolution of
Assembly and Ministry. Nawaz Sharif stated on this occasion that “if ML remains
united, then no other force can come into power.”244 The caretaker PM Ghulam
Mustafa Jatoi and CM Punjab Ghulam Hyder Wayirn also invited JI to be included in
caretaker setup but JI excused after considering the matter in Central Executive
council.
It became clear after considering the then political scene that President Ishaq
himself had become personal because the people included in caretaker setup were not
of good repute for which the PPP was blamed. This paved the way for influential and
rich people to be elected in next election. The role and sincerity of President Ishaq
was again “evident” at the dismissal of Nawaz Sharif government in 1993.
References & Notes
1 Dawn, Islamabad, May 30, 1988 and Daily Jang, Rawalpindi, May 30, 1988. 2 Total thirty seven people were on board. Ibid., August 18, 1988. 3 Ibid. 4 The caretaker Chief Minister of the Punjab Nawaz Sharif and of NWFP Fazal-e-Haq requested Chief
of Army Staff to impose Martial Law. Nawaz Sharif Ittefaq se Nafaq Tak , p.25. General Baig did not
take direct control of the Government but controlled the affairs indirectly, i.e. formation of Islami
Jamhuri Ittehad (IJI) with the help of DG ISI. “Life after Zia”, The Herald, September 1988, p.45. 5 A writ application against non-party elections was submitted in the Supreme Court of Pakistan, on
August 28, 1988. According to the verdict of the Supreme Court on October 2, 1988, the political
parties were allowed to contest elections under their respective symbols. The caretaker Government
also formally approved the decision of Supreme Court. Dawn, Karachi, October 3, 1988.
248
6 According to the article 49 (1) Constitution of Pakistan, Chairman Senate would be the acting
president in case of death or absence of the president and article 243 (2) (C) Vice Chief of Army Staff
would be made the Chief of Army Staff by the President in case of retirement or death of the chief. 7 Nawaz Sharif emerged all of a sudden on the political scene of Pakistan and under the patronage of
General Zia he got important power positions within no time just like Zulfikar Ali Bhutto jumped
upward with the backing of Ayub Khan. 8 Due to the writ application of Benazir Bhutto the Supreme Court of Pakistan abrogated the section 3A
of Political Parties Act 1962 partially and section 3B and 3C fully. Due to which the compulsory
registration of the political parties was finished. Case Reference: PLD 1988 SC 416, Benazir Bhutto vs
the Federation of Pakistan, Supreme Court of Pakistan, pp.406-407. 9Daily Jang, Lahore, August 27, 1988. 10Dawn, Karachi, September 28, 1988. 11 For details see, Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, October 1-31, 1988.
Different parties were making electoral alliance to maneuver elections. 12 Fida Muhammad Khan was President Pakistan Muslim League (Fida Group) and Nawaz Sharif was
General Secretary. This league was bifurcated from Pakistan Muslim League. The other group was
Pakistan Muslim League (Junejo). 13Air Marshal Asghar Khan was founder Chairman, Pakistan Tehrik-i-Istaqlal and ex Air Chief,
Pakistan Air Force. 14 Jang, Lahore, October 6, 1988. 15Lt. General (Retd) M.A. Ansari was General Secretary of Jamiat Ulama-i-Pakistan. 16 Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, October 9, 1988. 17 Ghafoor Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto: Namzadgi se Bartarfi Tak (Lahore: Al-Qamar
Enterprises, 1995), p.78. 18 Salim Younas, Siyasi Ittehad aur Pakistani Siyasat par un ke Asrat, 1947-1990 (Urdu) (Lahore: Jang
Publishers, 1993), p.203. 19 Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, October 11, 1988. 20Daily Jang, Lahore, October 13, 1988. 21 Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.82. 22Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, October 15, 1988. 23 Urdu Digest, Lahore, November 1988, p.30-39. 24 Prof. Ghafoor Ahmad, Wazir-i-Azam Benazir Bhutto: Namzadgi se Bartarfi Tak (Urdu) (Lahore: Al-
Qamar Enterprisers, 1995), p.94. 25 Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.95. 26 Lt.Gen. Fazal Haq was close companion of Gen. Zia-ul-Haq and an important leader of IJI from
NWFP. 27Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.95. 28 Haji Hanif Tayyab was leader of JUP from Karachi. 29Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.102. 30 Liaquat Baloch was leader of JI from Lahore. 31 Jang, Lahore, October 14, 1988. 32Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto,, p.96. 33 Dawn, Karachi, November 9, 1988. 34Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, November 16, 1988. 35Daily Jang, Lahore, November 13, 1988. 36 Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.106. 37 It is feature of local parties which remain always in search of authority and all possible means are
adopted for it. 38 “PPP’s Manifesto”, Daily Jang Lahore, October 14, 1988. 39Daily Jang, Lahore, November 12, 1988. 40Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, November 6, 1988. 41Ibid. 42Qaumi Digest, Lahore, December 1988, p.43. 43Ibid. 44Monthly Zindgi, Lahore, December 1988. 45Monthly Urdu Digest, Lahore, November 1988. 46Ibid.
249
47 The President and General Secretary, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and Professor Ghafoor Ahmad belonged
to Sindh and both could not be able to participate in national level campaign and remained busy in their
own constituencies. 48PPP attacked Nawaz Sharif’s personality for being patronized by General Zia and IJI highlighted
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s personal affairs. For details see, Monthly Urdu Digest, Lahore, December 1988. 49The success of middle class candidates of JUI, JUP, JI, and MQM is extraordinary precedent of
positive change. The success of JUI in Balochistan i.e (four in NA and 11/40 in Provinces) was an
important step against tribal supremacy and system of exploitation. 50 Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.118. 51 Beware Punjabi your honor is at stake. 52 After the debacle of East Pakistan Bhutto renamed Pakistan as ‘New Pakistan’ 53 Dawn, Karachi, December 4, 1988 54 Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto, pp.160-161. 55Ibid., p.161. 56 He was opposition leader in Punjab Assembly and later on, became President of Pakistan. 57 Shahid Javed Burki, Pakistan: Fifty Years of Nationhood (Lahore, Vanguard Books Ltd., 2004),
p.101. 58Ibid. 59Ian Talbot, Pakistan a Modern History (London: Hurst and Company, 2005), p.298. 60Ibid. 61 Burki. Pakistan a Modern History, p.101. 62 Talbot, Pakistan a Modern History p.299. 63 Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.164. 64Monthly Urdu Digest, January 1999. 65Ibid. 66Ibid. 67Daily Jang, Lahore, December 18, 1988. 68 Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.170. 69 Ahmad, Wazir-e-Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.80. 70Ibid, p.180. 71 Ibid. 72 Younas, Siyasi Ittehad, 237. 73 CCI was restructured according to constitution of 1973. All Chief Ministers and an equal number of
members of federal government constituted CCI with the Pm as chairman. It mainly dealt with the
issues regarding concurrent list. In case of disagreement with the decision of CCI the joint session of
Parliament was final authority. PPP was avoiding to summon session of CCI because it was
apprehensive that in case of disagreement the matter might be brought to Parliament where IJI-COP
coalition was in majority. Asghar Abdullah,”Mushtarka Mufadat Ki Council Ki Tashkeel Kon Kare
Ga?” Zindagi, May4-10,1990,pp.19-23. 74 Suba’ Assebbly Punjab Mubahithat’ December 12, 1989. P-370. 75 Asghar Abdullah, “Mushtarka Mufadat Ki Council Ki Tashkeel Kon Kare Ga?” p-23. Also see
interview with Dr. Mubashar Hassan Zindzgi,May 4-10, 1990 p-22-23 76An interview of Nawaz Sharif with Rauf Tahir, “Qaumi IOqtasadi Council Mein Wazir I Azam ne
Chairperson wali Taqrir Kar Di,” Zindagi, June 2-9, 1989 p14-15 77 See Article 157 (1)- A constitutions of Islamic Republic of Pakistan 1973 78 At the time the federal government was throghing money on advertisements in its favour the famous
one was meray gaon mein bijli aai hae (Electricity came to my village) 79 Ibid 80 “Chronology of Event”, Dawn, Karachi, January 1, 1990. 81 “Council of Common Interest” Ibid, February 9, 1989. 82 Article 153, Constitution of Pakistan. 83 “1989 in Retrospect “ Ibid, January 1990 84 SPD, Vol 2. Nos 1-12(May 24,1989) p.760 85 Sartaj Aziz, Between Dream and Realities: some milestones In Pakistan’s History, Karachi, Oxford
university Press, 2009. P.104. 86 Government of Pakistan, Pakistan Energy Yearbook 2008 (Islamabad: Ministry of Petroleum and
Natural Resources, 2008) 87 Jang, Lahore, September 2, 1989. 88 The Nation, Lahore, June 3, 1989.
250
89 Ibid, August 6,1990 90 See article 160, Constitution of Pakistan 1973. 91Weekly Takbeer Karachi, August 9,1990. 92 Se article 161(2), Constitution of Pakistan 1973. 93 The share of national income from NFC Award 1974 was; Sindh 22.50%, Punjab 60.25 %, NWFP
13.39%, Balochistan 3.86%. For details see, Iftikhar Ahmed, Usman Mustafa and Mahmood Khalid,
National Finance Commission Award in Pakistan: A Historical Perspective (Islamabad: Pakistan
Institute of Development Economics, 2007), p.5. 94 Subai Assembly Punjab: Mubahisat, December 21, 1988, p.887. 95 The economic problems for Punjab and Balochistan were; aggravated in Benazir period, the
development budget of the provinces was reduced Rs. 179 crore were demanded by the Punjab whereas
Federal Government granted Rs. 47 crore. Ibid, February 26, 1990, p.810. 96 Ibid, December 14, 1988, pp.266-267 and December 21, 1988, p.850. 97 The loans of the Punjab were annulled by the Federal Government Rs. 137.17 crore had to be paid by
the Punjab as subsidy for wheat whereas it was granted Rs. 100.99 crore. For details see, Ibid, June 18,
1989, pp.847-848. 98 Ibid, December 19, 1988, p.527, and December 20, 1988, p.690. 99 Masud Sahir, “People’s Party aur Khar: Apnay Apnay Daway Par”, in Zindgi, May 12-18, 1989,
p.15. 100Naw-i-Waqt Lahore, January 5,1989. 101The Herald, Karachi, January 1989. 102Pakistan Times, Lahore, January 19, 1989. 103 Its background was based on the famous statement/ slogan after 1970 elections” Idher Ham Udhar
Tum” 104 Although PPP took part in government making through same process in other provinces. 105 It was the family business of Sharif family. 106 The Nation, Lahore, December 2, 1988. 107 National Awami Party was banned during 1975 for its alleged help to terrorists. Government
declared it for responsible for adverse law and order situation. Later on Wali Khan was trial along with
his companions by a special tribunal at Hyderabad. After it Sardar Sher Baz Mazari establish national
democratic party (NDP) whos one of the prominent leader was Naseem Wali Khan. When political
activities revived in 1986 then Awami Tehreek, Mazdoor Kissan Party, National Democratic Party and
Pakistan National Party jointly established the Awami National Party (ANP). Later on NDP and PNP
became separate and Sardar Sher Baz Mazari revived NDP. ANP got its separate identity which
remained active onwards. 108 It was a militant/ terrorists organization established in 1981 under the supervision of Murtaza Bhutto
son of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to take revenge of Bhutto’s death. It hijacked an aero plane of PIA of March
2, 1981 which had 130 passengers on board along with 11 crew member. The hijackers shot a military
officer Tariq Raheem. This act of Al Zulfikar created hatred against it and PPP. 109Daily Jang, Lahore, December 10,1988. 110Ibid. 111 Muhammad Khan Junejo during his address on the end of Martial Law on December 31, 1985
announced his five points program which included 1; the establishment of strong Islamic and
democratic system based on Ideology of Pakistan. 2; establishment of system based on economic
justice through which the public prosperity and eradication of unemployment be ensured. 3; End of
illiteracy and prepare people for modern scientific age. 4; To provide justice and social security to
people by ending bribery and corruption. 5; To safeguard national solidarity, integrity and autonomy
through strong defense and non-aligned and balanced foreign policy. 112 Raja Parvez Asharaf a candidate of PPP from Gujar Khan District Rawalpindi in general election
1988 was defeated by Raja Zaheer of IJI and was appointed incharge of People’s Works Program
district Rawalpindi. 113Dawn, Karachi, December,13. 1998 114Jang, Lahore, August 26th, 1989 115Weekly Hurmat, Islamabad, Issue 175, vol: 8, April 23-29, 1989, p.6. 116Ahmad, Wazir-i- Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.260 117Ibid. 118 Suba’I Assembly Punjab, Mubahithat, June 14,1989, p.621. 119 Subai Assembly Punjab , Mubahithat, June 13,1989,p-478 & February 13,1990, pp304-305.
251
Also see interview of Nawab Akbar Bugti with Mukhtar Hussain pp-11-12, The Pakistan Times, July
14,1989, Meezan Nawaz Sharif, p-29. Bugti stated that he will not cooperate for PWP. The
implementation of the said program through undemocratic means was not acceptable. The program was
of no utility and it was just wastage of resources. All money will go in the pockets of PML workers
.According to him uniform policy must be adopted for all provinces. If the governments of Sindh and
NWFP are capable for launching this program then why not Punjab and Balochistan. He stated that he
was going to launch his own program. 120 Suba’I Assembly Punjab, Mubahithat, February 13, 1990 p.314. 121 JI and PWP, The Muslim, April 30, 1989. 122 PPP appointed incharges of this program only its members. In the constituencies of IJI it was
unacceptable because it’s the right of wining candidates to launch developmental programs in their
respective areas. 123 Suba’i Assembly Punjab, Mubahithat, February 26, 1990, p.738. 124 Ibid, p.305. 125 Ibid. 126 Punjab Government arrested workers of PWP project at Bahawal Nagar and Sheikhupura. They did
not belong to any party. At Sheikhupura local President and General Secretary of PPP was arrested by
Punjab Government. PPP office was burnt and workers tortured by the students of Muslim Student’s
Federation (MSF). According to federal government it was done under the umbrella of Punjab
Government. Even a constructed building of school under PWP was demolished at Guajar khan by
provincial authorities. 127 Suba,I Assembly Mubahithat, February 10, 1990 p-100 128 Awan ,” Tin Muntakhib Wuzra-i-Azam Ki Bartarfi” p-223. 129 Afzal Khan “Back to Basics” The The Herald, June 1989, p-39, Also see IJI accuses PM of baseless
allegations, The Muslim September 29, 1989. 130 After the finalization of all issues WAPDA did not provide connections to the residents of
constituency of minister for irrigation and power and later on only PPP supporters were supplied
electricity. 131 Ghafoor Ahmad, Wazir-i- Azam Benazir, P.260. 132Naw-e-Waqt, Rawalpindi, April 24, 1990. 133Ibid 134 Jang, Lahore, June 28, 1989. 135Weekly Hurmat, Islamabad, April 23rd- 29th, 1989 p.6. 136Raza Nasar, Democracy and the crises of governability, Asian Survey. p.530. 137 N.H Jaffery, Politicizing the civil servants, Pakistan Times, Islamabad, july 10th, 1989. 138 Aziz, Between Dreams and Realities, p.99. 139 Muhammad Siddique Qureshi, Political Culture in Pakistan, Islamabad: Dost Publications,
2002.p.36-37 140The Muslim, October 31, 1989. 141 Ibid. 142 Jatoi was defeated from two native Sindh constituencies in general elections 1988. Later on, he was
elected through bi-elections on the seat vacated by Ghulam Mustafa Khar. 143 Jang, Lahore, October 23,1989. 144Ibid, October 24, 1989. 145Ibid. 146Pakistan times, Lahore, November 3, 1989. 147Daily Mahriq, Lahore, February 20,1990. 148Weekly Takbeer, Karachi, June 17, 1990. 149Daily Jang, Lahore, February 28, 1990. 150Ibid, may 21, 1990. 151 Karachi accord was signed between PPP and MQM on December 2, 1988 during a meeting between
Altaf Hussain and Benazir Bhutto at State Guest House Karachi. It was announced by Syed Qaim Ali
shah and Azeem Ahmad Tariq during a joint press conference. Negotiations started on November 21,
1988 and culminated on December 2, 1988. It was agreed that both parties will support each other at
Provincial and Central level. Its main objective was to maintain law and order in the province. MQM
was successful to serve the rights of Muhajir under this agreement. It also withdrew from the
competition of CM and governorship in favor of PPP and authorized Benazir Bhutto to appoint
ministry also. 152 Ahamd, Wazir-i- Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.290.
252
153Ibid, p.291. 154Ibid, 293. 155 These 22 families were almost owners of huge part of national wealth. These included famous
industrialists businessmen, landlords and important members of establishment. They included Sahgols,
Walikas , Seith Dawood and many others. 156 Ahmad Saleem, Mamdot Se Wattoo Tak, p.207. 157Ibid, p.208 158Ibid p.209 159Wuller Barrage to make Punjab Barren: Kala Bagh Dam Essential, the Pakistan Times, Islamabad,
October 21, 1989 160Asia, Lahore, July 12, 1989 161 Muhammad Siddique Qureshi, Political Culture in Pakistan, Islamabad: Dost publications 2002,
p.378 162 Afzal Khan, Cheque Mates?, The The Herald, Karachi, pp.106-107. 163The Pakistan Times, Islamabad, November15,1989 164 Afzal Khan, Cheque Mates?, The The Herald, Karachi, pp.106-107. 165 Makhdoom ali Khan, Dissenting adults, the The Herald, Karachi, August, 1989, p.63 166Ahamd, Wazir-i- Azam Benazir Bhutto p.233 167 Mushahid Hussain and Kamal Hussain, Pakistan: Problem of the governance, Lahore: Vanguard
Books, 1993, p.39 168PAD, vol 8, no.3, December 11, 1989,p.181 169 Ahamd, Wazir-i- Azam Benazir Bhutto, p.210 170 “Punjab Government may move Supreme Court for permission”, Dawn ,Karachi, February 11, 1990 171 Ghani Eirabie, “The question of provincial T.V” Ibid, February 10, 1990. 172 “Hurdles in way of Punjab’s own T.V”, Ibid April 19,1989 173 Rabi crops are cultivated in spring season whereas Kharif crops are cultivated in autumn season. 174 “Punjab assumes Centre’s powers”, Ibid Karachi, July 21,1989 175The Heraled, Karachi, August 1989 p.53 176Ibidi, October 24, 1989 177PAD, vol.6, no.20, June 29, p.1744 178 Selection boards for the requirement of the Gazetted officers at BPS 17 were constituted especially
in education department Punjab for the requirement of lectures 179Asia, Lahore, July 13, 1989 180 “Chronology of events”, Dawn. Karachi, January 1, 1990 181 N.N Jafffary, “politicizing the civil servants, The Pakistan Times, Islamabad July 10, 198 182 M.H Askari, “Time for reconciliation “, Dawn, Karachi May, 9, 1990 183Ibid December,1, 1989 184 Nisar Usmani, “The Punjab Kaleidoscope”, Dawn, Karachi January 1, 1990 185 The issue of water distribution between India and Pakistan was settled down in 1960 with reference
to Indus Basin Treaty under the supervision of World Bank. Under this treaty right of Pakistan was
acknowledged on river Indus, Jehlam and Chinab whereas right of India was acknowledge on river
Satluj, Ravi and Bias. 186 “Nawaz accuses Centre for sell out Wuller Barrage”, Dawn Karachi, October 21, 1989 187Ibid. 188 “Wullar Barrage to make Punjab barren”, The Pakistan times, Lahore, October 21, 1989 189 Ibid. 190 “IJI will turn Pakistan into a real welfare state- Nawaz”, The Nation, November 16, 1988 191 Dawn, Karachi, September,23,1989. 192 “IJI constitution finalized”, Dawn, Karachi, 1989 193 The Pakistan Times, Islamabad May 13, 1990 194 “Nawaz Sharif for batter ties with Centre”, Ibid, September, 23 1989 195SPD, Vol. 7 NO. 1-17 (19th January 1989) p396 196 Muhammad Ali Shaikh, Benazir Bhutto a political biography, Karachi: Orient Books Publishing
House 2000. P.142. 197The Pakistan Times, Islamabad, May 13 ,1990. 198 Ahmed Saleem, Mamdot Se Wattoo Tak, p. 217. 199The Pakistan Times, Islamabad, July 27, 1990. 200Ibid.
253
201 Mujahid Hussain, edit. Pakistan ka Mutnazya Siasat Dan (Urdu), Lahore: Zahid Basheer Printers,
1997, p.398. 202 Brother in-law of Gen. Zia 203 Relatives of President Ishaq Khan 204 MNA from Faisalabad, owner of Masood Textile, Kohistan Bus Service etc 205 Mirpur Khas Sugar, Cholistan Sugar, Chirat Cement and Thal Jute 206 MNA former Care Taker PM, owner, Sehti Sugar Millls 207 Senator, King of Marbles and owner of S.B industries as well as Chishti Sugar Mills 208 MPA Indus Sugar Mills 209 Jamaldeen Wali Sugar Mills 210 Kingri Cotton and Raja Sugar Mills 211 Bannu Sugar Mills 212 Kiran Sugar Mills 213 Former Governor, Sindh 214 Pak Land Cement 215 Century Paper Board, Merit Packaging, National Detergent and Lakson Tobacco 216 Syed Ice factory, Matyari Sugar Mills and Najeeb & Co 217 Tandliawala Sugar Mills, Grace Textile and Pepsi Cola 218 Former Chief Minister NWFP and owner of Chashma Sugar Mills 219 Federal Minister Son of Jam Sadiq Ali and owner Thar Sugar Mills 220 Speaker Punjab Assembly and owner of Sutlaj Sugar Mills 221 Former Prime Minister and owner of Sanghar Sugar Mills 222Ahmed Saleem, Mamdot Se Wattoo Tak, p. 227. 223 Abdullah Malik, Benazir Bhutto ki Teen Warasateen,(Urdu) Lahore, Matab-e- Fir o Danish,
1990p.106 224Dawn, Karachi, December,21,1971. 225 Abdullah Malik, Benazir, p.134. 226 The coup was named as Operation Fair Play. 227 Saeed Shafqat, Civil Military Relations in Pakistan from Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto to Benazir Bhutto,
Oxford Westview Press, 1997.p.225. 228Ibid, p.224. 229 Personal Interview with Professor Ghafoor Ahmad. Karachi, March 18, 2010. 230Daily Nawa-i- Waqat, Lahore, April,2 1986. 231 Saeed Shafqat, Civil Military Relations, p.226. 232Ibid, p.227. 233 Ibid, p.228. 234Ibid, p.231. 235Ibid. 236 Hakim Ali Zardari and old politician and father of Asif Ali Zardari his appoint was an example of
nepotism. 237Dawn, Karachi, May 24, 1990. 238Ibid. 239 For details see appendix one. 240 The Pakistan Times, August 7, 1990. 241 Dawn, Islamabad August 7, 1990. 242 Out of these two were deposed by civilian heads of state i-e Kh. Nazimuddin by Ghulam
Muhammad and Benazir Bhutto by Ghulam Ishaq Khan where as three were deposed by Heads of state
belonging to army that is Feroz Khan Noon by Maj. Gen. {Retd} Iskandar Mirza and Muhammad
Khan Junejo and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto both by Gen. Zia ul Haq. 243 For details see Appendices 2, 3 and 4. Also see, Weekly Hurmat, second edition issue 34 Vol.9,
September, 1990. 244 Ghafoor Ahmad,Wazir-e-e Azam Benazir Bhutto.
254
Chapter Four
Cordial Relations, 1990-1993
The dissolution of national and provincial assemblies was followed by the oath taking of
Caretaker Government on August 6, 1990 with Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi as Caretaker PM
having Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Ilahi Bux Soomro, Rafi Raza and Sartaj Aziz as cabinet
members.1 Generally, the political parties favored the decision of dissolving the
government with the only exception of Jamiat Ulama-e-Pakistan (JUP-N).2 The elections
were scheduled to be held on October 24, 1990.3 A genuine objection was raised by Shah
Ahmed Noorani declaring the structure of Caretaker Government incapable to hold free,
fair and just elections due to their contesting elections themselves.4 It was also being
criticized by other political parties, i.e. Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam, Fazl-
Ur-Rahman Group (JUIF) and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). The procedure of
appointing Caretaker Prime Minister and cabinet was objected by Qazi Hussain Ahmad 5
and he further accused the cabinet members for being under trial in many cases.6
Professor Ghafoor stated that appointment of Jatoi was a ‘partial step’ on behalf of the
President.7 Junejo also objected the appointment of Jatoi as PM and declared that PML
had no concern with caretaker setup.8 However, later on, he agreed with the verdict of
President and directed his party members to cooperate with caretaker setup.9 Benazir
Bhutto was also dissatisfied and stated that it was willful action to create hurdles in PPP
election campaign and to influence the election results.10
The Caretaker Government announced ‘Four Point Agenda’, which created
suspicions in the people’s minds regarding the realization of the election promise.11 The
255
Caretaker Government was criticized for showing biases against PPP when directed to
setup special courts to hear the cases of corruption and other charges of malpractice
against the previous government. It was declared that the act was an ill-design of
caretakers being dictated by some ‘unseen forces’.12 It was further alleged that the
caretaker setup was mainly comprised of anti-PPP individuals who wished to follow the
policy of victimization.
The Caretaker PM Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi was very much anxious to proceed
against the former National and Provincial Assembly members. 13 Benazir Bhutto’s
viewpoint regarding the issue was that the accountability was not the mandate of
caretakers and once started they had to conduct it w.e.f. the parliament of 1985 including
President Ghulam Ishaq.14 According to the leadership of People’s Democratic Alliance
(PDA) caretaker administration had its own designs to suppress PPP by filing seven
references against Benazir Bhutto.15 On the other hand, PM Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi
favored his supporters and associates by allotting fifty two residential plots to his near
and dear ones.16
Election 1990: The Care Taker Government
First priority was to hold general Elections which were announced to be held on October
24, 1990 by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan at the time of dissolution of Benazir
Government and National Assembly.17 Many political parties and alliances were in the
field to contest elections. Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) especially was very much hopeful.
Contrary to 1988 elections it was the first time that alliances were in competition, as 1988
IJI competed a single party i.e. PPP. The elections of 1990 can be declared as unique
256
under which new alliances came into being other than IJI and were in competition against
each other. There were mainly two alliances that were IJI and Peoples’ Democratic
Alliance (PDA). In this connection other small political parties got popularity at national
level, whereas regional political organization remained successful in their respective
areas. Both alliances tried to be the contact with those strong and effective organizations
to maintain their hegemony. Due to the regional supporters both alliances enabled to get
nation-wide importance. There were many small parties other than IJI and PDA who
participated in elections. These included, Awami National Party (ANP), Sindh National
Alliance, Sindh National Front, Mohajir Qaummi Movement (MQM), JamiatUlma –i-
Pakistan (Noorani Group), Pakistan Awami Tehrik, Qaumi Inqalabi Party, Pakhtun
Khawja Mili Awami Party (PMAP), Punjabi Pakhtun Ittehad, Communist Party of
Pakistan, Pakistan Democratic Party, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Fazl-ur-Rehman Group),
National Democratic Party (Sher Baz Mazari), Jamhuri Watan Party (Nawab Akbar
Bugti), Balochistan National Movement.18
All of the above mentioned parties and regional groups participated in elections
out of which some regional organizational got successful. All other political parties were
either part of IJI or PDA. The formation of PDA was a new strategy of left wing parties
because the IJI had created a lot of hurdles for PPP during 1988 elections. IJI mainly
considered a Punjab based alliance which performed better in 1990 elections due to its
nation-wide election campaign. The situation of 1990 elections revealed that the
campaign was based on the previous mind set of the Punjab verses Centre grievances and
policy.
257
IJI under the leadership of Mian Nawaz Sharif showed its Punjab based power at
the province and Centre both. The PDA leaders could not perform better which revealed
that there were some gaps between them. The IJI had a vast alliance due to complete
support of Parliamentary Opposition. It has the support of MQM in Sindh, Jamhuri
Watan Party from Balochistan, Awami National Party from NWFP and Anjuman Sipha-i-
Sahaba from the Punjab.19
The Manifesto of IJI
The manifesto of any party or alliance reflects its ideological structure and base about
their point of view regarding national issues. It clearly depicts the point of view of
respective party about political, social, economic, constitutional and administrative
affairs. It is very important document of a political party for elections campaign. In
Pakistan manifesto has become of secondary importance. It is circulated just for show
piece and published and circulated just few days before elections, which does not allow
voters to think and analyze impartially. It is quite evident when IJI announced its
manifesto just eleven days before election and PDA announced its manifesto just nine
days before elections on October 15, 1990. Comparatively it was better as compared to
IJI who had same manifesto as 1988 only with a slight change.20
The Formation of Alliances
Elections of 1990 were very important in the sense that the politics of electoral alliances
also flourished with political parties in the country. IJI was already an accumulation of
different parties and all constitutional parties were turned up to each other with reference
to 1988 elections. On the other hand the formation of PDA was first experience of all
258
constitutive parties. It was the first time that PPP was in electoral alliance with other
parties which was against its temperaments.
It was the claim of PPP to be a national party which had its own identity and did
not need any support or cooperation from any other party. On the basis of this claim PPP
did not make electoral alliance with any party in the past. During the 1988 elections, PPP
did not make electoral alliance with MRD despite insistence of allied parties. According
to the PPP leaders, the party supporters would be confused in case of participating in
elections from any other platform because the personality of Bhutto was centre of
identity. However, MRD coalition parties had cooperated with PPP during the Martial
Law and Junejo’s rule and evenly supported its all ‘undemocratic practices’. However,
during 1990 elections PPP left its identity and made electoral alliance with three other
parties. It might due to the fear of losing elections if it contested separately.
It might be due to previous experience of PPP’s contest with IJI which culminated
in Centre-Punjab tussle. The prevalent situation in 1990 was almost same. PPP on the
dismissal one of its government was declaring IJI and Civil Military establishment
responsible for whole episode. As IJI was Punjab based, therefore, PPP also declared the
Punjab responsible for the dissolution of Assembly.
The establishment and joining in PDA was a smart move of PPP it could be
declared face saving technique due to fear of defeat in 1990 elections. There is no final
word in politics PPP was at that time in hot water. Its government was being dissolved
due to the charges of corruption and inefficiency by the President. PPP feared about the
expected accountability and was under pressure. It was defamed due to a long charge
259
sheet. Therefore, it adopted the policy of accommodation with other parties under an
alliance to contest elections. Hence, PPP was in the midst of elections and accountability.
PPP favoured to join alliance so that there would be an alternate leadership if
PPP leaders would have been disqualified. It was a good attempt to create such an
impression that the party favored and supported other political parties and leaders. Under
that background, PDA was constituted on September 10, 1990.21 It was established on
four political parties i.e. PPP, Tehrik-e-Istiqlal, Tehrik-e-Nafaz-e-Fiqh-e-Jafaria and
Muslim League (Qasim Group). Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri, the General Secretary of
Tehrik-e-Istiqlal was nominated General Secretary of alliance. The composition of
alliance was strange in the sense that Tehrik-e-Istiqlal had remained the staunch opponent
of PPP. Asghar Khan was an active leader of PNA, who often used harsh language
against PPP and Bhutto. He had also demanded the dismissal of PPP government. The
Muslim League (Qasim Group) was also ineffective regarding its performance which had
no numerical strength with reference to its electoral politics. Tehrik-e-Nafaz-e-Fiqh-e-
Jafaria was always in cooperation with PPP. Collectively these political groups did not
provide any strength to PPP. It was rather felt that PPP had become psychologically
defeated. Benazir had realized the necessity of an alliance. PPP leadership was also
witnessing the political situation due to which it was a little bit in confusion. The PML
leadership enjoying the official patronization was proposed that PML should participate
in its independent status. Muhmmad Khan Junejo and Nawaz Sharif were on the same
page, whereas the military and civil bureaucracy wanted to check the success of PPP. The
president Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Army Chief General Aslam Beg, Military Intelligence and
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ISI were of the view that all parties of IJI should contest election unanimously under
single banner for sure success.22
PDA issued its manifesto on October 15, 1990 just nine days before the
elections.23 By analyzing the manifestoes of both alliances, it revealed that there was not
much difference on many issues but many important issues were neglected by both
alliances. Particularly, according to Punjab’s reference the construction of Kala Bagh
Dam, Agricultural tax and distribution of the water both sides manifestoes remained
silent on those issues. Punjab’s stand point regarding Kala Bagh Dam had always been
that it would bring prosperity in the country. Probably both alliances feared that if the
issue would be taken, they might not be able to get votes from Sindh and NWFP.24 In
same manner, both alliances did not present any strategy to tackle the linguistic and
regional prejudices. The principle of socialism which was basic principles of PPP was
also neglected.
The Election Campaign
The election campaign started with very harsh and sentimental statements against each
other. IJI had a double advantage, firstly constituent parties were backing up each other
and secondly it had assistance from government.
The IJI candidates and the especially Nawaz Sharif utilized government resources
ruthlessly. The official transport was misused. The caretaker CM Punjab Ghulam Haider
Wayne was accompanying Nawaz Sharif throughout election campaign. Government had
provided Nawaz Sharif a helicopter. All administrative machinery and police was at the
disposal of IJI candidates who made a large number of appointments and transfers of
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their own choice. The caretaker setup had itself become a party. However, if it would
have been neutral the wastage of government could be checked.
The Punjab’s caretaker government practically involved the officials of revenue
department. Patwaries and Lamberdars were given the tasks for the success of IJI.
Benazir was blamed for pro India and pro-US policies and being a woman fatwas were
issued by religious authorities to serve their vested interests.25 The fatwa of Maulvi Abdul
Qadir Azad of Badshahi Mosque Lahore was ridiculous declaring support to Benazir
Bhutto a sinful. It was total violation of constitution to issue such statements but Maulvi
was supporting IJI and nothing could be done.26
Benazir was busy in campaign also along with court trial against her. She openly
criticized government and Gulam Ishaq Khan. She was blamed by IJI as traitor, ready to
compromise on Kashmir and national issues. The IJI along with the government
machinery also did the character assassination of Benazir Bhutto which was a ‘filthy act’.
At the end of election campaign the PPP public meeting had more gathering as compare
to IJI.27
National Assembly Results of Election 1990
Political Party Candidates Seats Won Votes Casted Votes
Percentage
Percentage
of Success
IJI 154 106 7908513 37.37 69.5
PDA 182 44 7795218 36.83 44.8
MQM (Haq
Prast)
24 15 1172525 5.54 62.5
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JUI (F) 54 6 622214 2.94 10.9
JUP (N) 44 3 310953 1.47 6.8
ANP 18 6 356160 1.68 33.3
PNP 10 2 127287 0.60 20.0
JWP 6 2 129431 0.61 33.3
PKMAP 7 1 73635 0.35 14.2
Independents 716 22 2179956 10.30 2.50
Source Report on the General Elections 1990, Part 2 (Islamabad Election Commission of Pakistan, 1990)
The Elections 1990: An-overview
The people of Pakistan provided a proof of their political maturity and awareness. The
political parties got votes due to their performance. Such political parties were rejected
which used to blackmail government and people both by constituting their pressure
group. Many political leaders could not meet the expectations of the people and were
defeated for example Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, Khan Abdul Wali Khan, Maulana
Fazl-ur-Rahman, Pir Pagara, Meraj Khalid, Aftab Sher Pao, Professor Ghafoor Ahmed
and many others. Benazir Bhutto could not be elected from Peshawar and Asif Zardari
also could not be elected from his native constituency of Nawab Shah.
As a result of these elections IJI got clear mandate overall and especially in the
Punjab and NWFP. Another main feature of 1990 election was the existence of two
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alliances which became acceptable for people also. It could be an ideal situation it
seriously acted upon. People were annoyed from many political parties and wished to see
the political system strengthened on solid grounds. Due to existence and performance of
two alliances the anti-Centre forces and parties were weakened and had no choice to join
any alliance. The multi-party and one party system were damaging to country’s political
system. The religious political parties were also defeated which gave prove that people
want end of sectarian political parties.
After the elections PDA revealed the performance of caretaker government
doubtful and objected the establishment of “Election Information Cell” in the presidency.
According to PDA it was established to bypass Election Commission of Pakistan. The
results from returning officers were sending directly to the cell which delivered results to
Election Commission of Pakistan after some ‘necessary proceeding’. General Rafaqat
was the in charge of cell and certain civil servants and military officials were his
assistance.28 The setup of such a cell in presidency marked the impartiality of the
president.29
The caretaker setup under Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and his team was mainly anti-
PPP elements whose main target was to minimize PPP’s role in future politics. It also
tried to misuse media against PPP. Initially, the government’s agenda consisted of four
main points; completion of accountability process, eradication of corruption and bribery,
maintenance of law and order and assurance of provision of justice.30
The agenda showed the inner mindset of caretakers which used to stay for long
time because such steps could not be taken into account in a short span of caretaker setup.
264
PDA soon after elections declared them rigged and put a question mark on the
transparency of election. It also objected that involvement of Army in these elections. It
also repeated that Inter-services Intelligence ISI chief Lt. Gen. Asad Durani was directed
by Gen. Aslam Beg to provide ‘financial support’ to candidates and politicians contesting
elections against PPP in 1990 elections. Same had happened in 1988 elections during
which IJI as nascent alliance contested against PPP. Gen. Hameed Gul was founder of IJI
behind the curtain.31 He contacted many political parties and leaders for the formation of
grand alliance.32
Collectively, the caretaker government’s main agenda was to work against PPP. It
was not impartial which had always been the priority of caretaker setup. It practically
utilized official resources against PPP in elections. PPP candidates and workers were
pressurized and ill-treated by authorities. The steps taken by caretakers were endorsed by
the next setup with which they were already connected. It was the extreme irony that the
accountability cell established under caretakers filed many references Benazir Bhutto in
disqualification tribunals for the clearance of which she had to suffer for next two years.33
The electoral process of 1990 election was technically and expertly handled by
the sovereign circles and the Election Commission of Pakistan. The impartial caretaker
setup created many doubts about the credibility of elections. The presumption about
rigging was made at vast level, although, there was no apparent rigging. The official
machinery facilitated IJI candidates in a calculated pattern to ensure IJI’s success in the
elections. The elections were witnessed by many governmental and non-governmental
organizations. The foreign observers like SAARC and representatives of National
Democratic Institute (NDI) France observed the process of elections.34
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Generally, low turnout was observed by international missions and media but the
official report contradicted it.35 The results of general elections revealed the decline in
PPP’s vote bank. It obtained 37.7 percent votes in 1990 as compared to 38.7 percent in
1988 elections, whereas the IJI’s performance was better. It got 37.3 percent votes in
1990 elections as compared to 30.6 in 1988 elections.36
The PDA published a White Paper regarding rigging on election’s day, technical
handling of election cell which performed the job of post-election scrutiny and in general
biased role of caretaker setup, Election Commission and the president Ghulam Ishaq
Khan.37 Benazir Bhutto did not complain about the rigging during polling day but when
the results came out against PDA, she objected about mishandling and changing of result
of election.38 As mentioned earlier, the results were reportedly maneuvered in Election
Information Cell at Presidency and then forwarded to Election Commission for the
announcement of results. Therefore, it was difficult to produce any reasonable material
proof of rigging.39 Benazir Bhutto complained to the government and demanded to
recheck and recount ballot papers with the compulsion of examining serial numbers.
Whereas, in problematic constituencies, the certified election result were not supplied to
the candidates. There were complaints that ballot papers did not contain serial number.40
The caretaker government and IJI were blamed for rigging. MQM also declared
PPP responsible for rigging in Sindh. Collectively Benazir Bhutto was not ready to accept
the results about 100 constituencies and demanded reelection over there.41 She also
blamed that Ghulam Muhammad Bilour of ANP succeeded against her due to rigging.42
She also had details of maneuvering in thirteen different constituencies of the Punjab.43
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The international observer teams and media were later on convinced that there were no
rigging in1990 elections.44
In this connection, Election Commission of Pakistan inquired about 145 election
petitions submitted by defeated candidates. There were 27 Election Tribunals setup for
the purpose. In the light of decisions of these tribunals, the elections were declared free
and fair.45
The role of President Ghulam Ishaq Khan during election of 1990 was also
noticeable. The stature which he had maintained as being impartial came in to limelight
and later on Nawaz Sharif had also to suffer from this ‘impartiality’. He held all key
positions of Pakistan’s bureaucracy during his life time but never uttered or written a
single word as regarding his experience as a guideline for nation. The caretaker
government had started accountability process on his direction to damage PPP.46 He
addressed the nation on October 23, 1990 one day before elections and advised the nation
to vote only for parties following Islamic values and principles.47 Being president of the
country it was clear violation of Article 41(1) of the constitution of Pakistan according to
which the post of President is impartial and symbol of respect and unity at all levels.48
The bitter center province relations between1988-1993 provided upcoming
government a chance to avoid such situation. The governments at both levels were not
accommodating each other which are an essential feature of federation at least to
maintain working relationship. It needs the sprite of co-existence and tolerance which did
not prevail under the subject period.
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PPP at that time was still the biggest party of country despite its previous
weaknesses of policies. It was realized if this party reorganized itself on democratic lines
than it could play useful role for strengthening federation. It would enhance its public
power and such leaders would emerge who would really change the condition of people
and country at large. Both the factions needed to follow the policy of mutual
understanding and co-existence which was not witnessed ever due to which democracy
could not flourish properly.
The Government Making
The most important and the most difficult step was ministry formation at federal and
provincial level after 1990 elections. The process and strategy adopted for this purpose
was not praiseworthy because it involved the same old conspiratorial tactics. The transfer
of power in Pakistan has always been a difficult and sensitive task. However, IJI became
successful to constitute its ministry at Centre, Punjab and NWFP, although, it faced
difficulty at Sindh and Balochistan but later on succeeded in its object.
At centre, IJI formed its ministry with coalition of regional allies under the
premiership of Nawaz Sharif. At Punjab, IJI formed its ministry under CM Ghulam
Haider Wayne, whereas, in NWFP IJI formed ministry under Mir Afzal Khan with the
coalition of ANP. At Sindh, Jam Sadiq was able to form ministry with coalition of
Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM), Sindh National Alliance (SNA) and independent
members. In Balochistan, Nawab Akbar Bugti was unable to form ministry despite
facilitation from federal government. After it, Mir Taj Muhammad Jamali formed
ministry with the cooperation of JUI and independent members. In this way IJI became
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successful to form its ministries at central and provincial level with the cooperation of its
regional allies.
IJI was successful in becoming the largest party in the National Assembly. The
party position in national assembly as under
Serial Party Name Seats Secured
1 Islami Jamhuri Ittehad (IJI) 106
2 Pakistan Democratic Alliance (PDA)
44
3 Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM)
15
4 Jamiat UL Ulama I Islam (JUI-F)
06
5 Pakistan National Party (PNP)
06
6 Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUPN)
03
7 Awami National Party (ANP)
02
8 Jamhuri Watan Party (JWP)
02
9 Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP) 01
10 Independent 22
Total 207 Source: General Elections Report Comparative Statistics for General Elections 1988, 1990, 1993 and
1997, Vol.2 (Islamabad Election Commission of Pakistan, n.d)
IJI was also able to form government as well as in all four provinces. The result of
provincial assemblies was as under;49
Party Punjab NWFP Sindh Balochistan
IJI 208 32 05 07
PDA 10 06 43 02
Independents 14 14 15 04
PDP 02 - - -
ANP - 21 - -
MQM(A) - - 28 -
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JWP - - - 09
JUI-F - - - 05
PNP - - - 05
PKMAP - - - 03
BNP - - - 02 Source: Mashriq (Urdu), Lahore, October 29, 1990
It was the first time that any party was enabled to establish its government in all four
provinces. The IJI ministries at central and provincial level aimed to ensure political
stability achieved as a result of 1990 elections the government expected that it would
hopefully complete its tenure.50 The process of election of Speaker and Deputy Speaker
was also completed on November.4, 1990. IJI’s MNA Gauhar Ayub was elected as
speaker obtaining 146 votes and Nawaz Khokhar as deputy speaker obtaining 143.51
Nawaz Sharif took oath as the PM on November 6, 1990. His first step was to lift the
state of emergency from country.52 On the same date Nawaz Sharif got the vote of
confidence from the National Assembly under Article 91(3) of the constitution of
Pakistan.53 He obtained 153 votes as compared to his opponent Afzal Khan from PDA
who got 39 votes.
In his first speech Nawaz stressed upon the opposition’s positive role for the
maintenance and sustainability of democracy. He also stressed the better working
relationship between centre and provinces in the best interest of federation and national
solidarity.54 During his address to nation on November 7, 1990 he declared development,
industrialization and self-sufficiency as his government’s goals.55
Main issue was the nomination of PM for IJI because there were three main
candidates i-e Muhammad Khan Junejo, Ghulam Mutafa Jatoi and Nawaz Sharif. The
only capable candidate at that time was Nawaz Sharif because he had confronted the
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policies of PPP during his rule at Punjab. The way under which he opposed the PPP
policies and strategy at provincial level were praise-worthy. On the other hand he led IJI
and was able to save it from disintegration. Therefore IJI and its allied parties nominated
Nawaz Sharif as the parliamentary leader on November 1, 1990.
It is important to note that Nawaz Sharif was unanimously elected by IJI and its
allied parties including MQM, ANP, Jamhuri watan Party, JUI (Niazi) and JUI (Noorani).
The session was attended by more than 150 members. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi proposed
the name of Nawaz Sharif which was seconded by Muhammad Khan Junejo President of
PML then. In the sense he was the first deserving PM56 because before him the prime
ministers were elected through back door or conspiracy of power circles or nominated by
the President. Nawaz Sharif was an experienced person with reference to his previous
experience to run the provincial affairs twice before it.
The IJI ministry at Centre and provinces had upper hand on PPP Government
after 1988 in meeting with public issues and demands. The situation after 1990 elections
became totally favorable for IJI and specially Nawaz Sharif because he ruled with
complete authority. During his rule the Centre Province relations were at ease. Mainly,
the Punjab Centre relations were quite peaceful because IJI was in power at centre and
Punjab. Ghulam Haider Wayne the CM of Punjab was much loyal to ML and Nawaz
Sharif both. Practically, he was a titular CM because in actual practice Nawaz Sharif was
working as PM and CM of Punjab. Mian Shahbaz Sharif was practically looking after the
interests of Sharif’s family in Punjab. An additional Secretary was appointed in CM’s
secretariat to supervise the implementation of directives issued by Mian Shahbaz Sharif.
Furthermore, PM Nawaz Sharif was also directly involved in provincial affairs. Lahore
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being the electoral constituency of prime minister was of special attention. The
administrative and other officers were appointed with the will of Sharif brothers.
Another factor for Ghulam Haider Wayne’s helplessness was the then Governor
Punjab Mian Azhar who used to patronize his supporters. Despite being Governor he
used to visit his public secretariat at Sant Nagar Lahore to look after and patronize his
supporters which was totally unsuitable for him being Governor of the province
constitutionally. Wayne ministry was the most suitable for Sharif Brothers. It was the
utmost desire of Sharif Family to keep the affairs of Lahore Development Authority out
of reach of Wyne. Afterwards the favorites of Sharif families were appointed as Director
General and additional Director General. An additional post of vice chairman was created
in LDA and Dy. Mayor Lahore was appointed on this post that looked after the interests
of Sharif family. Practically the authority of Chief Minister was reduced less than Dy
Mayor of Lahore.
Another example of centralization of power was when Shahbaz Sharif was
appointed head of Provincial Crimes Control Committee and in this way the whole
administrative machinery of the province came under his control and he appointed and
transferred his favorites from CM secretariat to Cabinet secretariat. Nobody was
answerable to CM whereas Wayne had to accept the responsibility of all ‘deeds’ of Sharif
brothers57.
Generally, the condition of Centre Province relations was in harmony because the
same party and dynasty was ruling both at Centre and Punjab. It was good luck of Nawaz
Sharif that Ghulam Haider Wayne was the CM who was an old Muslim League and had
272
complete faith in Muslim League. He was a devoted Muslim League worker since
beginning. He was the most humble person and silent worker in Muslim League. He used
to perform ministerial work at ML Secretariat.
When he held the office of CM then the affairs of Punjab were in complete hold
of Sharif family along with centre. Earlier, during Liaquat Ali Khan and Zulifikar Ali
Bhutto’s tenure Centre-Punjab tussle also arose despite the rule of same party at centre
and province. Therefore, the prevalent condition was best suitable for Nawaz Sharif and
others who enjoyed power.
During Wayne’s ‘rule’ in Punjab the construction programme of Bab-i-Pakistan
was planned at Walton Camp Lahore, in the memory of immigrants of 1947. In the
presence of Minar-i- Pakistan it was unnecessary plan but it was another beneficial
project. Its initial cost was 25 crore rupees out of which 10 crores had to be paid by
federal government and rest of the amount had to be equally donated by all provinces.
Punjab Government allocated 5 crore rupees for the project. It was misuse of public
funds. All other important issues were postponed. The 70% of the cost of project was
spent on meetings, visits and reviews.58
Ghulam Haider Wayne was a simple and humble person temperamentally. During
his CMship Manzoor Wattoo was elected as Speaker Punjab Assembly. Wayne was
popular as being ‘Darvesh’ and honest person. He always followed the merit policy in all
affairs. The same quality became a reason of his decline. His merit policy collided with
the demands of Muslim League workers and leaders. Mian Manzoor Wattoo took
advantage of the situation. At that time Nawaz government was not in good books of the
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President who wanted to damage Nawaz Sharif at his power base i.e. Punjab. Wattoo was
successful in his attempt to depose Wyne under Presidential patronage. During Wyne rule
Sharif brothers were actual rulers of the Punjab.
The Issues for the New Government
In Pakistan since beginning every new government inherits problems and issues from
previous governments. Due to lake of vision, planning and understanding of issues every
government stressed on non-issues. The real issues of masses always remain unresolved.
The atmosphere in which Nawaz Sharif took over the charge of PM was much critical
because an elected government was not allowed to complete its tenure prior to it. The
country was at the verge of political instability. The national economy was declining and
law and order situation was adverse.59
The issue of Shariat Bill and Kala Bagh Dam were also a source of trouble for
government. The new government was trying to become champion regarding Afghan and
Kashmir issues.60 For the success of his government Nawaz Sharif was serious to solve
the issues but the IMF loans of previous governments and weak economy were the main
obstacles in his way. Nawaz Sharif wished to minimize foreign loan and aimed at
developing local resources. He adopted the policy of the denationalization. With
reference to foreign policy and nuclear program he clearly mentioned that he would not
surrender against national interests. He objected the double standard of USA which was
putting conditions on Pakistan’s nuclear program only and not convincing India for the
same.
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The Gulf issue
Nawaz Sharif government had to face a serious issue in the start which had far reaching
effects on domestic and international level. It was incident of Iraq’s attack on Kuwait on
August 2, 1990.61 Saudia Arabia was almost at the hit list of Iraq. Pakistan was planning
to play its role at international level. Initially, caretaker setup was unable to play any
decisive role without the consent of Army Chief Gen. Aslam Baig. Despite of request to
provide security from Saudi Arabia and UAE sufficient required arrangements were not
being made. Aslam Baig was in favor of Iraq against USA. He was of the view that USA
would defeat and did not try to support Saudi Arabia militarily. From the situation Egypt
got benefit it sent 5000 soldiers to Saudi Arabia and in return it was exempted from all of
international loans.62 The inability and helplessness severely criticized.63
The public sentiments were in favor of Iraq and large public demonstration was
held whereas the official stance was in favor of USA. The issue was also debated in
parliament. The members of IJI objected the pro-USA stance of government.64 The
Pakistani nation and government seemed divided on the Gulf issue. Gen. Aslam Baig
tried to become public figure and got attention by adopting anti-USA policy. He
criticized Nawaz Sharif’s policy about Gulf crises. When Nawaz carried peace mission to
Gulf on January 22, 1991 to promote Pakistan’s positive image, Gen Beg was not in its
favor. His views about the defeat of USA in Iraq were quite evident from his
statements.65
Nawaz Sharif as PM took decisive stance and condemned unlawful step of Iraq
against neighboring countries and specially the capture of Kuwait. Gen. Baig propagated
against it which effected civil military relations for some time. However, troops were sent
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by government to Saudi Arabia. It is very much clear that Saudi Arabia had provided
support to Pakistan on several occasions unconditionally and in return Pakistan became
oblige to respond at the hour of need. For bilateral, unconditional and true friendship and
brotherhood some appropriate policy had to be adopted. Nawaz Sharif had to face the
opposition of Islamist parties in Pakistan due to Gen. Baig’s stance.66
The Provincial Issues and Presidential Address
As per routine President Ghulam Ishaq Khan addressed the joint session of the parliament
on November 8, 1990 which contained the elaboration of certain important local, regional
and international issues and challenges being faced by the government. He also stressed
the proper maintenance of Centre provincial and inter-provincial relations by elaborating
the causes of dismissal of PPP government due to mutual disagreement of Benazir Bhutto
and Nawaz Sharif i-e Centre verses Punjab. He was of the view that sovereignty of the
country should not be accommodated at any cost. The issue of provincial autonomy and
provincial rights were also highlighted. He stated that these issues should be dealt under
constitutional provisions and should not be considered as anti-Centre tendency. “If so it
will not be in national interests”67 it is the prime duty of the centre to take care of rights
of smaller provinces specially. It was very much important that such issues were being
stressed for their solution by the president. During past demands of constitutional rights
of provinces and especially smaller provinces were considered against national solidarity
and anti-state.68
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The Provincial Autonomy
Provincial autonomy is the basic right of provinces working under a federation. The
proper provision of this right strengthens the foundations of federal structure as well as
the respective state. In Pakistan the right was not given to the provinces and they worked
through strict policies under Centre. When they demanded the rights they were blamed
for having separatist tendencies69.
During Benazir Bhutto’s period Nawaz Sharif as CM Punjab was a major
advocate of provincial autonomy under the bitter Centre province relations at that time.
The nature of provincial autonomy which he demanded was not possible without
amendment in constitution. As CM he was not aware with the technicalities and when he
became PM he became aware with real situation. Despite repeated demands certain
provincial rights were not awarded to the provinces during the reign of PPP in last two
years. Nawaz Sharif as PM seriously worked for convening the session of Council of
Common Interest (CCI) and National Finance Commission (NFC)70.
The Council of Common Interest
Due to prevalent conditions and serious efforts of Nawaz Sharif’s government the session
of Council of Common Interest was held on January 12, 1991.71 It created healthy effects
on provincial demands, the relation between Centre and provinces was improved and
certain constitutional misunderstandings were removed and provinces became satisfied
for the time being.72 While considering the constitutional provisions the provincial list
was preferred. To improve the inter-provincial confidence the construction of Kala Bagh
Dam was postponed73. The session of CCI also made an important decision regarding
natural resources. It was decided that royalty of natural resources especially Sui Gas,
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electricity and petroleum be allocated to the respective province.74 Kala Bagh Dam was
an important issue which could not be settled in CCI meeting. Despite repeated
assurances during election campaign regarding constructions of said Dam Nawaz Sharif
government was unable to create consensus among all provinces. Due to sever opposition
of CM of NWFP, Balochistan and Sindh the plan of construction of Dam was
postponed.75
The Issue of Water Distribution
Nawaz Sharif government made considerable efforts to resolve provincial issues but was
helpless in front of certain regional and nationalist elements which had considerable
representation in NWFP, Balochistan and Sindh Assembly. These elements strongly
opposed the federal interests. During the period of Nawaz Sharif the distribution of rights
among the provinces was a long awaited and unresolved issue which could not be settled
down even during Ayub, Bhutto and Zia’s periods. After detailed discussions and
negotiations Nawaz Sharif government became successful in resolving water and finance
issue. The agreement regarding water distribution among provinces was finalized on
March 25, 1991. Punjab played the role of big brother and voluntarily surrendered from 6
percent of its water share which removed the anti-Punjab feelings among other provinces.
As a result, Water Regulatory Body was established; this was to handle all expected
troubles regarding water distribution.76
The National Finance Commission
The National Finance Commission was another important achievement of the
government regarding resolution of financial issues among provinces and Centre and also
at inter-provincial level. The NFC award by consensus of all representatives was
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announced on April 20, 199177. It provided economic independence to the provinces and
they became enabled to enhance their developmental projects.
Nawaz Sharif had the aim of implementation of Zia’s unfinished plans. In the true
picture of the views of Mushtaq Ahmad in Military and Politics in Pakistan that dictators
wished to see their plans and policies be implemented even if they were not in power.
Nawaz Sharif wanted to gain public attention by planning the establishment of Bait-ul-
Mal and induction of Shariat Bill. On the other hand, he had his own vested designs and
wished to become ‘Ameer-ul-Moomineen’ which was not possible in Pakistan and
elsewhere in the Islamic World. He wanted to have complete hold on power circles so
that the bitter experience of 1988-90 could not be repeated. Nawaz Sharif wanted
legislation in the name of religion which was controversial and could create fuss and
unrest in country.78
The Legislation about Shariat Bill
Nawaz Sharif in the wake of stronghold on power corridors planned to introduce Shariah
in the country and aimed to introduce a constitutional bill for the practical imposition of
Shariah in the country known as Shariah Bill. This bill was adopted by National
Assembly on May16, 1991 after facing a lot of problems, criticism and controversies.
The Shariah Bill was already passed by the Senate on May 13 1990. General middle
classes were of the view that the approval and practical implementation of the bill
enhance their problems.79 Qazi Hussain Ahmed of JI declared these views as an obstacle
in the way of Islamizaton of laws. The criticism and opposition of the bill was aggravated
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when IJI government decided to induct a new bill, which was different from the previous
bill which was passed in 1990.
Different religious and political leaders showed a mixed response about the
approval of amended Shariah Bill. It was demanded that constitutional amendments
should be brought to include Shariah as supreme law of the state by removing the
problems of previous Bill. Shariah Bill mainly aimed at the supremacy of Quran and
Sunnah as the country’s law and constitution. Generally, there was distrust about the
Shariah Bill and evenly was criticized by religious parties. Senator Hafiz Hussain Ahmad
of JUI openly objected as a result JUI became separate from government and joined
opposition benches. Jamaat-e-Islami and JUP proposed amendments in the bill just three
days before its presentation. Maulana Muhammad Khan Sherani MNA pointed out that
the authority of Shariah Court was limited by the law. It also contained sections about
interests based economy. PM tried his best to redress all apprehensions. PPP and its allied
parties called it a discarded act, due to which it became a dignity for Islamist even JI and
its allied parties voted for the Bill being dissatisfied. The conditions later on proved that
the law was based on just high sounding words.
The Government’s own behavior about Federal Shariat Court was such that when
the said court’s full bench ordered for the amendment of 22 laws which consisted upon
interests based banking, the government did not implement it practically but approached
Supreme Court against the decision. It showed that the bill was based upon personal
liking and disliking. The government had their own intentions about the judiciary at that
time. According to the analysis of Professor Ghafoor Ahmad time proved that the
members of Parliament had committed a mistake by voting for Shariat Bill.80
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While addressing to the Parliament PM laid stress on the importance of the bill
and declared it a legal document which carried the details of struggle of Muslims of the
subcontinent.81 A committee of parliamentarians, lawyers, judges and Ulema was
constituted for the preparation of bill headed by the Law Minister Ch. Ameer Hussain.
There were differences in committee regarding the bill. Eight members out of eleven
attended the session and four of them oppose the bill. The government wanted the bill to
be passed very quickly. PDA provided a list of its objections and recommendation of
amendments,82 when the bill was presented in the National Assembly ANP. JUI (F) and
PDA objected it. PDA declared the bill as violation of the human rights. According to
ANP the bill was unable to protect the prevalent political system and democratic
institutions while according to JUI (F) the bill aimed at the induction of economy based
on interests for unlimited time span.83
The bill was supported by IJI members in both houses were as opposed by PPP.
On May 28, 1991 the bill was passed by Senate. It was called Shariat Act. The Shariah
bill was just a point scoring game because practically it was unable to settle down the
issue of jurisdiction between High Courts and Federal Shariat Court. The PPP was
blamed as anti-Islamic for opposing the bill.84 PPP demanded liberal explanation of Islam
as was under the thoughts of Allama Iqbal.85 PPP’s point of view was that government
under Shariat Bill aimed to take powers from parliament and empowering nominated
individuals. Benazir Bhutto stated that they were playing role to settle down controversial
issues in accordance with the 1973 constitution.86 The bill had certain flaws regarding its
implementation because it contained certain ambiguous provisions. The government
wanted to take advantage of the situation.87 The approval of bill became another test case
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for Nawaz government because the Islamist parties demanded its implementation which
was technically not possible at that time.
Many parties of IJI were not in favor of the implementation of Shariah. There was
hardly any consensus. Every member party had its own conditional acceptance. It was
evident that all member parties were ignoring the views of each other. Government
practically tried to prolong the process of approval of bill. Due to repeated demands of
religio-political parties and other member parties of IJI the Sharia bill was approved by
NA in May 1991. According to it, the 12th amendment in the constitution was to bring
prevalent laws in accordance with the Islamic teaching. Almost all leaders of IJI favored
to bring 12th amendment so that the changes might be brought according to the principles
of Islamic Ideology Council within the period of one year88. The government had to face
criticism because government in the name of Shariah only approved plan to constitute
different concessions. There was no practical effort to implement Shariah.89 Government
only approved the bill which was responded by severe criticism from all ranks.90 The
main issue was that after the approval the clauses included in Private Bill of Shariah by
Qazi Abdul Latif and Maulana Sami-ul-Haq were deleted. A clause according to which it
was obligatory for all people irrespective of their status to follow the Shariah was
deleted.91 Another clause which was binding on President and PM that they could not
decide any matter against Sharia was also deleted. Moreover, the decision against the
laws in violation of Sharia could be challenged in courts was highly objectionable under
the amended bill by the government. The riba based economy was allowed to practice.92
The changes actually suspended the benefits of the bill.
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The difficulties for the implementation of Sharia came in limelight due to seeking
of legal advice against the decision of Federal Sharia Court by the government.93 JI and
JUI objected the continuance of prevalent economic system. The government took a
smart step to transform riba into profit and loss saving accounts but in actual practice the
economy was riba based. The government did not even bother to follow the court’s
instructions which ordered for proper legislation. The only change to bring amendment
was that the economic system might be connected to interest free system. The
government’s step was objectionable which meant to bring and implement its own
legislative bill.94
The economic policies were criticized severely and the abolition of riba was
demanded seriously. The government was of the view that critiques especially JI were
not aware with the fact that international capitalist economy was on riba and Pakistan
alone was unable to deviate from this economic system otherwise it might suffer
economic pressure.95 The government was really in trouble because on one hand
maintaining riba was highly objectionable by people and mostly all political parties and
on the other hand negation of riba might affect fiscal and banking system adversely.96 In
fact, there was hardly any consensus about the implementation of Shariat Bill. It was
political slogan raised without knowing its pros and cons. Every member party of ruling
alliance had its own plan and program.
The General Political Conditions
The general political conditions and government relations with other parties were
improper. As a result of victory in 1990 elections and after becoming PM the differences
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became much widened between PDA and IJI. Nawaz government was even unable to
maintain good relationship with other allied parties among IJI. Nawaz Sharif did not care
about the opposition.97 Anti PPP steps were taken since the time of caretakers. The
President’s references against PPP leaders further aggravated the differences between
Nawaz Sharif and PPP. The Sindh government under Jam Sadiq was pro-active many
PPP workers were arrested including Asif Ali Zardari under the charges of corruption98.
During Nawaz Sharif rule the ethnic differences created major troubles in urban
and rural areas of Sindh. PDA highlighted the issue against Nawaz Government. It also
brought the issue of sale of Muslim Commercial Bank (MCB) and cooperative scandal,
about which the IJI leadership was responsible.99 Due to this Nawaz Government became
somewhat upset. The government warned opposition and directed to end anti-government
movement otherwise it would be dealt severely.100
After elections of 1990, the gulf of differences widened between the leadership of
PPP and IJI. The situation was stained with the accusations and counter accusations by
the concerned groups. The Nawaz Government evenly blamed PPP for working against
the national interests of Pakistan. PPP’s leadership especially Benazir Bhutto retaliated
for the whole situation by starting a campaign against government for its removal. All
opposition parties constituted a grand alliance named as All Parties Conference (APC). It
was constituted of twenty three parties. It is important to note that eight among of this
had representation in National Assembly. The main demand of APC was for new
elections. The IJI declared this demand as against constitution and democracy.101
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The opposition parties decided to resign from Assembly in case of delay in
elections.102 The APC openly announced favor and support for the objectives of PDA.
The PDA leaders complained about the hostile attitude of the IJI leaders and specially
Nawaz Sharif. They criticized domestic and foreign policy of government. The plan of
construction of Bab-i-Pakistan and its foundation stone laying ceremony was specially
criticized by opposition leaders for which all resources of Punjab government were
specified.103 It was clear-cut misuse of public resources. The government position
became fragile due to tussle and confrontation at many fronts. The government was
effected badly because it was unable to tackle the political issues properly. The political
opponents were severely dealt. The government was functioning due to support of
establishment and Military because both of these were responsible for creation of IJI and
bringing in to power in 1990 election. Practically the Parliament had lost its supremacy
under the threat of section 58(2) (b) of the constitution.104
The Government Media Relations
The Ministry of Information under Nawaz government controlled media and specially
Print Media. It was a good luck of government that there were only two television
channels working that is Pakistan Television (PTV) and Shalimar Television Network,
out of which PTV was completely under government’s control whereas STN was
somewhat autonomous. The Print Media was forced to publish news against opposition
parties. The character assassination of political leaders in Sindh and Punjab was at peak.
The journalists were under threat. The government used to encourage press for criticizing
opposition but could not criticism on itself and the press had to face consequences.105 The
press when objected about the malicious activities of IJI members had to suffer a lot. The
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publishers and editors of the News had to face consequences for publishing a critical
poem about the cooperative scandal. 106 The press had also to suffer a lot in Sindh. The
Sindh government banned the circulation of Frontier Post in Sindh. It was clear cut
evidence of attack on freedom of press.107
The Senate Elections and Centre-Province Relations
The senate elections of 1990 were also the clear picture of state of Center-provinces’
relations. The IJI government and authorities were helpless in the allotment of tickets
because the recommendations of Ishaq Khan and military establishment were preferred.
The members nominated from Punjab were eleven out of which five were nominated by
the President.108 These nominations later on became source of differences between the
President of Pakistan and PML. The party member told PM that they would cast vote
according to their conscience. In Sindh Jam Sadiq watched the interests of Centre. He
practically took steps to stop PDA member from casting their vote by imprisoning them
or by using other technique.109 The provincial government of Sindh was provided with
full support and authority by Centre.110
The PDA severely objected and agitated against such behavior of Centre. It
demanded assurance of release of PDA MNAs from Centre before elections. Nawaz
Sharif wanted to solve the differences amicably with opposition and to avoid any
deadlock with the opposition. The President Ghulam Ishaq Khan was the main hurdle as
the Government was unable to act independently without his will. The opposition was
planning for anti-government protest and demonstrations whereas President was directing
to ignore the opposition’s threats. The Nawaz Government itself was very much aware
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and conscious to avoid any confrontation with PDA which might be dangerous for Centre
as well as for IJI rule. The government did not dare to oppose Ghulam Ishaq Khan with
reference to Jam Sadiq.111
The Issue of Twelfth Amendment
The twelfth amendment was considered a controversial issue regarding the aims and
views of government and opposition respectively. Nawaz government was facing the
problems due to law and order situation. It was not possible to tackle the situation under
prevalent conditions. It needed vast powers to deal with the situation which could only be
exercised under any constitutional authority which needed amendment in the constitution.
The government was unable to get the amendment approved because of doubtful
participation of allied parties. The JUI (F), JUP (N) and ANP were not in favor of
amendment.112 Due to efforts of ruling party the allied parties agreed upon the issue to
save law and order situation and prevent chances of terrorism. The proposed amendment
was applicable for three years and would expire after the subject period. The Federal
government got much authority to handle the law and order situation in any affected
area.113
Several political parties objected the amendment; such as ANP was of the view
that only Parliament would declare any area as affected. JI considered that amendment by
choice would disfigure the constitution.114 PDA also severely criticized the amendment
and declared it a preamble to achieve vast dictatorial powers by the government.115 PPP
leaders were of the view that the authority gained under the said amendments would be
used against opposition. Farooq Leghari mentioned the right of provincial autonomy and
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authority of judiciary would be affected due to such amendment, because government
aimed to implement the proposed laws in different areas of Punjab and Sindh. Atizaz
Ahsan declared those laws more dangerous than “Rowalt Act” because these were totally
against fundamental rights of citizens. Different political parties including PPP, Pakhtun
Khwa National Party (PNP) and PKMAP showed their displeasure against those laws.116
The Bill was prepared in haste because the government did not wish to give sufficient
time to MNAs to review the bill otherwise they would create problems in the process of
legislation.117
The twelfth amendment was passed with the support of 152 votes.118 The
opposition criticized that codal formalities were not observed while legislating the
amendment, they were not discussed.119 Due to involvement of establishment and
President Ghlam Ishaq Khan the final version of bill was made less objectionable. The
provision to declare emergency by PM was excluded.120 It was the Presidential right to do
so. This was done to avoid any disagreement with President Ishaq. Nawaz government
successfully got the legitimate powers to control the judiciary. Under this bill the special
courts had to be setup to try the cases forwarded to them within 30 days. The judges of
those courts were proposed to be appointed with the mutual consent of Federal
government and Chief Justice of respective High courts. The verdict of those courts could
not be challenged in higher courts.121
The Differences within IJI
The difference among IJI constituent parties were coming in limelight. Basically, the
parties and leaders having divergent ideas were gathered for the attainment of vested
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interest by some superior forces. As far as the maneuvering of 1990 elections and anti-
Benazir Bhutto activities were concerned, all of them were united but mutual distrust and
dissatisfaction were due to neglecting attitude of IJI government with its allied parties.
Several allied parties had mutual differences which also damaged the unity of IJI.
The JI, which was important constituent party of IJI, had differences with PML.
The government was unable to resolve the mutual differences of MQM and IJI. There
were differences between ANP and JI on Afghan issue and Shariat Bill. The ANP and
MQM were benefited in NWFP and Sindh respectively but JI despite being an important
constituent party was neglected by IJI.122 JI was constantly under pressure of decline of
its role at provincial and central level and was planning to disassociate with IJI. Nawaz
government took reconciliatory steps and aimed to maintain at least working relationship
with allies and opposition parties.123
Due to bitter relations with opposition the COP supported the demand of Benazir
Bhutto for fresh elections. She demanded such a setup which should be real
representative based on free, fair and transparent elections without the support of
establishment or any other force. Benazir Bhutto demanded to get rid of all symbols of
Zia’s legacy and in this connection she also demanded for the removal of Nawaz and
Ishaq both. COP aimed to make Pakistan a modern and liberal state under the vision of
Jinnah.124
The Finance Bill Issue
The government was also facing problems over the legislation of Finance Bill. The
Nawaz Government used to get the constitutional bills passed in haste providing less time
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for discussion on the respective bill. The discriminatory attitude was adopted over the
constitutional issue with opposition because 192 financial demands presented by the
Government were approved but the amendment prepared by JI and PDA were not
approved. They were of the view that the bill had certain un- Islamic provisions like
Ribba and the guidance of Council of Islamic Ideology was necessary in this connection.
All of the opposition members criticized the bill including Benazir Bhutto, Liaquat
Baloch and Aitzaz Ahsan. The government satisfied the parliamentarians that Islamic
laws would be implemented in true sprite.125
The Operation Clean up in Sindh
The law and order situation in Sindh was also problematic for Federal government. It was
not an easy task to control because the culprits had connections with influential people of
allied parties of the Government. MQM and many other parties declared it a revengeful
action because CM Sindh Jam Sadiq was victimizing his opponents in the name of
operation. The operation was started on the request of civil administration and army took
action on the request of Sindh government.126 The operation in Sindh took place under
the joined responsibility of Corps Commander, CM Sindh and Inspector General Sindh
police. As a result of operation Military authorities stated about the inefficiency and non-
cooperative attitude of Sind administration as some of them had links with criminals.127
The Nawaz government justified the operation clean up with his allies. The coalition
government before operation was working well in Sindh but due to personal reservation
MQM left the government due to operation.128
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The response of APC was very much critical. It stated that the prevalent political
setup was not neutral with reference to operation. It demanded the dissolution of
provincial and National Assembly’s which created more trouble for government. The
efforts of maintaining peace in Sindh by federal government was also considered as
Centre’s involvement in Sindh’s provincial affairs and violation of human rights.129
The Government- Army Relations
Nawaz government came in to being after the 1990 election which was maneuvered by
Election Information Cell at Presidency under the umbrella of Army and President Ishaq.
Due to involvement of Gen. Aslam Baig in political issues the differences began to
emerge with government. The gulf issue and selection of cabinet were also affected by
Gen. Baig. Gen. Asad Durrani and Gen. Hameed Gul also got against Nawaz
government. Different Generals and specially Gen. Aslam Baig were planning to play an
effective political role after retirement which could not be materialized.130 The
appointment of Lt. Gen. Javed Nasir also became the reason of difference with
Military.131 Such changes in ISI were considered civil administration involvement in
Military affairs. Due to hesitant decisions of Nawaz Government the Army could not play
its effective role. However, the Army was successful in getting its goals but due to
pressure of MQM government discontinued the Military operation.132 The Military
establishment was displeased with Nawaz Sharif for by passing the rules and regulations
because his name was not in the list recommended by GHQ. Military was not in the favor
of any such drastic change when the Afghan issue had entered in decisive phase.133
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The Benazir’s Long March
Benazir adopted another exemplary way of protest against Nawaz government called
Long March. She resembled this long march with that a Boris Yeltsin and the religious
leaders of Iran as they were against the corrupt system. In the same way she stated that
our Long March would be against unjust government based on the rigged elections of
1990. This March was to be held on November 18, 1992. The March was planned to
begin from Liaquat Bagh Rawalpindi and in front of Parliament house Islamabad. Its
main objectives were to remove IJI government and to find the solution of all political
problems faced by the country. She demanded to setup of an interim government. She
mentioned that PDA had come forward to get rid of incompetent government because IJI
at that time was in minority due to separation of NPP, JI and MQM from the alliance.134
The government dealt the issue strictly. Punjab government arrested a large
number of PDA workers. The government put ban on Long March in Islamabad.135 The
authorities adopted strict measures against the proposed March. Section 144 was
implemented in Rawalpindi and Islamabad and Liaquat Bagh was totally cordoned off by
security agencies.
The army maintained its neutrality and stated that they had only to take care of
important buildings and installations. They would not stop any body from moving.136 The
federal government was much apprehensive of law and order situation and was of the
view that according to fiery statements the protest could not be peaceful.137 There was
split in cabinet and higher bureaucracy over the handling of this March.
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The Government took severe actions and Benazir Bhutto. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi,
Asghar Khan and many MNAs and MPAs of PDA were arrested. The entry of Benazir
Bhutto in Rawalpindi and Islamabad was banned for 30 days. Benazir managed to reach
Liaquat Bagh by secret route despite all security arrangements but was arrested along
with Salman Taseer, Aitzaz Ahsan and many other workers.138
The Government dealt the issue of Long March strictly. The government invited
opposition to negotiation table but it was rejected without the agreement of government
to hold general elections.139 The government was unable to control any adverse situation
in Assembly but was not able to control the agitating masses on streets and roads.
Basically, human rights were violated and political workers under arrest were badly
treated. When Asama Jahangir representative of Human Rights Commission in Pakistan
reached Islamabad to observe the situation personally she was also arrested.140 Benazir
had launched a mass movement against Nawaz Government with the collaboration of
PDA. At that time there was situation of political deadlock because due to clear demand
of the opposition no one was ready for negotiations. Benazir being expert of foreign
relations met diplomats and ambassadors of Britain, Germany, France, Iran, Japan, USA
and Holland to portray the real picture of democracy at that time in Pakistan.141
Benazir’s next step was Train March from Karachi to Lahore on November 23,
1992.This March was not disturbed on the directions of army which was totally against
the situation of confrontation. Both the government and opposition were directed to settle
the issue.142 Benazir stressed that it was the duty of government to provide and create
congenial atmosphere for negotiations and mutual understanding.143 Meanwhile Benazir
was elected Chairperson of Standing Committee on foreign affairs on National Assembly
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unopposed. It was reported by many journalists that Benazir played the game very
smartly and was in an effort to the release Zardari. For that purpose she became soft on
foreign policy issues. However, she rejected all chances of deal at that time and declared
that her standpoint was based on principles.
The Power Tussle between the President and Prime Minister
Ghulam Ishaq Khan as President wished to keep a strong hold on all affairs of
government. No doubt, he was an able and seasoned person suitable for the post.
Interestingly, both Nawaz and Ishaq relied upon the support of establishment which was
their power base. During the last phase of Nawaz Government establishment was
unsatisfied with the both due to their mutual differences.144
The difference started since the Presidential address to the joint session of
Parliament on December 20, 1991.145 Benazir and other opposition members disturbed
the address by raising slogans against President Ishaq.146 All members of treasury
benches including Nawaz Sharif did not object the situation and remained indifferent.147
It was the start of conflict between both. It seemed that Nawaz Sharif intended to
maintain cordial relations with PPP for the smooth completion of tenure whereas he was
unaware with the tricks of Benazir Bhutto who targeted both with the single arrow. After
the joint session of Parliament, the PM was asked about the nomination of the President
Ishaq for the next term he replied in indifferent style that party would decide about the
matter.148
Besides, the sudden death of Army Chief Gen Asif Nawaz Janjua created
problems for government. It was alleged that Gen. Asif had died due to improper medical
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care.149 The widow of Gen. Asif declared the death of her husband as political murder
and declared Shahbaz Sharif, Ch. Nisar and Brig Imtaiz (DG ISI) responsible for the
death. The sentiments of unrest spread among Military circles.150 Later on, it was
revealed by judicial commission setup to inquire the causes of death that it was due to
heart failure.151
The choice of Chief of Army Staff created differences between Nawaz and
Ishaq.152 Gen. Waheed Kakar was the choice of Ishaq Khan whereas Nawaz favored Gen.
Raehem Dil Bhatti who was about to retire. Nawaz showed his annoyance at the selection
Waheed Kakar as Chief of Army Staff. Later on, he clarified that there was no difference
of opinion with reference to the appointment of Gen. Waheed as Chief of Army Staff.
Surely, PML was also facing crises of leadership. Muhammad Khan Junejo and
Nawaz Sharif were heads of two rival groups within PML. Junejo group criticized that
Nawaz Sharif was taking decisions without the consultation of party. Party sources
denied any disagreement and confirmed that Nawaz was fully authorized to nominate
Ghulam Ishaq Khan for Presidentship and regarding the cancellation of Eighth
amendment.153
Nawaz Sharif wanted to repeal the 8th amendment to lessen the authority of
President in connection with the dissolution of assemblies and wanted to become all
powerful PM. President Ishaq in a meeting with Dr Sher Afgan Niazi154 the President
mentioned that for the cancelation of 8th amendment fresh mandate and powers were
obligatory for PM. The crisis was in the start and different players were active to play
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their role. The opposition was encouraging IJI”s resignation as the alliance had not
remained intact.155
Meanwhile Ishaq Khan directed Chief Ministers of all provinces to disobey the
instructions of the PM.156 In such a situation President himself openly became a party
whereas it was the sanctity of the post to remain impartial as the symbol of unity and
solidarity of federation. It might have been a trick to pressurize Nawaz Sharif for the
nomination of President’s name which was done as a result.157 Sudden death of
Muhammad Khan Junejo the President of PML in USA became a cause of confrontation
among PML circles which proved beneficial for President. Nawaz was curious to hold the
Presidentship of PML since long. After the death of Junejo, Nawaz himself managed to
be elected as President of PML in a meeting of PML council.158 The step of Nawaz
became a cause of discontent among PML members. Many federal ministers resigned
under protest. Ishaq Khan was in contact with those members who opposed Nawaz.
Those included Roedad Khan, Sardar Asif Ahmad Ali, Anwar Sailullah, Hamid Nasir
Chattah and Jam Mashooq Ali.159 Ishaq Khan maneuvered to take full support of all
MNAs and senators of federally administered tribal areas (FATA) on ethnic basis.160
Opposition had launched anti-government movement in such an effective manner
that President Ishaq became convinced of the standpoint of opposition parties. All
political parties including PDA were agreed upon the demand of dissolution of
Assemblies which later on paved the way for Presidential action.161 The establishment
was a silent spectator but serving the duty of communication between Presidency,
opposition and Military. The Military establishment was also curious about political
development at national level. Later on after the meeting of Corps commanders under
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Chief of Army Staff it was decided that Nawaz Sharif should recommend the President
for dissolution of Assemblies.162
The mutual tussle between President and PM became open when Nawaz Sharif
stated that he would neither resign nor would recommend the dissolution of Assembly.
While addressing to the nation on April 17, 1993 he uncovered the intrigue against his
government prepared by Ishaq Khan. He complained about the issue of purchasing
members in Islamabad under the influence of Presidency. Every member of Muslim
League was offered for ministry and even Shahbaz Sharif was offered the post of Prime
Minister. At that moment PML became split in to two groups and Nawaz Sharif was
elected President of his group163. During the month of April 1993 President and Prime
minster met thrice but mutual differences and misunderstandings could not be settled
down.164
The Dissolution of National Assembly
The period between 18th April 1993 and 18th July 1993 is considered the most disturbing
period which not only strained the nerves of power circles but disturbed the whole
administrative system of the country. It also created the state of political crises at national
level which effected national economy badly due to uncertainty. President Ishaq
dissolved the assembly on 18th April 1993 along with the dismissal of government.
According to details Nawaz Sharif was mainly blamed for extra constitutional activities.
The charges put on Nawaz Sharif were; maladministration, corruption, failure of
economic policies, political confrontation, adverse law and order situation in Sindh,
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subversion of constitution and intervention in powers of Armed Forces and encouraging
to create disparity among Centre and provinces by creating power imbalance.165
The Caretakers Setup 1993
The prevalent scenario reminded the memories as loyalties were changed after the
dissolution of 1988 Assembly. The same merry-go-round was in action. Within three
hours after dissolution of Assemblies and government. Sher Baz Mazari was appointed as
caretaker PM. The caretaker cabinet mostly consisted of the ex-ministers of ANP from
NWFP and PML’s members’ of Provincial Assembly mostly from the Hazara District.
The President justified his decision by showing his reaction about Nawaz’s
verdict of not taking dictation from President. The President justified that he advised the
government under his constitutional responsibility and never dictated the government.
The movement launched by opposition was also successful in bringing conditions to such
limit. Nawaz Sharif seriously criticized President and opposition’s mutual collaboration
against his removal.
PML after detailed consideration reached on the consensus to challenge the
Presidential order in the Supreme Court.166 It was the unique situation when the
resignation of President was also demanded for becoming a party, for his contacts with
opposition leaders and before time verdicts. PML also stated that President Ishaq was not
capable for the post which required impartiality.
The speaker of National Assembly Ghaur Ayub and Nawaz Sharif filed
constitutional petition in Lahore High Court on April 19, 1993167 and Supreme Court
Islamabad on April 25, 1993.168 The Supreme Court’s full bench heard the petition under
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Chief Justice Naseem Hassan Shah. After detailed discussion and debate the Supreme
Court decided to restore National Assembly, Prime Minister and cabinet immediately on
May 26, 1993.169 All members of full bench except justice Sajjad Ali Shah objected that
presidential order was not in the sphere of powers delegated to him under Constitution
Article 58(2b).170 It was the unique example in the history of Pakistan that an Assembly
was restored by the Supreme Court. It could be called an example of judiciary’s
supremacy. Before it the doctrine of necessity was used to be practiced.
The period between May 23, 1993 and July 18, 1993 the parallel power base was
in action and nation practically witnessed the show of power politics in Pakistan and
especially in Punjab.171 Nawaz Sharif again took vote of confidence on May 27, 1993 and
got 123 votes from the House of 203.172 Nawaz had become aware of his weakness and
had understood the necessity of mutual cooperation and consensus on all issues. He
wanted the cooperation of both i-e opposition and treasury benches to rule out
undemocratic organs from national politics.173
Power Show in the Punjab
Punjab was the province which was affected adversely as a result of differences between
President Ishaq and PM Nawaz Sharif. Both of them wanted to have complete hold of
country’s power base, because without the complete hold on Punjab it was difficult to
govern at Islamabad. After the differences with President Ishaq, Sharif brothers became
limited to Punjab only. After dismissal of Nawaz Sharif next target of President Ishaq
was the Wayne government of Punjab. He was determent to dissolve the Punjab
government also which was favoring Nawaz Sharif.
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After the dismissal of Nawaz Sharif, Wayen Ministry in the Punjab had become
politically helpless. Governor Punjab was not taking any interest in official affairs and
had withdrawn himself from governorship voluntarily. At that time constitutional chaos
came into existence and Punjab Assembly was about to be dissolve. During this situation
Nawaz Sharif’s position in Punjab was weakened. The first step was taken by demanding
resignation from governor Mian Azhar. Choudhry Altaf Hussian a close friend of
President Ishaq and important person of PPP was appointed governor of the Punjab.
President Ishaq was in search of suitable person to depose Wayne and in this
connection Manzoor Wattoo was the suitable person in this case.174 Manzoor Wattoo as
speaker Punjab Assembly had separated the Assembly secretariat from CM Secretariat
and had appointed the persons of his own choice in Assembly Secretariat. An important
character of Punjab Assembly Chaudhry Habibuulah was appointed Secretary Assembly
by neglecting many people but he did not favor Wattoo. Later on, he issued statements in
favor of Pervaiz Elahi.
After ‘green signal’ from the President, Wattoo started contacting with Punjab
Assembly members and assured them on behalf President that after the dismissal of
Wayne Ministry, the Punjab Assembly would not be dissolved. He also arranged the
meeting of some member with the President who seconded the statement of Wattoo.175
After that, majority of Assembly member gathered around Wattoo. The motion of vote of
no-confidence was launched against Wyien which was approved by Assembly and
Manzoor Wattoo was appointed as CM.
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This was another example of centre’s involvement in provincial affairs. The
President who was considered impartial under federal parliamentary system became a
party in Punjab politics. All of this was a show of power and personal liking and disliking
was kept in consideration. It was President Ishaq who derailed democracy twice and
created imbalance in national politics. He himself had political designs because his
family was also involved in politics and he was indirectly beneficiary of political chaos in
the country. He was the person who was an eye witness of Pakistani Politics and state
since 1947. He could express his views and could guide the nation but he did not utter a
single word, nor wrote his views so that the nation could be able to take guidance.
The Wattoo in Power
The political culture in Pakistan was unable to chalk out any code of conduct for political
worker and leaders regarding change of loyalties (floor crossing) any political worker or
leader is a committed follower of certain principles and theory set of his respective party
but in actual practice a member all of a sudden leaves a party and joins another. How his
idea changed abruptly. In the local conditions of Pakistan, the ideas and principles are
nothing to do with politics only there is power show. The role model was set by British
and Indians and that had have unknowingly been followed by the politicians in Pakistan.
British took advantage of the old administrative system of Mughals which totally was
power based. It is suitable for authoritarian rule or dictatorship but never matches with
democratic norms.
This was the case with Pakistani politics and that have been revived with all such
problems which is called ‘manufacturing fault.’ The change of loyalties and floor
301
crossing started soon after 1947. And the nascent democracy of the country was polluted.
At that time the single party i.e. Muslim League was ruling the country. There was no
opposition but it was created from within. The role played by Mumtaz Daultna and
Iftikhar Mamdot during early period resembles with the first half of 1993 when the
personality clash over-shadowed national politics and the factions belonging to the same
party were in total confrontation with each other.
Such situation happened again when new leadership was not provided any space
or chance to prove its worth. In the wake of independence of expression of views such
personalities or groups rebel against their own parties. The rise of Manzoor Wattoo
during 1990s was due to the same reason. He gradually moved to the level of speaker
Punjab Assembly from local bodies’ politics from Okara district. He emerged as a result
of same old fashioned power politics and grouping.
At the dismissal of Junejo government in 1988 Mian Manzoor Wattoo was in
Pakistan Muslim League which remained united till the death of Gen. Zia. After that the
Pakistani democracy adopted a new path. Mian Manzoor Wattoo completed hat trick of
becoming Speaker Punjab Assembly and played important role in Punjab politics.
Following the foot prints of Nawaz Sharif he studied the pattern of government in detail
and established strong and long lasting contacts with bureaucracy.
The differences among Wattoo and Wayne started emerging after 1990 elections,
which started aggravating and despite Nawaz Sharif’s efforts those could not be settled
down, because Watoo at that time was in contact with high ups i.e. the Presidency. When
Wattoo got green signal from President Ishaq for the dissolution of Assembly, Wayne
302
was asked to resign from the post of CM, otherwise he was threatened that no-confidence
motion would be brought against him. This was a scheme to depose Wayne and bring
Wattoo in power in Punjab. However, Wayne remained faithful with his party and did not
act upon the demand of Wattoo.176
Wattoo managed to get motion of no-confidence approved against Wayne on
April 25.1993 with the support of 151 votes. PDA kept itself separate from the situation
but agreed due to behind the scene efforts to support new ministry of Punjab in the name
of best interest of the province.177 The establishment was playing its cards which had
managed the support of JI and PDA for Wattoo. This was the underground plan to crush
Nawaz Sharif’s power in Punjab. Wattoo was a tool of President Ishaq who under the
direction of his mentors directed provincial law minister to draft and advice under section
112 of the constitution to the governor for the dissolution of Assembly.178
The Governor dissolved the Assembly on May 29.1993 on the proposal of CM.
Ch. Pervaiz Elahi submitted writ petition against the Government of Punjab and CM
Manzoor Wattoo on May 30.1993 under section 199 of the constitution in Lahore High
Court. He pleaded the dissolution of Assembly was unjust after the submission of draft of
no-confidence motion to Assembly secretariat.179
The Lahore High Court after the observation of four weeks announced the
restoration of Assembly on June 28, 1993 but soon after the court decision Governor
Punjab again dissolved the Assembly just after seven minutes of restoration according to
the pre-settled plan.180 Due to such critical situation a joint session of Parliament was
summoned. It was decided to implement federal rule in Punjab under section 243 of the
303
constitution and all authority in the province was handed over to Mian Muhammad Azhar
as representative of the federation.181
It was second such incident in the history of National Assembly of Pakistan.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had also taken such a step to have complete hold over Balochistan
during his rule.182 There were serious clash between Wattoo and Mian Azhar to cooperate
with federation at any cost. Both the Governor Altaf Hussain and Wattoo refused to
accept the directions of Federal Government and stated that they were not bound by the
direction of Federal Government. The President raised a new constitutional objection to
clarify his position that only President could issue orders of taking any province into
federal control. The Federal Government declared the Parliament supreme as the orders
were based upon the proclamation of joint session of Parliament.183
Comparing the nomination process of President Ishaq with reference to 1988 and
1990 the ‘sincerity’ of Ishaq came in limelight. At first assurance was demanded from
Benazir Bhutto in reward to her nomination as PM and secondly it was the issue of
nomination for upcoming term of President for which Nawaz Sharif was reluctant. The
Punjab was considered as battlefield, because the venue of whole confrontation was
Lahore. Governor Ch. Altaf Hussain ordered to shut the gates of Governor House Lahore
and heavy number of Punjab Police contingents was deployed over there.184
The Federal Government had suspended Chief Secretary of Punjab Javed Qureshi
and Inspector General Sardar Muhammad Chaudhry but provincial government did not
allow them to leave charge and ordered to continue on their posts.185 The Governor
Punjab, Ch. Altaf Hussain was ordered by President Ishaq in contradiction to resolution
304
of Parliament to continue his job. Both groups claimed their right of governance over the
province and this tussle effected the official correspondence especially the government
servants became polarized. The state of affairs was ridiculed at local and international
level.
When Mian Azhar called a meeting of provincial officers in civil secretariat
Lahore on June 13, 1993,186 the Commissioner Rawalpindi division Khalid Latif and DIG
Lahore Muhammad Akram were suspended. After a notification from Secretary National
Assembly the Chief Secretary Punjab Javed Qureshi and DIG Ghulam Asghar were
returned to federal government. The previous Chief Secretary Pervaiz Masood was
reinstated on his post along with the appointment of Tariq Farooq as Commissioner
Lahore Division, Nisar Ahmed Cheema as Inspector General Police, Nadeem Hassan
Deputy Commissioner Lahore and Ahmed Naseem deputy inspector general Lahore.
However, Governor and CM Punjab refused to obey all such orders.187
June 13, 1993 was a unique day in provincial history of Punjab when on there
were two Chief Secretaries, two IGs, two Commissioner Lahore divisions, two deputy
commissioners Lahore, two SSPs Lahore, tow DIGs Gujranwala and two DIGs crime
available. June 30 was ‘Aashoor Day’ it was very much sensitive due to law and order
situation in Lahore. The handing over and taking over the charges of said officers was not
possible due to holiday. On the other hand Punjab government had ordered old officers to
not relinquish their charge. If it would not have been the holiday the situation would be
worse.188 It was due to President Ishaq’s involvement in provincial matters due to his
‘ego’.
305
The Chief of Army Staff had issued Red Alert Orders to Corps Commander
Lahore to tackle any possible adverse situation. It was due to Military’s involvement that
the plan of federal government and provincial authorities could not be materialized and
Punjab was saved from civil war. During the month of July 1993 several meeting were
held between President, PM and Army Chief for the solution and settlement of the
crises.189 The Presidency was also in contact with opposition190 Roedad Khan mainly
performed the role of president’s spokesman and contacted PPP leaders many times.191
The Army Chief on the assurance of fresh elections had projected the opposition to
cancel Long March and other agitation of programs.192
Army Chief General Waheed was totally against the proposal of implementation
of Martial Law and was convinced to follow constitutional injunctions.193 Observing the
gravity of situation Army chief called Corps Commanders conference and consulted them
about the crises. All were of the view that PM should advise to the president that
A) All national and Provincial Assemblies should be dissolved
B) All governments (federal and provincial) be dismissed
C) Fresh elections should be held under caretaker government
D) Muhammad Nawaz Sharif would be head of caretaker setup194
Army Chief also met PM to inform about the proposal but PM did not give any
comments. The last efforts to settle the crises were made by Maulana Sami-ul-Haq. A
delegation of ‘Islami Deeni Ittihad’ came to meet President. The delegation stressed on
the President for mutual meeting of Ishaq and Nawaz for the solution of the political
crises. The President commented that he had no issue with PM but it was the unanimous
306
demand of opposition to hold fresh elections at once. Therefore, it was his advice to PM
to consult opposition in this connection. Maulana Sami-ul-Haq replied that “Mian Nawaz
Sharif do not want elections until you are president”, President Ishaq replied that if the
way for new elections is paved due to his withdrawal from Presidentship then he is
prepared with the condition that Mian Nawaz sharif should himself also resign from
Prime Ministership so that general election be held under an impartial government and
Nawaz Sharif would have to advise President for the dissolution of assembly.195 Different
meetings were held in presidency between President Ghulam Ishaq Khan and PM Nawaz
Sharif met on July 12 and 15, 1993196 during which Nawaz Sharif accepted Ghulam Ishaq
Khan’s formula. According to the formula Nawaz Sharif recommended the dissolution of
Assembly and resignation as PM and Ishaq Khan dissolved the Assembly and withdrew
from Presidentship.
References & Notes
1Munir Ahmad, Bhutto Khandan ka Qatal, (Urdu) (Lahore: Takhliqat Publishers, 1998), p.386. 2Dawn, Karachi, August 10, 1990. 3Sajjad Ali Shah, Law Courts in Glass House: An Autobiography (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2001),
p.141. Also see, Makhdoom Syed Ghayur Abbas Bukhari, Benazir: Beti say Qaid Tak (Urdu) (Lahore:
Multi Media Affairs, 2004), p166. 4How an Election was Stolen: The PDA White Paper on the Pakistan Elections 1990 (Islamabad: MIDasia,
1991) pp.39-42. 5Qazi Hussain objected for not having consultation with IJI while deciding about the Caretaker Setup.
Pakistan Times, Lahore, September 3,1990. 6The caretaker cabinet was under severe criticism because it comprised of members belonging to different
parties. IJI had also reservations about the structure of caretaker cabinet because the presence of Khar and
Jam Sadique in this cabinet created doubts in connection with the impartial clam of caretaker and
consequently free and fair elections. Both had got loans from Agricultural Development Bank, Fronier Post
august 16, 1990.Khar being a bitter enemy of Nawaz Sharif was the root cause of conflict between Benazir
and Nawaz Sharif with reference to Centre-province relations. Muhammad Farooq Qureshi, Nawaz Sharif:
Aik Hukmran Aik Siyasat Dan (Lahore: Qaumi Publishers, 1994), pp.25-28. Nawa-i- Waqat, Lahore,
August, 31, 1990.
The caretaker cabinet was under severe criticism because it comprise of members belonging to different
parties. IJI had also reservations about the structure of caretaker cabinet because the presence of Khar and
Jam Sadique in this cabinet created doubts in connection with the impartial clam of caretaker and
consequently free and fair elections. Both had got loans from Agricultural Development Bank, Fronier Post
august 16, 1990.Khar being a bitter enemy of Nawaz Sharif was the root cause of conflict between Benazir
and Nawaz Sharif with reference to Centre-province relations.
307
7Tariq Ismail Sagar, Elections 90, Lahore: 1990, pp.40-43. Also see, Dawn, October 9,1990 8Jang, Lahore , August 26,1990. Also see, Interview of Meraj Khalid with Ihtesham-ul-Haq, “Nothing can
be achieved if Ms. Bhutto is forced out of the game”, The Herald, September 1990,p. 47 9Dawn, Islamabad, August 9, 1990 and Nawa-i- Waqt, Lahore, August 9, 1990. 10According to Benazir Bhutto Jatoi was unable to win elections from his own constituency in Sindh and
was able to win elections with the support of Khar from Punjab in 1988. Aman, August 13,1990. 11The agenda comprised of; providing justice based on sincerity, accountability and straight forward
political attitude. Such agenda was impossible to be fulfilled in short tenure of the Caretaker Government. 12Muhammad Ali Sheikh, Benazir Bhutto: A Political Biography (Karachi: Orient Books Publishing House,
2000), p.189. also see, Dawn Karachi, August 08,1990. 13Dawn, Karachi, August 10, 1990. 14 Ahmed, Bhutto Khandan Ka Qatal, p.390. 15PDA White Papers on Election1990, p.74. 16The Muslim, Islamabad, Janaury 11, 1991. 17Dawn, Karachi, October 25,1990. 18SaleemYounas, Siasi Ittihad Aur Pakistani Siasat Par Un Ke Asraat (Urdu) (Lahore: Jang Publishers,
1993), p.272. 19Herald, Karachi, October, 1990. 20Younas, Siasi Ittihad, p. 273. 21 Ibid, p.276. 22 Ahmed, Khandan Ka Qatal, p.393. 23Younas, Siasi Ittihad, p.278. 24Ibid, p.279. 25The Pakistan Times, Islamabad, October 5, 1990. 26Shaukat Ali, Issues of Government and Politics, (np, nd), p.71 27 Ahmed, Khandan Ka Qatal, p 401. Also see, Dawn, Karachi, October 23, 1990. 28PDA White Papers on Election1990, pp.48-49. 29 Muhammad Farooq Qureshi, Nawaz Sharif Aik Hukumran Aik Siasat Dan, (Urdu) (Lahore: Qaumi
publishers,1994), p.30. 30Nawa-i- Waqt, Lahore , August 18, 1990. 31 Muhammad Ali Sheikh, Benazir Bhutto: A Political Biography (Karachi: Orient Books Publishing
House, 2000), p.199. 32 Personal Interview with Ghafoor Ahmad, Karachi, March 18, 2010. 33 Sheikh, A Political Biography. pp. 148-200. 34Sayyid A. S. Pirzada “Facts and Fiction about Rigging in 1990 Elections in Pakistan” in Pakistan Journal
of History and Culture, XXV, No 2 (July-Decembver 2004) (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical &
Cultural Research, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad),p.118. 35S. Akbar Zaidi, “The Fall of the People’s Empire”, The Herald: Special Issue Elections, Karachi,
November/December, 1990. p.8. 36Safdar Mehmood, Political Roots and Development 1947-99 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000),
p.393. 37PDA White Papers on Election1990, p15-82. 38The Muslim, Islamabad, October 26, 1990. 39Report on General Election 1993, Vol.1, (Islamabad: Election Commission of Pakistan, n.d), p.4. 40Nawe-i- Waqat, Lahore, Rawalpindi, October 30, 1990. 41Dawn, Karachi, October, 30, 1990. 42Qureshi, Aik Hukumran Aik Siasat Dan, (Urdu) p.33. 43The Pakistan Times, Islamabad, October 28, 1990. 44Qureshi, Aik Hukumran Aik Siasat Dan, p.34. 45Pirzada “Rigging in 1990 Elections in Pakistan” p.135-136. Also see, Dawn, Karachi, October, 26,
27,28,1990. 46 Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, “Democracy and Crises of Governability in Pakistan”, in Asian Survey, 32, No. 6
(June 1992), p.533. 47Dawn, Karachi, October 24, 1990.
308
48 Muhammad Munir, The Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan: Being a commentary on the
constitution of Pakistan, 1973 (Lahore, PLD Publishers, 1999), p.195. 49Mashriq, Lahore, October 29, 1990. Also see, The Pakistan Times, Islamabad, October 29, 1990. 50General Election 1993, p.4. 51Dawn, Karachi, November, 5, 1990. 52Dawn, Karachi, November, 8, 1990. 53Munir, The Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, p.259. 54Dawn, Karachi, November, 7, 1990. 55 Ibid, December 8, 1990. 56 Jang, Lahore, November, 3, 1990. 57 Ahmad Saleem, Madot Se WattooTak, p.242. 58 Ibid. 59 Abbas “He Deliver ?” p.26, Dawn ,Karachi, November 7, 1991 60 Syed Abdul Quddus, Nawaz Sharif: The Courage in Leadership, Lahore, Sh. Ghulam Ali and sons 1991.
p.26.
Dawn, Karachi, November 7, 1991. 61Dawn, Karachi, October 10,1990. 62 Sardar Muhammad Chaudhry, Nawaz Sharif: Tehri Rahon Ka Seedha Musafar, (Urdu) (Lahore: Qaumi
Publishers, 200), pp.129-127. 63 National Assembly of Pakistan, Official Report, Vol.5 No.5,February 10,1991 p.438 64Ihtasham-ul-Haq, “The IJI’s Jam”, The Herald, Karachi, May 1991, pp.72-73. 65Chaudhry, Tehri Rahon Ka Seedha Musafar, p.134. 66Reza Nasr, Crises of Governability in Pakistan, p 534. 67Dawn, Karachi, November 9,1990 68 Anwar Peerzada, “Provincial Autonomy: Lawlessness”, Dawn, Karachi, November16,1990. 69 Syed Mujawar Husssain Shah, Federalism in Pakistan: Theory and Practice (Islamabad: National
Institute of Pakistan Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University, 1994), p.61. 70 Nawaz Sharif, interview by Sheery Rehman, The Herald, Karachi, November-December 1990, p.37. 71Dawn, Karachi, January 13, 1991. 72Munir, The Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, p.323. 73The Nation, Lahore, January 13, 1991. 74Dawn, Karachi, January 13, 1991. 75Dawn, Karachi, November 9, 1990.
The Nation, Lahore, January 14, 1991. 76Chaudhry, Tehri Rahon Ka Seedha Musafar, p.135. 77Dawn, Karachi, April 21,1991.
Dawn, Karachi, August 24,1991. 78Yousaf Raza Gillani, Cha-e- Yousaf Se Sada, (Urdu) (Lahore: Nigarshat Publications, 2006), p.140. 79 The leaders of JI declared approval of Shari’a Bill as a land mark in Pakistani society. It was clarified
that bill was not against any section of society but states that any law against Islamic teaching will not be
acceptable in Pakistan. K K Bhardwaj, Pakistan’s March to Democracy (New Delhi: Anmol Publications
PVT. LTD. 1996), p.169. Also see Dawn, May 28, 1991, 80Ghafoor Ahmad, Nawaz Sharif Ka Pehla Daur-e- Hakoomat, Lahore, Al Qamar Enterprises. p.150. 81Mushtaq Ahmad, “Sprit of Shariat Law”Dawn, Karachi, May 7,199.1. 82 The recommendations were:
1: Do the Holy Qural the existence of sects/2: Will non-Muslims be minister unser the shariat law 3:Does
Islamic injunctions fix a certain term for the Ameer about his rule 4: Does Islam agrees to the practice of
one man and one vote 5: What would be the status of Bait-ul-Maal, treasury or a welfare fun? 6:Was there
any possibility of existence of current parliamentary democracy under an Islamic system 7: would
insurance be declared Islamic 8: Would it be possible t allow interest based financial system to function 9:
What would be the procedure of election of Ameer? 10: Could parliamentary system be challenged in the
court of law after its implementation. Dawn, Karachi, May 9,1991 83Dawn, Karachi, May 12, 1991.
309
84Charles H. Kennedy, “Repugnancy to Islam: Wo Decides? Islam and Legal Reform in Pakistan”, The
International and Comparitive Law, Quarterly, 41, No. 4 (October 1992), pp.779-780,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/761030. 85Dawn, Karachi, December 3, 1990. 86 Benazir Bhutto interview by The Herald, Karachi, April, 1991, p.59. 87Makhdoom Ali Khan, “Paying The Bill”, The Herald, Karachi, May, 1991. pp.26-27. 88 Federal Shariat Court provided a detailed plan to sustain economy on riba free economic system with
comparative study of international economic system. There were no adverse effects on national economy
according to this plan. Elimination of Riba from the Economy & Islamic Models of Financing (2nd edition)
Islamabad: Council of Islamic Ideology, Pakistan, 1991. pp-7-31. 89 According to Maulana Sami ul haq amendment in the constitution was necessary for the real
implementation of Shariat. He demanded from PM Nawaz Sharif to remove the clauses against Islamic
injunctions from constitution, especially Riba. Frontier Post, April 19, 1991. 90 The Muslim, December 11, 1990 also see, Jasarat December 13,1990. 91Hafiz Sallahuddin Yousaf, “Shariat Bill Shari,a Ke Nam Par: S,hariat se Insaf”, in Weekly Zindgi, June
22-28, 1991.p- 39 92 Interview of Dr Muhammad Yaqoob Dy . Parliamentary Leader of IJI in Provincial Assembly of NWFP
(Khyber Pakhtukhwa) with Rafiq Khatana, Weekly Zindgi, July 13-19, 1991 p.30. 93“Hakoomat Par Deeni Halqon K Bei- Etari Kiun” ,Takbeer, November 28, 1991 p-5
Government tried to obtain ruling from Supreme Court against decision of Federal Shariat Court’s verdict
against Riba just to maintain economic relations at international level because Dr. Tanzeel-ur-Rehman
issued verdict against riba and directed government to improve the system.
94 An interview of Senator Hafiz Hussain Ahmad with Irshad Mahmood, “Mehaz Shari’ah Ka Lafaz Laga
Deny Se Koi Bill Shari’ah Bill Nahe Ho Sakta” Takbeer , June 20,1991 p.15-16. 95 “Jamaat’s Rudimentary Economics” Frontier Post, May 23, 1992. 96 Zahid Hussain, “About Turn?”, New Line, Karachi, February, 1992, p.30. 97 Zafar Abbas “Can he deliver ?” The Herald, Karachi, November-December, 1990, p.34. 98Muhammad Waseem, “Pakistan Lingering Crises of Diarchy”, Asian Survey 32, No. 7 (July 1992), p.617. 99Ibid, p.618. 100Dawn, Karachi, August 16,1991. 101 Sultan Ahmad, “Towards the Confrontation”, Dawn, Karachi, August 17, 1991. 102Dawn, Karachi, August 13,1991. 103Dawn, Karachi, August 16,1991. 104Waseem, “Crises of Diarchy”, p.618. 105Zafar Abbas, “Burning Issues”, The Herald, Karachi, April 1991, p.34. 106Rais Ahmad Khan, “Pakistan in 1992: Waiting for Change”, Asian Survey 33, No.2, February 1993,
pp.131-132. 107Dawn, Karachi, August 13,1991. 108These included Raja Zafar ulHaq, Amir Abudullah Khan Rokhri, Makhdoom Hamid Raza Gillani, Lt.
Gen. (R) Syed Qadir and Khawja Asif Safdar 109Dawn, Karachi, March 4,1991. Also see, Ihtasham-ul-Haq, “Senates Scramble”, The Herald, Karachi,
March 1991, p.48. 110Sherry Rehman “ Stormy of Weather” , The Herald, Karachi, March 1991, p.48. 111 Zafar Abbas, “Can Jam Survive”, The Herald, Karachi, July 1991, pp.21-23. 112Dawn, Karachi, July 8, 1991. 113The affected area was defined as, any area facing law and order situation which could not be controlled
under normal resources which was also out of control of judiciary. 114Dawn, Karachi, July 15, 1991. 115Dawn, Karachi, July 17,1991. 116 Ibid. 117Zahid Hussain, “the Ideas of August”, Newsline, Karachi, August,1991 p.49 118National Assembly of Pakistan debates, official report,vol8, no.3, July18, 1991 p.230-231 119Ibid. p.234-236 120Nisar Osmani, “ Un-due Haste”, Dawn, Karachi, July 20,1991
310
121Makhdoom Ali Khan, “Paying judiciary and the 12thammendment”, Dawn, Karachi, August 27,1991 122Dawn, Karachi, August 18, 1991. 123Dawn, Karachi, August 11, 1991. 124 Ibid, August 13, 1991. 125 Ibid, June 1, 1992. 126 Ibid, June 2, 1992 127 Ibid. 128Personal Interview with Haider Abbas Rizvi, Islamabad, September 13, 2012. 129 Noman Naqvi and Hassan Mujtaba, “ Under the Boot”, Newsline, Karachi, November 1992, pp.28-29. 130Maliha Lodhi and Zahid Hussain, “Power Play in Islamabad”, Newsline, Karachi, June 1992, pp.25-26. 131Dawn, Karachi, March 3,1992 132Personal Interview with Senator Javed Ashraf Qazi, Islamabad, September 16, 2011. 133Lodhi and Zahid, “ Play in Islamabad”, p26-28. 134Dawn, Karachi, November 14, 1992. 135Dawn, Karachi, November 12, 1992. 136Dawn, Karachi, November 17, 1992. 137 Ibid. 138The News, Islamabad November 22, 1992. 139 Ibid. 140Dawn, Karachi, November 21, 1992. 141 Ibid. 142The News, Islamabad November 26, 1992. 143Dawn, Karachi, January 11, 1993. 144 Shaikh, A Political biography, p.208. 145Munir, The Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, pp.211-212.
Dawn, Karachi,December 21,1991. 146 Benazir and other opposition member repeatedly said collectively “Go Baba Go”, to annoy Ghulam
Ishaq Khan. 147Dawn, Karachi, December 21,1991. 148 Saeed Mehdi, interview by Mazhar Abbas, ARY News “ Dau Tok”, May 23,2010 part 1 (broadcast) 149Dawn, Karachi, April 12,1993. 150Chaudhry, Tehri Rahon Ka Seedha Musafar, pp.173-74. 151 Saeed Mehdi, interview by Mazhar Abbas, May 23,2010. 152Dawn, Karachi, February 23, 1993. 153Ibid, February 27, 1993. 154Sher Afgan Niazi was a seasoned parliamentarian and from MNA from Mianwali during PPP rule. He
remained federal minister for parliamentary affairs. 155Dawn, Karachi, February 11, 1993. 156 Saeed Mehdi, interview by Mazhar Abbas,, ARY News “ Do Tok”May 30,2010 part 2 (brought cast) 157Dawn, Karachi, April 5,1993 158Chaudhry, Tehri Rahon Ka Seedha Musafar, p.172. 159Hafeez Gauhar, Pakistan Ka Hukmaran: Aik Sachi aur Kharri Kitab (Lahore: Gohar Publications, n.d),
p.289. 160Dawn, Karachi, April 1, 1993. 161Ibid, April 3, 1993. 162Roedad Khan, Pakistan: A Dream gone sour, Karachi: Oxford University Press 1997 p.132. 163Dawn, Karachi, April 18, 1993. Jang, Lahore, April 18, 1993. 164Dawn, Karachi, April 20, 1993. 165Ibid, April 19, 1993. 166The News, Islamabad, April 19, 1993. 167 Ibid. 168 Ibid, April 26, 1993. 169Dawn, Karachi, May 27, 1993. 170Sajjad, An autobiography, p.697. 171Dawn, Karachi, April 21,1993.
311
172The News, Islamabad, May 28, 1993. 173 National Assemble of Pakistan debates: Official Report, vol.2 no.2, Mat 31, 1993 p.46-48. 174 Ahmad Saleem, Mamdot Se WattooTak, (Urdu), Lahore, Gora publishers, 1996 p.248. 175 Ibid p.249. 176Dawn, Karachi, April 21,1993. 177Ibid, April 27,1993. 178Saleem, Mamdot Se WattooTak, p.256. 179The News, Islamabad, May 27,31 1993.
Hamid Khan, Constitutional and political History of Pakistan, Karachi, Oxford university Press, 2001,
p.760 180Dawn, Islamabad, June 29, 1993. 181Ibid, June 30, 1993. 182Saleem, Mamdot Se WattooTak, p.261. 183Hamid Khan, political History of Pakistan, p.761. 184Saleem, Mamdot Se WattooTak, p.261. 185Dawn, Islamabad, July 1, 1993. 186 Ibid. 187Saleem, Mamdot Se WattooTak, p.262.
Dawn, Islamabad, July 1,1993. 188Saleem, Mamdot Se WattooTak, p.262. 189Dawn, Islamabad, July 16,1993. 190 Ibid July 16,17 1993. 191Roedad Khan, Pakistan Inqalab Ke Dhani Per, (urdu) (Trans)., Karachi, Oxford University Press, 1998.
pp.145-146. 192Dawn, Islamabad, July 16, 1993. 193Roedad, Pakistan Inqalab Ke Dhani Per, p.148. 194 Ibid, p.158. 195 Ibid, p.159. 196Dawn, Islamabad, July 13,16,1993.
312
Conclusion
Centre-province relations play a vital role in the smooth running of affairs in a federal
system of government. It guarantees the congenial atmosphere, if maintained under the
principles of federalism. It is actually a very sensitive and delicate balance between
varying forces, which seldom sustain permanently especially in a society which is
passing through its evolutionary stages as in case of Pakistan. During the early years of
the federation of Pakistan, the national unity was demand of the day for the political and
economic solidarity. After Jinnah, disunity among PML ranks erupted and the
provincialism as well as regionalism flourished. The geographical, cultural and linguistic
differences dominated the issue of language, representation and distribution of authority
etc. The approval of official status of Bengali language, the transfer of residuary power to
province and a detailed list of provincial affairs under the Constitution of 1956 revealed
the effectiveness of regional forces. During the period of 1956-58, such regional
pressures were present when the issue of provincial autonomy got strengthened in East
Pakistan, whereas campaign against One Unit was launched in West Pakistan. The stories
of centre-province relations are full of hide and seek, as well as stick and carrot policies.
Centre-province relations have always been of prime importance in federal
structure of state. Pakistan being a federal state could not maintain congenial centre-
province relations for the smooth running of state affairs. It could not achieve the target
of national state. Due to being divided into four provinces based on multi-cultural society
having varied nature of languages and historical experiences, Pakistan could not adopt
real federal structure. It passed through the experience of parliamentary, presidential and
unitary forms of governments in search of federal state; in fact it turned into a centralist
313
state. It also passed through the bitter experiences of long Martial Laws. Therefore, no
proper political system could be adopted and mostly the governments were established on
the basis of political compromises. The experiences of centralist nature of government
were adopted to tackle the provinces which led to the principle of Parity and finally the
establishment of One Unit system.
The Martial Regime of Ayub Khan 1958-1969 adversely affected the nature of
centre-province relations. The period witnessed the presidential rule having strict
centralist policies with the support of 1962 Constitution. General Yahya Khan during
1969-71 could not tackle and redress the grievances’. He abolished One Unit system and
revived the status of NWFP, Punjab and Sindh as provinces.
The first general elections held long after the establishment of Pakistan in 1970
which resulted in the separation of East Pakistan. The basic cause of this incident was the
bitter centre-province relations which did not provide real provincial autonomy and,
hence, deviated from the federal principles that guaranteed provincial rights.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1971-77) despite of introducing 1973 Constitution could not
work properly for the maintenance of centre-province relations. The provincial
governments were tackled by the Centre strictly and opposition was not allowed to
flourish which brought ‘civil authoritarian rule’. General Zia ul Haq (1977-88) governed
with the support of Martial Law regulations and centre-province relations remained
almost congenial due to lack of party based politics. The mutual action and reaction of
centre-province relations demarcated the course of political development.
314
In December 1988, PPP was successful to hold the charge of federal structure
with Benazir as Prime Minister and IJI enabled itself to maintain its power base of Punjab
with Nawaz Sharif as CM. Since 1947, the government institutions restricted the role of
parliamentary democracy due to power politics. Therefore, the imbalance of power
among different institutions led to dissolution of governments time and again.
The period 1988-93 depicts the power politics when different important
government institutions were in tussle with each other. The mutual cooperation between
government institutions even for working relationship did not prevail during that period.
The quest for authority created a lot of discrepancies between federal and
provincial governments. Due to rule of two different parties with different background
and ideologies, the Federal Government and the Punjab faced imbalance of power and
authority. The main cause of imbalance was in the Eighth Amendment which made
pressure of government subservient to the will of President.
The power structure during the period gradually was dependent on President, civil
military bureaucracy and Prime Minister’s existence depended at the will of both the
aforesaid forces. The tug of war between Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif made the
Parliament fragile. Both of them belonged to different ideological background. The
differences were based on personal and political enmity. Even they had filed cases
against each others’ families. Asif Ali Zardari and Mian Muhammad Sharif were arrested
without warrants. The performance of political parties was below the mark and hence
disappointed the masses. As a result, the establishment got undue favour and privileges.
Both the factions frequently contacted establishment to dismantle each other so it knew
315
the weakness of both. During these five years the political principles were deviated twice
because of the immaturity and short sightedness of both the parties.
Mainly, the PPP and IJI were in confrontation which was actually PPP versus
PML confrontation because both of them dominated federal and the Punjab politics. In a
real democracy, the electoral power and mandate of each other is accepted and respected
which was not the case at that time. The sentiments of revenge, intrigues and black
mailing one another were at their peak and due to that the third element ‘establishment’
played its role.
The call of Nawaz Sharif for provincial autonomy and Punjabi identity was not
justified in a federal system. He created difficulties for federal government by
establishing Bank of the Punjab and interfering in the working of federal agencies. The
cooperative and finance scandals were remarkable through which billions of rupees were
usurped. The Punjab Government and influential personalities took debts of millions
which were mostly written-off later. The Governments’ lands were allotted to PPP and
PML allies. Nawaz Sharif warned the Federal Government officials, appointed in the
Punjab, not to collaborate with centre otherwise they would be thrown out of the
province. On the other hand, such steps were condemned by the Federal Government.
The enmity and confrontation between Centre and the Punjab reached at its peak
when both Benazir and Nawaz Sharif announced to oust each other from power. They
fortified their positions at the expanse of each other. Differences prevail in almost all
democratic societies but it was the extreme under which both the Federal and the Punjab
governments reached against each other. Due to instability of both the governments and
everyday news of deposing each other, the national economy suffered a lot. The activities
316
of stock exchanges declined the imports and exports and international agreements
became doubtful due to lack of official guarantee. It caused a heavy loss to national
economy.
The politics during 1988-93 was under the influence of Ziaism versus Bhuttoism.
Despite the establishment of PPP’s Government, the shadows of Ziaism were there due to
which Benazir had to make some adjustments in her first cabinet and had to continue
with civil military bureaucrats due to controversies developed within PPP circles. The
inexperience, indifferent attitude with opposition, maladministration and difference with
the President were enough reasons for her dismissal.
Nawaz Sharif was successful to become PM during 1990-93 with the support of
heavy mandate from public and the support of civil and military bureaucracy. Nawaz
Sharif became over-confident and resultantly became victim of same circumstances as
Benazir Bhutto did. Severe differences with establishment arose when he tried to
command it which resulted in his downfall. The Military played important mediatory role
and helped to maintain democracy. The military facilitated the conduct of elections both
time at the dismissal of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif governments in 1988 and 1993
respectively. In 1993, Gen. Waheed Kakar, Chief of Army Staff played mediatory role
between Nawaz Sharif and Ghulam Ishaq Khan. Formerly, Martial Laws and state of
emergency had been imposed even at less important incidents than the above discussed.
The political atmosphere up to 1988 was maintained on non-party basis. When
the party system was revived, it was not compatible with political values and traditions. It
required sometime to develop such values. The practice of confrontation, blame game
and agitation prevailed instead of following the course of reconciliation and negotiation.
317
The system was declined in both the cases by President Ishaq who was a Zia
beneficiary and had partial approach against Benazir since beginning. The establishment
played its chronic role which always had political parties and personalities at its disposal
to serve its own purpose. Democracy has participatory features of responsibility, decision
making, rights and duties, governance and accountability. These qualities were totally
absent during the said period. The ruling circles were in search of more power but lacked
the capacity to perform more responsibilities. It was due to the centralization of power
which made the institution helpless and poor governance was the result.
Both of the governments could not complete their tenure due to intrigues and
issues of power politics by government and opposition. These governments were not free
to make decisions and had to perform on the directions of the establishment. The ‘king
makers’ were created who elevated politicians for their vested interests. During both
tenures ‘American policy’ was also influential and both governments comprised of pro-
US civil military bureaucracy. The said period witnessed poor governance and
immaturity.
The performance of both the governments with reference to regional and national
issues was based on differences with civil and military bureaucracy. The issues of
dissolution of Balochistan Assembly, retirement case of Iftikhar Sarohi, urge for federal
control over the Punjab through governor and other constitutional issues like People’s
Works Program, Council of Common Interest and National Finance Commission Award
among Federal and the Punjab government created differences between Benazir, Nawaz
Sharif and Ghulam Ishaq Khan. The disagreement of Nawaz Sharif with Gen. Aslam
Baig on Gulf issue, and commanding attitude with civil and military establishment
318
brought Nawaz Sharif to decline such as legislation over Shariat Bill. The Cooperative
Scandal, privatization policy, grants of loans to ruling elite were source of heavy loss to
the national treasury.
Such steps of both the governments provided clues to the establishment about
their poor performance. In both cases President who was the embodiment of civil military
bureaucracy ordered the dismissal of both the governments. It is not possible in Pakistan
to overthrow any government without the will and support of military. The mutual
confidence between civil and military authorities was also the main source of removal of
both governments.
The same charges were put for the removal of these governments. The role and
cooperation of civil military bureaucracy facilitated President to take action against both.
The period 1988-93 witnessed controlled democracy due to mutual cooperation between
President and civil military bureaucracy.
It can be revealed through all practices of Eighth Amendment and imbalance of
power that different institutions were favoured to perform their functions under command
performance which caused sharing of power. In this effort the relationships between
institutions became worse which caused the emergence of pressure groups and the role of
establishment expanded. Under such conditions governments came under pressure and
they had two options; firstly, to surrender according to the will of establishment which
led to bad governance and finally dismissal of government. Secondly, if governments
took hard stand it would have caused tussle between different institutions which also
would have led to dismissal of these governments.
319
Although, the federalism could not work effectively in Pakistan or it was not allowed
to work properly but it cannot be concluded from its unsatisfactory performance that
federalism is not suitable for the country. A federal society exists along with severe
cultural and linguistic differences, therefore, no other system except federal system can
be suitable for country based on democracy i.e. Federal Democratic System can
guarantee the survival of country like Pakistan. It is the need of the hour that congenial
atmosphere be created for smooth running of affairs.
320
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332
________. October 3, 1988.
________. November 9, 1988
________. December 4, 1988.
________. April 19,1989
________. September,23,1989.
________. October 21, 1989.
________. December,1, 1989.
________. January 1, 1990.
________. February 10, 1990.
________. February 11, 1990
________. May, 9, 1990.
________. May 24, 1990.
________. August 7, 1990.
________. August 08,1990.
________. August 9, 1990.
________. August 10, 1990.
________. October 9,1990.
________. October 10,1990.
________. October 24, 1990.
________. October 25,1990.
________. October, 30, 1990.
________. November, 5, 1990.
________. November, 8, 1990.
________. November, 7, 1990.
________. November 9, 1990.
________. November16, 1990.
________. December 3, 1990.
________. December 8, 1990.
________. January 13, 1991.
________. March 4, 1991.
________. April 21, 1991.
________. May 12, 1991.
________. May 28, 1991.
________. July 8, 1991.
________. July 15, 1991.
________. July 17, 1991.
________. July 20, 1991
________. August 11, 1991.
________. August 13, 1991.
________. August 16, 1991.
________. August 17, 1991.
________. August 18, 1991.
________. August 24, 1991.
________. August 27, 1991
________. November 7, 1991.
________. December 21, 1991.
333
________. March 3, 1992.
________. November 14, 1992.
________. November 12, 1992.
________. November 17, 1992.
________. November 21, 1992.
________. January 11, 1993.
________. February 11, 1993.
________. February 23, 1993.
________. February 27, 1993.
________. April 12,1993.
________. April 1, 1993.
________. April 3, 1993.
________. April 5,1993.
________. April 18, 1993.
________. April 19, 1993.
________. April 20, 1993.
________. April 21,1993.
________. April 27,1993.
________. May 27, 1993.
________. June 29, 1993.
________. June 30, 1993.
________. July 1, 1993.
________. July 13, 1993.
________. July 16, 1993.
________. July 17, 1993.
________. December, 13. 1998.
Jang, Karachi/ Lahore/ Rawalpindi
________. December 3, 1973.
________. May 30, 1988.
________. August 18, 1988.
________. August 27, 1988.
________. October 6, 1988.
________. October 13, 1988.
________. October 14, 1988.
________. November 12, 1988.
________. November 13, 1988.
________. December 10,1988.
________. December 18, 1988.
________. June 28, 1989.
________. August 26, 1989.
________. September 2, 1989.
________. October 23,1989.
________. October 24, 1989.
________. February 28, 1990.
________. May 21, 1990.
________. August 7, 1990.
334
________. August 26, 1990.
________. November, 3, 1990.
________. April 18, 1993.
Mahriq, Lahore.
Mashriq, March 19, 1964.
________. February 20,1990.
________. October 29, 1990.
Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore/ Rawalpindi
Nawa-i-Waqt, December 25, 1951.
________. December 27, 1951.
________. January 27, 1953.
________. March 5, 1973.
________. February,24,1950
________. April, 2 1986.
________. October 1-31, 1988.
________. November 6, 1988.
________. November 16, 1988.
________. January 5,1989.
________. October 30, 1990.
________. August 9, 1990.
________. August 18, 1990.
________. April 24, 1990.
________. August, 31, 1990.
Pakistan Times, Islamabad/ Lahore
Pakistan Times, October 22, 1947.
________. April 30, 1948.
________. May 4, 1948.
________. December 9, 1948.
________. February 2, 1949.
________. April 20,1949.
________. Jaunary,22,1951
________. January,27,1951
________. March 18, 1951.
________. March 26, 1951.
________. April 27, 1951
________. May13, 1951
________. December 12, 1951.
________. February 7, 1952
________. March 28, 1953.
________. March 27, 1954.
________. December,1. 1954.
________. January 19, 1989.
________. July 10, 1989.
________. October 21, 1989
335
________. November 3, 1989.
________. November15, 1989.
________. May 13, 1990.
________. July 27, 1990.
________. August 7, 1990.
________. October 5, 1990.
________. October 28, 1990.
________. October 29, 1990.
The Muslim, Islamabad ________. October 31, 1989.
________. December 11, 1990.
________. October 26, 1990.
________. January 11, 1991.
The Nation, Lahore
The Nation, November 16, 1988.
________. December 2, 1988.
________. June 3, 1989.
________. August 6,1990
________. January 13, 1991.
________. Lahore, January 14, 1991.
The News, Islamabad.
The News, November 22, 1992.
________. November 26, 1992.
________. April 19, 1993.
________. April 26, 1993.
________. May 28, 1993.
________. May 27, 1993.
________. May 31, 1993.
Weekly Hurmat, Islamabad, April 23-29, 1989.
Weekly Takbeer, Karachi, June 17, 1990.
Weekly Takbeer, Karachi, August 9, 1990.
336
Appendix-I1
Dissolution Order of Assembly and Benazir Government
The President having considered the situation in the country, the events that have taken
place and the circumstances, and among others for the reasons mentioned below is of the
opinion that the Government of the Federation cannot be carried on in accordance with
the provisions of the Constitution and an appeal to the electorate is necessary:
a. The utility and efficacy of the National assembly as a representative
institution elected by the people under the Constitution, and its mandate, is
defeated by internal dissensions and friction, persistent and scandalous ‘horse-
trading’ for political gain and furtherance of personal interests, corrupt
practices and inducement, in contravention of the Constitution and the law,
and by failure to discharge substantive legislative functions other that the
adoption of the Finance Bill, and further the National Assembly has lost the
confidence of the people.
b. The Constitution envisages the Federation and the Provinces working within
the spheres respectively assigned to them with clearly delineated executive
and legislative authority; and with a view to safeguarding the structure of the
Federation also contains special provisions of mandatory nature to ensure and
protect the autonomy granted to the Provinces, by creating specific
constitutional institutions consisting of Federal and Provincial representatives,
but the Government of the Federation has willfully undermined and impaired
the working of the constitutional arrangements and usurped the authority of
the Provinces and of such institutions resulting in discord, confrontation and
deadlock, adversely affecting the integrity, solidarity and well-being of
Pakistan, in that, inter alia:-
(i) The Council of Common Interests under Article 153, which is
responsible only toe parliament, has not been allowed to discharge the
constitutional functions and exercise its powers despite persistent
demands of the Provinces, and Parliament has also not been allowed to
function in this regard as required by Articles 153 and 154, and in
relation to Articles 155 and 161.
(ii) The National Finance Commission under Article 160 has never been
called to meet and allowed to function, thus blocking mandatory
constitutional processes in the matter of allocation of shared of
revenues to the Provinces despite their persistent demands.
1 No, 178/1/President dated 6 August 1990, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad.
337
(iii) Constitutional powers and functions of the Provinces have been
deliberately frustrated by extension of executive authority of the
Federation to the Provinces in violation of Article 97 and by the
general manner of implementation of the Peoples’ Programme.
(iv) The Senate, which is representative of the Federating Units under
Article 59 and is an integral part of Parliament, has been ridiculed and
its constitutional role has been eroded.
C. Corruption and nepotism in the Federal Government, its functionaries and
Authorities and Agencies, statutory and other corporations including
Banks working under its supervision and control and the holders of
representative offices has reached such proportions, that the orderly
functioning of the Government in accordance with the provisions of the
Constitution including the requirements of the Oath (s) prescribed therein,
and the law, does not longer carry public faith and credibility and despite
being subject to wide public condemnation, the Government has failed to
take appropriate action in this behalf.
D. The Federal Government has failed in its duty under Article 148(3) of the
Constitution to protect the Province of Sind against internal disturbances
and to ensure that the Government of the that Province is carried on in
accordance with the provisions of the Constitution, despite the heavy loss
of life and property, the rule of terror in urban and rural areas, riots, arson,
dacoities, kidnapping for ransom, politics of violence among citizens and
widely condemned failure of the Provincial Government and its law
enforcing agencies, and also, in this behalf, failed to act under appropriate
provisions of the Constitution.
E. The Government of the Federation has violated the provisions of the
Constitution and the law in that:_
(i) The Superior Judiciary has been publicly ridiculed and its integrity
attacked and attempts made to impair its independence.
(ii) Authority, resources and agencies of the Federation including
statutory Corporations, authorities, and Banks have been misused
for political ends and purposes and for personal gains.
(iii) The Civil Services of Pakistan have been undermined by
disregarding the provisions of Articles 240 and 242.
(iv) The powers under Article 45 have been exercised by the
Government without prior approval of the Presidents.
Now THEREFORE 1. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, President of the
Islamic Republic of Pakistan in exercise of the powers conferred
on me by clause (2) (b) of Article 58 of the Constitution of the
338
Islamic Republic of Pakistan dissolve the National Assembly with
immediate effect: and the Prime Minister and the Cabinet case to
hold office forthwith.
S/d
GHULAM ISHAQ KHAN
PRESIDENT
339
Appendix-II2
The Standard of Intelligence Report During Benazir Rule 1988-1993
INTELLIGENCE BUREAU
GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN
ISLAMABAD
SPECIAL REPORT FOR THE PRIME MINISTER
Subject:- PUNJAB GOVERNMENT’S PROPAGANDA
The IJI Government of Punjab is contemplating to propagate that during the
Prime Minister’s visits to Lahore and Sheikhpura in processions, the Processions, tore off
and damaged posters containing photographs of Quaid-e-Azam and Chief Minister,
Punjab Mian Nawaz Sharif and his brother Mian Shabaz Sharif, MPA. The Chief
Minster, Punjab, has reportedly directed Provincial Secretary Information to obtain
details from the Special Branch and propagate the matter appropriately.
S/d
MASOOD SHARIF KHAN JD
FOR DIRECTOR
2 IB HQ U.O. No, TR-854/1-Vol. (11)B-1, dated 05-12-1989, Joint Secretary, Home Affiars
Wing, Brig. Muhammad Akhtar Khan, Prime Minister’s Secretariat, Islamabad,
340
Appendix-III3
References filed against the former Prime Minister, Ms. Benazir Bhutto
Reference 1: In the Special Court of Mr. Justice Mohammad Amir Malik
Ms. Benazir Bhutto,
Wife of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari,
Ex-Prime Minister of Pakistan,
Bilawal House,
Karachi
…… RESPONDENT
The following Reference is made under Article 4 of PPO No, 17 of 1977 to the
Honourable Special Court for appropriate action:
That the Respondent, Ms. Benazir Bhutto, was elected as a member of the National
Assembly from Constituency No. NA-166 Larkana-III duration of the Islamic Republic
of Pakistan, and held the office of Prime Minister of Pakistan from 2 December, 1988
until 6 August, 1990.
2. That during her tenure as aforesaid, the Respondent committed or caused to be
committed acts of misconduct within the meaning of the said PPO 17 of 1977 in that,
inter alia._A Dream Gone Sour
Concise Statement of Facts
(1) That the Intelligence Bureau of the Government of Pakistan works directly
under the authority of the Prime Minster and the Director of the Intelligence
Bureau reported and was responsible to the Prime Minister.
(2) That on 26 October, 1989, a resolution for a vote of no-confidence was moved
in the National assembly against the Respondent, the ex-Prime Minister of
Pakistan, under the provisions of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of
Pakistan. It is also on record that the elections in Azad Kashmir were held on
21 May, 1990, and the election of the Prime Minister of Azad Kashmir was on
29 June, 1990. Earlier from April to June, 1989, there were, and continued to
be, problems concerning Provincial Assembly members for the NWFP
Government.
(3) The Respondent, and under her authority, her Party members and the
bureaucracy at her disposal, made every effort to win over as many members
3 Reference by the President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan under Article 4 of the
Parliament and Provincial Assemblies, Disqualification for Membership, Order 1977
(PPO No. 17 of 1977).
341
as possible of the National Assembly of Pakistan, the Legislative Assembly of
Azad Kashmir for the election of the Prime Minister of Azad Kashmir, and
earlier, the NWFP Provincial Assembly, by willful misapplication and/or
diversion of public moneys, namely, in the present case Secret Service Funds
for a purpose other than that for which the same were meant and otherwise
abused her power and position as Prime Minister. In any events, the said
public moneys were misapplied and/or diverted and/or misconduct otherwise
committed by the Respondent, in that, “The Secret Service Fund is intended
only for the purpose of buying information, and for no other purpose,” and the
procedures laid down for the proper utilization of the SS Fund were totally
disregarded. A copy of the detailed instructions regarding the administration,
proper utilization and maintenance of accounts of the Secret Service Fund
which provides, inter alia, as follows:-
“The Secret Service Fund is intended solely for the purpose of buying
information, and for no other purpose. No expenditure which is
legitimately debatable to ‘contingencies’ or any other ‘head’ of account
must be incurred from the Fund………………..
“All receipts shall be entered ………………………………………
Giving details of the nature of transaction …………………………
“On the ‘Payment’s side…………………………………………
Every entry shall be clear enough to indicate the entry of payment.”
(4) That the Secret Service (SS) Fund for 1988-89 was Rs 3.2 million under the
budget grant for the year. However, from April 1989 to June, 1989,
Supplementary Grants amounting to Rs 15.284 million were sanctioned. Of
this, the sum of Rs 4.084 million was required for intelligence operations. The
remaining Rs 11.2 million was disbursed as follows:
_________________________________________________________Date
Name of Payee Amount Remarks
_________________________________________________________
15.6.89 Chief Minister, NWFP Rs 5,000,000 Receipt of the
Through Mr. M. Akram NWFP attached
14.4.89 Mr. Mohibullah Shah Rs. 4,000,000 Copy of IB letter
Addl. Secretary PM Sectt. No 7/Budget/81
Through Maj (Retd) Masood (20)81 dated
Sharif Khan, Ex-Joint Director 11.9.90 to Mr.
Masood Sharif and
his reply dated
12.9.90 are attached
As Annex ‘E’
______________________________________________________________
(5) In the Budget for 1989-90, a sum of Rs 5.8 million was provided on account
of regular Secret Service Fund for the Intelligence Bureau. In view of the
342
political situation as afore-mentioned between October 1989 and June 1990.
Supplementary Grants of Rs 124.3 million were made to the SS Fund as
follows:
_________________________________________________________S.No
Date Special Grant Amount
_________________________________________________________(i)
16.10.89 Special Grant-I Rs 20,000,000 (Twenty million)
(ii) 26.10.89 Special Grant-II Rs 50,000,000 (Fifty mission)
(iii) 10.02.90 Special Grant-III Rs 2,500,000(Two point five million)
(iv) 19.03.90 Special Grant-IV Rs 13,000,000 (Thirteen million)
(v) 10.04.90 Special Grant-V Rs 20,000,000(Twenty million)
(vi) 06.05.90 Special Grant-VI Rs 10,000,000 (Ten million)
(vii) 14.06.90 Special Grant-VII Rs 8,800,000 (Eight point eight million)
Total Rs 124,300,000
(6) Of the said sum of Rs 124.3 million, the Supplementary Grants at V and VII
above, amounting to Rs 28.8 million were made on the demand of the
Intelligence Bureau for its normal operations with the approval of the
competent authority. The remaining Grants, namely, the aforementioned
amounts totaling Rs 95.5 million were drawn on orders of the Prime
Minister’s Secretariat without any formal request from or requirement of the
Intelligence Bureau.
(7) Out of the SS Funds of Rs 95.5 million so received by the Intelligence
Bureaus, the following major payments were made:-
_________________________________________________________
Date Name of Payee Amount Remarks/Receipts
_________________________________________________________
25.10.89 Malik Waris Khan Rs 10,000,000 IB’s letter No 7
(Ten million) Budget/81/(20)-I
Dated 11.9.90 to
Mr, Sharif Khan and
His reply dated
12.9.90 are attached
As Annex ‘R’ and ‘S’
25.10.89 Mr. Aftab Khan Sherpao Rs 10,000.000 IB’s letter No. 7
CM, NWFP through Maj Budget/81/(20)-1
(Retd) Masood Sharif dated 11.9.90 to
Khan Ex-Joint Director Mr. Sharif Khan and
His reply dated 12.9.90
Are attached as Annex ‘R’
and ‘S’
26.10.89 Maj Gen (Retd) Nasirullah Rs 30,000,000 IB’s letter No 7
Khan Babar, Special (Thirty million) Budget/81/(20)-I
Assistant to the PM Dated 11.9.90 to
343
Through Maj (Retd) Masood Mr, Sharif Khan and
Sharif Khan, Ex-Joint Director His reply dated
12.9.90 are attached
As Annex ‘R’ and ‘S’
28.10.89 The then Prime Minister of Rs 20,000,000 IB’s letter No 7
Pakistan through Maj (Retd) Budget/81/(20)-I
Masood Sharif Khan, Dated 11.9.90 to
Ex-Joint Director Mr, Sharif Khan and
His reply dated
12.9.90 are attached
As Annex ‘R’ and ‘S’
12.6.90 Mr. Hanif Khan, Minister Rs 10,000,000
For Kashmir Affairs. (Ten million)
Rs 8 million+ Receipt
Rs 2 million Receipt
16.6.90 Mr Hanif Khan, Minister Rs 1,200,000 Receipt
For Kashmir Affairs (One point two
million)
18.6.90 Mr. Hanif Khan, Minister Rs 100,000 Receipt
For Kashmir Affairs
19.6.90 Miss. Naheed Khan Rs 500,000 DIB Minute
(Five lac)
25.6.90 Miss. Naheed Khan Rs 500,000 Receipt
(Five lac)
16.6.90 Miss. Naheed Khan Rs 100,000 DIB Minute
(One lac)
30.6.90 Miss Naheed Khan Rs 1,000,000 Receipt
(One lac)
(8) The following affidavits are filed in support of payments referred to above and
made in 1988-89 and 1989-90:-
(i) Affidavit of Mr. Masood Sharif Khan, Joint Director IB.
(ii) Affidavit of Mr. Ghulam Mujtaba Cashier, IB
(iii) Affidavit of Col (Retd) Mohammad Ikram-ul-Haq, Deputy Director,
Administration, IB.
It may also be noted that Major General (Retd) Nasirullah Khan Babar, former
Special Assistant to the ex-prime Minister was duly authorized to
communicate the ex-Prime Minister was duly authorized to communicate the
ex-Prime Minister’s verbal orders of an executive or administrative nature
vide letter of 22.2.1989 tary’s letter of 26.2.1989.
3. The facts narrated above and circumstances under which larg amounts of
SS Funds were first provided to the Intelligence Bureau during 1988-89 and
1989-90 and then paid on instructions from and/or under the authority of the
Respondent to Mr. Mohid Ullah Shah, Additional Khan Babar, Special
Assistant to the Prime Min ister, Malik Waris Khan Afridi, the then Minister
of State for Frontier Regions, Mr. Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao, the then Chief
Minister of NWFP, Mr Hanif Khan , the then Minister for Kashmir Affairs
344
and Northern Areas, Miss Naheed Khan, the Respondent Ms Benazir Bhutto,
ex-Prime Minister herself, not for moneys were willfully misapplied and/or
diverted under the direction of the then Prime Minister for a purpose other
than that for which they were meant and thus the Respondent committed an
act of misconduct Office Note of Sardar Noor Illahi Leghar, the Director,
Intelligence Bureau, from 5.9.1989 to 1990 states, inter alia, as follows:-
“Special SS Fund
All amounts received by the Intelligence Bureau as Special Supplementary
Grants are disbursed under the instructions of the Chief Executive and the
authorized officer to handle this account in the DIB.” (Note—In this statement
the dated 20.1089 and 19.4.90 are typographical errors and should read
26.10.89 and 10.4.90 respectively).
The misconduct of the Respondent is further aggravated when the payments
of Rs 70,000,000 out of DIB’s SS Fund were made between 25 and
28.10.1989, including a payment of Rs 20 million to the ex-Prime Minister
(without receipts from the actual recipients) are seen in the perspective of the
“No Confidence” motion which was moved in the National Assembly on
26.10.1989 against the Respondent and other facts as stated above. The
misconduct of the Respondent as stated above resulted in a considerable loss
of Rs 95.1 million to the national exchequer in the financial years 1988-89 and
1989-90.
4. The President is satisfied that one the material submitted herewith, there
are reasonable grounds for believing that the Respondent has committed an
act of misconduct within the meaning of Article 4 of PPO No. 17 of 1977 and
accordingly the above Reference is made to the Honourable Special Court
with the request to enquire and decide the case relating to the misconduct of
the Respondent and record its findings and pass a ppropriate orders in
accordance with law.
5. As the Reference relates to the SS Fund and is therefore of a confidential
nature, the material submitted herewith may, it is respectfully requested, be
treated as such, and any further material subsequently available/submitted in
support of the above Reference to the Honourable Special Court may also
receive the same confidentiality.
By Order of the Presidents.
Sd/
FAZLUR RAHMAN KHAN
Secretary to President
345
Appendix-IV4
Reference 3: In the Special Court of Mr Justice Mohammad Amir
Malik
Ms Benazir Bhutto, wife of
Mr. Asif Ali Zardari,
Ex-Prime Minister of Pakistan,
Bilawal House, Clifton,
Karachi
….. RESPONDENT
REFERENCE IS HEREIN MADE UNDER Article 4 of PPO No. 17 of 1977
to the Special Court.
That Ms. Benazir Bhuttoo w/o Mr. Asif Ali Zardari, was elected as a member
of the National Assembly from Constituency No. 166 Larkana-III during the
general election held on 16th November, 1988 under the Constitution of the
Islamic Republic of Pakistan, and held the office of Prime Minister of
Pakistan.
2. On perusal of the facts and documents placed on record herewith, the
President is satisfied that there are reasonable grounds for believing that an act
of misconduct within the meaning of PPO No. 17 of 1977, has been
committed by the Respondent in abuse of power and position during her
tenure of office as Prime Minister.
Concise Statement of Facts:
3. Combined Opposition Parties served a notice of no confidence against the
Prime Minister under Article 95 on 23.10.89. The notice was communicated
by Secretary National Assembly to the House on 24.1089 and the House
granted leave for moving the resolution on 26.10.89 which was to be voted
upon by the House on 1.11.89.
4. In consequence of the above notice hectic activities started and the
Members of Federal Cabinet together with members of National Assembly of
PPP led by the former Prime Minister made various statements and laid
4 Reference by the President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan under Article 4 of the
Parliament and Provincial Assemblies (Disqualification of Membership) order 1977
(PPO No. 17 of 1977)
346
various accusations and held the move as unconstitutional and against
democracy.
5. As the lobbying for and against n confidence picked up speed and
meetings and visits between the MNAs and the other lobbyists became more
frequent the Respondent conceived an innovative plan of transporting the
membe4rs of the National Assembly to Peshawar initially and then to Saidu
Sharif subsequently with the ostensible object of taking them to a place not
easily accessible to the opposition and thus denying the political leaders and
members of the National Assembly an opportunity to freely meet, discuss and
form an independent and objective opinion for voting on the day of no
confidence motion.
6. The plan envisaged the use of Service Aircrafts of Pakistan Air Force by
operating Special Flights ---non-operational for non-military use from 26
October to 1 November 1989 to pick up MNAs as and when they became
available irrespective of the capacity of each flight. Initially, the MNAs were
transported from PAF Base Chaklala to PAF Base Peshawar. They were
carried in 2 PAf Boeing 707 flights on 26.10.89 and 27.10.89, and in one PAf
Fokker flight on 27.10.89. After delivering the members of National
Assembly at Peshawar, Ministers Hanif Khan, Farooq Leghair, Iftikahr
Gillani, Ahmad Saeed Awan and Mir Baz Khn Khethran returned to Chaklala
Air Base by PAF Fokker flight. At this time plans had been changed to take
the MNAs to Saidu Sharif and therefore those MNAs who were located at
Peshawar were shifted to Saidu Sharif using two flights of C-130 each,
carrying 88 and 34 passengers respectively. Remaining members of National
Assembly who were still at Chaklala including the Respondent herself were
moved by two flights of PAf Fokker Friendship on 28.10.89 and 30.10.89
including one flight kept stand-by throughout the period at Chaklala/Saidu
Sharif, Passenger manifest in r/o C-130,44 carrying “delegation of 68 MNA”
from Saidu Sharif to Chaklala is not immediately available. Thus a total of 12
flights using PAF’s C-130 aircrafts, Boeing and Fokker Friendship were used
for carrying approximately113 MNAs, MPAS and other staff/families in
violation of PAF Regulations.
7. The above action of trasnproting the MNAs from Chaklala to Peshawar
and from Chaklala to Saidu Sharif and from Peshawar to Saidu Sharif was
widely condemned in the press by prominent personalities.
8. PAF’s position had to be defended by Air Chief himself who said that
PAF was to obey orders, the purpose of flights was to be explained by the
Government. After having concentrated the MNAs in Saidu Shairf the
Respondent arranged their flights of C-130 Aircraft of PAF out of which one
was kept stand by and two were used to carry the 113 passengers including all
the MNAs who had been transported there, from Saidu Sharif to PAF Base
Chaklala. From Chaklala they moved straight into the Parliament House to
participate in voting during no confidence resolution on 1.11.89 – the day of
voting.
347
9. The PAF Aircrafts were used in violation of the Air Force Instruction 8 of
1975. AFI 8/75 Regulation Governing Provisions of Passages, in Service
Aircrafts provides:
a. Special Flight has been defined as, “flights arranged for
conveyance of particular individual/individual on a specific load for purpose
other than military”. Persons entitled to the use of special flights are listed in
para 3 of the Regulations. These persons are the President, the Prime Minister,
Ministers of Pakistan, Governors of provinces, Chief Ministers of provinces,
Speaker of the National Assembley, Deputy Speaker of the National
Assembly, Chairman of Senate, Deputy Chairman of the Senate, Secretaries
of the Federal Government, Chief Secretaries of the Provincial Governments,
the Chief of the Staff, Pakistan Army, the Chief of the Naval Staff, Pakistan
Navy, The Chief of the Air Staff, Pakistan Air Force, important visitors to
Pakistan and Civil Departments. Para 4 of the Regulations lays down the
procedure for requisitioning of special flights which reads, “Requisition for
special flights other than those for the President of Pakistan, the Prime
Minister of Provinces and the three Chiefs of Pakistan Armed Forces will be
routed throught the Ministry of Defence by the Department concerned” Para 5
of the Regulations lays down the Financial Adjustments which reads, “With
the exception of the President of Pakistan, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, the
Defence Minster and three Chief of the Pakistan Armed Forces a debit will be
raised against the Government department concerned on the basis of the
charges assessed from time to time by the Air Force authorities in consultation
with the Financial Adviser (Air Force)”.
B In this particular case the MNAs (and MPAs) were unentitled persons and
so were a number of other persons who used the air passage facility on the
clandestine journey. The aircrafts were used in a callous manner so that their
seating capacity was grossly under utilized and passengers laded on as
“available” basis without regard to operational importance of the aircraft. The
requisition for the flights was not moved throught the Ministry of Defence and
the PAf Headquarters were verbally ordered by the Respondent’s staff on
behalf of the Respondent to make the arrangements. The operation was
overseen and conducted by the Federal Ministers. The expenditure was
debited to PAF Budget thus causing it a loss of over Rs 10 lacs. In addition for
Respondent’s political motives an unnecessary strees and strain was cuased to
the PAF Service Aircrafts and PAf personnel who worked round the clock
from 26.10.89 to 1.11.89 by operating at least one to two flights per day. The
clandestine operation also reduced the number of hours of life of precious
military equipment primarily meant for the operational use of the PAF to
enable the Respondent to save her Government from failing in a constitutional
move.
10. From the above facts and statements it is clear that the Respondent in
gross violation of national interest used the PAf operational equipment for
348
saving her own government in violation of the PAf Regulations for ensuring
the loyalties of members of the National
Assembly in abuse of the power and position, launched a clandestine
operation to keep the of the power and position, launched a clandestine
operation to keep the members away and in her personal and direct custody,
bringing them to the Parliament House for voting a few minutes before the
debate was commence and thus managed to defeat the no-confidence motion
by a narrow margin of 12 votes.
11. The aforesaid act on the part of the Respondent constitutes misconduct,
through willful mal-administration, willful misapplication and diversion of
public money and resources and therefore attracts the provisions of PPO 17 of
1977.
12. The President is satisfied that there are reasonable grounds for believing
that the Respondents has committ4ed an act of misconduct within the meaning
of Article 4 of PPO NO. 17 of 1977 and accordingly the above Reference is
made to the Honourable Court with the request to enquire and decide the case
relating to the misconduct of the Respondent and record its findings and pass
appropriate orders in accordance with law.
13. If further material subsequently becomes available in support of the above
Reference it will be submitted to the Honourable Special Court.
By Order of the President.
Sd/
FAZLUR RAHMAN KHAN
Secretary to the President